The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-07 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, allude to in order to show the fallacy of the doe- ! any kind could be held without first going cap ts ne that had of late sprung up that the in- lin hand to the Lor,l- Lieutenant to ask him surrection was not an insurrectises et sll, and that there whether he thought it was advisablene tit ng they . that such se ;eueceesity for telaug the pt.:cautions that had 1 a meeting should Lake place. 0 been taken. He would thass over the circumstanc es must remember, that what they were doing with reamed that had taken place at several of the trials in Ireland; to Ireland wen equally applicable to England and that if but there was one document he must shortl allude to, they consi led such a power to f sny man, es it had been the subject of great discussion else- they might, by the agency . r o a wicked where, he alluded to the lett r of Mr. MsGhees Minister, he equally subject . in their inflicting . country who took such an active part in the transactions that had to evils similar to those which they were inflicting upon taken place in Ireland. That letter a ppeared in the Ireland. Was it because a graceless and disreputable New York 'limning Herald. (The Right Honourable fellow like Garcy M.Ghee chose to write seditious letters Gentleman then read several parts of the letter. in America, that the whole country was to be oppressed? of Mr. IlhCehee, particularly those parts in which the Who was Mr. Darcy MaGhee? and what were his ob writer ss i se ee o f th e revolution that had t aken p lace in jects in publishing that letter on which the Right Hon. France, the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in July Baronet so much relied as his case for the renewal of the last year, the harveet in Ireland, the Confederates, the suspension of the constitution in Ireland. He was a oesn , zetion of the 500 Club, and stated that their object mere " refugee rebel," whose object was to represent sand determination was to burn down the cities of Ire- himself as a " hero" and a " martyr" in the cause of land, as the Athenians did Athens, intimidate Irish liberty, and so render himself popular with the the troops, and render it impossible for them " American sympathisers," his real object being to sell to do their duty to their country or their Sovereign.) his paper. And it was upon the testimony of such a Now, after such a letter as that, he must confess that he man as that that the Government called on the British was astonished that Hon. Gentlemen should get up Parliament to suspend the constitution in Ireland. He in that House or elsewhere to assert boldy that the might add, that Mr. Dar "y M‘Ghee was believed by insurrection was a mock insurrection.—(Hear.) He was many to be an auxiliary in carrying out the plans of the f awa re that the authenticity of the letter had been Government; a nd he thou g ht that on the testimony o denied; but he believed it had been clearly proved that such a man the Parliament ought not to be led to give such was not the case ;he believed that now the most its assent to the proposed measure—a measure the actual sceptical persons did not doubt its authenticity, indeed necessity for which the Right Hon. Baronet had failed 4r. M`Ghee himself had re- asserted the authorship to make out, and which he confessed there was no new of it in his answer to a letter that had been conspiracy, no new acts of an insurrectionary written against the first letter that ho wrote, and character, to warrant him in applying for.—(Hear.) that answer had been pahlished in the New He now came to the letter of the Lord-Lieutenant, and York paper of which Mr. M‘Ghee was the editor. he must say that there were a great many statements in It was towards the close of last session that the Act it which were not quite true. One statement was that was passed, and its duration was fixed so as to enable the Lord-Lieutenant had not brought the law into opera the Government to carry through the recess, and to say tion against personal liberty, unless where it became ab when Perrliament met again whether the powers it solutely necessary for the protection of the country. granted should cease_ or be continued. During Now he knew a case in which this statement was not the recess they had anxiously considered true, for a gentleman who was opposed to the Young the subject, and had arrived at the conclusion Ireland party was taken up and put into prison without which he had already stated to the House. The ques- any proof that he ought to be made subject to this op tion was, looking at recent occurrences and the spirit pressive law. The Hon. Gentleman proceeded to com and organization which still existed in Ireland, and was ment upon other portions of the letter, and contended in ready to flame out againwhenever an oppqrtunity was reference to a passage in it that the Goverument was not aflbrded, whether the House should adopt the same entitled to the love of the people of Ireland, because they means which were contemplated and sanctioned last had not upheld their promises to give an improved fran- Bummer. He was not prepared to state that chise to the people of that country, or to give them the Camepiracy still existed, but he would pledge himself that English principle identified with municipal institutions. fhb moat anxious devotion had been directed to the sub- If they went into Committee, he would show that j'eet !`the Lord• Lieutenant and her Majesty's Govern- the Government of _this country had no claims on ment, who had collected information from every avail- the affections of Irishmen. He denied also that the few able source, and they had come to the irresistible con- men and boys who met in the wilderness near Clonmel cJision not to shrink from recommending the con- could be fairly designated as a "renewed attempt at tumence of the Act. The Right Hon. Gentleman then insurrection." It was also said that the arms were not referred to a communication which had been received given up. Well, this might be a good reason for a more from the Lord-Lieutenant, stating, that although the stringent Arms Bill, but it was no reason why they faildie of past attempts had weakened the confidence of should destroy the constitutional privilefes of the peo the disaffected, there still remained a feeling of insubor- pie of Ireland. The principle of agitating for a repeal dination among them which, unless timely measures of the union was declared by the Judges of the land were taken by the Government, might again beccme ac- to be a legitimate agitation, and yet the object of this tire. All the evidence which had been collected tended law was to crush agitation, which had in all periods of to confirm that opinion. Within the last few days there this country been the safeguard of the constitution. appeared in Dublin an advertisement in one of the pa- Englishmen were consenting to this law for Ireland, piers, to the effect that an extraordinary publication which they would not consent to for one moment if it would appear on the Ist of March next (that date having was proposed for this country. -But Ireland was of course reference to the expiration of the Act, sus- struck down; her people were prostrate. Those that pending part of the constitutional liberties of Ire- could leave the country were doing so, and those who land)—a most extraordinary publication, containing the remained were the sick and the helpless, and the conse most spirit-stiring effusions, to be dedicated to the quence was that the Government of this country acted young men of Ireland. It was described to be a publi- as they pleased in respect to Ireland. But this would cation the richest and most racy of its kind.—(Laughter.) not be borne, and those who were in the habit of evok- He (Sir George_ Grey) had said nothing to lead ing the opinions of the people of Ireland, would try in the House to imagine that the Government en- their own persons, whether this law was to be brought tertnined the least apprehension of the success into operation against the legitimate agitation of a ques of any movements of the kind referred to. tion—the agitation respecting which was declared by He hoped that the events of the last few months would the highest authorities in the land to be legal. The undeceive the most credulous, and shake the confidence Home Secretary had not, he said, brought this of those who, from vanity or other motives, took upon law forward in consequence of the personal cha themselves to lead the people. Many were impressed with racter of Lord Clarendon, and yet throughout his the great clemency which the Government had shown speech he constantly referred to the personal conduct of in the administration of this law, at the same time that Lord Clarendon during the recent disturbances in Ire they had vindicated the law, andmaintained thepeace and land. He admitted that in many instances the Noble tranquillity of the country; and he considered that the Lord had acted wisely and well, but in many other in- Lord-Lieutenant was entitled to the confidence of all stances he had acted inwnother very different manner. loyally-disposed persons.—(Hear, hear.) He had now The object of the Government in Ireland was to allow stated the reasons why the Government were of opinion the disaffection to get such a head, that they would the Constitution should for a further period be suspended. find it easy to put down every description of agitation 'lle powers which the suspension of the Act had con- in that country. When the trials came on Catholics ferred upon the Lord-Lieutenant had been exercised, were excluded from the juries. In the Catholic he was proud to say, in a conciliatory spirit, with the county of Tipperary there were but eighteen Catholics earnestpurpese of promoting the peace and happiness of the against 300 Protestants on the panel for that county at country; and the law had been administered in such a way the special commission at Clonmel. The Government asp prevent any complaint being made in a single in- committed a serious crime in tampering with the jury stance. No blood had been shed on the scaffold in lists. He would now refer to the circumstances under pursuance of the sentences that had been passed. The which the Habeas Corpus Act had been suspended in 1 only blood that had been shed was that of the deluded former times. It was suspended in 1805, when they victims, wham he would not say had been led, were at war with Napoleon. At that time disaffection but who had been driven to their fall, and in Ireland was not confined to writing articles in news who had sacrificed their lives in a vain attempt to papers, but employed armed men as emissaries in France achieve an impracticable purpose.