The Sun. — London, England, 1842-07-21 00:00:00

than 31,0004 The pressure of the poor-rates were, by this means, falling on little more than three-fourths of the rated inhabitants of the town. An inquiry had been made in December last into the condition of up wards of 1,000 families, consisting of 5,300 individuals. Those 5,300 persons it appeared, were earning 3101. a week, which made an average of about 14d. a head. It was found that 950 families had beds, 50 families had no beds, and there was among them only 456 blankets, making 101 people to every blanket. ; 53 families were wholly without beds, and 425 people were sleeping on the floor. The furniture was mostly pawned or sold ; and, among the 5,300 people, there were only 3,000 seats, or about two chairs for every three persons. The meeting would perhaps be anxious to know how the tradesmen of the town fared. He would mention, as a sample of the returns from business, that a manufac turer told him that, after having taken stock on the Ist of July, he found he had lost to the amount of one penny in the pound upon all the cotton he had con sumed, which was about 20,000113. per week. His weekly loss was, therefore, 831., or 4,3001. a year. The party to whom he alluded was not a large manufacturer, but lie was a very industrious, skilful, and intelligent man. He added, that his losses at the present moment were greater than they had been, and if his losses bad for merly been Id. per lb. he would not answer that they were not now nearer 2d.—(Hear.) He would mention another fact. Last week he had been present at a con versation among buyers and manufacturers of goods, and one of them remarked upon the practice of a certain well-known manufacuire at 4s. 100. - per piece. An estimate had been gone into regarding the cost, when it appeared that the loss could not be less than 10d. upon each piece. The correctness of this estimate had been fully corroborated by a relative of the manufacturer, who had joined in the . conversation. That manu facturer produced 6,000 pieces a week ; and his loss at 10d. in the piece was therellme 2501, a week, 1,0001. a month, or 13,0001. a year.—(z,ear, hear.) Now the manufacturerer in question was one of the most celebrated in the trade, coMmanding the highest prices; and if such were the state of his busi ness, what, he would ask, must be the condition of the inferior manufacturers ? How long could such a state of things continue ? Manufacturing business could be conducted so long only as capital was found to work it. How long that capital could be commanded time would show. It might be asked, how it was that manufac turers, who were now carrying on business at a loss, did not put a, stop to their works ? But it was not so easy as some might imagine to stop a large manufacturing con- cern. First of all, machinery would waste away daily and hourly whether it were employed or not, so that in any case the interest upon its outlay would be sacrificed. Again, it should be remembered that manufacturers felt, that if they stopped the working of their machinery, they would find it very difficult, it' not impossible, to re gain hereafter the customers whom-they would lose by that means. Besides, many manufacturers had, like himself,' a great number of cottages attached to their mills tenanted by their labourers, and if they ceased to employ those labourers, they would also be ex posed to the loss of the rents of their cottages. The merchants, the bankers, and the bill-brokers in London might imagine from the amount of their transactions that there was no large falling off in the trade of the country. But those gentlemen should remember that bills of Exchange did not always represent bona fide transactions. They frequently represented nothing but emergencies and difficulties. Last Septeniber or October, the people of this country were anxious lest the harvest should turn out unpropitioss, lest some mishap should o-cur to the Bank of England, lest it should be called upon to pay more gold for corn than it had in its coffers. A gentleman now, he believed, in London, but who during last September was at New Orleans, told him that at that very time the people of the interior had sent down to New Orleans a quantity of barrels of flour, of barrels of beef, of barrels of pork, and of other provi sions, with instructions to devote the proceeds arising from the sale of those articles to be laid out in the purchase of manufactures and clothing for them selves. So large was the quantity of provisions sent down, ticst the wareh , .uaes of New Orleans would not contain them ; they were piled upon the quays of the place. The sun was hot at the time—it set these pro , visions fermenting—the wind set in towards a particular part of the city from these quays. and produced yellow fever and mortality. Thus these provisions were suf fered to be destroyed and to produce disease, while the people of this country were starving for want of food. and the people of America were in want of our manu factures tor clothing.—(Cheers.) He would leave it to the meeting to decide how far that law could be right which interposed between man and the gifts of his Maker-L(Cheers)—which ordered that the goodness of the Almighty should be trodden under foot rather than the people of England should be fed and the people of America be clothed.—(Cheers.) They heard a great deal of commercial treaties with Spain and Portugal, while free trade with the State of New York alone would be worth more than the whole trade of the Peninsula together.—(Cheers.) In allusion to the transaction which he had related as having occurred last year at New Orleans, he would just observe that on that side of the water 16,000,000 of persons, and on this side 26,000,000 had suffered in consequence of the existence of these laws, and if any pers?ns benefited by their existence, their numbers did not exceed 30,000. Did they think that 40,000,000 of people would permit this havoc to be played with their interests for the benefit of the 30,000 ?—(Cheers.) He came not to this meeting to offend, but to speak the language of commonsense and truth.—(Cheers.) If the advantage of 30,000 persons were to be suffered to out weigh the interests of 40,000,000, lie would say let him , not be an inhabitant of that country to be one of the 40,000,000 who should suffer.— (Cheers.) lie would 4 , now return to the case of the man to whom he had F. before alluded, as having left his employ to go to America, and join the Mormonites, but who had since ' returned. He had taken out with him certain articles of clothing, of crOckery, &c., which he had been told were rf dear in that country. He took out with him his wife and children, and finding that he had been deceived by the representations of the Mormonites, he determined to return, and in order to raise funds he disposed of various articles which he had brought out with him. His crockery he sold in small quantities at six times the price he had given for it in Bolton. Articles of clothing fetened three or four times as much as they had • cost, thus showing dustbin America food was plentiful bat clothing was scarcr He had purchased a pound of sugar in New York for 3d. He Mr. Ashworth had in Bolton purchased a pound of sugar of equal quality, for which he had paidBd. (The two respective pounds of sugar were produced, and the pound of three penny American sugar was of rather superior quality to the pound , of Bolton eightpenny sugar.) He had inquired of a general shopkeeper how the poor were getting on ; he said very poorly ; that he scarcely ever took more than a penny or a halfpenny from any customer. He • (Mr. Ashworth) asked him what he could sell for a half penny, and he produced a halfpenny-worth of tea, of sugar, of coffee, of bread (a thin half round). They could uow see the reason why the Government issued a coinage of half farthings.—(Cheers.) He was sorry he had detained them so leng—(Cheers)—but it was a subject deeply interesting to all of them. He would detain them no longer, but let it rest with them, and rely upon their exertions to secure the industrial free dom of the ceuntry.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. WitaintsoN rose, and was -about to address the meeting, when Mr. P. A. TAYLOR rose to order. It had been arranged that the gentlemen from the north should first lay their statements before the meeting. He suggested that they should first hear their statements, and then nothing could be more in order than for Mr. Wilkinson, or any other gentleman, to address the meeting as to the remedy. Mr. Provost HENDERSON, of Paisley, would shortly allude to the state of the inhabitants of Paisley. The inhabitants of Paisley occupied a part of the country which, with the exception of Middlesex and Surrey, and of Lancashire, was the most populous district of the Bri tish islands. The people there were living upon oat meal mixed with saw-dust, and had even eaten cattle which had died of disease. That rumour had been doubted. But he would repeat, that such things had occurred. In Scotland that species of meat had been sold in the market under the name of Braxey. Let those of the aristocracy who doubted if these things could be, try the experiment of living as these people lived. Let him tell his butler to shut him up in a room with 301 b. of meal for a month, and a quantity of meat obtained from an animal which had died of disease, and then at the end of the month let them see if he would not have eat up the unwholesome animal food. They had been trying in Scotland and in England, under the Poor-law, to ascertain the smallest quantity of food on which human beings could exist. They now in Scot land supported them on little more than 2d. a day -10,000 persons were maintained on 11,000 shillings a week.