The Sun. — London, England, 1824-04-09 00:00:00

THE LONDON JOURNALS. DAILY ; Extracts froni the Morning Papers, April 9. DviohNiNu posT.] We have to congratulate Parliament and the •Oountry on the rejection of a measure which would have proved deeply injurious to the landed interest, and might have opened the gates of ruin to many individuals and families. • The Bill for.abolishing the Usury Laws and exposing the public to the unfettered rapacity of money lenders, was carried irn the Commons last night :by a feeble majorit y into a Committee, where an obstinate conflict took place between its friends . and opponent's, and in a series of divisions, pro phetic of the ultimate result, that majority dwindled down to four, and in one instance to The House having resumed, the Chair man asked leave to sit again on Tuesday next, when Mr. Littleton moved that this day six months be inserted, instead of Tuesday.— The House again divided, and the Amendment was fortunately carried by a majority of Ci 7 to 63, • so that the Bill is lost for the Session. The other business in the Commons possessed no interest.--- In the Lords, Earl Darnley redeemed the notice .which he had given nearly two months since, 'and after an elaborate and comprehensive speech, rn which he took a view of the general State of ,ireland v moved, " That a Select Committee be appointed to consider how far the measures for the regulation of Ireland, lately adopted by Par liament or recommended by his 'Majesty's Minis ters, have tended, or are likely to tend, to re move discontents, to alleviate animosities, and to ameliorate the state of the country ; and whether any, or - what other farther measures, may be re quired to secure the happiness and welfare of that part of his Majesty's dominions. The Earl of Liverpool opposed the motion, on the ground that instead of proving beneficial to Ireland or the Empire, the proposed inquiry might lead the country in-to serious difficulties. The question having been amply debated by all the Peers connected with Ireland, the House divided, and the motion for a Committee was negatived by a majority of 57 to 17. .iitie. [MORNING CIIRONICLV.I We confess we were pleased with the tone of Lord Liverpool's speech last night in the House of Lords. It was indicative of a wish on the part of the speaker to do good to Ireland, if he knew how. With some of the sentiments uttered by him we also agree. Here, however, we must Limit our commendation. He seemed, to use a homely expression, quite at sea with his subject. It was every thing hut a luminous speech. He either durst not, or was unable to draw the infer ences from his own premises which they ob viously suggested. lie dwelt upon things of comparative unimportance, and evaded the con sideration of things of the very greatest import ance. His Lordship commenced with bearing .testimony to the estimable character of the Irish people :,--- = I never have. visited Ireland," said he, and therefore know 'nothing of its localities; but this I can say, that both i n my pritate capacity and public situations, I have come in contact with large masses of the natives of that country, on many occa sions. I know how great a part of the industry of the towns is in the Lands of Irish labourers, and how many branches of our ,manufactures are carried on by Irish mechanics, and I have had an opportunity of looking minutely into their conduct.— What2ver they may be in their own country, I can say of Clem in this, that there does not exist, on the face of t* e a more industrious, a more honest, or a more kindly dispnsed people." If then with .a fruitful soil, and an excellent .climate, a people, who, in large masses, behave in so exemplary a manner abroad, are yet in a .most miserable and disturbed condition, the fault - must be in the Laws and Government of the country. If the people had the same protection in their own country which they obtain here, 'they Would of course behave in an equally ex_ emplary manner. Accordingly, when we look into Ireland, wee find that the Government and the Law are administered by a small fraction of fire. people, divided from the rest by re ligion and by race, that the great body of •the people are kept in a state of vassalage to this small fraction, in which all power is cetitered. So long as this state of things conti nues, so long as the professors of our religion are allowed an ascendaney over the professors of the offer, so long as the law is merely an instrument hi the hands of 0110 class to oppress another, it is impossible that tLe people can display the quali ties in Ireland that they display elsewhere. The • first thing to be done in Ireland is to break down those barriers which separate a part of the popu lation from the rest ; to destroy the distinction, which makes religion .a source of emolument to one part, and of suffering to the other, which arms the one with the power to oppress, and de livers np the other, bound hand and foot, the victim of the oppressor, Catholic Emancipation must then be the foundation of every plan for the amelioration of the state of Ireland. The bar riers must he removed--there must be no ascend ancy to one religion, or inferiority to another.