—(Hear, hear.) In formed into a kind of regiment. What he asked for alluding to the temperate way in which the Lord-Lieu- was a Committee of Inquiry. He thought he was en tenant had exercised the powers with which he titled to demand it from, the present Government, for he was vested, he felt that he should not ren- had as a precedent a resolution proposed by Mr. Fox, der him all the justice that was due to him if he who might be considered the apostle of Whig princi did not read an addresS which had been presented to hiss pies. At the same time he knew it was of no avail to from the Corporation of Dublin, a body not very likely appeal to the Government. He was satisfied the Minis to wish to take away unjustly any of the rights which ter would not come to propose this measure to the their fellow-subjects possessed. (The Right Hon. House unless he was prepared to go all lengths in sup- Baronet then read an address, which compli- port of his officer in Ireland ; but he appealed to those mented the Lord-Lieutenant upon the temperate independent Members whom they had so often supported spirit with which he had acted in an unpre- in their efforts to obtain Parliamentary reform and eedeated crisis.) There was one point, however, other measures of amelioration, if they allowed this en which' he should not omit to mention in stating croachment upon the Constitution it would be vain for -the grounds on which he was asking the House them to expect a reduction of expenditure or a reform to continue the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act— in the financial system. They would not be able to namely, that at farmer periods on which Parliaments withdraw a soldier from Ireland, and would find they had agreed to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would hereafter have to pay bitterly for this neglect of for a given period, severe measures were either in ex- the defence of the Constitution. The Hon. Member lately(' or were at the same time put in force. For instance, concluded by moving the following amendment :—" That in 1803, when the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act wag a Committee, consisting of twenty- oue Members, be renewed, a Bill empowering the proclamation of martial formed by ballot, to examine such documents as may be law In Ireland was passed at the same time; and again, laid before them; and to report to this House chain in 1817, the Insurrectionary Act was passed simulase- opinion upon these documents, whether the continuance otrfly with the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, in of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act be a mea order that parties having arms in their possession might sure necessary to the trequillity of Ireland at the pre be compelled to give them up without delay. Such an sent time." Act was not now, however, in force; and, therefore, if Mr. MEAGHER, after a short pause, seconded the the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act were not amendment. granted, the Government would not be in pos. Mr. F. O'CONNOR did not feel much surprised that session of the requisite powers to rely upon the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for far the preservation of the peace. The Honourable the Home Department should have made such a pro- Me mber for Limerick alluded last night, with consider- posal to the House as that which was now under consi able displeasure, to the passage in the letter of the Lord.. deration when he saw the difficulty which the mover of Lieutenant which dealt with the evils of political agate- the amendment had had in getting a seconder. The Right tion. He had had, of course, no communication Hon. Gentleman seemed to him to be very much in the with the Lord-Lieutenant since the speech of the position of a weak and inadequate lawyer, who once said Honourable Member, but he might observe that that he preferred a subservient jury to the best cause he he was necesserily in constant communication with that could have in his hands. The Right Hon. Baronet had Noble Lord, and that the House would agree with him relied upon a subservient House of Commons to help when he stated that he did not object to political discus- him to destroy the remains of Irish liberty. The sion, but to that unfair discussion for impracticable reasons which had been urged for the measure were objects, which was the bane of Ireland the altogether unsatisfactory. It was said to be to bane of her industry, of her agriculture, and enable the Lord-Lieutenant to carry out his policy; commerce, and of every ether improvemennand to which but it was not said what that policy was. The he thought, a , check ought to be given, because he Right Ilononrable Gentleman had also attempted to thought Irelarial should now enjoy repose from exciting justify it by quoting a letter which had appeared agitation, and that the minds of the people should be in a New York paper from a man who had been directed to the pursuance, instead, of mere permanent frighten( dby tyranny cut of his own country; and here objects on which her future welfare depended. He was he begged to say that it ill became the Hon. Member anxious to read the reply of the Lord-Lieutenant to the tor Limerick (Mr. J. O'Connell) to attempt to cast a slur addresses of the Corporation of Dublin. ( the upon a man who had been driven from his country for Right Hon. Bart. then read the address, which stated, in resisting the tyranny of which he himself complained.— effect, that there existed on the part of the (Hear.) There never had been such a vague, lame, ire- Queen's Government, and on his own, a sincere potsnt appeal made to any Assembly as that of the desire as investigate the causes of the disc .ntent Right Hon. Gentleman to continue the suspension of of Ireland, and to remedy the evils of which the Habeas Corpus in Ireland, and in making it he relied else complained, to the best of their ability.) entirely on the subserviency of the House, and not on the Stab were the sentiments of the Lord-Lieutenant, merits of his case. Let not the House be led away by and t' .. Py are ;sentiments in which he cordially coreperisons between the speeches of different agitators, concurred. It was on these grounds that the but let them contrast the policy of the different viceroys Government considered that the limited powers in Ireland. Lord Anglesey taught the people well. Ile for which they asked should be entrusted to the hands of told them to " Agitate, agitate, agitate !" Lord Claren the Lord- Lieutenant, with a view to the preservation of the don used very different language; he said, " Rely entirely peace and welfare of Ireland. There could only be on me. lam the constitution ;s — one opinion as to the spirit of the advice of "'I am Sir Oracle; the Lord-Lieutenant ; not to look to agitation " 'And when I ope my mouth let no clog bark.'" to cure the evils of that unhappy country, but that If this measure passed no grievance would be redressed t h e y would come ti the consideration of those no beneficial measure would be introduced; but Lord , ev il s with an earnest .desire to promote th e Clarendon would become the great gaoler of Ireland, development of her resources, industry, and, armed with authority to seize upon every one who ven in brie, raising her in . the scal e o f nations, tured to oppose the Government now in office or agitate which no one would be m ore d e li g h ted to to achieve which her Majesty's Govern- upon any useful question. But he would tell the Gu see than hi self;vernmeist that they could not put agitation down by such rnent would render all the assistance in their insists as these. The present measure was not so much povvee. Thstead of calting blame upon the Governs- to destroy agiuttion in Ireland as in England. When meat, and blaming them for not introducing measures of ever fear was to be struck into the hearts of the people relief, those who really entertained sincere feelings of the latter country, or whenever satisfactionand u towards Ireland oug ht to stimulate each other to - pro- r i ty were to be affo; se deel to the landed gentry on this the e w p a e s o p i l ul e mote that end. For these reasons he asked the House iod, the powers which the side of the Channel, the blow was made at the hearts of poofslsribelleatfido.r the e it a p u e c o l p i ie ste t p o s r n e o ra w ai x n ver c e on v t a e i n n t . to give, for a limited ptr for L_ , thethedue same d e with the existing state of things, when every foreign Goverienent believed necessary, by the Excess country had obtained a new Constitution, or for the easeful administration of which Noble Lord to hold on any longer in h's resent maud live they had the guarantee Ititii. lie way. „v ile agreed with the Right Honourable Gen care would be shown in their exercise for the future There could be no sat during the past.—(dear.) ateubt that the powers now sought would be ex- 1 . L dL . t - t °man (s Sir William Somerville) that it was not to that House, but to the tan llordsof Ireland, a cruised in a temperate spirit, for the or - ieu e that the people i'll - t had acted in an enlightened manner were to look for protection. There were, however, no ISO with on earnest desire to promote and con- qmptons that the Government proposed to snake the le the best interests of the country.—( landlords do their duty, and to force them to incr " 1. , n last yeas the Government had asked for the con- the national resources b 7 reproductive labour, for the aittiance of the Act for seven months, they had done so landlords were always ready, as the Government well in advr to afinw a cert a i n time, with a margin knew. to sustain them in any measure against the liber for the meeting of Pailiament, in order that the Legis- ties of Ireland. When, on a former occasion, the Go latpre might judge w hether the Act should expire. vernment had proposed to restrain the expression of Tile time which they now asked for the continuance public opinion, he prophecied that secret societies would of the Act wa s six months, with a view to enable Pa rlia- spring up, and that assassination and illegal bodies paent to judge before it again separated whether the Act would prevail over the country, and the result showed :Await' still be continued, whether this Act should expire he was right. Were the Government prepared to put ay whether any . other Act should be passed to increase down all agitation whatever? Had the Noble Lord for tes mod*, or alter the powers of this Act. He should gotten how the Reform Bill was carried? Had he for thOcefore now only move that the Act for the otten the letter of To m Youn g of the Home-office to con tinuance of the suppression of the Habeas Corpus gotten Napier, calling upon him to head the Bruns- Ant should remain in force for a limited p eriod. Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to move the amendment of trnhaegersiombleen and pass the B as ill m by ranch differed I : t e a r and day ß which )'<© w o had given notice. — (Hear.) He trusted that ah forc a es? night he sat on different sides of the House. He when the House was about to pass a Bill for the continu- (Mr. O'Connor) had been taunte d before in that a non of au Act by which all the powers of the Commons House . forhis loyalty.—(A laugh.) Souse of Parliament were to be passed into the hands of a Minister who went every qua rter -day to The loyalty o f the Executive, that they would at least con- the Tre ' eider what they were about to do, and what „ii asur differed widely from the loyalty of 'ts they were abewat to serve, and whether indeed inblood ,re igson, and a 0 g , b a d . alien objects b ut he could tell the Noble Lord he never been a those objects would tend to any practicable purpose. Republican, and never would be a Re publican, unless he hadobserved ' ar ty point whisk in the speech of his mind became greatly altered.—(Laughter.) The He t-T n Gentleman was, that if any Member of would tell the House, it was his firm conviction they the Rig - ht Ll ° • isaythat he would do never could tranquillize Ireland till they had destroyed that House ghoul( presume to the dominant chur h Church, ' this, that, or the other, that they should not do it, rim lv ht it was wrong. If the 'Britiaislc —theyrotestant which was becatise ho thought it prepared to assent to a badge of conquest and of oppression to the natives of had they treated the people chitin , Horse of Ccniamons would be assenting to that country. How the late disturbance? They had retained Irishmen in' they _ g . one any such principle , the most tyrannous proceedings that could possibly be • prison,but the instant the American Ambassador in ofte whorfe r b e a d d on be en behalf ar re o s f te s d om they were set at liberty. Was adopted. The only effect indeed of such an Act plo of all political e subjects of the United States that a proof of their strength? They talked of Poland, was to deprive the Pe° that House had told eights. A Gentleman in and compared her to Ireland; but, when had they ever him only yesterday that the pr le were altogether pre- heard of 1,000,000 of Poles dying o f f a • vented from the right of petitioning, for a.meeting had famine in the course within the lastfew days been held, the object of which of a year?—(clear, hear.) Ana this was the country was to petition the Crown respecting a matter which said by the Noble Lord, and by the Right Ron. Gen to be in a state of calm onw hic h ,-bad nothing whatever to do with polities ; butsuck :Leman, _ . 4 'irisui the effect of this Bill, that no meeting of WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 7, 1849.: they were to press thus heavily, in suspend ing the Constitution. Oh, but," said the Go vernment, " though there is that calm, the Lord-Lieu tenant sees revolution in the distance, and you must arm him with powers to suppress it." He could not tell how it was that the most industrious and hard-working people oa the face of the earth were in such a state. He saw !lon. Gentlemen jeering and muttering at him, but he did not care one farthing for that. A party in the Hou , e had succeeded in carrying free trade; but free trade was a great grievance , a nd the cause of great dis tress to Ireland. Sir J. GRAHAM—No, no. Mr. F. O'CONNOR—The Right Hoe. Baronet said "No, no." Sir J. GRAHAM—I differ in opinion with you. Mr. F. O'CONNOR—Yes, the Right Hon. Baronet we.; the sentinel left there now by his commander in chief; but he maintained free trade was at present in jurious to Ireland, though he would not deny it might be ultimately beneficial. To-morrow the House would be called upon for a grant to Ireland ; but the country wanted no grant if she got but justice. Every difficulty of which she had to complain he saddled upon the landlords, who were fed on patronage, and had left their estates to lie in idlF nem For these difficulties he had proposed remedies, but none of them had been mach attended to. In 1834 he proposed a poor-law— land premiums, labour premiums, and landlord premiums, but none of them had been approved of. He now warned the House that they must compel the Irish land lords to give leases in perpetuity. If they did so there would be no more emigration and no more complaint., such as they had heard last night, of emigrants carrying away 10,000,000/. sterling out of the country instead of spending it at home. To show what perpetuity would do, he would tell them what had happened on an estate of Sir Nicholas Colthurst, in Kerry, over which Mr. Colthurst was agent. In 1808 he could not get more than 600/. per annum for it. In succeeding years he had let it on chance for 800/., but found it would not pay. He then said, "If you divide it, I will get you 1,0001. a year for it." He got 1,31 5 / 4 and in another instance where Sir Nicholas had given leases in perpetuity the poor-rates amounted to 2jd. in the pound, while the rates on pro perties occupied under a different tenure amounted to 6d. in the pound. It was hopeless for Ireland to look to the present Government, which was powerful when here but powerless when there. His only expectation was, that he should see them in the position for which nature de signed them ; namely, on the Opposition side of the House.—(A laugh.) Then would men be found to stand up for economy, and to drive a Minister from office if he proposed an Arms Bill for Ireland ; then would the Noble Lord call on the Government to do its duty to the commercial and agricultural interests of Ireland and declare himself prepared to resist a Coercion Bill. In passing he would remark, that the Noble Lord who pro posed the Address spoke of the Chartist movement as having been put down in England. It had not been put down yet. With respect to the present Bill, he wished to God he bad power to arrest its progress by means of the rules of the House. Was Ireland to be ruled by Government anticipations ? The maxims might be ap plied to Ministers, that those who must take care of themselves had no time to take care of others. As he had opposed the last Coercion Bill he should oppose this; and with respect to the State trials and the attempt to put down agitation, he ventured to say the time might come when that which they now called criminality they would be obliged to extol as patriotism. Mr. E. B. ROCHE perceived that the motto of the Treasury bench was Sic volo, sic jubeo. All -that 'Mi nisters wanted was the blind and unreasoning support of a majority, and he feared they did not reckon without their host. The only ground on which the Right Hon. Baronet the Home Secretary had rested the argument in favour of the Bill was a letter from a gentleman named M‘Ghee, which was written to show why and how his party had failed to revolutionise Ireland. Mr. M•Ghee said the people were flocking to their standard, but a certain party interfered, and from day to day the people fell off. Who constituted that party? The Ro man Catholic clergy. What remedial measures did the Government propose for Ireland ? An alteration of the poor-law ; an extension of the franchise. Those measures came too late. Ministers said nothing on the subject of the tenure. It required a long and severe apprenticeship before one could know Ireland. When an Irishman stood up in Parliament it was said he did so to complain, and not to propose remedies. Re presenting, perhaps, the largest constituency in Ire land, he (Mr. Roche) did not shrink from that respon sibility. Let them, as men of business, view the Irish question as their own. He would begin at the head—with their mock court—their Lord-Lieu tenancy. Of what advantage was that to Ireland?— (Hear, hear.) No man, sent over trammelled as Lord Clarendon was, could act as a statesman. Then there was the Church of Ireland. There was a source of Irish revenue to which, if they were practicable and just men, they might apply. Then there was the grand jury land tax, amounting to a million and a quarter of money, which was without control expended by those who might be called the English garrison. Then there were 50,000 troops stationed in Ireland; there was maladministration in almost every public office, there was ample room for retrenchment; and it was indeed hard that under such circumstances a fund could not be obtained for develop. ing the resources of the country. If coercion could pro duce beneficial results Ireland ought to be one of the most prosperous countries in the world. It appeared probable that Ireland would continue to be governed in the same manner until men should arise who had the hearts of Christians and the heads of statesmen. Mr. FAGAN regretted that Ministers had not evinced s more earnest d4osition to redeem _the professions which they made with regard to Ireland when they sat on the Opposition benches. Some excuse for their short comings might, however, be found i❑ the circumstances in which they had been placed since they entered office, and he could never forget the services which some of the leading men of that party had rendered to his country. heretofore, when any Government had asked for a mea sure such as that BOW demanded, a case of necessity or A semblance of ono had always been made out; but on the present occasion not a single argument had been ad duced in support of the proposition. It certainly was the weakest ease ever put forward to justify the suspen sion of the liberties of a people. For his part, he denied that there existed any general disposition to insurrec tion in Ireland. Would Ministers dare to attempt to put down the agitators of Manchester in the same manner?