The Sun. — London, England, 1842-05-10 00:00:00

I ~tAN nit it t° Ateil th, e ce of 10 thttt purpos e ,' u•sl' A e° Ls iao"l e. Le (I• ° ' citOe oC' ,man • L • Pe n for . P°4" Dartfu r ,, j o t oei " introduced by other parties and supported by the .2Poyernment, it would pass into a law, and put an end to I the 'wholesale 'bribery that had been committed. He a. spoke it with shame and grief, but he believed that the ,practices that had occurred at the last election exceeded anything that had been stated in the House, and he did not wonder at it when it was considered that the two great parties in the State were striving for a great prize '-the Government of the country. That prize was tron by the other side, but the practices by which it was achieved were disgraceful in the extreme. Why, what had passed in another place with regard to s the Bill of his Noble Friend, was well calculated to lead . 1 : to these consequences.—(Hear hear.) A Bill was Sent (p to the House of Lords containing provisions, • which would 'at least have given Election Committees far more effectual 'powers than they at present possessed, for the investigation and detection of these practices. That Bill was sent down to them mutilated and shorn of these prorisions—and when was it done ? Why, on the very eve of the general election. — (Cheers.) Those who so mutilated that Bill were deeply responsible for the practices that had prevailed at that election.—(Hear, hear.) On these grounds he should feel obliged to vote against the motion of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. He thought it unnecessary as the groundwork of that amendment of the law which that House was bound to enact, which he did not believe , the House would refuse to enact, and which he was con &lent, before the end of this session, this House and the other would have added to the statutes of the realm.— (Hear, hear.) But he felt that this partial investigation against half a dozen individuals selected from the great herd of cases--(Hear, hear)—would be unjustly holding up to obloquy those who had done that which was r•eitber illegal nor against the privileges of the House, and who therefore did not deserve to be held up to obloquy in so marked and exclusive a manner. Still he looked on the evil as one which, more than any other, tended to sap the foundations of social order, and thought it one for which it was the bounden • duty of the Government to provide a remedy. • One remedy had been suggested, for which he e Should be reluctant to vote, as he believed it would pro e„. duce infinitely greater evils of another kind ; this was e s the vote by . Ballot. But he could only say that if any e thing could make him vote for it it would be the refusal 1 4 of her Majesty's Government to give its cordial support s, to a measure corrective of these evils ; and if he should sr, ever be led, which was not very likely, to vote for a mew e: , sure the principles of which he did not approve, it would • be this refusal of the powers necessary to provide C .: a. remedy. Sir R. PEEL said he was not aware that this was con sidered a question of that party nature—(Cheers)--that L;' , a person in his situation should be called on to indicate, at the Very commencement of the debate, the course he ti i ntended to ioursue. He thought that this was a 9,' question',Which might safely be left to each indi ci vidual Meu4ber of the House to form his own opinion 0 4, 7 41 the course most advisable to be pursued by ise s le Mese . ' in respect of the obligations of party. byte did not expect that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman Would have concluded the debate, and he was perfectly ready to state to the Housein the course of the debate the opinion Which he, in his own individual capacity, had formed on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord thought the Ballot so objectionable in principle That it would only aggravate the evil, the refusal of her -Atajesty's Government to bring forward any particular 11111 ought not to justify the Noble Lord in voting for that M easure. —(Cheers.) He agreed with the Noble Lord • that Vote by Ballot would tend to promote conceal zoent, and, in his belief, would aggravate the bribery ▪ which prevailed, and when that subject came under dis eussion he would vote on its abstract merits, and his is conviction as to the probable results of that measure wo uld not depend on th e course t h e N o bl e L or d m i g ht : 1 - t ur sue---(Cheers)—but if he thought it bad in principle slwould vote against, and the course which the Noble Might deem advisable would not have the iz l ySest effect whatever on the opinion he (Sir • - ' r eol should form.—(Loud cheers.) If the . Noble - `" ° rdai'''.lShed to chan his opinion —(Hear, hear, hear) "-; " 3 _ ll tlß l SUbject, h e oug ge ht to seek for some other justifi ' a 1, tan to make him (Sir Robert Peel) and his ettes responsibl e f or hi s i ncons i s t e ncy.—(Laughter Lodeers.) With regard to the Bill for the more effec- Prevention of Cribery at elections, he could only say that the Noble Lord received from him a cordial and Lnhesitaring support when he brought forward that measure last session. —(Cheers.) There might have been some defects in the enactments of the Bill, but he regretted deeply that, on the eve of a general election, the Bill was not passed, rather than the country should enter into the excitement and risk of that election _ without, such a measure having been passed into a ,law. 4, He was no party to its not being passed, and the Noble 4 .. Lord could confirm his statement that the Bill received 5 1,,, his cordial support.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for a Select Committee to inquire into certain corrupt pro eeedings, his opinion was that the charges were lV riot sufficiently definite to authorise and justify the House in appointing that Committee.—(Hear, hear, „ R hear.) He thought that it would be entirely unsatis factory to leave such charges on such grounds on the journals of the House.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the subject generally, he was bound to admit the fact of those compromises having taken place.—(Hear, hear.) He believed it was impossible to deny that those com promises had existed. The impression of Members on both sides of the House with respect to election petitions l; was, that they had contracted no other obligation than e 4 to defend their individual rights, and that the obligation vas not cast upon them of maintaining the rights of the tt , public.--(Hear.) That, he believed, had been the uniform • impression during the present state of the laws, and he could not divest himself of the belief that compromises with respect to election petitions had long existed, and • that they had not been thought to involve the persons rgaged in them in any degree of criminality.