— Tbe ; law must be for the benefit of all, and not for the supposed benefit of a few to the oppres sion of tine great body. r . T if T 1 trl ES .1 The .Imstrian Observer of the 26th ult, gives various particulars -under the head of Turkey ; but the intelligence of that paper often seems, in _spirit and character, so very Turkish, that little or no reliance ought to be placed upon it, espe cially vihat relates to the progress of hostilities between the Greeks and the Porte. It is said .that the present Grand Vizier has hit upon an expedient for improving the constitution of the Turkish armies, which, if steadily acted. on, ap pears likely tG he successful. The plan has for its Basis,. a commutation of the old quota of troops supplied by the several provinces of the empire, for a corresponding amount in money—leaving the levy, the pay, and consequent discipline of the fioldiers,, to the Government itself. The influ elite exercised by Lord Strangford at the Porto • i s much expatiated ow in these papers. II is Lord slap, it appears, has insisted that certain lonian subjects should he regularly tried by the Turkish authorities before they were punished, on the charge of recruiting for the Grt , eks, and of de signing to burn the arsenal of Constantinople.-- Lord Boron's baggage transport, which had been captured near Cape Papas, was liberated on Lord Strangford's interference. The usual statements are made of dissensions between the Greeks and their British auxiliaries, and among the Greeks themselves; but it is a cheap conso solation for perpetual losses and disappointments, to rail at those who inflict them. rNEW ES.] Yesterday the business transacted in the Funds was not beyond the ordinary extent, but the prices continue in a state of gradual advance ment ; and there now appears little doubt but that Consols will reach par. They were yester day done qt 9q, and for the new account at 974; the former closed at 96f, and the latter at 97. — Money continues so abundant, that the premium on India Bonds is from 86 to 90; and Exchequer Bills 595. The Foreign Securities continue to occupy much o f t h e public attention. The Bonds, which experienced the greatest va riation in prices yesterday, were Chilean and Colombian. The former, upon which there has been lately paid a dividend of three per cent., closed at 85; and Colombian Bonds, after reaching 92, left off at about 907.—Nothing further has transpired as to the parties who will obtain the contract for the new Loan, respect ing which there exists so much interest ; but it is expected that the same parties will be named as have had the preceding. - It is fully expected that within a short space of time a number of new Loans, bearing 4 per cent., will be brought out, for the purpose of buying in those Bonds at present bearing a higher rate of interest, and the present abundance of capital is considered as af fording a favourable opportunity (Or the respec tive Governments to effect the reduction upon advantageous terms. [MORNING HERALD.] it has been a matter of some surprise to those who have attended the career of the Ministers and partisans of the French Revolution and of Buonaparte, that Cambaceres was so mildly treated by the House of Bourbon since its re storation. Though a man of rather moderate character and conduct, he never. lost the confi dence of the Emperor and the Revolutionists, and there could not be a question of his stre nuous hostility to the return of the old dynasty. The enigma has at length been solved upon the death of this personage. It appears that he was in possession of certain l e tt er s which were ad dressed to him during the wra of his power, and which would compromise high person ages.—Upon the death of Cambaceres these letters became, as a matter of course, part of the inheritance of his heir-at-law, and the announced publication of the poAhu humoua Memoirs of the Ex-Chancellor spread consternation, particularly at the Tuileries.