—(Cries of " shame.") He had been sent up by the Magistracy - of Paisley to represent to the Government the necessity of increasing the allowance to the poor of Paisley. On their road up, his colleagues and himself visited many of the distressed districts. They visited twenty houses in Bolton and twenty houses in Stockport, inhabited by persons who had once moved in a respectable sphere. In not one of those houses was there a scrap of blanket to be found. Here were persons wanting clothing, and yet the Government talked of over-production !--(Cheers.) In Stockport, he was present at a sale of machinery by the local authorities, and a dressing machine, with the latest improvements, the original cost of which, two years ago, had be e n 521., was knocked down for 41. 2s. Here was a reduction of 92 per cent. What would merchants say if such a re duction were made in the value of their capital ? What would landlords say if such a depreciation were to take place in the value of their estates.—(Cheers.) Th ey had waited on the Government, and the Government would do nothing. The Secretary of State had said to the deputation, "You seem to imagine that the Govern ment is bound to find food for the starving people. The Government will do no such thing. They leave it to you and the Relief Committee to settle the matter be tween you."—(Cries of " Shame.") The clergymen of the town had sent up by himself an l his colleagues a memorial to the Government, from which he would read some some extracts. The lion. Gentleman then proceeded to read the following extracts from the memo rial : MEMORIAL PROM THE CLERGYMEN OF IFAISLEY TO HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT. Their resources were now at an end and yet the distress continued, and they apprehended ills of such a nature and to such an extent, as to render national measures and contri butions absolutely necessary. They, therefore, earnestly im- P lored her Majesty' s Government to sanction these, and to bring them before both H ouses of P ar li ament without delay. They deprecated the melancholy resu l ts w hi c h wou ld follow- a prorogation of Parliament previous to the adoption of means for relief of the suffering people, on a sca l e f ar more large and effective than any which have as yet been adopted by the Le gislature. .‘ We beg leave farther to give, as we hereby do, a flat and pointed contradiction to the averment ki r, -Gm whatever quarter, of a waist of economy and care in t he tribution of the funds edteittigtered in Paisley prior to the arrival of the Special Coin- missioners. The economy was too great, and the supplies , given from the very first have been inadequate for human support. ' We implore of Government the privilege of obtaining for our distressed people the necessaries of life duty free ; and we re turn grateful thanks f u r the gr eat good which was done our community by the remission of duty in two instances on Ame rican beef, sent by a benevolent friend at New York. What was thus done on a small scale, and without any loss to any one, may be done in such a measure as to prove a source of prompt supply, as well as a means of soothing wounded feelings. " We bear cheerful testimony to the peaceable and orderly behaviour of our townsmen. Much as they have suffered, and dark as are their prospects, they have conducted themselves as became good citizens. Those who are not in the daily habit of mingling with the working classes cannot form any idea of . the severity of their sufferings, or of the becoming spirit with which they have borne them. "We deprecate experiments on the feelings of men. There is a point beyond which patient endurance may not go ; and we earnestly emplore her Majesty's Government to interpose with effective measures of commercial and charitable relief for industrious working men, before it be too late to do so. " In fine ; as Ministers of God for good to our fellow-towns men, we would represent to Government the serious obstacles which stand in the way of all our moral and religious efforts, by reason of the great number of able-bodied and industrions men, who cannot find employment ; the deep poverty of so many families; and the spirit of disaffection and discontent which is beginning to pervade the community." Ho concluded by reading a statement of the prices at which American beef might be sold in the English market. Some discussion followed in consequence of a Captain BARRETT remarking that the worthy Provost had not convinced him of seven-eighths of his statements; after which, Mr. LAWRENCE HEYWORTH addressed the meeting to the same effect as the statements made at the meetings of the Conference. _ _ Mr. HooLE, of Salford, said that he had been forty years in business, twenty-nine of which he was engaged in manufactures. He had, till within the last two months, between 700 and 800 men in his employment, on premises which cost him 100,0001. The amount of wages which he paid weekly was 4001; or 20,0001. per annum. But he found it impossible to carry on his business so as to remunerate him for his time and capital, while the present restrictive provision and com mercial laws were in existence. They caused the high price of food, which prevented the manufacturing popu lation being able to obtain subsistence. Mr. WILKINSON read a petition from the Cobbett Club, which had been presented to the House of Com , - mons, calling upon the Legislature to furnish a sum of money to alleviate the distress of the people, as twenty millions sterling had been granted to put an end to slavery. He moved a resolution, to the effect that the House of Commons be called on to adopt the course re commended in the petition • but no person having seconded the motion, it dropped. Dr. SLEIGH proposed a resolution to the effect—That it was of importance that the question of the cause of the distress should be fully discussed, and that, there fore, an impartial and dispassionate public discussion of the subject ought to take place, with as little delay as possible. He admitted Chat great and alarming distress prevailed throughout the country, but he did not think that that distress had ever been traced to its true causes, or that the subject had ever been fully discussed. He thought that an inquiry should be instituted into the matter. The Learned Gentleman who stated that he was the representative of " the Society for the Protec tion of British Industry," complained that, on various occasions, the advocates of a repeal of the Corn-laws had refused to enter into a discussion with him, as to the merits or demerits of these laws. Mr. Wm. STocxs, of Huddersfield, seconded the reso lution. He had been himself a manufacturer and a tradesman ; and he believed that it had never been shown what was the source of the decline of our trade, and that it had never been fairly traced to the Corn-laws. He thought that an inquiry should be instituted into the subject. Mr. BRIGHT, of Rochdale, observed that the same means of discussing the connection of the Corn-laws with the distress of the country were open to the advocates of those laws as to their opponents. He would remind Dr. Sleigh that he had himself gone down to Manchester to lectura in favour of the Corn-laws, and if he could not gain an audience there, it was because the inhabitants had already fully made up their minds to the fact, that the Corn-laws were the main cause of the decline of their manufactures. He also wished to remind the Learned Gentleman that he had declined to meet Mr. Brown at Bristol in a discussion on the subject.—(Hear.) He belie'ved, too, that Dr. Sleigh had the honour of being the particular friend of the Duke of ;Buckingham. — (Hear.) He wished further to bring to the recollection of the gentlenien present, that a large nleetin. , having been lately held at Stevenson-square in Manchester, to pronounce an emphatic condemnation of the Corn-laws, a cheque for 1501. was cashed at the time in a bank in the town, with the name of the Duke of Buckingham ; and it was confidently asserted and believed, that the money was distributed among ill-disposed parties to in duce them to disturb the proceedings at that meeting.— (Hear, hear.) Dr. Sleigh complained that the question of the Corn-laws was not discussed ; but the fact was, that it was fully to talk of discussion now ; for nineteen out of every twenty members of the community were perfectly satisfied that the Corn-laws were unjust and wicked, and that they were rapidly undermining the prosperity of the country.—(Hear, hear.) No extension of foreign trade could increase the amount of food grown in a country ; and therefore, unless a free importation of corn was allowed, no extension of trade could materially alleviate the condition of the country. Nineteen-twen tieths of the people of Manchester believed that the re peal of the law would relieve their distress : 63,900 of them had signed a memorial to the Members of the town, begging them to prevent the granting of the supplies, by every means in their power, acd to prevent the proroga tion of Parliament until the question of the Corn laws should be taken in consideration.—(Loud cheers.) If the Corn-laws were repealed, and the price of food lowered, that class of operatives which was now enabled to earn sufficient to purchase food, but stood in need of clothing, would have immediately a surplus for the pur chase of clothing; and the first article that was bought in consequence of that fall in the price of food would be the first step towards a revival of trade.—(Cheers.) When in 1838 the price of food was raised, the working men had immediately less surplus wages to expend in clothing ; the falling off had begun then, and had con tinued until now increasing. —(Cheers.) Nothing would relieve a hungry people but a supply of food.—(Cheers.) Could anything be clearer than that ?