—(Hear, te e rj At the same time, he thought, that the charac vend s uch compromises must in a great measure de li a iy i l l' 43 / 1 the facts connected with it.—(Hear, hear.) c ‘ i.oher, who was not possessed of great pecuniary hits mesa s, °uud that the &fence. of his seat would involve b ear great expense, that there was no subscription to b e . t hat expense, arid that he had to make the choice be. . -t o th ,m serious detriment to his future prospects, and • e happiness of his family, saving what was the ex se of retaining Counsel and of maintaining witnesses, could readily believe, that an individual with those alternatives before him, would choose the alternative of Ti(4Promise rather than of ruin ; and he could not be at in that in that case, there would be anything criminal c „_ . th c Proceeding. He could readily believe that many tc"'Pronaises had taken place, which were altogether s t u e a e i fr ° suspicion, and which subjected the indivi . who entered into them to no just charge of c l i minality.—(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, no A " ( g e bt compromises had taken place which were of a ffe rent r ent character. In hi s (Si r R. P ee l' s ) opinion, the _ n• and Learned Gentleman ought distinctly to place •Pon record the nature of the charge which be proposed, 4 . ,rid if, wh en placed upon record, it involved a breach of T i e privil eges of the House, in his opinion it was for the aracter and honour of the House, and for the public I.lerest that that charge should undergo investigation.— , (Bear, hear.) He t oo k th a t c o urse w h en a c h arge was eferred against the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, the i e , eraber for Cork. In that case there was an allega v of a pecuniary transaction, and he thought it of so do ubtful a nature that he consented to the institution of it Plquiry. He did not rest upon the fact, that election I , etitions h a d b een presente d , b ut upon the broad allega tion of a breach of privilege. It was quite true that they appointed another tribunal, for the purpose of de tTrraining individual rights, but he apprehended that 0 ,7 had not divested themselve s o f th e pow er I:, this I nvestigating breaches of privil ege .—(H ear , h ear .) case there was a petition from the electors of i f u ,ttingham, and also from the electors of Reading, and • toe Hon. G en tl eman wou ld re d uce t h e c h arge w hi c h was 4 :'t ) T e ferred by those petitions into a definite form ; and if. l!on seein g that charge, the House of Commons should so, ~7.0 t opinion ther e was p r i m p f ac i e a case o f susp i c i on , # 4i nful as it w ou ld b e to come to t h e conc l us i on, h e did • ho t think it would be for the credit of the House to re le r is e to ent e r i nto t h e i nqu i ry. —(Ch eers. ) H e ent i re l y .4served th e q ues ti on w h et h er h e wou ld compe l part i es tis k , t ; t criminate themselves, whether he would deprive them privile ge with whi c h every person was i nveste d b y it „.. e ,law of England. But suppesing that the cases were 'agous when a charge of corruption was brought, s e - eas prepared on this occasion to take the course teh he took with respect to Mr. O'Connell. He spoke course, individually, for he thought the question was fee ° F a judicial nature rather than a party nature. But Ny' was prepared now to take the course which he took kith resp ect to C ar l ow , to vote for an inquiry by a Corn ,- t , rl tt ee which had the:ordinary constitutional powers for " r ducting such an inquiry. ot,.' ° rd J. RUSSET,L said it appeared to him that the t which they should all have in view was that ti e r ges of bribery should no longer be matter of com- I "I etltl e se• That they were so at present the Right Hon. O °lan and his Noble Friend—that they were so, he thought, would deny ; and it was upon that kti4 i gr oUnd that in 1840 he proposed a measure for in- Itie l ," c g an inquiry. He then said that the conse tolii,ees of the Grenville Act, and of other Acts which ta kt i w ea it, were, that the possession of a seat became a lsr gQ of property, and that individuals in spending 4 E , sums of money, either in defending or opposing a % Id were influenced by personal consideration, 4 4r E n et by public interest. It would be most A l)s h 'pnable to expect that an individual should h 3 ,0/. or 4,000/. in ordr to establish a 3,"%' wh oo ich a borough might be di e sfanchised, or bri ;,4 0 ; 4 corruption exposed. A very remarkable case curred in the last Parliament—the case of Nor 'lrsq,_L very one who had talked with gentlemen from ",9 or wh o h a d read the Norwich newspapers, must Vlls t ,''er that there hardly ever was so gross a case of ki .. ° Nii is anel corruption as was stated with respect to Ckt c g• In respect to Noraich, it was stated that I ,3 . 'iti -i lluber s of the electors had been bribed, some • r eceived 10/. and some 20/. for their votes ; but tiais hat e • ease came to be tried, it ended in a compro with respect to three other cases in the irio u ' L lansent. In the present Parliament it was no 4eelt a that a greater number of these cases had t 4 talked o f ; an d if th a t were th e case, out cui e d d be well that there should be some Y , and their remedy should be one by which they dividial_i! f uture investig a te th ose c a s e s — w hether the in 1ttet...41 petiti on i ng were a candidate at the election or 14 3 , ria l ,i oath and at the public expense, and thereby and d • Islit find som e means of protecting these boroughs, J. 4.'ssc°untenancing bribery and corruption. He (Lord ell) was in hopes that the Right Hon. Gentlanet tr od ' it ti ei b_ave held out some prospect to the House of in ug a measure o e sor," e 111 an said truly that he this g k a i v n e d. him Th ( e Lo ß rd igh j t . Hon. sell) support when he brought forward his motion ; 1 0 - 4 i . g o bt . Hon. Gentleman did do so, and he was not I t h s , b e more than h e did ; but he (Lord J. Russell) t pei nutted to say, that on this occasion he haa (Lour }i o el t eet something m ore.—(Hear, hear.) When ussell) introduced a naeasur" 1834, and sent it up to the House of Lords—when be introduced a measure in 1841, and sent it up to the House of Lords, he could not expect that the majority of the House of Lords would be influenced by the instructions in that Bill so.sent up from that House; and perhaps the Right Hon. Gentleman, whatever his own opinion might have been, would not have had influence enough to Make bis friends in the House of Lards concer with the views which he expressed in that House. He did not, therefore, find fault with the Right Hon. Gentleman that that measure was defeated in the Lords ; but at present, if the Right Hon. Gentleman were to bring in a Bill in the name of the Government, it would of course be supported by his colleagues in the House of Lords—(Hear, hear)—and so supported in the name of the Government, he could not doubt it would become law.