-- The mode adopted to prevent the apprehended scandal would do credit to the Cabinets of St. Petersburgh, Constantinople, or Madrid. . Z he Government claim s the theheletter qu sa e s s t tn hashioeprop akel property o f the State, and pending forcible possession of the effects in dispute ! There are some circumstances iirJrth notice con nected with the seizure. Such is the myste rious nature of these letters, that no description of their st/bject matter or cone its is to be le• corded. In the next place, Cambaceres had not for ten y ars before .his death experienced any public fun tions, 3, - et was he not called upon to deliver them Op to any successor or to the state. As a question of individual right, it is important only in France. But as affecting the history of the French Revolution, the spoliation is a mat ter of general outrage and regret. There is a report, and it is oouetenanred by some remarks in (he French Papers, that the seized letters were addressed by',the present King of France toCam bacers—then the colleague of Buonaparte in the Consulship--m eking certain propositions, which Cambaceres declined. The publication of - these letters would, no doubt, throw great upon the intrigues connected with the French Revolu tion, and which even divided the Members of the House of Bourbon. But even their suppression is not without importance. It lends to authen ticate the Coblentz Papers, and to obtain credit for the overtures reported to have been made by the exiled family, even to Robespierre. A very able pleading against this act of spoliation has been published by M. Dupini one of the most eminent of the French Advocates, and brother of the .writer so named, who is so well known in this country. But there can be no doubt the seizure will be justified, and the suppression of the papers ordered, for the Council of state is, in the last resort, both party and Judge. [BRITISH PRESS.] An nccount has been laid on the table of the House of Commons, by the Home Secretary, of the number of foreigners sent out of this country under the Alien Act, from the Ist of Jan., 1816, to the commencement of the present year. This list details the names of the individuals, the ports at which they were embarked, and . the countries to which they were sent. Within the eight years, 17 individuals are returned as having been banished from these shores under the provisions of this Bill ; twelve of these were males, and live fe males. Among the former, in 1817, was the Count de Las Cases, and Emanuel de Las Cases, hi s son; in 1818, General Gourgaud ; in 1819, Madame Moutholon ; in the last year only one, Count Vito Batten], who had made himself so remark able by his attacks on Prince Esterhazy. In 1816, no exercise was made of its powers; in 1820 also none ; in 1822 the same return ; and last yt ar, Count Battera was the only and he, from his dangerous and troublesome cha racter, deserved to come within its powers. 'Thus, though we cannot advocate the renewal of this arbitrary Act, its powers have certainly, with very few exceptions, been mildly applied. Count de. Las Casas, we think, was hardly treated, and so was General Gourgaud. Madame Mon tholon, on her return flow St. Helena, expe rienced also excessive harsh treatment; we know of no danger that .could have been apprehended from her residence here, and she was nut suffered even to land, after a most fatiguing voyage. But considering the numbers of foreigners who for years have crowded to these shores, induced by necessity or political persecution on, the Conti nent; this statute has affected them very lightly, and fallen upon very few. Within the last two years, since Lord . Sidmouth's resignation, and Mr. Peel's accession to office, it has scarcely been exercised at all. We cannot conceive this Act to be a matter of imperious necessity ; and yet, from the vast influx of foreigners of every nation, and often most dangerous characters, to these shores, some restraining measure is neces sary, as regards foreigners who are resident here. The same laws that apply to the subjects of this country are sufficient to controul them ; but they give no power of deporting them out of England, except as with a natural-born subject, on convic tion of felony. We trust that Mr. Canning's liberal anticipations may be realized, and that this Act, in its present state, will not need a revival. We do not think it would be either prudent or safe to suffer thousands of disap pointed f ore i gne rs to throng these shores, wholly unrestrained. The existing laws of this country would not be sufficient to check at once any dan m gerous tnachinations theyight form, either against the safety of this, or other countries with whom we are in alliance, and with whom we might be seriously implicated by such projects, hatch ed in this country. But a salutary enactment may be devised, less harsh and arbitrary than the present Alien Bill, whose character and clauses are scarcely suited to the spirit of this free country. It is but justice to the foreigners now resident here to say that their conduct in general is most peaceable and correct. We hear of few violations of any sort committed by them; and, with the• exception of the quack Rosin ski, tried at Manchester the other day, we do not remember one of them brought for some time, on any serious charge, to the bar of a Court of Justice ; they are in general temperate and industrious. Hundreds at present re sident