—(Cheers.) They talked of British industry and British agriculture, as if the weaving of cloth was not as much British industry as the digging a hole in the ground and putting wheat in it. —(Cheers.) How came one branch only to be thus fa voured and protected. Surely it could only be because some one got a profit out of it.—(Cheers and laughter.) Why not regard other branches of British industry as well as the agricultural ? 'Thiess the people had the means of obtaining food, the evil would extend until it reached Loudon. There was intense suffering in the agricultural districts : true, the inhabitants were scat tered, and had not the means of meeting and making their sufferings known, but the suffering was increasing in those districts. He had only on Sunday last met with an agricultural labourer from Wendover, in Bucks; that man had told him that great distress existed in that county ; that the labourers were much better off six years ago, when food was cheaper; although wages had now been increased Is. a week, yet corn had increased - - so much more in price, that the labourers were infinitely worse off.—(Cheers.) He likewise had told him (Mr. Bright) that married men were allowed higher wages than single men. The fact was, the agricultural labourers were kept in a state of serfdom—(Cheers)—treated as horses, oxen, asses—given just sufficient food to sup port them, and nothing more. The manufacturing labourers, if it were attempted to treat them in this way would leave work directly.—(Cheers.) He opposed the motion of Dr. Sleigh, because no good coull arise from it. Every one had made up their minds on the subject.—(Cheers.) The question was, as re garded the supporters of the Corn-laws—the question of might against right.—(Cheers.) They believed that the opinion of the vast majority of the inhabitants of London was, that the Corn-laws were bad—they were desirous of obtaining an expression of that opinion.—(Cheers.) He knew they could not stir up a large city as they could a small village ; but if the City of London would once stir up a repeal of the Corn-laws, they would produce such an effect upon the Government, that the laws must be repealed.—(Loud cheers.) He would not submit any resolution to the meeting. The meeting had been called for the purpose of laying before the merchants and traders of the City of London, a statement of the distress existing throughout the country. No resolution had been prepared to be submitted to the meeting on the subject, by those who had made the statements. Having heard those statements, it was for the meeting to come to any resolution they might think fit on the subject. Dr. SLEIGH then rose to explain, but as he frequently wandered from the point, he was subjected to almost con stant interruption. He made a long rambling statement about a letter written by his son to Mr. Brown at Southampton the week before he proposed meeting with that gentleman in Bristol, which letter contained the reasons for his failing to keep his appointment. The Learned Doctor, at the conclusion of his explana tion, took occasion to deny that be was connected either directly or indirectly with the Duke of Buckingham. Mr..CoATEs, of the Tower Hamlets, was chairman of an Anti-Corn-law Association in that district, where they were most anxious to discuss the question, and he would undertake to give Dr. Sleigh an evening if the Learned Doctor would give good and substantial bail for his appearance.—(Cheers and laughter.) He did not think the people of Bristol had lost much by the absence of the Learned Doctor.—(Laughter.) Mr. WILSON, of London, thought the object of the meeting had been somewhat lost sight of in the discus sion which had been raised by Dr. Sleigh. Those manu facturers were merely desirous of laying a statement of the case before the merchants and traders in London. They did not teke upon themselves to propose any reso. lution. The resolution proposed had not come from any of the merchants or traders of London, and therefore he hoped it would be rejected. The resolution of Dr. Sleigh was then put and nega tived almost unanimously, only one hand being held up in favour of it. Mr. SmART moved a resolution, which lie had intended to move as an amendment if Dr. Sleigh had pressed his resolution. It was, that the meeting was of opinion that the cause of the lamentable distress was the existing Corn-laws, and therefore pledge themselves to use every legal means to procure their abolition. The resolution was seconded by Mr. SHAW and sup ported by Mr. ROBERTS; when put to the meeting. it was carried unanimously. Mr. BRIGHT moved a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which was briefly acknowledged, and the m ee ti ng separated. It is probable that a second; and more public meet ing, will be held iu the City. During the last week. there we re land ed and em. barked at the Red-house Pier, Battersea, 7,389 persons. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, JULY 21, 1842. for the mitigation of penalties, where it should appear that the article substituted was not of the nature precisely required by the Bill, and that there had been no fraudulent intention. The provision, as it stood, was very severe. The clause provided the forfeiture of the package,. and in flicted a penalty of 51. for every . quarter of such substituted article: He proposed to introduce some words into that clause to provide for the case of parties who had erred without any fradulent inten tion. This was the form he proposed to give the Bill in Committee ; and he begged to recommend it now to the consideration of the House, being fully con vinced that the apprehensions entertained with regard to it were groundless. • Col. RUSHBROOKE opposed the Bill, as one which would injuriously affect the interests which he had the honour to represent. He opposed similar Measures in the years 1836 and 1837, on the ground that they would open the door to extensive fraud, and he felt bound, in consistency, to oppose the present Bill. The Hon. and Gallant Co lonel concluded by moving that the Bill be read a third time that day three months. Mr. TROTTER said, that in 1837 a Bill was in troduced by Mr. Robinson, the Member for Wor cester, which was precisely similar to that under dis cussion. That Bill was then opposed by the then Pre sident of the Board of Trade, and on the division the ayes were 43, and the noes 108. He had the authority of the two predecessors of the President of the Board of Trade for- saying, that a Bill which proposed to sub stitute flour er biscuit for any given quantity of wheat, would open the door to extensive frauds. He did not look at this in an agricultural point of view ; he threw that out of the question. The question with him was, whether there could be that guard thrown around it as would benefit trade, and he felt bound to say that his belief was there could not. Mr. G. PALMER said he did not agree with the Hon. Gentleman in saying he did not consider this an agricultural question. This Bill was a step towards free trade, which he had always . opposed. He felt it to be his duty to support the amendment. He thought this Bill would tend to throw the population out of employment. Another consequence of it would be to increase the poor-rates. The balance of trade would go against this country if the Bill were passed. if the Bill passed, every ounce of biscuit and flour put on board ship, whether for the use of the ship, or for exportation to foreign countries, or for any other purpose, would be regu hrly entered f or ex p o rtation; certificates would be furnished to the parties exporting it, for the purpose of clearing a proportionate quantity of wheat from duty ; these certificates they would sell to the mil lers or corn dealers, in the same way as the sugar bakers sold their certificates to the retail growers in 1829. No good flour would be put into bond ; people would as soon think of bonding ice in an oven. People would clear the best quality of corn, and Would substitute, as far as they could, the worst they could get. Notwithstanding the sorrow he experi enced at opposing any measure which originated with the Right Hon. Baronet, he should feel it his duty to resist this measure to the utmost extent. He was im pelled to this step by nothing but a sense of duty to himself and his country. Mr. HUTT said he thought the Hon. Member had not perused the evidence on this subject with that docility of spirit by which true philosophy could alone be obtained. He was very much surprised to hear the Hon. Member state that, after having been connected for a long series of years with the commercial and shipping interests, he must give his opposition to this ' measure. From the commercial and shipping interests he believed the measure now submitted to the House had received the most cordial support. Differing as they did upon every other topic of civil and commer cial policy, they all agreed as to the advantage to be derived from this measure. The measure was by no means novel in its principle ; it was already in opera.. tion in Belgium, France, and many other countries.,He believed the measure would widen the channels of our commerce, and give to our indnstrious population a source of employment which, through our prohibi tory laws, had been entirely engrossed by foreign nations. Mr. G. PALMER explained, amidst loud cries of " Divide, divide." Lord PALMERSTON rose amid cries of " Ques tion, question." He had listened to the objections made to the Bill, and he believed them to have been fully answered by the statements of the Hon. Gentle man opposite. The Right Hon. Gentleman had stated that this measure would open a new source of com merce, of a permanent nature, to the country. He admitted that it would do so, and he hailed the state ment as a good omen, coming from the quarter which it did. Mr. ROEBUCK would go into the general ques tion, with respect to this Bill, at length.