—(Hear, hear.) It appeared to him (Lord J. Russell) to be the best result which they could draw from these disclosures. With respect to the motion immediately before the House, the Right Hon. Gentleman said that it was far too general and indefinite for him to agree in it. His Noble Friend made a similar objection, and he (Lord J. Russell) agreed in it. He did not know if the House appointed a Committee on the present occasion but there might be great doubt as to what those charges might be. He cdtild not, therefore, consent to the Committee on those terms.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman said that if there were specific charges made or stated in such a manner as could be entered on the journals, and should amount to a breach of privilege, he should be ready to support the appointment of a Committee. He (Lord J. Russell) agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman, that if such a statement could be made, it would be most de sirable that a Committee should be appointed. He entirely agreed with the appointment of aCommittee in the case of Carlow. He did not kno.v until he he heard them stated what would have been the particular views adopted by the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for Mont gomery. Agreeing, as he did, that - these compromises were injurious to the character of the House, believing that they tended to suppress evidence of bribery, he did not see how the mere fact of entering into a bond could make any particular compromise more criminal than others. That, however, was a matter which would here after become the subject of debate, if the Hon. and Learned Gentleman persevered in his course. The great benefit, as it appeared to him, that ought to be derived from the consideration of these transactions, was the in troduction of some measure to prevent such compromises from taking place for the future. He hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman would undertake to bring in such a Bill. If the Right Hon. Baronet would not do so ; if he would give him (Lord J. Russell) his (Sir R. Peel's) opi nion on the subject ; and if he (Sir R. Peel) would un dertake to give such a measure not only his own indivi dual support, but the support of the Government to which he belonged, he (Lord John Russell) would un dertake the introduction of such a measure.—(Cheers.) But, as he had said before, he would rather the Right Hon. Baronet would take the subject into his own hands, and would consult his colleagues on the subject. With regard to the measure of 1834, which had been altered in the House of Lords, he (Lord John Russell) should have been inclined to have adopted that measure, altered as it had been, if the time had. permitted. He trusted that the fruit of this discussion would be that some mea sure would be introduced by which bribery and corrup tion might be lessened, and by which compromises of this nature might for the future be prevented. Mr. MORGAN JOHN O'CONNELL complained of the allusion made by the Right Hon. Baronet to the con duct of the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork in rela tion to the Carlow case. Any one who had heard the Right Hon. Baronet's speech would have imagined that the Hon. and Learned Member had opposed the inquiry. Now the fact was, that on that occasion there was no division, and the discussion did not extend to any great length. If he had not risen to explain this circumstance, perhaps the statement of the Right Hon. Baronet would be made the foundation for a calumnious attack on the Hon. and Learned Member by some pot-house Conser vative orator. The objections to the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath seemed to him (Mr. Morgan John O'Connell) rather objections of form than of substance. Sir R. PEEL explained, that with reference to the Carlow case, his argument was unaffected by the circum stance of the motion having been opposed or not by the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork. There had been no imputation whatever cast upon the Hon. and Learned Member by what he had said. He had not stated that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had opposed inquiry ; all he had said was, that an allegation had then been made that a breach of privilege had been committed, and that he (Sir R. Peel) had supported the motion for in quiry. He did Lot know whether, in a subject of such importance, he should be excused from adverting to it, but with respect to the Bill, he could assure the Noble Lord that he had a sufficient justification for not bringing in the Bill. The Noble Lord had more leisure than he had, but he was ready to co-operate with him. If the Noble Lord would bring in such a Bill as he had adverted to, he was ready to lend what assistance he could, but it must be considered that he had a great mass of business on his hands, and that the subject required a great deal of consideration. He was ready, however, to undertake to give the; measure due consideration. and zealously and cordially to co-ope rate with the Noble Lord.—(Hear.) Mr. HUME being of opinion that the Honourable and Learned Member for Bath had done much honour to himself and good to the country by bringing forward this subject, felt sorry to see so many impediments thrown in his way. After the manly manner in which the Hon. and Learned Member had brought the subject under the consideration of the House, he thought they ought to have an inquiry into the mode in which Gentlemen found their way into that House. The Noble Lord and Right Hon. Baronet had admitted there existed bribery and corruption, and yet they hesitated in bring ing in a Bill. He believed that the practice of Parliament would not tolerate the course that had been referred to. They had the authority of the Hon. and Learned Mem ber for Bath, and the authority of the Noble Lord. Why not, then, allow his Hon. Friend to have a Committee, that he might proceed to prove his case, and lay before the whole country the state of bribery and corruption, in order to pave the way for further reforms and amend ments in the constitution of the House with regard to this matter, which had been a scandal on the House for a long period ? He should support the motion of his Hon. and Learned Friend.