here are the hopeless victims of ruthless despotism : for them the sincerest commise ration has been shew I:, and is still uni versally felt. This country has long been a refuge to the unfortunate and persecuted of all nations; they have fled to its shores with a certainty of protection the moment they landed on them. We wish that high and interesting character still to attach to England. The day has passed when, if ever it was necessary, there is any present cause for fencing in our shores by an enactment of this sort. It is not liberal either in its inten tions or its spirit ; and we trust it will not be again renewed, at least as it now stands. PROVINCIAL JOURNALS. ( From the Southampton County Chronicle. ) We regret extremely the ill success that has attended the praise-worthy efforts of the zealous and humane Member for Galway (Mr. MARTIN) to protect the brute creation, or, in other words, to prevent Cruelty to animals.— We lament this sincerely, because we do not think such a subject beneath the consideration of the House of Commons, and because those whceare prone by nature, or habit, or both, to indulge in wanton and cruel sports, will, we fear, take en couragement from the manner in which the late attempts of that gentleman have been scouted from that House. The re ception he has met with from the Lower House, reflects little credit on the feeling or judgment of its members. After admitting, as it has done, the principle of the proposed Bill, in the enactment against cruelty to cattle, upon what grounds Pk, in its application t o o th er , Why should not a d og or a cat be pro tected as well as a horse or a sheep ? We could un d ers t an d , a ca n n im the ais extension bere ftisec of l ? that• though n lin ecouldth t e h validity of the objection, t a k en , Y e a in d t iy r t oduction of this questi on io n the not o e e admit,asion of into Parliament, by the late lamented Lord Erskine namely, that cruelty could not be defined, and therefore it was not possi ble to legislate at all on the subject. This was taken high ground. Here there was something in the semblance of argu ment—something that looked like reasoning at least ; and until the objection was fairly answered, and its unsoundness shown; the opponents of the measure might, in reason, be permitted to retain all their hostility to it. After being driven from their van tage-ground,after being dislodged f rom disposition, the enemies of innovation on the subject of esta bli s h e d sports, h ave ta k en up a new one; anil, on Mr. Martin's moving for leave to bring in a Bill fer the prevention of the practice of Bear Baiting, he has been assailed on all sides by the cry of, Oh you should not meddle with the sports of the lower orders—why not attack the sports of the higher orders ? Why not as well strive to put clown hunting, and shooting, and fishing, which are equally cruel with the less dignified amusements of bear baiting, &c, If this argument (we must we suppose in courtesy so term it) be meant for any thing more than for the purpose of evading the question, or that of gaining a little temporary popularity, we are utterly at a loss to guess at its drift. It is, in our humble judg ment, one of the weakest and shallowe s t objections ever started. What ! blame the benevolent Mr. M. for not undertaking what he and every body else must justly deem impracticable j What ! make it a reproach to him that he does not attempt the un attainable ! This is very reasonable indeed. What would have been thought of him, and said to him, if, ignorant of his own strength, he had attempted the mad, Titanic exploit of putting down the field sports of the shot-belted preservers of game by their own votes. What, we repeat, would have been thought of him, if he had been foolish and enthu- ' siastic enough so to have conduted himself? Why, the very individuals who so lately taunted him with the above sapient interrogatory would most probably have prevent ed him from delivering his sentiments on such a sub ject, drowning his voice with coughing, blowing noses, and every other nasal pulmonary Parliamentary mode of si lencing an obnoxious member. As for the argument that the sports of the field are not less cruel than hear, bull, and monkey-baiting, and other barbarous and wanton 1 1 sports, we boldly deny it ; there is no fair analogy between them. The reason is obvious. Hunting, shooting, and fish in, are necessary to enable man to obtain possession of animals fercc naturce, and, whatever occasional, unintentional cruelty is inflicted in the pursuit of these sports, cannot, we apprehend, be put in competition with the deliberate and wanton cruelty purposely inflicted upon an animal already caught, to gratify a depraved disposition. It may be said, indeed, that there are sportsmen who pursue game from , the mere abstract love of sport, without reference to