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " Oh, oh.") He believed that the propositions of the Right Hon. Gentleman were unanswerable, and he was surprised at the opposition to them. The Hon. 'Members who opposed the Govern ment plan, . stated that in doing so they did not care for the agriculturists. Such was not the fact. The truth was that they thought only of them and their own interests. One Hon. Member had stated that the Right Hon. Gentleman was not following the footsteps of his predecessors. He (Mr. R.) admitted that he was not, and what was the reason of that ? Why, the present Government were ground down by necessity to do what they were doing ; and he had no hesitation in saying that the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, seeing the necessity of such a course, would remove many more restrictions on the importation of corn, were it not for the phalanx behind him. With respect to the proposition itself and the opposition to it, he must say that he considered them a disgrace to both parties. It was nothing more than a trick to cajole the starving millions.—(Cries of " Oh.") He (Mr. R.) knew that cry, and he also knew the corner from whence it came. He could even name those who sat there— (Hear, hear)—and this he would say, that if those who advocated the interests of the starving population of this country were to be interrupted in that way, he would show—and he called upon that side of the House to support him in it—that they were not to be put down by a parcel of popinjays in the corner.— ' (Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear.") If such a course were to be pursued, he would take care that the names of those who interrupted tbe business of the House should be made public.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman would have said, if he dared to say it with the phalanx,behind him, "Let the manufactures of this country be exchanged for the corn of the world, and then we shall establishahealthy and permanent system of trade." That the Govern ment had not done so, was only another proof of their weakness ; they knew the right and they approved of it, and yet they did the wrong. The Bill said that warehoused wheat was to be exported duty free upon substituting another grain for it. What could be the objection to that ? The opposition which had been offered to this Bill appeared to him to be most vexa tious; they were not actuated by a desire to procure food for the people ; their's' was a petty, pitiful, per sonal, pocket interest. He firmly believed, in his heart, that nothing more pitiful, nothing more per sonal, nothing more mean, was ever met with than this opposition.—(Cheers.) Sir T. D. ACLAND said the motto of the English landed gentleman was not, never had been, and never would be to starve the people by raising rents ; and if the Hon. Member opposite, who had made such a very inopportune speech, would take but a minute, but a mo ment, to consider, he would think so to.—(Hear.) Mr. HUME said, whatever might be the motto or the intention of the English landlord, the result would be such as had been expressed by his Hon. Friend. He believed the measure was a good one, and he hoped it would pass. There ought not to be a voice raised against this measure. Colonel SIBTHORP would not waste the time of the House by replying to the Hon. Member for Bath, and the Hon. Member for Montrose. They were too con temptible.—(Laughter.) The grapes were sour. If those Hon. Gentlemen had some of the acres which were in the hands of the landed gentry, the treatment of the manufacturers and labourers would be much worse than it was now. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided— For the second reading ll6 Against it l9 Majority in favour of the second. reading --97 The Bill was then read a second time. DRAINAGE REGULATIONS BILL. On our return to the gallery, we found _ Sir JAMES GRAHAM requesting the Hon. Member for Devonport (Mr. Tuffnell) to postpone the further progress of the Buildings Regulation Bill until the com mencement of the next session, when the Bill could be brought . forward in conjunction with the Drainage Bill, under the responsibility of the Government. If the Hon. Gentleman consented to postpone the Bill, he (Sir J. Graham) believed, that so far from retarding the Bill, it would materially advance it. If the Hon. Gentlemen consented to the postponement of the Bill, he (Sir J. Graham) would do all in his power to advance it the next session of Parliament. Mr. BERNAL said, that before the Hon. Member re plied to the proposition, he wished to call the attention of the House to that part of the Bill which gave the power to town councils to fix certain fees. They all knew that in town councils great difference of opinion existed, and under the provisions of this Bill power would be given to town councils to do very unpleasant and injurious acts towards political opponents. Mr. T. EGERTON ag reed with the Hon. Gentleman that thi s p ar t o f t h e Bill was objectionable. The ap pointment o f surve y or s by the councils would led to great inconvenience. Mr. TUFFNELL said, that after what had been stated by the Right Hon. Baronet, he had no other course to pursue but to postpone the Committee on the Bill, but still he thought it was a little hard on the parties in terested, as this Bill was brought in with the object of legislating for the poor in large towns. If the Right Hon. Baronet would take it up, he (Mr. Tuffnell) would be most happy to leave the Bill in his hands, as it would then have a better chance of success, and he should, therefore, move that the Bill be connuitteti that they three months. Mr. BROTHERTON expressed his regret that this Bill should not pass this session. Mr. COWPER expressed his regret that the'House was about to close its sitting without having passed any measure for relieving the deplorable state in which vast portions of the poor were placed in large towns. This question had been before the House fur two years, and had been amply discussed in the House of Lords. The necessity of the measure had been proved beyond the shadow of a doubt, and yet the Right Hon. Baronet said they must wait for a Report. Dr. BOWRING hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would consult the various town councils of large towns on the subject, before he introduced another Bill. After a few words from Mr. R. YORKE and Mr. T. EGERTON, the motion was agreed to. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL. On the bringing up of the Report on this Bill, Mr. ESCOTT moved the insertion of the following ► clause :—" That it - shall be lawful for all boards of guar dians of the poor in England and Wales to grant such' relief as in their judgment shall be necessary to poor persons at their own homes, any order, rule, or regula tion of the Poor-Jaw Commissioners notwithstanding." He was neither a decided opponent, nor a decided sup • porter of the Poor-law Amendment Act ; his object was to amend the Act, with a view to the benefit of the poorer classes of this country. He should, not speak as a par tisan ; he believed they were all desirous to improve the condition of the rate-payer . and the recipient of parish relief, and with that belief he should address himself to the clause now before the House. There was one important object which the Bill did not seem to contemplate, and as it was proposed to continue this Commission for five years without the introduction of any remedial clauses, he conceived it to be imperative on him to do his best to supply what was wanting in that. Bill, and with that view he had given notice of the motion which he had the honour now to bring forward. He should, no doubt, be told that the great objection to his clause would be that it was in direct opposition to the principle of the Bill. He could not see that. If the principle of the Bill was to encourage the honest labourer and to discourage the idle vagabond, to relieve the distresses of the pour, and at the same time to save the money of the rate-payers, then he would declare, once and for all, that he was for the principle of the Bill. If the principle of the Bill was that the honest distressed labourer and artisan should receive no relief unless he entered the workhouse, then he would say, once and for all, that he was opposed to the principle of the Bill—(Hear, hear)—aud before they separated, he should feel obliged to the Right Hon. Ba ronet if he would tell them what really was the principle of the measure. He must dispute the rightfulness of Parliament ever instituting the Poor-taw Commission ; he should like to know in what author upon Parliamen tary influence, they would find the authority for insti tuting such a Commission, for delegating to three men the power of making laws,' which power should be only vested in the'tWo houses of Parliament and the Crown. He should wish that the Noble Lurd the Member for London were present, that he might ask him what was the authority upon which such a Commission had been insti tuted. The Commission having been institut. d, they must acknowledge it, but still he could not see, nor could he ever ascertain upon what authority such a Commis sion was established ; this being the case he thought they should pause before they continued that Commission for five years. He had heard in that House that the pro hibitory order could not be enforced in the manufac turing districts, but that the agricultural districts re ceived all the benefit from it, their rates were lowered, and labiur was cheap. He (Mr. 