—(Divide, divide.) Mr. LINDSAY rose, and was almost inaudible from the general cries of " Divide." He trusted that the House would fairly put its shoulder to the wheel, and en deavour to sift to the bottom these corrupt practices. He believed that the character of the House would suffer if they did not. Mr. MUNTZ would vote for the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, for the same reason as the Hon. Member for Sandwich. The character of the House was at stake ; he well knew what was the state of feeling out of doors ; the country looked upon them with a great deal of suspicion ; it was believed that bribery was committed, and that every means was taken to conceal it. Mr. PLUMPTRE agreed with Hon. Members in think ing that that was no party question. It appeared to him that it was a question in which the character of the House was involved ;' and he should, therefore, most de cidedly vote in &your of the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. Lord STANLEY agreed with the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down,and with other Hon. Gentlemen, as to the impropriety of offering any resistance to the mo tion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, if he held that it was to be, or that it was intended to be, an inquiry into certain corrupt practices at elections affect ing the character of the House. But that was not the object of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, who pro posed to appoint a Committee for the purpose of in quiry into certain corrupt practices alleged to have taken place before certain Election Committees, and which were charged as a breach of the privileges of the House ; and without stating who were the parties accused, or what were the practices complained of. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman assumed that certain practices not specified had taken place before certain Committees not named, which amounted to a breach of the privi leges of the House. The Hon. and Learned Gentle man's motion seemed to be misunderstood by many Hon. Members. The proposed inquiry was not an inquiry into the general prevalence of bribery at elections. No such motion was before the House ; therefore, in oppos ing the motion of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, no objection would be evinced to an inquiry into a general system of bribery. It was of the mode of proceeding before certain Election Committees that the Hon. and Learned Member complained, and of certain compro mises that had been entered into. Now, some of these compromises might be perfectly fair, perfectly le gitimate, perfectly innocent. He would take, for in stance, the case of Lewes. There was nothing in that case, as stated by the Hon. Member for that borough, which would lead to a suspicion that there had been any improper dealing on the one side or the other. — (Hear, hear.) An Hon. Gentleman found that it was very doubtful whether, after undergoing the great pecuniary sacrifices of a petition, he could defend his re turn, and under those circumstances it was agreed that the case should not be prosecuted. He understood the case to be that the Hon. Gentleman, now the Member for Lewes (Mr. Fitzroy), together with the Noble Lord who had been Member for Lewes (Lord Cantilupe) were petitioners.=(Some observations m ere here made across the table from the Opposition benches, but in so low a tone as to be inaudible.) Now, there was the inconvenience of discussing in that House an inquiry into those cases in which parties were charged with a breach of the privileges of the House, when not only the House collectively, but even individual Members knew little or nothing of the circumstances of those cases. As far as the Lewes case was known to him he knew no thing questionable in the transaction, and in the other cases mentioned there was not more doubt or difficulty. But those questions of compromise in the case of Election Committees, where parties with drew from the contest when success was doubtful, or the expense excessive—these questions did not present any new principle, neither were they unknown to the House, nor ever considered as breaches of privilege of the House, and deserving of its censure. In the case stated by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman there was this apparent novelty, that in consequence of the com promise entered into by the parties, the verdict of the Committee was set aside, whereby the parties were esta blished in their seats in the House. There were va rious allegations made, that for the purpose of securing the performance of those compromises, sums of money were paid down, the effect of which was to se cure the agreement entered into, and which should also secure that no contest should be en tered into by parties who professed the same prin ciples against the parties who took their seats. He (Lord Stanley) thought those allegations too broad and indistinct. There should be distinct allegations laid down, and evidence adduced, upon which the Committee would be able to make a clear and definite decision. Under that order of reference, no Member could know what he was about. The question, as he said before, was not to prevent bribery and corruption, but the question was to inquire into loose and vague allega tions in that House, upon a mere rumour of their having taken place. On Friday they had no Parliamentary grounds to proceed, and to-night two petitions were pre sented, but he thought those petitions were not specific enough. If those petitions had been presented from 'Nottingham and Reading, and complained of specific and definite abuses, and asked for a Committee to inquire into their allegations, the House, he scarcely thought, would refuse an inquiry. That was the case with regard to Carlow. But he thought the allegations at present were so vague that the inquiry would be productive of no practical conclu sion: With regard to bribery and corruption, no per- son deplored more strongly than he that those practices prevailed in the large and small towns ; and no Member was prepared to go further in applying an efficient re medy to those evils.—(Hear, hear.) But for that pur pose an Act of Parliament, and not a Committee of that House, was necessary. Great caution was requisite in investigating the bribery alleged to have been committed at elections, that the prosecution of individual rights and the vindication of the character of the House, should be kept separate.—(Hear, hear.) The question of disfran chising a borough was one entirely distinct from the proper subject of inquiry before the Committee, who had to determine whether A or B was entitled to a seat.—(Hear, hear.) If the public were to take the conducting of those inquiries, the result would be, that the disappointed candidates would take advantage of that opportunity to avenge themselves on the borough ; and though individual cases of disgrace might be detected, it would not be sufficient to disfranchise the borough. He did not, by any means, mean to say that where there was a strong prima facie case of bribery, the investiga tion should not be instituted by the House of Commons; but he would say that where there was a contest between two individuals, the one in possession of the seat and the other claiming it, the House should not take upon itself to conduct that inquiry at the public expense.