—(flear, hear.) The Hon. Member then touched upon the manner in which the recent State pro secutions in Ireland had been conducted, and expressed his disapprobation of it. In conclusion, he declared that, althongh he admired the talents and good; disposition of Lord Clarendon, he could not consent to place Ireland at his mercy. Mr. GftATTAN said that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was a hazardous experiment; it had often been tried, and as often failed. There was nothing in the character of the people of Ireland to disqualify them for the enjoyment of liberty,— "The fault, dear Brutus, is not in our stars, But in ourselves, that we are underlings." Ia former cases how did the people of England act? Did they ever suspend the liberties of their c, untry upon such a short notice, or without proof ? Did not Mr. Pitt and Lord Castlereagh come down to the House with large bags filled with letters and sworn informations be. fore the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended ? All that was wanting here. He contended that this measure was unnecessary. He maintained (hat ' Ireland did not deserve this measure. The House was in laughter on the previous evening when they spoke of insurrection in Ireland. There had been none. It existed only in the minds of inte rested individuals, who could get up an insurrection at any time. If they would pay him for it, he would get up one in forty-eight hours.—(Laughter.) He remem bered hearing when he was a boy the cry of permanent pay—that was the cry of the Orangemen—and it meant that there was to be a Catholic rebellion got up, so that the corps would be increased and there should be per manent pay. He suspec ed something of the same kind at this trine. Let them not manufacture spies. Let Ireland be governed by greater talent, and not by a second-class sot of Ministers dressed up from some old clothes shop.—(Laughter.) The Lord-Lieutenant said that the people of Ireland showed nothing of a repentant spirit. They had done nothing to repent of ; for could it be said that the people of Ireland, the gentry, the Roman Catholic clergy, had joined in the insurrection, as it was called? Why, there was no such insurrection, no overt act was proved. O'Brien distinctly denied al participation with the party who were for violent proceedings. He had heard O'Brien charged in that House with having gone to France to solicit French aid, but M. Limartiae bad indig nantly denied it. Did the Lord• Lieutenant mean to ,ay that agitation was to cease, that there was to he no discussion of measures which they considered wrong and wished by legal and constitutional means to repeal ? All history proved that that should not be done, and he believed that if it were the disease would be aggravated. They might put down repeal, but they would set up se paration. 'What charm was there to Ireland in the con • nexion with this country ? Why should he as an Irish :ll,ln like the English better than the French ? The French were as wall mannered—as agreeable.—(An Hon Member—" And as good looking.") He did not think so.-(A laugh.) He liked the honest face of an Englishman batter than those mustachioed fellows, beg ging the Hon. Gentleman's pardon.—(The Hon. Mem ber as he said this slightly bowed to Mr. Muntz, who was sitting near him, and a hearty laugh rang through the house.) It happened that on that day there was to be tried in Ireland an individual who had been if izeeoelwde g we a wsad o psa l awsnoesibiestelvlitegsehnnehadate w h m l e o m n t hean, The w butttor n w e t - h G h e i n e e al eh p o . f hteoc a go s eu tl could not n anc a ok b t leed instruct o uri e obtain me n c t o o y i n sc v ut i .c c e t e i 4:3 o o e a dh s ?! . if the Attorney-General were there ho could make the b!o)d fly from his heart, and the light from his counte nance.—(Laughter.) Of 177 jurors impaaelled to try one of the political prisoners (Mr. Duffy, as we under stood), 135 were Protestants and only 42 Catholics, four of whom were tradesmen in the employ of the Lord- Lieutenant and public contractors. How could Irish men be in love with law so administered? He entreated English Members to stay away from the division to night, and save at the same time the liberties of Ireland and their own reputation. He declared that he would rather that martial law should be proclaimed in Ireland than that Parliament should go on in this way, suspend ing the constitutional privileges of his cou m n d t a r ed y see m ri e tbh n er , t t felt I that h h e e c w o e u r l e d t e move l a thosete what who h now o h seenheard himil ttheo o theie h w o ere had to course portion o r f ee recent f h i h c h e ruined, and the tenants flying—( ruinous devastation, the houses destrohel, rh t )e hl e l e a dir ndl( n m e d w a they were going to add a climax to t s_u r :logs and degradation of his unhappy country. Englishmen knew how to die as well as Englishmen; knew how to die on the field of glory, but let not Irish men die in a ditch with di s honour.—(Cheers.) Mr. C. ANSTEY could not concur either in the mo- tion of the Right lion. Baronet (Sir G. Grey) or that of the Hon. Member (Mr. J. O'Connell). He would ad :ea the reality of the insurrection of lust year, and the truth of nearly all the assertions contained in the letter of the Lord-Lieutenant. But he thought that a renewal of the Act was sought for on insufficient grounds, and that there were powers enough in the ordinary law suf ficient at all times for the conduct of the government. He did not hesitate to say that there were people in this country against whom charges of disaffection might with as much justice be levelled as against the Irish. It was, unfortunately, but too notorious that gentlemen went about in England, and especially in Lancashire, exciting the masses, and stimulating them to enter into leagues with an avowod purpose to deprive the Crown of our, mighty colonial empire. Was there any lawyer in that house who could doubt that the language which those persons held was seditious, if not treasonable?- -(Hear, hear.) Was it anything less than se ditious to hold out the example of the American re public in the manner in which it had been presented to the discontented spirits of this land ? Then why should there be this selection, to the disadvantage of Ireland, and why should the :Manchester gentlemen come for ward as they now did to swell the majority in that House against the rights and liberties of the people of Ireland? With respect to one of the grounds tak: n up by the Government for the purpose of supporting the proposition now before them, he wished to say that he was acquainted with Mr. M'Ghee, upon the statements made by whom much would depend in case the writ of error should fail. Now, what were the facts ? Mr. M'Ghee, down to the end of February, was enraged most earnestly in attempting to prevent even the appearance of Liberalism amongst the Young Ireland party. His letters at that time were full of loyalty and Conserva tism; and he remained in that train of mind until the bursting forth of the French revolution excited him to an unsafe and incautious pitch of enthusiasm. Mr. M'Ghee's letters from America ought certainly not to be permitted to injure the parties with whom he had been previously associated, for het was to be poet, a good waspo apoet, but still a poet, and i hoped that, as he never could intend to compromise the lives of his associates, so that effect might be avoided. Considering, further, that the letter of the Lord-Lieutenant afforded no ground for the pro posed measure, he should vote against the Bill; but he should by no means support the amendment, thinking a Committee of Inquiry in every respect inexpedient. Mr. BOURNE said, that in thus addressing the House for the first time upon a subject deeply painful to the people of Ireland, he felt bound frankly to state his con viction that there did exist in that country a necessity for the measure now before them. If the Bill were cal culated to excite a feeling of alarm on the score of fur ther rebellion, he should vote against it. If its tendency were to hinder commerce or agriculture, or if the Go vernment intended to make it permanent, he should on that ground also vote against it. He considered that the state of Ireland rendered a continuance of these powers necessary, to prevent an alarm which had been deeply detrimental to the interests of the country during the last year. As there was no intention on the part of the Government to render this measure per manent, and as it was not likely to produce any of the evil effects which had been anticipated from it, he thought all who' desired to see peace and order estab lished in.lreland ought tO give it their support.—(Hear. hear.) Ile, as an Irishman, would gladly support any measure which Would inAtite, even for theshortest period, the continuance of peace in Ireland. What that country needed was peace, that the people might be allowed to turn their minds from politics and theories to the culti vation of domestic arts. The people of Ireland had been accustomed for many years to think more of fight ing than of farming—(Hear, hear) —more of contention than of oommerce—(Hear, hear) --and hence they had failed to take measures to avert or remedy the disasters of the last year or two. A calamity unprecedented in the history of nations had overtaken them, and had found them unprepared with any means of defence to shield them against itsonslaaght. But there was one feature in that dis aster which rendered it terrible to contemplate. A spirit was abroad among the people which made even famine more hideous than it would otherwise have been—a spirit that enabled men to tell the famine-stricken pea santry that the deaths of those who were near and dear to them were caused, not by the visitation of God, but by the effects of bad legislation—(Hear, hear)—that Ireland was ruined by its connexion with England—and that the Saxon sway ever had been, and ever would be, hostile to Celtic improvement and prosperity. This was a maniac spirit, au anarchist spirit, a traitorous spirit— (Hear, hear)—and they had to-night to decide whether such a spirit still existed in Ireland. If any portion of the fire still slumbered there was a necessity for the stringent measures proposed by the Government. It had been said that the powers which it was now proposed to continue, and which had been held by the Lord- Lieutenant for some months, were intended to put down the Repeal body; but had there been any proof that such was the case?