any value attaching to the dead pheasan or hare ; but these gentlemen, we kmagine, are very few in number compared with those who are governed by mixed motives. Fox-hunting may appear to contradict this assertion ; but, in effect, it does not ; the principle of uti lity holding good still : for although the animal hunted cannot he served up at table, its destruction is highly beneficial. There is, in fact, no resemblance between the cased of an animal coursed, or shot, or hooked, to afford sustenance to man, and one of no value as food, caught for no other purpose, than to be worried to death by dogs, for the sake of affording a kind of inhuman satisfaction to a set of brutal spectators. The only case, in what is termed genteel sports, that - at all applies, is that of pigeon-shooting from a trap, and even this is not a pa rallel case ; since the - pigeon, when he does not effect his escape is generally killed outright, and not put an end to by pro tracted torture. As for the argument that is founded on the liberty of the subject, we can only say that we have as much respect for that freedom as any Member of the House of Commons can have, nor do we see how it is invaded because permission find encouragement are not extended to sports which debase and. brutalize the lower classes, and consequently render them unfit for the enjoyment of any thing good or rational. It is, perhaps, a reflection on the po pulace of England, that any such legislative prohibitions are required ; but that theyare necessary is too true ; anti if it rested with us, we should not hesitate to protect the inferior creation from undergoing all unnecessary suffering, and, if we could not do all, we might wish, we would do what we could. FOR THE SUN. HOLY ALLIANCE. MR. EDITOR,—Man having been endowed by his Maker with mental faculties susceptible of improvement, and having received an irresistible and inherent desire of perfectibility, must, of ne cessity, steadily pursue the path of knowledge, and become more enlightened. That this has ever been the case, is proved abundantly, by comparing the present condition of the human mind with what it was in the ages that have long since passed away. It is somewhat remark able, that among the nations of antiquity we ever find the arts and sciences most flourishing in those countries that enjoyed the greatest share of political freedom ; whence it may be fairly in ferred, that the soil of liberty is the most con genial to the full growth of the intellectual fa culties. If the Egyptians in ancient times, and the Chinese at the present day, present examples of nations early initiated into the mysteries of science, mild and paternal as tlie form of govern ment of both the former and the latter monarchy may have been, and is still, no improvement however could be discerned in Egypt, and the Chinese of the present day are not more en lightened than their forefathers. It was in free and independent Greece that human reason and human genius and ingenuity assumed a bold flight, and brought some of the fine arts to a state of perfection that has not yet been surpass ed, nor even equalled. In Rome, the case was precisely similar. For although the brightest period of Roman literature has been denominated the Augustine age, yet did the greater portion of the men by whom it was illustrated belong to the commonwealth. if the improved condition of the human intel lect, and the more general dissemination of knowledge, tend materially to give men a more correct notion of their rights as men, it must tend also eminently to procure the tranquillity of So ciety, by giving them a better idea of their du ties as subjects, and removing the dangerous doctrine of perfect equality. That all men are born equal and free is an absurd proposition, calculated only to seduce the unwary, and to mislead the ignorant and unreflecting. It is, however, a most pernicious weapon in the hands of the mischievous demagogue. The ignorant portion of mankind, which is unfortunately the most numerous, is easily caught by mere words, the precise meaning of which they neither know nor seek to understand. To assure this class df society that all men have an equal right to possess wealth, and to enjoy the luxuries of life, is a certain way to gain its attention, and too fre quently to enflame its passions. Yet the fallacy of this dangerous doctrine must be evident to any one that takes the trouble of reflecting o ne mo ment upon the principles it would inculcate. All men have, no doubt, the same right to possess wealth, and to enjoy the conveniences of life, but only if they employ the means of obtaining and acquiring both the one and the other.