—(Hear, hear.) He wished at the same time, that it should be un derstood, as had been said by his Hon. Friend behind him, that an objection to this motion was not an objets. tion to inquiry. —(Hear, hear.) Mr. SHIEL (who rose amidst cries of " Divide,") wished to say a few words.—(Hear, hear.) It seemed the general feeling of the House that the inquiry, if it could be conducted properly, ought to be gone into. — (Hear, hear.) He thought it was a mistake to say that his Hon. and Learned Friend the Member for Bath was not specific in his allegations, and he thought the House ought to take care lest any charge of indistinctness in his speech, or indistinctness in his motion, should cause them to lose sight of the object-which they ought to hold in view. With respect to the right of his Hon. and Learned Friend to bring forward this motion, it should be recollected that his Hon. and Learned Friend had asked the Speaker, who informed him that if he made allegations of a breach of privilege, he could bring forward a motion founded on his own allegations. Allegations were made in the House of Commons, and a Mmber took upon himself to state that he believed in these allegations. He was permitted by the Speaker to do so, and by the whole of the House. Some Hon. Gentlemen denied the accusation ; others remained silent. Why they remained silent it was not his province to inquire. There had been a bona fide case made outfor going on with the inquiry; and they were, therefore, afterall disputating about smatter of form, about the phraseology of the motion of thellon.Mem ber. They did not wish to injure individuals. They made changes of things, of which many others had been no toriously guilty. What they wanted was to get facts that would illustrate the nefarious system, in order that some public act of legislation might be had upon it. They wanted facts, they wanted something better than charges. It had been said, " Hear my allegations." Give him (Mr. Sheil) something better than allegations. Let witnesses be examined and the evidence be taken down, and let this testimony be such that there would be no difficulty in another place. The Noble Lord, the Member for Tiverton, lamented that a most important clause in the Bill of the Noble Lord, the Member for London, had been objected to by the House of Lords. Let them have the power required by his Hon. Friend; let them have such facts that would go before the House of Lords and before the country as would set all doubt at rest.—(Cheers.) Mr. ROEBUCK said, that if he had understood the Right Hon. Baronet, he should not have troubled the House with more than one or two words in answer. He had been, by accident, absent from the House at the time, and he had therefore lost part of what the Right Hon. Baronet had said. He (Mr. R.) had stated, last Friday, that certain remarks had come to his ears respecting cer tain specified individuals. Those persons be had named, and the allegations he made. He had made these alle gations in such a manner as to meet the objection of the Noble Lord, the Member for Lancashire. The first of die cases to which he had referred was die case of Not tingham, in which money was paid down to avoid investi gation. The charge he brought forward was a compromise, for the purpose of screening bribery. Now, he wanted to know whether the House would grant him the Committee he asked ? The Noble Lord said lie must have some evi dence. Indeed ! Why, the evidence was given on the trial. What could he do more than make the charge ? —(Hear, hear.) He had made the charge, and named the places. But it had been said that his charge and motion were too narrow—that it ought to sweep at the whole practice, and not select certain cases ; while, on the other side, it was stated that he want e d a roving commission. He could net please any one ; he was like the man whipping another, let him hit where he would, it did riot please.—(Hear,• and laughter.) He wanted no roving Committee, for he had , namel the places ; -he hoped he should have the unanimous consent of the Right Hon. Baronet and the House to his motion. It was well known to the House, when Com mittees of this sort were appointed, that a short Bill of Indemnity was brought in, which he would introduce to-morrow, and it might be passed through the House in three days. There was the case of Reading, where a bond was entered into for the same purpose ; there was Penryn, in which the only purpose that had been kept in view was, to. prevent an investigation. There was the case of Harwich, in which the same charge was made, and not denied ; and there was the 'case of Lewes, in which he had put it to his Hon. Friend dis • tinctly, not whether lie was about to acsept the Chiltern Hundreds, but whether the investigation was not with drawn, on the distinct understanding that there was to be no inquiry? That was his charge—that was his indictment; but he thought there was nothing in his manner that could be considered offensive. He had made it with per fect boldness, and perhaps it was an extraordinary charge—but the facts were extraordinary ; still he was extremely desirous to give no man offence. It was the system which he desired to brand as infamous. To Meet the objection of the Hon. Baronet he cited the case of the Shepherds ; who were charged with bribery in 1700. It appeared on the Journals of the House that Samuel Shepherd, a Member of the House, was charged with bribery in several corporations, to procure Members to be elected ; and Mr. Shepherd, being heard in his place in the House, and insisting on his innocence, it was resolved that the matters charged should be heard at the bar. He asked no more than this, and what would appear ? The Hon. Gentleman must be perfectly aware of the difference between an oral and a written charge. That oral charge he made, and he simply required from the House a Com mittee of Inquiry. That was within the re gular proceedings of the House, and all he wished to avoid was the charge of 'having rushed into a course not consistent with the rules of the House. He was prepared to adopt any mode of proceeding that would grant him what he wanted. He would ask the Right Hon. Baronet, if he moved a resolution affirming that certain corrupt practices had prevailed at Reading, Nottingham, Lewes, Falmouth. and Harwich, whether that would be sufficient for entering into the charges in all those cases in which there had been corrupt com promises for the purpose of preventing investigation into the bribery practised at the elections. He did not wish to being invidious charges against any 'individuals ; he wanted only to brand the system as infamous. But without that power the Committee could do nothing. They would say " You give us an instrument, and give us no power of using it." He was not going to ask a Committee to disown shame when the whole world was looking anxiously at the proceedings. If the House de sired to probe to the bottom this festering wound, and would put the instrument into his hands, he would plunge to the place of its nastiness.