—(Hear, hear.) Not a man had been arrested who had not been deeply involved in the traitorous transactions of July last ; and it was evident that this measure had not been intended to cramp the free and proper discussion of public ques tions. He was not surprised, however, at the strong opposition to it. Although not an old man—(A laugh) —he was old enough to remember the time when the uu for tunce mea now in the prison of Dublin were shining lights and leaders in an as.ociation that had for many years held sway over the feelings and passions of the Irish people—when the members of the Loyal National Repeal Association were not ashamed to avail themselves of the prestige and traditionary influence of one who bore the ancient name of O'Brien, and to welcome to their counsels Mr. Meagher, and enlist his talents in their cause. The fact was, that many of the members of the late confederation once obeyed the mandates of the leaders of the late Repeal Association; but where were they new? The leaders were still legislators in that House, while their followers were convicted felons.— (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) The masters were Members of Parliament, but their pupils were immured in the di, cry cells of Dublin gaol. He (Mr. Bourke) might prove the connexion that still existed between those lion. Members and the unfortunate men im prisoned in Dublin.—(" No," from Sir. J. O'Connell, and loud cries of " Hear.") But he would not now pur sue the subject further. He would only remind the House of this simple fact, with which they were all acquainted—that Conciliation-hall begot confederation, and that confederation begot the miserable scenes of last year.—(Hear, hear.) Sir ii. W. BARRON observed, that he resided in a district of Ireland where a strong insurrectionary feel ing had existed during the last summer ; but, having just returned from that district, he could assure the House, on the honour of a gentleman, that he never knew it in so tranquil a state.—(Hear, hear.) During t h e s i xteen y e ars he had been in Parliament he ha never known political agitation in Ireland so completely a: a disoount, or the leaders of the violent party so com pletely prostrate, as they were at this moment. Those amoag the peasantry who were active supporters of the late insurrection were now convinced of the folly and wickedness of the men who led them into the move ment ; and the few junior clergy of t h e Roman Ca tholic Church who last summer were imbued with something approaching to an insurrectionary disposition —(Laughter)—were ,so perfectly cured, so fully convinced their views were wrong, that be was satisfied there was not one among the ministers of that church. from the bishop to the humblest curate, who would sanction any attempt of an insurrectionary nature. Hr considered, then, that he should be a traitor to those who sent him to that House if he consented to abridge their litskrties by supporting the proposal of the Govern ment. lie believed that Lord Clarendon had adminis ii red the law with judgment, with mercy, and with pru dence.—(hear, hear) —but that circumstance would not induce him (Sir 11. Barron) to a'oandon the liberties of his countrymen. He wanted to know what the British Parliament intended to do for the Irish people ? It was not political rights that they wanted so much as the power of obtaining food and the means of subsistence, — something to stimulate the industry of the country and to support the starving thousands, who were now dying in cabins and ditches. Would a coercion Bill or the sus pension of the Habeas Corpus Act effect that object? Such measures would only drive thousands of sober-minded men in Ireland, who had been really anxious fur the British connexion, into the arms of repeal. The conti nued suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would in crease instead of mitigating discontent. He believed that in the hands of Lord Clarendon the power proposed to be given to him would not be abused, and therefore would not produce enormous mischief; but still he ab horred this cuestant recurrence to measures for the sus pension of the liberties of the subject; and until a clear case fur the present proposition was shown, he must vote as determinedly against it as he had supported a similar one last year.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MUORE, who was very indistinctly heard in the gallery, referred, as we understood, to some observa tions made on a former occasion by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government, to the effect that the House should inform itself of the circumstances under which extraordinary powers were demanded from it, and should not proceed to pass judgment without due know ledge. He thought that statement just and reason able, and in it was involved the whole question now under consideration. The Noble Lord consequently admitted that a Minister was bound to make out an ex traordinary case for the demand of extraordinary powers, and ho (Mr. Moore), after the statement made on the part of the Government that night, asked whether an ex traordinary case, or even an ordinary case, according to the usage and practice of Parliament, had been esta blished for the suspension of the c onstitutional rights and privileges of a portion of her Majesty's subjects.— (Hear, hear.) The tact was, that uo rebellion had broken out in Ireland, simply because the people of that coun try never had any intention of r ebelling—(Hear, hear) — and those patriots of the United Irishman, who talked of throwing vitriol on the troops, had in reality scarcely any more influence with the Irish people, or with any disaffected portion of the Irish people, than any Saxon in this country, and were opposed from first to last by those in whom the Irish people had belief and trust.— (Hear, hear.) With respect to the temper and dis cretion with which the powers intrusted to Lord Claren don had been exercised, it was impossible to speak in terms of too high praise; and he believed that in respect to that matter all classes and parties in the coun try would give great commendation to that Noble Lord. But he had no notion of entrusting the lives and liberties of his countrymen to the mercy of any individual, merely because he had confidence in that individuals discretion. —(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then referred to that paragraph in Lord Clarendon's letter which al luded to the disaffection and disloyalty of a portion of the Irish population, and was understood to observe that Lord Clarendon, so far from exaggerating the amount of this disaffection, had rather underrated the extent of the surface over which it was spread; but though there might be a portion of the people disloyal, nine-tenths of the population were well effected to the Govern ment of this country from a natural and proper regard for peace, order, and the security of life and property. Lard Clarendon, in his letter, observed that Ireland had been too long trained to a system of agitation, and that it was to secure to Ireland continued repose, so vitally essential to her prosperity, that he asked for the renewal of those extraordinary powers.— He (Mr. Moore) thought he could take to himself the credit of having opposed and discountenanced the agita tion referred to at least as long, as steadily, and as ho nestly as her Majesty's Ministers. He remained in pri vate life for years because he would not lay down his honour before the standard of agitation, while her Ma jesty's Ministers were dispensing place and patronage from those (the Treasury) benches beneath the wing of one agitator, just as they were now sitting there under the wing of another.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing, he thought, was so bad as agitation, unless it was the aban donment of public principle, and the persecution of fore mer ass 'elates when they became no longer necessary. Mr. MUNTZ regretted to be obliged to say, that he felt it quite impossible to support the Government on this occasion.—(Hear, hear.) He always wished to support them, when he could consistently with justice and honour ; but, if the same circumstances existed in England as now existed in Ireland, he should not vote for the Suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act—(ll, ar, hear) —and, although there had been different circumstances, it appeare I to him, from the statement of the Home Secretary, that they were so completely altered that there was no pretence for this measure.—( Jeer, hear.) As to the Lord-Lieutenant's letter, asking for certain powers in order to prevent political agitation, where would her Majesty's Ministers have been without political agitation ?—(Hear, hear.) Where would the liberties of England have been without agitation ? (Hear, hear.) Every one had a right to agitate, if he did it like an honest man, and he (Mr. Mintz) would oppose any Government that would coerce the people from doing it.—(Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—It is very easy to follow the course of the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last but one, and when the immediate urgency of danger is past, to laugh at that danger—(Hear, hear)—and when security is obtained, to make light of the precautions by which it was procured.—(Hear„ hear.) I admit at once that the case we have to lay before the House is not similar to that which we had last year, when insurrec tion appeared to be impending—when the urgency was so great that this House almost unanimously passed in a single day a measure of such vital importance, and I will say as hostile to the general liberties of the country, as the measure now under consideration.—(Hear, hear.) But when the Hon. Baronet (Sir H. W. Barron) gives his reasons against the measure—(A laugh)—l own that they appear to me to be reasons which my Right Hon. Friend might very well have urged in his opening speech.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman says—" Waterford was in a state of the ut most alarm; it was expected that rebellion would imme diately break out; this measure was passed, and I now find that the country around is more tranquil than it has been for three years, that that alarm has subsided, that confidence has taken the place of panic, and that men feel they are no longer living under the apprehension of outbreak." Why, I should have thought that was as great a panegyric as could well be passed upon the effects of the measure.—(Hear, hear.) But the Hon. Gentle man gives further reasons, for he says-- e " I must say, likewise, that the Act has been administered with great leniency, that nothing could be more judicious or more merciful than the conduct of the Lord Lieutenant in the administration of the great powers confided to him."— ( ilear, hear.) If here is an Act which has not only produced the most beneficial effects, but which has been so administered that no fault is to be found with the au thority to whom that administration is confided—l say here is a case for continuing at least for some time longer the beneficial operation of that Act.