'Escott) spoke only with regard to the agricultural districts, and he could say upon his own knowledge, that the prohibitory order had been productive of the greatest mischief, both to the rate-payers and the industrious poor. The prohibitory order was this : they told an able-bodied man that be cause he was able-boOied he should receive no relief unless he entered the house. He (Mr. Escott) had seen the effect of this order ; it was that the able-bodied did not continue able-bodied long. That was the effect upon the industrious poor; whilst the idle dis honest vagabond went into the house, and fat tened upon his idleness. Umder the prohibitory order not only were the best punished, and the worst indulged, but that which they fondly thought would be the means of raising wages, had turned out to be the means of reducing them to a dreadful extent. Labour was abundant, and rather than enter the workhouse, and leave his wife and little ones to the hard hand of fate, the honest poor consented to work for trifling wages. In all the parishes in Somersetshire the rates were raised under the operation of the New Poor-law, although the poor were suffering extreme destitution. And how were they raised ? A man and his wife, and five or six children, threw themselves into the house, and it cost the parish, five and twenty shillings a-week to maintain them. If the poor man had received 2s. 6d. a week out of the workhouse, the parish would have avoided paying the difference. The object of this clause was to provide for this case. He knew there were some objections to the adoption of such a clause, but he asked the Secretary of State to consider which evil would be the least. Was it better to give a family half-a-crown a week to save the necessity of their going into the house, or was it better to adhere rigidly to one uniform principle of political economy? He i might be told that the clause which he proposed was a mischie vous interference with the power of the Commissioners, :and would diminish the power of doing good. He did not believe that it would have that effect. If he thought the useful authority of the Commissioners was likely to be injured he would not have pro posed the clause ; but, in point of fact, it referred to a matter over which the Commissioners had no au thority, namely, the prohibitory order.—(Hear, hear.) The Legislature had, in the 15th section of the original,- expressly provided that the Commissioners should have no power of granting out-door relief.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he was aware that there were environs where none of the evils which he had described existed ; but how were they avoided ? By acting expressly in opposition to the law.—(Hear, hear.) The objeet of his clause was' to enable that to be done by law, which at present was done against the law. He had met with a Chairman of a Board of Guardians, who had boasted to him that he paid no attention whatever to the Assistant Com missioner. In some uni.ins, the guardians gave out-door relief by covert means, by granting a loan of two or three pounds, which they did not expect to be repaid.--(Hear, hear.) Why should they not re move the necessity for such a practice ? He had fre • quently been told by Hon. Members that if he had seen the operation of the law in their part of the country he would change his opinions. —(Hear, hear.) He believed that in particular districts the law was wisely and hu manely administered, but in such cases it was because benevolent and exemplary individuals made up tor the defects of the law itself.—(flear, hear.) He believed that if the House passed a third Act, repealing all the . statutes which had been passed since the statute of Elizabeth, and leaving the law as it then stood, they would confer a greater benefit upon the country than by legislating during the whole of the nes t session on this subject. With respect to the continuance of the Commission he did not agree with those who thought that it was intended to make the Com mission perpetual. He had one ground for holding that opinion, which he thought would satisfy all who considered it. When the Bill was introduced in the House of Lords the Duke of Wellington said, one of the objects of the Bill then before the House was to bring the law back to the hands .if the Magistrate, and replace it in the hands of those of the overseer, according to the old system ; when they had got back to the old system no one would be more glad than himself to see the plan abandoned. He believed that when the Duke of Wel lington uttered those words he had in his eye a return to the old parochial system.—(Hear, hear.) He should take the sense of the House upon the ques tion, and, in making that statement, he begged to say he had never pressed forward a question to a division which he did not think fin' the good of the public in general. Sir J. GRAHAM considered that the course pursued . by the Hon. Member entitled his suggestions to the con sideration of the House. He felt how interminable the discussions on the present , subject were, but he must say that the proposition of the Hon. Member was not only inconsistent with the present Bill, but that which was introduced in 1834. It was at variance with the work house system altogether, and the laws that had been in existence for the last century, and would place the relief of the poor under the statute of Elizabeth alone. He was of opinion that, if the House agreed to the proposition of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, it would nullify and render void the Act of 1834, and he was quite satisfied that this would create inextricable confusion.—(Hear.) Mr. FIELDEN supported the clause as proposed by the Hon. Member for Winchester. He denied that the guardians had the power of affording out-door relief. He always considered that the Poor. law was founded on in justice, and ought io be blotted out of the statute-book. Mr. WARD would endeavour to remove the law from the statute-book if he thought it was unjust, but he did not think so. With respect to the poor man's wages, if the man had but 7s. or Bs. a week where he ought to have 125., the man had his remedy against the farmer by throwing his family into the workhouse, ,as by that course he increased the amount o f th e poor-rates upon the farmer. Therefore, the effect of the new Poor-law Bill was to increase wages. In the Union of Ware, in Hertfordshire, 20 labourers employed in the gravel pits received wages out of the poor-rates before this Bill passed, while, since its enactment, the number wits only 17. Mr. O'CONNELL would vote with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman if he went to a division, because it extended the principle, or rather the practice, of out door relief. The principle of out-door relief was ad mitted by the Right Hon. Baronet, as he said that nine tenths of the poor received out-door relief at the present time.—(Hear.) The working of the Poor-law in Ireland was exceedingly dangerous. The two workhouses in in Dublin were full, and a person could not be admitted without an inmato going abroad. He should support the Hon. Gentleman, as the workhouses were full, while the number of mendicants had not decreased. Mr. iIARDY supported the motion. Mr. AGLIONBY thought the guardians might very well be trusted to exercise a discretion in administering out-door relief ; he should therefore vote fur the motion of the Hon. Gentleman opposite. Sir E. KNATCHBULL opposed the motion. Mr. H. KEMBLE was of opinion that the Poor law Amendment Act required some alterations, at the same time he thought that the object which the Hon. Member had in view was attained under the present law. He hoped the Hon. Member would not press his motion to a division, for if he did, he (Mr. Kemble) should be com pelled to leave, or to skulk out of the House, because he would not pledge himself to the opinion that the guar dians were not capable of exercising a discretion in ad ministering relief. Mr. S. CRAWFORD trusted the Hon. Member would divide the House upon his motion. Hon. Members might skulk if they pleased, but ho should vote for :l . motion of the Hon. Member opposite. Mr. HUME apprevi.id of tatAtij of ate sc.:ed.—l:, the Hon. Mover of the motion, at the same time he IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF C5111.1102V5, July 20. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Feu: o'Clock. Mr. COLLETT presented a petition from Tyrone, against the Tobacco Regulation Bill. Mr. BULKELEY HUGHES presented a peti tion from Carnarvon, against the St. Asaph and Bangor Cathedral WAGES COMMITTEE. Lord ASHLEY brought up Cue Report of the Payment of Wages Committee, which was ordered to be printed. POOR-LAWS. Mr. HARDY presented a petition against the 46th section of the Poor-law Amendment Bill. MAYNOOTII COLLEGE. Mr. PLUMPTRE presented a petition from the City of London Tradesmen's and Operative's Protestant Association, against any further grant to the College of IVlaynooth. Mr. B. DENISON presented two petitions from Halifax and Scarborough, against certain clauses in the Poor-law Amendment Bill. Mr. SHAR - MAN CR A.WFORD presented a petition from the brewers, distillers, maltsters, and wholesale traders in the vicinity of the metropolis, praying that toll on the metropolitan bridges might be abolished. Mr. 0. MORGAN presented a petition from Mon mouth, praying for certain alterations in the Poor law Bill. TEN HOURS BILL. Mr. BECKETT presented petitions from places in the county of York, praying the House to pass a law to time the labour of persons in factories, above the age of 13 and under 21, to ten hours for five days in the week, and eight hours on the Saturday. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from a person of the name of Younger, chicory merchant, of Great Tower-street, against the Tobacco Regulations Bill ; also a petition from a place in Ireland, praying that the duty on all kinds of provisions might be re pealed for a short period. NEWCASTLE-UNDER-LYME ELECTION. . . The following Members were called to the table and sworn to try the merits of the petition against the Newcastle-under-Lyme Election :—Lord Ashley, Chairman, Lord Alfred Harvey, Lord Dahneny, Mr. 0. Morgan, Mr. F. Paget, Mr. W. B. Hughes, and Mr. Brocklehurst.