— Although the industrious mechanic may think he leas a right to share the wealth of his opulent neighbour, he would not admit the claim of the idle beggar to a portion of his own scanty pittance. Yet if the principle be a just one, its application must extend generally, for if it be confined to one particular class, equality ne cessarily ceases to exist. This reasoning appears so simple, that it must be evident to men of even the least capacity. A disproportion in wealth and in rank is a necessary consequence of the various dispositions of men, and of the organiza tion of society. Hence do we find their exist ence coeval with that of social order, or, indeed, with that of man himself. As long as the abili ties, the industry, or the force of some men are superior to those of others, some will be richer and more powerful than others. The weak must naturally seek protection of the strong, and will I thus as naturally become dependant upon them. What these have accomplished by superior power, others will perform by superior abilities, so much so, that the protector of the weak may become the dependent of the more enlightened. The in dustry of some men will procure for them riches, which must ever remain beyond the reach of the more indolent of their fellow-sub jects. It evidently follows from all that has been said, that if it were possible for all the in habitants of any one spot to be placed at once in precisely the same condition i❑ respect to for. tune, this equality could not endure for any considerable time, and one portion must sooner or later become, of necessity, dependent upon the other. Ignorance alone cats be blind to such self-evident truths ; and every man whose mind has been enlightened will not easy listen to the doctrine which I have combatted. Why, then, do the members of the Holy Alliance seem bent upon impeding the progress of general know ledge ?—Because a state of ignorance and of com parative barbarism is that which they conceive to be best calculated to preserve the arbitrary power which they are desirous of retaining. In this respect they are certainly right ; hut will they eventually succeed in keeping down the spirit of their subjects, and in nipping in the bud the liberal principles that are now shooting forth ? If a more general dissemination of knowledge, by engendering a spirit of inquiry and a habit of reflection, tend to make men better subjects, it tends no less to give them a more correct idea of their rights as men. As soon as the pages of history are laid open before -their eyes, they perceive that tyranny on the part of the gover nor, and the slavery and Oppression of the go verned, have always existed under their most hideous and distressing forms, when nations were plunged in ignorance and barbarism. Iu all cases, and in every country, the progress of social liberty has kept pace with that of intellectual improvement. 13y ascending to the source of the royal authority, they find that it was originally very limited in its nature, and that Kings were little more than military commanders, and civil magistrates, but always more or !Jess dependent upon the nation, which ever kept a check upon their conduct. In those early times they met with no Divine rights of Kings ; tyrants oc casionally appear, but they are deposed by their subjects. Arbitrary laws are sometimei enacted and enforced by some MonarchS,• .: _but the Diets of Germany, the States General of France, the Wittenagemotte of the Saxonll4o - the Cortes of Spain, the Diets of Sweden, &c. &c. prove that the authority- of the Sovereign was not then independent , of the controul of his people. In short, they will discover, that. if Kings become absolute, it was because the im mense power which the command of the army placed in their hands enabled them gradually to undermine the independenc e of the nation, and, on the ruins of national liberty, rear the frowning fabric of arbitrary power, but they will see likewise that it was only amongst the less en lightened nations of Europe that this power at tained its most oppressive extent. During a long series oryears this fabric was often times attacked. There arose occasionally men of strong minds and of undaunted spirit, who scrupled not, forcibly and boldly, to advocate the cause of national liberty. The successful struggle!" of several nations to assert their political inde pendence, and to new-model the previously ex isting forms of Government, attracted the atten tion of enlightened men. As education became more general, the histories of Greece and of Rome were more- universally known, and the the noble examples of patriotism which they ex hibit were better appreciated, and awakened si milar sentiments in the minds of a larger por tion of the community. The civil wars under Charles 1., and the tragical end of this un fortunate Monarch, offered a most dangerous precedent of a King arraigned and condemned to suffer death by his subjects, but this political crime was not committed in vain. By the high rank which England attained among European Powers after the Revolution