—(A. cry of " Oh!" answered by cries of " Hear, hear l")—commit ting it to the same administrator—(Hear, hear)—and taking care not too soon to remove the bandage, lest the wound should bleed afresh in consequence of which you found it necessary to take your precautions.—(Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman who spoke early in this debate laid great stress upon one particular paragraph of the Lord- Lieutenant's letter, and endeavoured to infer from it that it was on account of agitation, and because that agitation was for an unattainable object, that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act is now proposed. Now I think, although there was some plausibility in that statement. it took its whole force from separating that paragraph from the general tenor of the letter, by removing it from the context, and thus not placing before the eyes of the House the whole case which the Lord-Lieutenant has desired to place before them. It would not, I admit, be any ground for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act that an agitation was going on, and was for an unattain able object; but, when we have found that agitation, after continuing for many years, and displaying in its course a singular mixture of vehemence and of patience, of continued disappointment and of revived hopes—a system which could only be kept up, as I believe, by the influence and the talent of one man—has at length led to what might have been expected some time before—the separation and division of those aho agitated for that object into two parties, the one still clinging to a hope that by continued and organised agitation they might eventually attain their object; the other declaring that it was useless to expect anything from discussion—that the time had arrived when they must take measures to prepare and organize rebellion, and to attempt to wrest by physical force that which they had failed in obtaining by petition, by discussion and agitation,—then I say that the para graph of the Lord-Lieutenant's letter bears a more sig nificant sense, and is well worthy of being taken into consideration by this House.—(Hear.) Such has been the course of events. There was a separations—the Honourable Member for Limerick speaks of it him self—a separation between those who said that there was still a hope of this which I maintain is an unat tainable object (in which I quite agree with the Lord- Lieutenant), and who still said that they would con tinue their organized agitation for that purpose, and an other party' who in the most open way, in a way I believe to which there is no parallel in the his tory of the world, began declaring that their object was treason—(Hear, hear)—that what they wished was to drive the Lord-Lieutenant from the castle of Dublin, to plant there the rebel flag, to kill or to seduce her Ma jesty's troops, to thrust from the soil of Ireland every authority placed there by the Queen, to instal a Provi sional Government in the place of the legal Government then existing in Ireland, and to inflict a blow upon what one of them was pleased to call the accursed British empire."—(Hear, hear.) Such was the language used and published, and the newspapers containing such open avowals of treasonable designs were, as I have been told by Irishmen living in Ireland, having no official authority there, read with avidity by the peasants end tradesmen in the country and in the towns through a great portion of Ireland. The Hon. Member says that there was not such a course of prosecution taken by the Lord Lieutenant as would have put a stop to that evil in its commencement. I totally deny that that was the case. As soon as the Lord-Lieutenant could obtain from the law officers an opinion that there was any chance of a successful prosecution, he directed those articles to be prosecuted.—(Hear, hear.) Those who remember the events that took place last year may re collect that, in some instances, those prosecutions were successful ; in several others they were defeated ; and I may say that, in those cases in which they were defeated, any man in this country reading the paragraphs that were prosecuted would have said that sedition was the mildest word that could be used with respect to their character.—(Hear, hear.) But the evil became more dangerous ; the effect of baffled prosecutions was to give increased power to those who sought to effect their purpose by rebellion. Clubs were formed ; those clubs were directed to procuring arms ; about 7,000 members were enrolled in Dublin alone ; the system spread with marvellous rapidity ; almost in every town there was a combination under some name or other with a similar object in view. Precautions were thought necessary. The Hon. Member who spoke last but one says that the Lord Lieutenant made the giants first, and then slew them; all I can say is, that persons used gt t. h o r ee fieldta r precautions—(Hear, a e rl e ad didu whoti nott)rs had_ ti shown En think rit hear)—lest their ee anre) at, h kn l es o t w ledge them an toe outbreakot a f k w e ar v e r i ay n t Dublin or elsewhere should cause a surprise and a sud den loss of blood, although the triumph might ulti mately rest with the Queen's troops.—(Hear.) Such was the state of things when this House thought it ne cessary, on the demand of the Government for fresh powers, to pass the Bi 1 for a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. But although that Act was most effectual —although the attempt at insurrection very quickly failed, we are not to conclude from that that if no precautions had been taken, if those prepara tions for rebellion had been allowed to go on till harvest and the period immediately after hare vest, there would not have been a sanguinary out break in Ireland, and a contest, in which I have no doubt the Queen's troops and the loyal subjects of her Majesty would have been successful, bat in which their success would have bt en attended with calamities such as every Member of this House would deeply deplore.— (Hear.) Why, then if, so tar from ita being '• a mock rebeLion"—it, so far from there having been no danger, there was considerable danger, and that danger was only averted by extraordinary measures, I do say pause for a time before you deprive the Lord-Lieutenant of the means of preventing the commencement of similar move ments having a similar object in view. —(Hear.) • The lion. Gentleman the Member for Waterford (Sir H. W. Barron) spoke with respect to some other matters, and, like many Members coming from hie country, I think be confounded things which are within the power of Par:iament, matters for which we may be justly reproached and criticised, with matters over which we have no control whatever.—(Hear, hear.) He said there was great discontent in Ireland, and that that was caused by the present state of poverty and distress in that country. Now, with respect to that distress, there are two circumstances most apparent. There is one, which is the infliction of the loss of the staple food of the country, beyond the power of man to avert; and there is the choice of that particular food as the staple food of the people, and that it was in the power of man to prevent. It is a food which every one knows is of so cheap and low a nature that those depend ing upon it cannot go to any cheaper food when they are deprived of it.—(Hear, hear.) It is a kind of food that does not keep beyond the next harvest like the corns of different kinds, and its deficiency in one year cannot be supplied by the abundance of another.—(flen.r.) It is, moreover, a kind of food liable to disease, that ofte'n sweeps away the greater portion of the crop. Now, in the last year, in Ireland, after repeated losses, espe cially after the losses of 1845 and 1t 46, it was—l will net say unnaturally, after being for so long a time ac customed to it—but it was, as I have heard, the desire, the psesion, of great masses of the people to revive that food—(hear)—and there were no little means of comfort remaining which the peasantry were not ready to part with in the hope of obtaining a renewal of the food, on the planting and produce of which they had so long re lied.--(Hear, hear.) The failure of the potato, however, in the past year has been as bad as in any year preced ing ; and many who were in the hope of obtaining abundance of food hare been disappointed, and, being disappointed, remain helpless and almost hopeless in a land naturally fertile.—(Hear, hear.) It is cause of la mentation that they should have placed their reliance so entirely on the hope of a successful production of the food of the potato. It is cause for lamentation that it pleased Providmnce to defeat and disappoint those hopes. These circumstances are matters for refl -ction, or per haps for precaution against reliance for the future on that kind of food, but they are not reasons for coming down to the House and assailing the British Parliament and the Act of Union as being the causes of the calamity. —(Cheers.) (Sir H.W. Barran here expressed dissent.) I so understood the Hon. Gentleman; but if he did not mean to produce that effect his language ought to have been made much clearer, and I hope that another time when he introduces the subject he will take care to make the distinction more evident than he has done on the present occasion. —(A laugh.) Let us be rep: oached, if you will, for our ignorance of Ireland; reproach us if you will fur passing so many Acts of restriction on the liberties of the people, but let us not be reproached for that for which we are not accountable.—(Hear, h"er.) The British Parliament found, at thn time of the union, the people of' Ireland living upon this staple food, and they have continued to live upon it up to this time, and with increased numbers. It was not the Act of the British Parliament that they should be dependent on this food; and thi retore let us not be reproached with this calamity.—(Hear, hear.) If we can assuage that calamity, if any English or Irish Member will point out to the Parliament the mode by which the cala mity can be assuaged and the distress relieved, there will be every disposition, if that remedy or alleviation is thought effectual, to adopt it, and to act, not in the spirit in which we are accused of acting, of doing that which is hostile to the Irish people, but with the unani mous wish, although not the original cause of the ca lamity, to do all in our power to alleviate its pressure.