—The Committee to sit to-morrow at eleven. IPSWICH ELECTION. The following Members were then sworn to try this election petition—Mr. P. M. Stewart, Chairman, Mr. Protheroe, Mr. Hugh Arbuthnot, Mr. T. Wyse, Mr. Lefroy, Mr. W. Williams, and Mr. H. Stuart. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. ROEBU CIS gave notice that, to-morrow week, he should bring under the consideration of the House a series of resolutions, in consequence of the Report now laid on the table of the House by the Election Proceedings Committee. He could not state what those resolutions would be now, but he would state them before he introduced them to the House. ATHLONE ELECTION. Mr. F. TRENCH presented a petition from certain electors of Athlone, praying for leave to defend the seat. RAILWAYS BILL On the motion of Mr. GLADSTONE the Lords' amendments to this Bill, limiting the weight of car riage to be employed on the line to four tons, were agreed to. COPYRIGHT DESIGNS BILL. Mr. GLADSTONE moved the postponement of the consideration of the Report on this Bill till Satur day next. Mr. WILLIAMS said, he should wish to be present at the consideratioa of this question. His engage ment, however, on the Belfast Election Committee would prevent his attendance on Saturday. Mr. BROTHERTON stated Saturday to be a very inconvenient day. Sir R. PEEL said he was daily pressed to proceed with this Bill, and he had no alternative but to go on with it on Saturday. Mr. W. PATTEN said that the people of Lanca shire were very anxious to have the Bill proceeded with. ' After some further conversation, the Bill was or. dered to be re-committed on Saturday. THE BONDED CORN BILL. Mr. GLADSTONE proposed the second reading of this Bill. RELATIONS WITH AMERICA. Lord PALMERSTON begged leave to ask three questions of the Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Treasury. His first question was, whether the last Report of the Commissioners appointed to settle the Boundary question between Great Britain and the United States, on the north-western frontier of the latter Power, was in a state to be laid before the House ? He had also to ask whether the convention respecting the mutual surrender of persons convicted of certain crimes, had been determined on and agreed to ? He had further to ask whether the Annual Slave Trade Con vention had been agreed to? Sir R. PEEL said that the endeavours to settle the Boundary question upon scientific principles had not yet led to a satisfactory result. The convention respecting the surrender of convicts was still pending, and he would be able in a few days to give the Noble Lord a satisfactory answer on the sub ject of the slave trade. Mr. D. BARCLAY begged to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home De partment, whether he intended, in the course of the present session, to bring forward any measure relative to the charters of the Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons? Sir J. GRAHAM said he must postpone the in troduction of a measure on that subject until the com mencement of the next session. HEALTH OF TOWNS. • In reply to a question from Mr. MACKINNON, Sir J. GRAHAM said it was not the intention of the Government to bring forward any measure for improving the health of towns in the course of the present session. Mr. M. PHILIPS wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman the Vice-President of the Board of Trade if it was practicable to postpone the further proceed ing with the Copyright Designs Bill until Wednesday next? He understood that whilst he had been absent Saturday had been appointed for the re-committal of the Bill. As it would be very inconvenient for him self and many other Hon. Members to attend on that day, he hoped the Government would consent to a further postponement. Mr. GLADSTONE said he had no desire to put the Hon. Gentleman to any inconvenience, but it was most desirable to proceed with the measure as early as possible. He had understood that the opposition of the Hon. Gentleman was of such a nature that the discussion might be conveniently taken on bringing up the Report. Mr. M. PHILIPS said his opposition was not of such a limited nature. Mr. WILLIAMS said his opposition would extend to a great number of the clauses. He felt quite sure' that the Right Hon. Gentleman had no conception of the consequences of the change which he proposed. BONDED CORN BILL (No. 2). Mr. GLADSTONE rose to move the second read ing of the Bonded Corn (No. 2) Bill. He felt confident that this Bill woull meet with almost unanimous con currence. Before he made any observations on its provisions, he must say a few words to explain how it came into his hands, and to render an act of justice to an Hon. Gentleman who sat opposite. The Hon. Gentleman opposite, the Member for Gates head, had introduced, in the early part of the session, a Bill corresponding with the one now brought for ward. At the suggestion of that Hon. Member, a Committee had been appointed on the subject ; and, •in consequence of the Report of that Com • mittee, the Bill had come into his hands. He had made inquiries into the effect of the Bill, and he believed that it was a measure that might not only be safely adopted, but it would be productive of great benefit to trade. Notwithstand ing the Bill was under his auspices, he felt bound in justice to the Hon. Member for Gateshead to say that the credit of the measure was entirely due to him, and he trusted the honour of having brought forward such a Bill would be given to those to whom it was due. He felt convinced that the measure would be produc tive of great good ; and one of its effects would be to open to millers and ship-brokers a considerable trade. The indirect benefits of this Bill would be . very con siderable. It was 12 or 14 years since this plan had been acted on in France. At first the trade was small, but within the last few years no less than 350 cwt. of flour had been manufactured in France, and exported uder the provisions of that law. With re gard to fraud he thought there was no reasonableground to supposethat fraud would be committed under thisßill. The persons deriving the greatest advantage from this Act Were bona fide tradesmen and men of capital, and they would not be likely to take an unfair advan tage of the Act. Supposing the most extiavagant amount of fraud to take_ place under this Bill, it would not be to such an extent as sensibly to affect the producing ioterests of this country. His firm opinion was, however, that fraud would be entirely prevented by the provisions of the Bill.—(Hear.) There were two or three modifications which it was his intention to propose in Committee, and he would, with permission of the House, now state the nature of those modifications. In the first place, though he saw no objection to passing the Bill as a permanent measure, he proposed to limit its duration to three years. As the Bill at present stood, the power which had been substituted for weight under its provisions would not be admitted for home consumption, but would only be allowed for exportation. He (Mr. Gladstone) saw no reason why parties should not enter such flour for home consumption, and he pro posed, in the second place, to make a provision in the Bill to that effect.—(Hear, hear.) In the third place, he proposed to . make a provision thought that the effect of his remedy would be to over- lant Officer, the Member for Armagh, was nut hi ji!'. turn the whole existing syste m, and send them back House. That Galater Officer wee one of their Colon.rt IS again to the old law, of which he wee ha ppy to sa y the y —(Lau g hter) —and he thought lie ought not to liev--le were now rid. He thought he sh ould be best su pp ort- his p ost. He though:he might have come reeking froo ing the interests of the working classes by voting against the battle of the Diamonde( —Cheers He .) did net ter the motion. lieve that the t h e and Uailant Member had desigtieo l y. General JOHNSON supported the clause. . exhibited his Orange Handkerchief; a hen he had tallsra The House then divided, when th ere a pp eared— of the feelings of tntelerance inculcated at Mariene'h For the clause 55 He agreed with th e H un . Me m ber, that feelinp d Against it - 9O lerance were b a d ; but there was something eo Majority against the clause —3s that was the pretence of feelings.—(CtreerS.) Sir T. D. A.CLAND regretted that the Hon. Baronet protection, he would eels, tad the Catholics get ft had, omitted the 29th clause, empowering the guardians the magistracy in the district in which the 6 413 , 1 L to appoint local committees. He hoped he would con- Colonel resided?—(i. heers,) There wns the Cadt)," sent to add that clause. village of Magheray, which had been wrecked in tb. The Bill was then ordered to be engrossed and read a Gallant Colonel's esence—the villnee had been des third time on Friday next. stroyed, and the in pr habitants forced to ts fly for their THE CASE OF MASON. , The Jury, however, had not been found unfavourabl e On the motion for going into a Committee of Supply, those brouget before them, for not one individaat b ese 3 Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he rose for the purpose of been convicted or punished for it. The Catholic cleriv offering some interruption to the pleasing occupation of were subject to many provocations. Was it nothl voting away public money. when the Protestant gentry brought up their youth Lord SANDON hoped the Hon. Gentleman would the bitterest feelings of aeimosity to the Catholic'e.l7 defer his motion. ligion?— ("No, no," from the Ministerial benches.) 