of 1688, the ad vantages which a country can derive frorda Con stitutional Government were clearly demon strated. In Great Britain, many works were written and published, in which the abuses rf kingly authority, and the rights of man, were no less ably than boldly exposed and advocated ; and these works, translated into the continental languages, were read with no less avidity than profit. Such was the situatio❑ of the human mind when tl►e successful attempt of the Ame ricans to assert their independence gave , an im pulse to public opinion in favour of liberal prin ciples, which no power could possibly controul, and which within a few years overturned the most powerful Monarchy in Europe. Many were the crimes that followed this important event ; and truly dreadful has been the effusion of blood which it has occasioned ; hut, as- far as it regards France, this blood has not been shed to no purpose, for none but the most blind or illiberal of Ultras can deny that France has gained much by her revolution. This must be perceived by every impartial observer; and it has indeed been noticed by almost every class of society. Eminent men 'nave not been want ii►g to advocate the cause of liberal prine ciples, and to depreciate the system of arbitrary pow_er ; and it is against such men, no less than against every nation attempting t o bet ter its form of Government, that the venge ance of the Holy Allies has been direct ed. In all ages we see Sovereigns unit e to subdue their weaker neighbours, and to divide the spoils of conquered nations. But it was re served for an enlightened age to exhibit the novel sight of powerful Monarchs, united for the ex press purpose of preventing the introduction of institutions favourable to mankind, and of im peding the progress of society towards zation ! In furtherance of this object the Holy Allies scruple not to trample under foot prin ciples hitherto held as sacred among civilized nations, and to violate the independence of the States over which they imagine they may domi neer with impunity. And when it is remember ed that this Alliance is composed of the m ost powerful Sovereigns in Europe, what nation 1 5 capable of effectually resisting their imperious and arbitrary mandates ? In many instances have the members of the Holy Alliance proved that they respect, or rather acknowledge, the inde pendence of their own Allies only as long as the conduct of these Allies is conformable to the sys tem of arbitrary power, which they make it a paramount duty to uphold. The line of p o licy they have adopted is so much at variance with the prevailing notions of the present day, it is so repugnant to the best feelings of patriotism, it must be supported by such flagitious breaches of justice, by such unjustifiabl e violation of national independence, that its dow nfal may fairly be anticipated as an event distant, perhaps, but certainly highly probable. A. P. EXECUTION.—On Saturday last Richard Smith underwent the sentence of the law, over the front of our County Gaol.. One of Smith's sisters had been to visit him in the morn— ing ; he that day completed his twenty-third year, and has left a father, mother, and nine brothers a nd s i s te rs . Haling a 'knowledged his offences and the equity of his sentence, he pre pared to go through the last trying moments. He had, how ever, buoyed himself up with the hopes of a reprieve. --4 Salo pian Journal.) BIRTH. On the 7th instant, the wife of the Reverend C. T. Smith, Crawley, Sussex, of twin sons. MARRIED. At Tynemouth Church, on the 30th ult., Edward Jackson.. Esq., of Gateshead, Durham, to Ann, third daughter of 'Wil liam Mitcalfe, Esq., of Tynemouth House, Northumberland. On the Bth instant, at St. James' s Church, Jesse Cole, Esq , to Letitia Charlotte, youngest daughter of the late De Courey Ireland, Esq., and niece to the Hon. Sir Edmond Stanley,. Chief Justice, Sec. at Madras. On the Bth instant, Mr. William Thompson, so Jane - Maynard, cnly daughter of Henry Seally, Esq., of the-East , India House. DIED. On the Ist instant, at her house at Battersea, Surrey, in the 82d year of her age, Mrs. Hester Prince, widow. On Tuesday, the 6th instant, at Lower Clapton, Mr. Benja min Rutt, late of Leadenhall-street. On the 6th instant, at the house of James Palmer, Esq., Christ's Hospital, aged 74, Mrs. Philadelphia Stephens, for rre-ly of Lisbon. On the Bth instant, Hannah Benigna, wife of the Reverend Christian T. La Probe, of Nevil's.court, Fetter-lure, in , the 66th year of her age. On Monday last, at her son's house in'the Haymarket, Mrs. Sarah 'Adams, aged 64, relict of Mr. James Adams, St- Stephen's-road, Norwich. . , Early on Thursday morning, at his house at Walthamstow, William Matthew Raikes, Esq. in the 61st year of his age. __— Printed and Published for the PROPRIETOIIS, at the Suifd. OFFIOE, 112. Strand, -by J. R. CARSTATII.S.