— (Cheers.) Having said thus much with respect to the Bill now before the House, and with respect to charges sometimes made, I shall not enter upon the subject of other measures with respect to which some Gentlemen have questioned me. When those measures are before the House I shall be ready to take part in the discussion regarding them. I will only say at present that we think it our duty to Ire land itself, and to this country also, that we should arm the Lord-Lieutenant with powers to pre vent the renewal of an agitation directly leading to rebel lion and insurrection—(Cheers)—that we believe that if on the Ist of March this Act were allowed to expire, many of the same persons who have endeavoured to turn the distress of Ireland to their own purposes, would again be active—(Hear, hear)—and I should have some fear that they would again have a partial success, no doubt to he again defeated.—(Hear, hear.) But if this House wishes to preserve peace and tranquillity in Ireland—if this House wishes that there should be time for any measures of legislation to operate beneficially—if this House wishes to act in the manner the most useful to the people of Ireland, who !Ave been misled by this species of agitation, then they will consent to the intro duction of this Bill, and consent to the renewal of those powers which it is intended to confer.—(Cheers.) Mr. G. THOMPSON said that he must repudiatke, imputation cast upon certain Gentlemen for their vote? on a former occasion. He believed they were influenced by the same feelings that influenced him on that occa sion, viz., that it was neither expedient nor necessary on that occasion to divide against the Government, inas much as they had information they should almost im:ne diately afterwards be called upon to discuss the merits of the particular measure then referred to. He had paid the utmost attention to the Noble Lord, in the hope that he would justify Members of the House in voting for the measure; but he confessed that if the defence of this measure which was set up by the Secretary of State for the Home Department was weak, the defence set up by the Noble Lord was still weaker. When the Noble introduced the measure six months ago, he assigned distinct and intelligible reasons for so doing ; he in formed the House that he considered it his bounden duty to make out a case of urgent and in stant necessity ; he called on the House to re pudiate the measure then introduced, if he should 'ail to make out such a case, and produce reasons convincing to the understanding and judgment of the House ; and as the measure was precisely the same, the reasons for it should be equally strong now as those which were considered necessary and justifiable then. The Noble Lord on that occasion did not tell us, as he told us to night, that Ireland, throughout its length and breadth, was in a state of tranquillity, that the insurrection had no existence, that it was found easy to administer the government of the country; but he believed the Lord- Lieutenant's letter, and all the admissions of Hon. Gen tlemen on both sides of the House, were concurrent with the fact that tranquillity did reign in Ireland, and the Noble Lord warned them to as.ent to this for the purpose of continuing that tre, quillity; but such was not the Noble Lord's argume it when he introduced this measure six months ago. What was his own lan guage ? That when he called on the House hastily to sanction this measure, he conceived it was absolutely ne cessary he should prove three things as the ground of his justification for introducing the measure to the House. The first was that the present state of things in Ireland was fraught with evil. He asked, was such the aspect of things at the present moment? That we were on the eve of an outbreak, if not timely prevented. The se cond was, that there were means sufficient to produce great injury and danger unless some measures were adopted to avoid them; and the third was, teat this was the remedy which appeared most appropriate in the present state of Ireland. He went on to establish these several propositions by a variety of extracts from speeches recently delivered, newspapers recently pub lished, and he did produce on that occasion an almost unanimous feeling in favour of the necessity of the measure which he then called on the House to adopt, and of the powers which he said ought to be placed in the hands of her Majesty's representative in Ire land.—(Hear.) But had the Noble Lord done so on the present occasion? Nothing of the kind; and there was this remarkable difference between the period when the measure was now brought forward and before, that whereas in the latter case the House was on the eve of an adjournment after a long vacation, they were now just assembled, and had six months before them, and if there was a necessity in the state of things in Ireland that these extraordinary powers should be placed in the hands of the Lord-Lieutenant, there could be no neces sity now, seeing that a totally different state of things prevailed, and that Parliament was in possession of means of receiving rapidly information, and instantly applying a remedy. Not only did the Noble Lord de clare it to be his opinion that it was necessary he should make out a convincing and irresistible case, but the Hon. Gentlemen opposite were of the same opinion, and the Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, fol.- lowing close on the Noble Lord, said that they were called upon to vote upon grounds that were made perfectly intelligible to the House. Were they called on to vote on such grounds as this to-night. They were called on to vote in utter ignorance of what might have induced her Majesty's representative in Ireland to ask for these extraordinary powers. On a former occasion he had abstained from voting altogether; to-night he should vote with those who had offered their opposition to the measure. He could only regret that her Ma jesty's Government had not taken advantav of the pre sent state of things in Ireland to inform the House that it was their wish that this Act should expire on the Ist of March; that they should come down, and, absolutely in the face of their own admission that the pople of Ire land had been penetrated by what the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department had been pleased to call the clemency and forbearance of the Lord Lieutenant, should ask the House to act on grounds that seemed to be totally convincing against the passing of any such measure, Mr. — SCULLY moved that the debate be adjourne (Loud cries of " Nor " Divider) Mr. J. O'CONNELL hoped the House would give those who vi ere desirous of speaking against the mea sure an opportunity of expressing their sentiments upon it, which it was impossible they could do at that late hour. The gallery was then cleared, but no division took place; and Mr. SCULLY addressed the House. He said that he feared the Government, in endeavouring to suppress agitation in Ireland, would be adding to the evils at present existing in that country. The present mea sure would have the effect of preventing discussio❑ altogether, and there were many subjects besides the repeal of the union which the people of Ireland were anxious to deliberate upon. He could bear testimony to the fact that the county of Tipperary, to which so many allusions had been made, was never in a more quietcent state than at the present moment. Had but the tenant occupiers a secure mode of giving employ ment to the people, there would be no discontent in that country, and, as this measure would not afford them that security, he should most strenuously oppose it. Mr. S. CRAWFORD could have wished to state the reasons why he should vote against the proposition of her Majesty's Government, but he thought he should better consult the convenience of the House if he re served his ob,ervations till a future stage of the Bill. The House then divided, when there appeared-- For the motion 221 For the amendment lB Majority for Ministers —2o3 Mr. GRATTAN gave notice that on the second reading of the Bill he should move a call of the House. On the motion of Sir R. H. INGLIS, a standing Committee o 16 Members was appointed to assist the Speaker in the direction of the Library, viz., Sir R. H. Inglis, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, ' Lord J. Rus sell, Sir R. Peel, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. W. Wynn, the Lord Advocate, Viscount Mahan, the Solicitor-General, Mr. Pendarves, Sir W. Somerville, Mr. Milnes, Mr. Gladstone, Sir D. Dundas, Sir J. Young, and Mr. Clive. ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL. Mr. ANSTEY then moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the further repeal of enactments imposing pains and penalties on Roman Catholics on account of their religious observances. When he stated to the House and to the Hon. BAronet the Member for University of Oxford that the psesent Bill was substantially the same as the one he introduced last session, and that the only alterations which had been made in it had been made with a view of removing the objections of its opponents, he trusted that the courtesy which had not been„denied to the promoters of any previous Bill on this subject, would not be refused on the present occasion, viz., to give him leave to introduce the Bill, to have it reed a first time without opposition, and to take the discussion on the second reading. Sir R. INGLIS was sure the Hon. 'Member would acquit him of wishing to show any intentional dis courtesy, but he could not help thinking that when the Hon. Member produced a Bill which he told them was substantially the same as the one he had introduced last year. and which he might have further told them was the same as the Bills of 1846 and 1847, he (Sir R. Inglis) was not asking too much of the House in wishing them to decide et once whether ouoh a Bill 61201114 be allowed to los again introduced or not. He should, therefore, though very reluctantly, feel it to be his duty to oppose the motion for leave to bring in the Bill: The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY said he thought it would be a waste of time to press the Bill for ward so soon after the recent discussion.—(Hear, hear.) He had been a warm supporter of the principle of the Bill, but he begged the Hon. Member not to press it this session, and he was ready to take the responsibility of that advice upon himself.