1 : 0 Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, when his notice had been yes ; animosity the more apparent, from the fut.* I n a on the paper the whole day he was surprised at the sug- beneath which it was attempted to be hidder..—(,- gestion of the Noble Lord. Here were eight individuals cheers.) Feelings the most malignant were enceureije who, he contended, were improperly and unjustly impri- among the youth of the gentry against the Catli e 6 soned, and he could net consent that they should remain cler gy calumnies the most find were prolog: 3 ' l p in that condition. If the Right Ho n. Baronet, the Sc- a g ainst that clergy—calumnies which he (Mr. O'Cohnee. cretary for the Home Department, would consent that would undertake to disprove, and to the proof of tol e . ) he should bring forward the subj ect on Frda y he would he had re p eatedly challenged the calumiators.—(Chen postpone the motion, but upon no other ground.—(Hear.) I Those who poisoned springs, were accounted miscietritt Sir J. GRAHAM said there would be another day unworthy of civilisation ; and what should they acc e ° for going into Committee of Supply, when the Hon. I those who would fain poison the minds of the yoti t ' l e e Gentleman would have the same opportunity of bringing a country against a body of men the most worth forward the subject. He was not aware until yesterday I most exemplary, the most self-denying on the f s ev ehe of any of the facts of the ease. He thought that that the earth?—(Cheers.) The people of Ireland luvcati`ien evening was a very inconvenient time for proceeding with clergy. If they were sick, if they were dying• , , eo , the discussion. their clergy were administering to them consols'; Mr. T. DUNCOMBE then postponed the motion till Their clergy never deserted them.— (Cheers.) It n e t the next supply day. 1 feet, that the typhus fever never raged in Irelanv', le t SUPPLY. ! an immense number of the Roman Catholic clergy' The House then resolved itself into a Committee of victims to it.—(Cheers.) And these were the Supply, Mr. GREENE in the Chair. whom a youth had had the presumption to attaelte.'oe Sir G. CLERK said he would now proceed with the spirit or the bitterest animosity.—(Cheers.) S L : he e Irish Estimates. on him for doing so.—(Cheers.) Shame, shame eal' r o A sum of 8,2931. was voted to defray the expenses of who educated him in such principles.—(Loud clnia the Foundling Hospital in Dublin. He was sorry he had taken up the a t te ntion 14,251/. was voted for the House of Industr y in House so lon g , but he felt it his duty to fling off oe Dublin. calumnies. Ile regretted to hear so many cheers tv'o. A vote of 1,0001. was agreed to for t he Female Or- there ouht to have" been disapprobation. The 11) 1 e 1 Oran House in Dublin. burs of the Catholic Church might be assa il e d, but 1 ' 2,500/. was voted for the Westmoreland Lock Hospital. never would be conquered. 1,0001. was voted for the Lying -in Hos p ital. Colonel VERNER explained. During the wreel 1,5004 was voted for Dr. Stevens's Hospita l. of t h e villa g e of Ma g hera y , he had risked his life 5,/ 3,800/. was voted for the purpose of defraying the times to save the village. lenif expenses of the House of Recovery and Fever Hospital, Mr. O'CONNELL—It was the Orange Yc°. s eel• Dublin. that wrecked it, and not one of them was ever pull'ber 5001. was voted for the Hospital of Incu rables. Mr. BATESON said that the Right Hon. Mewor On the vote of 8,928/. fur the Co lle g e of Ma y nooth for Cork had cast a strong imp verY utation on a being put, relative of his, the late Member for Londonderry' o f Mr. PLUMPTRE said he should oppose the vote, (Mr. O'Connell) had mentioned the word " mis er tle , and take the sense of the House upon it.. in connection with that gentleman, in allusion Lord CLEMENTS defended the grant. manner in which he (Mr. Bateson) had been broug u f o r ra Mr. BATESON opposed the grant. He thou g ht the Now he would not mention how the late butMeerlie College had not answered the o b j ect which it was at Londonderry had brought him (Mr. Bateson) up, tie first intended to attain. The College was founded in a would mention how he had not brought him epee end time of war, for the purpose of pr eventin g the Roman had not brought him up to be a cowardly bluetem Catholic students in Ireland from going to the mendicant hypocrite.—(oh, oh, and Hear, he.ar.) „ 11 gig Continent for the purpose of receiving educe- Mr. O'CONNELL said he could forgive the 4 4 00 tion. The College had not taught the students tod gentleman for the language he now used. He lint trod tribute to those to whom tribute was due. The Cool;ege an admirable specimen of what might be expect e was founded to prevent a spirit of revolution gaining him. ground, by obviating the necessity of, Roman Catholic The Committee then divided -95 families sending their children to the Continent for an For the grant education. He trusted the 'Rouse would not agree to Against it this grant towards a system whicii was most baneful to Majority in favour of the grant.., the peace and well-being of Irelans:, as the Roman 300/. was voted for the Royal Irish Acatlerayeed Catholics of Ireland were enslaved by the syste m, and The• sum of 3001. was voted for the Royal.lllP` by it a spirit of revolution and treason was cree s tted. - Academy. fe t" Mr. HAWES would enter his protest ag ainst 700 /. was vot ed for the salaries and expense the language used by the o ponents of this grant. Commission of Charities in Ireland. Of °it The Hon. Member ought to be a voluntary reliaionist. 1,9501. was voted kr defraying the salaries He called on the Hon. Member to consider well the Iloynl. Belfast Academiml Institution. ball° course he was pursuing, for he struck at the root of all 17,345/. was voted for the expe nses of the State contributions to an Established Church. •He was department in Ireland. SO °I ashamed of the debate—let them be consistent, and re- On the vote of 23,4631. for Oefraying the exree fuse all State grants to every Church. He did not object the Secretary and Privy Council a Ireland, to grants to Churches, if voted fairly and impartially. Colonel SIBTHORP objected to the vote, w a a.Tl, o He did not assume infallibility—he left that to the Hon. Mr. BROTHERTON, moved tha,t the Ch Irwr• Member for Kent. Ho deprecated many of the topics port progress.—Agreed to. • tiO which had been introduced by the Hon. Member who The House then resumed. thir4 spokelast. What good could arise from his abuse o f the The Wide Streets (Dublin) Bill was need a clergy of the majority of the people of Ireland ? The and passed. Hon. Gentleman had called himself a Protestant. He wished he had called himself a Christian, and then lie would have felt that lie had no right to attack his fellow Christians in the manner he had done. He hoped the Government would not be influenced by the Hon. Member's reasons. Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE opposed the vote. The Regium donunt was on a different footing. It was quite a different thing to vote the Regium donunt and to vote a sum of money for the support of a religion diametrically opposed to our own. Sir G. H. SMYTH having found, on investigation, that horrors and filthiness were taught in Maynooth, felt conscientiously called upon to oppose the grant on account of the immorality of the system of education there. He could not vote for the grant when the Pro testant religion was in danger, and surely it was in danger when that powerful man, the Lord Mayor of Dublin, said he hoped to live to see the day when high mass would be celebrated in Westminster Abbey.—(Loud laughter.) S 'rely the Protestant religion was in danger when the Lord Mayor of Dublin said that.—(Continued laughter.) He (Sir G. H. Smyth) had always opposed Catholic Emancipation violently— (Roars of laughter)—and he thought it was most unfor tunate for the country 'that that measure had ever been carried. Mr. MONCKTON MILNES said that after what had fallen from English, Irish, and Scotch Members on that (the Ministerial) side of the House upon the grant, it might not be inconvenient for him to say a few words why he could not conscientiously refuse to vote for the grant to Maynooth. He coukt not say that the extravagant wish of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork would frighten him out of his propriety, but he must say, in reference to the extracts from theological works alluded to, that isolated passages thus selected could not be with justice brought forward as a charge against the Catholic religion. • He thought the English Government were bound to interfere in the education of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and while he insisted on the justice of allowing the grant to May nooth, he trusted that, considering the fiscal difficulties under which the State at present laboured, no one would seek for an increase of that sum. Colonel VERNER said there never was in any coun try, certainly not in England, an institution supported at the public expense, against which so many grave charges had been brought, and which had been so weakly met. He would quote the published opinions on the subject, of one of the chief supporters of the present Government; and one who was not only a supporter, but one of its brightest ornaments. It was the opinion of W. E. Gladstone, Esq., student of Christ Church, in a pamphlet, entitled, " The Church in relation to the State." In that pamphlet it was stated, " that this grant was niggardly in 'amount, and was vicious in principle, and would be a thorn in the side of the country, so long as it was continued. If indeed, the public faith was pledged to the College; by all means let it be kept up." He (Colonel Verner) knew that that Right Hon. Gentleman was one of the last men to forfeit that pledge, if it had been given, but he (Colonel Verner) denied that it had been made. Those were the senti ments of a gentleman whose opinions were entitled to as much weight as the opinions of any individual in that House. The Duke of Wellington himself had also ex pressed a similar opinion to that of the Right Hon. Gen tleman. The Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, had often told the House how much the Government was in debted to time Catholic priests for their exertions in pre serving the peace of the country. He only wished he could say the same thing of his own part of the kingdom. When were the priests ever found coming forward to support the authorities ? The Hon. Gentleman con cluded amid the greatest marks of impatience. Mr. BROTHERTON moved that the Chairman do report progress.