—(Hear, hear.) He would now distinctly state to the House the exact terms of the motion which he was about to make, and then he hoped to nave the unanimous concurrence of the House. Sir T. 1). ACLANI) said he thought the case of Lewes should be exempted from the investigation, as he conceived that that case rested upon totally different grounds from the others In that case it did not appear that either of the parties had intended not to abide by the judgement of the Committee. The original motion was then withdrawn. After a desultory conversation between Sir G. Grey, Sir Robert Peel, and Mr. Roebuck, as to the form of the motion. The SPEAKER ultimately put the question as thus amended : " That a certain Member having informed the House, that he was informed, and believes, that in the cases of the petitions against the returns from the Boroughs of Reading, Nottingham, Harwich, Lewes, and Falmouth certain compromises were entered into fur the purpose of avoiding the investigation into gross bri bery, alleged to have been practised at the elections of the aforesaid towns, a Select Committee be appointed to inquire whether those compromises have been entered into, and whether this alleged bribery has taken place in the aforesaid towns." Mr. NEELD said, that as he was a member of the Lewes Committee, he thought that the investigation with re gard to that borough, ought to be left out.—(oh, oh.) He hoped Hon. Members would hear his reasons.—(oh.) Upon the Lewes petition, there was no evidence brought before the Committee that bribery and corruption had been practised.—(Hear, hear.) The petition was, as far as it came before the Committee, one of scrutiny ; and Mr. Harford, after the investigation of several votes, was placed in a minority, and withdrew, upon which Mr. Fitzroy took his seat, upon the Report of the Com mittee. There were no allegations of bribery, and therefore it appeared that there was no case for including Lewes. Mr. LABOUCHERE said, he was sure those Mem bers who were present during the discussion of the mo tion, would agree with him that it would be improper to exclude Lewes. (Hear, hear.) It had been stated by one of the Members for Lewes (Mr. Elphinstone) that his belief was that a compro mise had taken place with regard to that borough, and that the borough would have been disfranchised if the proceed ings had not been stayed, in consequence of the general, flagrant, and gross bribery which had taken place.— (Hear, bear.) The House having agreed to the prin ciple of the motion, he thought that, of all other cases, Lewes was the one that ought not to be excluded. — (Cheers.) He was glad the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath was altered, because he could now• vote for it, whereas he could not do so as it stood before, notwithstanding the misrepresentation that be might be subject to in consequence. filE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, M Mr. MURPHY said that it would be improper, as far as regarded the Hon. Member for Lewes himself, who se conded the motion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, and who challenged a most searching inquiry into the facts, if the borough of Lewes were excluded. In fairness to him it could not be excluded, more parti cularly as his Hon. and Learned colleague (Mr. Elphin store) stated in the House that to his knowledge bribery had been committed at the election for that place. After a few words from Sir T. D. ACLAND, Sir J. WALSH said, that he understood the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was proceeding, not upon specific information, but upon general report, and that he dis claimed all party vie‘%s.—(Cheers.) He, therefore, begged to bring to the recollection of the House, a case which had excited considerable attention at the close of last year, and with regard to which it had been surmised that a compromise had taken place. He meant the case of Bridport.--(Hear, hear.) Those who knew him were aware that he did not bring forward this case from any hostile feelings, but he thought the case of Bridport ought to be taken into consideration. Mr. C. BULLER thought that the inquiries would be incomplete if a case so notorious as that of Bridport was excluded from the operation of the Committee. EHe begged, therefore. to move that Bridport should be in cluded in the motion. Sir ROBERT PEEL thought that inquiries of this nature ought not to be instituted without notice. The Honourable and Learned Member for Bath had given notice of his motion ; if the course now pro posed was to be adopted, the names of places might be added ad libitum, and the Committee would be over loaded with business. He still retained the objection he had stated to the motion of the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman, as he thought it ought to appear distinctly on the Journals, that the House had been informed that in certain places corrupt practices appeared. As the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had adopted a suggestion he had thrown out, he was ready to accede to the motion, but at the same time he must express a wish that a little more time had been taken to place it in a more definite way upon the Journals of the House. After a few observations froni Sir R. INGLIS and Mr. C. WOOD The SPEAKER put the motion, which was carried without a division. INCOME TAX. The Order of the Day for the further consideration of the Report on the Property -tax Bill being read, The CIIANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that in consequence of a suggestion from the Hon. Member for Finsbury, he had prepared a clause to protect Parlia mentary electors from being charged upon their qualifi cation beyond the Assessed Taxes. The chiuse was read and agreed to without discussion. Mr. B. WOOD proposed the addition of a clause for the purpose of protecting " persons from a charge of in come-tax upon a larger sum than the net amount of real income, and to provide that the account of such income shall be made out and ascertained on the following plan, as the case may apply, viz.:— Income derived ut.der Schedule— A. on lands, &c., ascertained and confirmed by Commis sioners B. on occupation of lands, ditto C. on Annuities, &c., ditto E. on Public-office, &c., ditto £4OO Deduct lon sustained under Schedule— D. on trade, &c., ascertained and confirmed by Commis sioners Real income £3oo And further, to provide that in case all ofthe said duties on Schedules A. B. C. and E. shall have been paid, the Commissioners shall certify to the proper parties the amount overpaid, who, on production of such certificate shall repay the same." If it was the object of the Go vernment to tax income and not loss, he could not see why they should object to this clause, in which he had taken every possible precaution against fraud. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose to oppose the clause, because he apprehended that the adoption of it in the Bill would require that all the pro visions of the Bill should be altered ; and it would moreover entirely defeat the object of the Bill, by ren dering it impossible to raise the revenue required, to be raised under the Act. Notwithstanding what had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman, he would contend that it would open a door to fraud. Mr. Pitt's first Bill, in 1798, was founded on the principle embodied in the clause of the Hon. Gentleman ; and in 1801, with a duty of 10 per cent.., a revenue of 4,600,000/. only had been raised. The present principle Lad been adopted in 1803, and in the following year, with a duty of 5 per cent., a revenue of 3 ;600,000/. had been raised. The proposition of the Hon. Gentleman would e also re quire a full development of the actual income of each individual, which would be avoided by the adoption of the Government plan of taxing property at its source. Mr. WARD said it was perfectly natural for the Chancellor of the Exchequer to try to get as much money as he possibly could, but he ought likewise to consider whether he would receive the money justly. If a man proved that he sustained a loss, and still paid the Income-tax, he paid that tax upon a nominal income. Now this appeared to him (Mr. Ward) a great injustice. If the man said he had sustained a loss, he had to un dergo a most searching investigation before the Com missioners, and no man would attempt that unless he had good grounds to go upon. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would still repeat his objection that it woulti open a door to fraud, as it was impossible to ascertain the exact amount of profit and loss of any person. Mr. B. WOOD said the clause he had proposed did not interfere in any way with the Bill. If the person sustained loss under ope schedule, he merely wished it set off against the profits of another; and, in doing this, lie must submit his affairs to the investigation of the Commissioners. Where then could there be any fraud committed? It was impossible, as h e courted inquiry. He (Mr. B. Wood) thought the Right Hon. Gentleman could not have read the clause. Sir R. PEEL said that. - supposing a person had 10,000/. a year, received from his tenants, and that he had a farm that would bring him in 1,0001. a year, but that he kept it in his own hands, and farmed it himself, but being a bad farmer, he lost 3,0001, they would not set that against the amount received from his tenants, therefore, the principle upon which they went they did not carry out. They:all recollected that, under the old tax, great frauds were committed, and he hoped the lion. Gentleman would again take the subject into his consi deration, and that the House would hesitate before they adopted this proposition. Lord lICIIITICK said that the principle of the propo sition was in some degree recognised by the Bill, as all incomes under 1501. were exempt. He agreed with the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the wording of the clause needed some correction, but he fully agreed in the principle. It was perfectly true that it was difficult to ascertain the amount of profit or loss, but the Bill already proceeded on the principle that they were to ascertain the amount of profit and loss.—(Hear, hear.) If a man had two manufactories, he could set the loss from one against the profit of another, but if a man had a mine and a manufactory, he could not set the loss of one against the profit of another. Now this was not just. He- should therefore support the proposition without hesitation. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER took the case of a man possessed of a mine in Mexico and a ma nufactory in England; it would not be fair to set the loss of one against the profit of another. Lord HOWICK said the proposition would not ex tend to property out of the country. Mr. Ald. ReMPHERY thought the principle of ex empting tho man who sustained a loss from trade, but had a 1501. a-year in the funds, should be fully carried out. Mr. A. CHAPMAN said that seldom as he differed from the Right Hon. Chancellor of the Exchequer, he must support the proposition of the lion. Member for Southwark, as he believed it to be founded in justice. After a short conversation, strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the clause 66 Against the clause Majority against the clause .. Mr. GILL then rose to move the amendments and new clauses of which he had given notice, having for their object to capitalise all incomes not derived from landed or funded property, and to charge five per cent. on such capital as the ground-work of the Property -tax. Having explained the object of the amendments, he stated he should take the sense of the House on the first one, that it might decide the acceptation or rejec tion of the others. The amendment was as follows : ND. 1. Schedule (A), Rule 2, page 33, line 17, after the word " limited," to insert—" Provided always, that in every case where the party to be assessed has a life in terest only in such profits, the value of such life interest shall be ascertained, and the amount thereof be deemed to be so much capital :—And for the purposes of this forwardhis amendments thought rather with a view to make h is opinions p u bli c th an to EXCHEQUER Act the profits to be assessed shall b e compute d at t h e rate of five pounds for every hundred p oun d s o f suc h capital." The ‘CHANCELLOReerhad brought r o o f u theh t the Hon. mb embody them in the Act. He must oppose the amend ments. Mr. HUME thought the Ri ght Hon. Gentleman, when imposing a tax on the whol e community, ought not to give such an answer.. if he w as not prepared to go into an examination of the Propositions. If the Hon. Member divided the House, he would certainly divide with him, in order to mark his sense of the injus tice of the Bill. After a few words from Mr. Alderman Humphery, Lord Ebrington, and Mr. Gill in reply, the House divided, when there appeared— For the Amendment ..................... 36 Against it ................................ 