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ANSTEY could not agree in thinking that the Noble Lord had been a very warm supporter of the Bill; on the contrary, he considered the loss of it upon a former occasion had been owing to the uncertainty of the course taken by the Noble Lord, which had left his friends on that side of the House in doubt as to his movements. He therefore could not accede to that or to any other hint he might receive from the Noble Lord.—(L' tighter.) The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY—The Hon. Gentleman has arrived at a most monstrous conclusion with respect to my having caused the loss of the Bill.— hear.) But lam not surprised at the treatment I have received from him when I recollect that which his supporters received at the close of last session. Sir G. GREY said that he fears d, as the Hon. Gentle. man would not take a hint from the Noble Lord neither would he take one In .m hut —0 laugh.) Ile would, how ever, be taking a prudent and judicious course if he fol lowed the suggestion he had received; for, though he (Sir G. Grey) had been f,vourable to the messere, he could foresee nothing but waste of time, in the present state of public business, in bringing in the Bill at present, and he hoped that the Hon. Gentleman would take time to con sider whether his doing so would be of advantage to the object he had in view .—(Divide, divide.) Lord NUGENT also urged the Hon. Member to withdraw his motion, but without effect. The gallery was elt ared for a division, when there appeared— Against the first reading 43 Fur it . 41 Majority against it........ —2 The Bill was consequently lost. Mr. MOFFAT obtained love to bring in a Bill to provide for the recovery of debts from persons having privilege of Parliament, and for the exclusion of insol vent Members from the House of Commons, which was read a first time and orders-d to be printed; the second leading to take place on the 14 , h. On the motion of Mr. TIIORNELY, the following Members were appointed members of the Select Com mittee on Public Petitions;—Mr. Thornely, Sir R. H. Inglis, Earl of Arunlel and Surrey, Lord Duncan, Captain Jones, Mr. Mackenzie, Mr. Brotherton, Lord Alfred Ilervey, Mr. Scott, Mr. Carter, Mr. Clement., Mr. Lushington, Mr. Duncan, Sir C. Douglas, and Mt. Adderley. On 63 motion of Lord DUNCAN, Lord Duncan, Earl of Lincoln, Sir R. H. Inglis, Viscount Jocelyn, Mr. Posey, Sir B. Hill, Mr. Langston, Mr. Trelawney, Mr. Cardwell, Mr. H. D:urnmond, Mr. G. Craig, Mr. J. Wilson, Mr. Mon:e11, Mr. Locke, and Mr. Hayter were nominated the Woods and Forests Committee. On the motion of Mr. C. LEWIS the following Mem• hers here appointed a Select Committee to assist Mr. 6 Speakei in idl matters which relate to the printing exe cuted by the order of the House, and for the purpose of selecting and arranging for printing returns and papers presented i❑ pursuance of motions :—Mr. C. Lewis, Sir R. H. Inglis, Mr. Pusey, Mr. V. Smith, Sir J. Young, Lord Mahon, Mr. Hume, Mr. Cardwell, and Mr. Loch. On the motion of Mr. STAFFORD the fallowing gen tlemen were appointed a Standing Committee to control the arrangement of the kitchen and the refreshment rooms in the department of the Sergeant-at-Arms : Mr. Stafford, Mr. Alderman Humphery, the Earl of Mulgrave, Captain Berkeley, Mr. Hastie, Lord Marcus Hill, and Mr. Vesey Dawson. Sir G. GREY brought up a Bill to continue the Sus pension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, which was read a first time and ordered to be printed. The House adjourned at One o'clock. THE COUNTRY MARKETS. HULL, FEB. 6. Messrs. Taylor and Bright's circular states that during the past week a very good business has been done in most articles of the trade ; a consumptive demand has taken off a consi derable proportion of our best red wheats, and the advance noted last Tuesday has been fully maintained ; in the absence of foreign supplies, sales are now exclusively from warehouse. Farmers brought a small supply of wheat for this day's mar ket, and demanded a considerable advance upon the terms of last week ; millers bought pretty freely at about is to 2s per quarter more money. The show of foreign was small, and business limited, owing to a further advance being insisted on by holders. Fine barley continues saleable at late rates, and grinding goes off in retail at some advance. Beans go off somewhat better—if of fine dry quality—anything tender is neglected. Egyptians are saleable at 28s best descriptions. The sale of peas is quite in retail, and for oats we almost en tirely lack buyers. Without arrivals, there is but a small business in linseed ; the sales from warehouse are without quotable alteration in price, but the market is firm, and con sumption large. For linseed cakes we have experienced a some. what better sale, at the present low figure, full 31 per ton below their value this day twelve months. Rapeseed quota tions may be regarded as nominal, there being no sales. Rape cakes are quite as dear. Not much actual business in bones, but the market firm at 90s, the value of best quality. The following are the present prices of grain:— s. s. s. s. Wheat, English, red 42 to 44 Peas, white and yel. 30 32 Do. white 44 46 Do. grey Dant zie and Ko- Linseed, Black Sea 39 —4l nigsberg ... 50 52 Do. Petersburgh ... 34 39 Pomeranian and Do. Riga&Archngl. 35 —37 Hamburgh . 44 47 Do. Konigsberg .... 32 96 Danish, Holstein, & Per ton. F; iesland _42— 44 Linseed cakes, Hull 71158 Rus-ian and Odessa 50 42 Do. fine foreign Oats, English Do. ...... 14 16 Rapeseed, per 10 qrs. 261 to 281 Do. Friesland l5 18 Rape cakes, do .. 00s Od Do. Russ. & Odessa 15 17 Tares, Englis llos —00 s Barley,malting 29 31 Do. foreign 24s 281 Do. grinding........ 23 24 Guano 5/ to 91 5s Beans 32 —34 Bones, do 87s 6d to 90s Od Do.jforeign ...... 28 32 Rye meal 6 IPSWICH, Fie. 6. Wheat improved a shade the early part of the market, bat at the close prices were no better. Malting Barley was pretty firm, other qualities dull. Oats, beans, and peas, without alteration in value, Malt, dull sale. Flour, no variation. PER QUARTER.; PER QUARTER. Wheat ... 4os to 52s Beans ....... • 2ss to 33s Barlt y Oats ........ ......... 173 to 21s 1 Malt .......... Rye ... 24 to 273 Flour, per sack EIRGES FOR THE WEEK ENDING FEBRUARY 3, 1149. Wheat . Barley Oats Beans Peas .. ... 72 „ 321. 2d. LIVERPOOL, FEB. 6.—At this day's market there was a good attendance of dealers, and a fair show of wheat and four. There was less buoyancy in the demand for wheat than on Friday, but the prices of this day week were supported. Flour moved off very slowly, and full prices were realised with difficulty. Barley, Beans, and Peas were without change. Oats were id per 45Ibs dearer, and fine mealing samples were scarce. Oatmeal was held for rather more money. There was a good demand for Indian corn, and prices were Is to 2s per 4801bs higher. BISHOP'S STOILTFORD, FEB. 3.—We had a brisker trade for wheat than for some time past, fine new obtaining Is to 2s per quarter more than last week. The demand for barley was not so large, fine samples, however, in request, at about 6d per quarter more, inferior kinds were saleable at late rates. In other articles nothing doing. PETERBOROUGH, FEB. 3 . —Wheat, new 40s to 441, fine 469 to 50s ; old 42s to 465, fine 50s. Barley, 26s to 28., fine 31s, malting 00s to 00s. Oats, new 14s to 16s, fine 18s to 21., old 201 to 00s, fine 265. Beans 36s to 38. new 00s to 00s, per qr. Inspector's corn return for wee k ending Feb. 3 Wheat, 1,092 qrs 0 bu, 43s 2 d; barley, 254 qrs 3 bu, 28s 80; oats, 134 qrs 4 bush, 15s lid; beans, 85 qrs, 33s ; peas, 0 qr 0 bush, 00s Od per qr. MARCH, FEB. 2.—Wheat 43s to 475, fine 48. to 00s per qr. Oats 9d to 10d per stone. Beans 32s to 34s per qr. DALXEITH MEAL MARKET, FEB, s.—The following are the prices at this day's market:— Oatmeal, per sack, of 280 lbs. imperial .. Barleynieal, per ditto Peasemeal Flour First Second Third ... 27s Od 26s 9d 26s Od ... 21s 6d 21s Od 21s Od ... —s Od —s Od —5 Od .. —s Od —8 Od —5 Od ... —s 6d —3 Od —3 Od Pot barle;. Sentous RORBERY.—On Saturday night a robbery was committed at the Aston Villa Tavern. It appears that the landlady, having occasion to give some change, went to the room up-stairs, where the money was kept, and was much surprised to find the door open, as it was always kept locked. On entering she saw a man, who struck the candlestick out of her hand, ran down the stairs, and out at the front door. The laudla ly screamed, and her husband haring her, saw the thief as he passsed, and pursued him, but in vain, as he escaped. The door had been opened by a picklock, and 601 to len . —Aris's Birmingham Gazette. I ft7llB. At Malta, on the 28th ult„ the lady of Henry Lord Jack. son, Esq., of a son. At Plitinstead. on the Ist inst., the wife of E. Maberly, Esq., Captain Royal Artillery, of a daughter. On the 3d inst., at Bute-street, 011 Brompton, the wife of W. Locke, Esq., of a son. On the 3d Inst., at Blackheath-park, the lady of F. B. Hookey, Esq., of a daughter. On the 3d , nit., at Bolton-hall, Yorkshire, the lady of EL A. Littledala, Esq., of a daughter. On the 4th inst., the lady of J. Mocatta, Esq., of Gloces ter-tarrace, Hyde-park, of a son. On the 4th inst., at , Ashbridge-house, near Tunbridge, Mrs. Hay ton, of a daughtar. MARRIED. On the 11th ult., at St. Mary's, Haggerstone, Mr. R. King, of Blomfield-street, Kingsland, to Mary Jane, only daughter of J. Scarborough, Esq., Tokenhouse-yard, Lothbury. On the sth inst., at St. George's, Hanover square, Louie Maximilian Timmerman, Chevalier de Legion d'Honneur, and late Captain in the Corps de Garde, to Sarah, widow Of the late Sir George Marcus D'Arcy Irvine, Bart., of Castle Irvine, county of Fermanagh. On the 27th u lt ., aged 56 1 ED Giles Rickaby, Esq., of Nun Monkton-ball, near the city of York, late Major of the 4th (Royal Irish) Dragoon Guards. On the Ist inst., at Hereford, aged 63, John Holder Mat thews, one of the senior magistrates of that county. On the 3d inst , at Finehley-common, Miss Louisa Grise wood, aged 80. At Hampstead, on the al inst., at a very advanced age, Susanna, widow of the late Thomas Crawley, Esq., of Welwyn, Herts. On the 4th inst., Sophia, the wife of Mr. Isaac Sheffield, of Old Bread -street. London. On the 4th lost, at Bloinfield-road, Maida-hill, R. Rudolf Esq., late of Fitzroy-square, aged 74. On the sth inst., at Kennington-cross, Mr. George Smith. On the ls' inst., George Mordaunt, Esq., of Clement's-inn and Debenham, Suffolk. On the Ist inst., at Cheltenham, William Bell, Esq., late of Canton, aged 59. London : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 112. Strand, in the Precinct of the Sayoy, ii the mat/ Middlesex, Wednesday, February 7, 1849.