—(" Oh, oh !" and " Go on.") Lord JOCELYN would support the grant, believing that the Government was pledged to do it, but hoping that an inquiry into the system would be granted by the Executive. Lord ELIOT thought the discussion had partaken more of the character of a theological controversy than a political debate. The grant had been approved by every House of Commons that had existed since it was passed, and nothing he had heard had induced him to think it ought to be refused. He thought so large a portion of the Irish people ought not to be exposed to spiritual destitution, which would be the case if they were deprived of the opportunity of receiving instruc tion in the fundamental truths of their religion. The Commission of Inquiry, issued in 1835, had given it as their decided opinion that nothing either immoral or disloyal was taught in the College ; the class books that had been alluded to were the class-books used in every Roman Catholic college in Europe ; teere might be a question raised as to whether those who were intended for the priesthood should receive such a course of instruction, but the plan adopted at Maynooth was that followed in every other Catholic college. As to the objections founded on isolated passages extracted (ruin the works alluded to, they might as well go to the College of Surgeons, and object to the anatomical plates of their class-books that they were indecent and obscene. He thoug,ht no more forcible areument for repeal could be used than refusing this grant, and it was utterly inexpli cable to him how those wished to maintain the Union could vote against the grant. He felt bound to bear his testimony to the conduct of the Catholic priests in the disturbed districts. Mr. O'CONNELL would, if ho considered himself at liberty aster the spsecries winch bad been made, vote against the grant, tit- he, on principle, objected to taxing one set of Curistia is for the religious purposes of an other ; besides the grant was a miserable, niggardly one. (Hear, hear.) It appeared that the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Colchester, had been ulifortunate in his readings; he had diligently sought out that which every one else would avoid. It was a taste perhaps peculiar to the Hon. Barohet.—(A laugh.) The Hun. Member for Kent, it appeared, was offended. tie was sorry fur it, for he thought there were none who would take the trouble to appease the Hon. Member; but the Hon. Member need not take the trouble to go su far as Maynooth fur the doctrines which had offended him; he would find them much nearer home. He would only have to travel as far as Oxford to find them—(Cheers and laughter)—as the lion. Member for I'ontefraet could tell him, who it ap peared had approached so near to Catholicity that he was determined never to join it.—(Cheers.) He knew not what had become of the Hon. Member fur the University of Oxford. He would not !N• """ BRIBERY BILL. a lie Sir THOMAS WYLDE asked when a du L Y c°lll fixed for the bringing forward the Bribery Itui . , l oe, Sir R. PEEL said it was the wish of the' v o i t i ment to proceed with the supplies, and he ', 4lo fo rth e e better able on Friday to say what day he f.!ouldTe IC " . 5 . 11 . Bill. Considering the state of public busintjfr thought it would be advisable that the Rouse tows end of the session should meet at twelve o'cl °c ' s day.—(Hear, hear.) SOUTH AUSTRALIA BILL. sal° On bringing up the Report of the South A".- ct' Bill, Dr. BOWRING thought the Bill ou ght t .1),,e 136 erl ; f : poned, as the Hon. Member for Montr ose had bler, tice of two special clauses on the bringi n g u p the 0, Sir R. PEEL could not postpone the Bill bet s o vte Hon. Member for Montrose Nv-1;s not in his - Place'v-101 "- Mr. B. WOOD thought the Bill ought 0 _ brought on at that late hour of the night. , , A P I IIII Lord STANLEY said the quest. ; on .4,t t ir" discussed last night. He should press thebe aficatev. Dr. BOWRING moved that the debat e - Mr. P. WOOD seconded the motion. _ Strangers were then ordered to withdraw' House divided, when there appeared— For the adjournment • Against it Majority against the adjournment ' 55 1 1 "- The announcement of the numbers was reCei.l. shouts of laughter. cle f( ' The Report was then brought up, and the to be read a third time this day. PRISONS BILL. ed The Prisons Bill was read a third time and pa'' - ; re The Common Law Courts (Ireland) Bill ivit . tc i a second time, and ordered to be comnl itv Monday next. tbi' v The Election Petitions Trial Bill was read * time and passed. r.' J ' The Customs Act Amendment Bill went Committee. Rep,irt this day. jai ° The Stamp Duties Bill passed through Cot Report this day. bro The Exchequer Bills Preparation Bill went t 114 . Committee. Report ordered to be received this fl The Game Certificates (Irel nd) Bill was 1'0" cond time. The House then adjourned at Half past Two o'Cl°l c ST. 'KAT HARINE DOL)11-'-' , A f o• Tuesday the half-yearly meeting of the P r ';'r 10 ,1 ) of the St. Katharine Docks was held aZ their_d, Tower-hill, for the purpose of declaring ivichP other affairs ; Thomas Tooke, Esq. in the Chalol7,l, The CHAIRMAN remarked, upon opening the P ac c.?,',f, of the meeting, that the financial accOlints were , eet v fi ing to the Dock Act, produced at the .January 11106 and not at that of July, the chief object of the it) , 0: 0 assemblage ;of the Proprietors being the declg rat o tf dividend for the half-year, and to ballot filr t w i ' i o t Directors for the year ensuing. He would Ye e/ pi - Pet turn of the shipping which entered the pore with cargovs. during the six months ended t he ;10 July instant ; it was as follows : tern Return of the Number of Ships, and the Tonnage, e',o Port of London, with Cargoes, during the six lanlg' the otb of July, in the years 1841 and 1842 • 0 1 ` ° 4rt , BRITISH. o,t Ships. Tons. ShkP s ' 1841 1842 2,130 433,100 , / f lt o oP Increase in 1842 220 36,000 Loss in 1842 ~ Ships. , 5 , 717) Total six months' increase British .......... 0 20 ••••'„ 4 / n Deduct decrease Foreign B4 ••••• 1 Total increase, Port of London lA' He was happy to state that the St. Katharine IP f participated in that increase to the extent 4f is tP i be cent., as compared with the corresponding six 11 7 iti,,oo 1841. The landings, and the stuck of goolljeoce , w arehouses, had also been augmented, and the Ayr had been enabled to increase the rest, or surPlu s , carried forward on the first of the present mea t Dtr ev ol° these gratifying circumstances, therefore, the ,d 5 111 had to propose to the Proprietors, that a divide► ocot: be declared of 2:4 per cent. on the capital ste 41 1 Company, for the half-year ended the 30th 0 0,, t o and they also submitted to their approval, that th c , no ilie of income-tax, chargeable upon the dividend s c the Proprietors, should be defrayed by the CO° Resolutions were unanimously passed, in °C - 0; t oll with the above retzmnmendatiolis of the Dir ec t ; after some remarks from a Proprietor, on the si L ; r : res" management of their interests, and the favour abit " fll as exhibited in the expose that had been madef„ ro O l t a l Thanks were unanimously voted to the h'7l 41 ' 1 41 ' the Test of the Directors, for their continuBLo6. exertion ; the ballot was taken, and the ni' - joureed. 'OSI.I NO STARVATION AM01,1114-3 LANuLORDS OR FARIVIP`"). Ni (From Woolmei's Exeter Gazette, JulYl6,,,'‘,csi ~ . ORTH DEVON FARMEt:B IN 1516 AND lB4 2•----' ..e ' r 3 s ' d six petitions, signed by 700 occupiers u nd cl i n ettn '`. 1:o t i,1 i,, North Devon, stat.ed that " manY °f t h - 01 b .., ce t )Ir t, meet the payments of the Incorne-tas, - g T ) , under disadvantage the necessity of selling ti,seir young. cattleto Ito "Happily the times are illter4l, d fl i n d ant:•!ge ; and many of then? were in con finer _ r debt, from inability to pay !" t t ''' protP 1842 finds a patriotic and generally . I nror p,_ A eg Ile ° 1101 i:11 i Willi' "' I, to pay i." So much for the Corn-laws. Landlorco t' e r i q ra ll ,tit ''„ boasting of prosperity while inanun'icturers -431" - o f I li . men are starving ! A n d as regar ds t he farm e r . : i t if ,$ north of , Devon . paying towards the Inceine-ta ' s o 0; At as talnic), for the generality of fanners re ~ the and not ~iat to tilt . ) of the whole number is Ott e " ' 0 V , :It i. thelneorile7-41 01,1' va , itie of 3001. per ann.t.o ; and if a return sho ll ,' i l IP ‘: ikr.d by I' r iatnent. t is I,.enerally considereu ,t be to. , ..eitting '''' mers in i t , ~,,-. , h of Devon will no found as payers to the Income-tax• July 1 AEV It is stated in a letter from Tripoli, i li b, s ‘ lied by . the Commerce, that the Governor, A 3 continuing the work of slaughter, and had decaPl t The ' • "1,(1,-... u , 1 , ,111 CC the le-st accounts. it/U 01 iltAlbiet, whic h took Pa" tr :i ying 7,;:lavaed:ctit...eacvk. er;v . . •-• ."" where- he was. He was sorry to see, too, that the Gal- ty r '" • Ali! ~+: I lti v ie lIA 4 7. ' 4 16 1 4t 4 ~~ ii 4 1w„ etli " s t i, I : 4 ' f , .~ a! ,