183 Majority against the Amendment... --147 The other amendments, of which the'Hon. Gentle man had given notice, were next severally put and ne gatived without a division. The Bill was then ordered to be engrossed and read a hird time on Friday next. In answer to a question from Mr. HUME, Sir R. PEEL said, that if there was any objection to the third reading of the Bill, before the tariff went through Committee, he had no ohiPction to its postpone ment. POOR-LAWS. In reply to a question from Captain PECHELL, Sir J. 4RAHAM said, that he would state to-morrow what was his intention with regard to the Poor-law Bill. WHITSUN HOLIDAYS — ADJOURNMENT 4:A" THE HOUSE. In answer to a question from an HoN. MEMBER, Sir B. PEEL said, in consequence of the usual holi days and the celebration of the birthday of her Majesty► which was to take place on Thursday week, it was his intention to adjourn the House from Friday next to that day week.—(Hear.) NOTTINGHAM ELECTION. Mr. F. FRENCH wished to know whether the Right Hon. Baronet would oppose the issuing of the writ for Nottingham ? Y 10, 1842. Sir B. PEEL-was understood to say that he would not oppose it. EXCISE DUTIES COMPOUNDS BILL. On the Order of the Day for the House going into Committee on this Bill, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved, as an instruction to the Committee, that the repeal of the malt drawback duty be suspended for a limited time. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that he intended to suspend the drawback for two months, in order to give time to consider the subject. Mr. S. O'BRIEN was understood to oppose the motion, Captain JONES supported the motion. Mr. REDINGTON opposed the reception of the clause proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman. After some observations from Mr. F. French, Mr. Baring, and Sir J. Tyrrell the motion was agreed to. The Bill then passed through Committee, and was or dered to be read a third time to-morrow. NEW ZEALAND. On the motion of Lord STANLEY the House re solved itself into a Committee on the Australian and New Zealand Bill. Clauses up to 7 were agreed to without any amend ment. The remainder of the clauses were alsp agreed to with verbal amendments. The Bill went through Committee, and the Report was ordered to be received on Friday next. PAYMENT OF WAGES—AbJOURNED DEBATE. The Order of the Day for the resuming the adjourned debate on the nomination of the Committee to consider the payment of wages having been read, On the name of Mr. G. W. Wood being proposed, Mr. G. W. WOOD requested to be excused from serving on the Committee. Mr.FERRAND had nominated the Hon. Gentleman at the request of several of the working classes, who had reposed the greatest trust in the Hon. Member. The Hon. Member was excused. On the name of Sir J. J. Guest being put, Mr. Alderman COPELAND vindicated the Rhymney Iron Company from the attacks which had been made on it, and expressed a hope that that would be the first Company subjected to inquiry before the Com mittee. The Honourable Gentleman then proceeded to attack the Dowlais Company as being mixed up with the truck system, but at the same time he must say that there might be circumstances under which it would be of the greatest advantage to establish a truck shop. He had lately in Staffordshire been asked by his own workmen to open a shop. Sir J. J. GUEST would challenge every inquiry into the conduct of the Dowlais Company. He had never paid his workmen in anything except sterling coin. Mr. Alderman COPELAND explained. After a few words from Mr. V. STEWART and Dr. BOWRING, Sir John Guest was added to the Committee. On the motion of Mr. BROTHERTON, Mr. Cobden was added to the Committee. Sir JOHN GUEST declined acting. The other Orders of the Pay were then disposed of and the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve. COMPANION TO THE LIVES OF COLLINGWOOD AND NELSON. Now ready, in 2 vols. Bvo., with Portrait, THE LIFE OF ADMIRAL VISCOUNT KEPPEL, FIRST LORD of the ADMIRALTY in 1782-3. By the Hon. and Rev. THOMAS KEPPEL. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. MADAME D'ARBLAYIB DIARY OF THE COURT OF QUEEN CHARLOTTE, IS NOW READY AT ALL THE BOOKSELLERS. •' By far the most interesting, and entertaining too, of these pleasant volumes. It lets us into the interior of a court, and gives us every particular of that life. This publication is amply fulfilling our first judgment upon it, and entitling itself to a niche on the library shelf with Walpole and Boswell."— Literary Gazette. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. Just ready, in 2 vols., post Bvo., R OMANTIC BIOGRAPHY of the AGE of ELIZABETH ; Or, SKETCHES of LIFE from the BYE-WAYS of HIS TORY. By the BENEDICTINE BRETHREN of GLEN DALOUGH. Edited by W. COOKE TAYLOR, LL.D., Of Trinity College, Dublin. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. Publisher in Ordinary to her Majesty. THOS. HARRIS and SON'S TELESCOPES are warranted unequalled by any other house at the prices. Sent, carriage free, to any part of the kingdom. Cash first remitted. Exchanged if not approved. Tourists should not be without one. A pocket telescope to show objects 8 miles off... £0 18 0 A pocket telescope to show objects 12 miles ... 1 10 0 A pocket telescope to show objects 18 miles., 2 2--0 A pocket telescope to show objects 20 miles. ... 4 0 0 Thomas Harris and Son, Opticians, 52, opposite the British Museum, London, established 60 years.—T. Harris and Son are neither related to, nor in any way connected with a firm of the sane name. HIS MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA, having AUTHORISED and GUARANTEED several DIS TRIBUTIONS of MONEY OIVIDENDS, which (though they are NO LOTTERIES) offer many possibilities of obtain. iag LARGE FORTUNES, HEINE BROTHERS, at I-lAMBURGH, kre now Selling SHARES for the said DIS TRIBIJ (lONS. Persons desirous to purchase may renive, PREVIOUS to giving any order, the PROSPECTUS and PARTICU LARS, upon addressing, WITHOUT DELAY, a line to HEINE - BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH. The NEXT DISTRIBUTION contains 7,000 MONEY DIVIDENDS, as follows:- 1 of E2d,000 1 of £6OO 5 of £l2O 10 of £BO 1 ... 5,000 2 ... 400 5 ... 110 10 ... 70 1 ... 1,500 2... 200 5 ... 100 43 ... 60 I ... 1,000 3 ... 150 6 ... 90 593 ...50 1 ... 800 STERLING, amounting together to £72,170. BRITISH STERLING MONEY. THEATRE-ROYAL, ENGLISH OPERA-HOUSE. NOW OPEN FOR THE SEASON. THIS EVENING, MAY 10, The Performances will commence with THE BEULAH SPA. Characters by Messrs. F. Mathews, Oxberry, James Vining, Brougham. andiGranby, Mrs. Brougham, Mrs. Tayleure, Miss Pin cott, Miss Marshall, and Mrs. H. P. Grattan. Atter which, a Divertissement, entitled L'AMOURVAINQUEU IL To be followed by the New Burletta, entitled ENTHUSIASM. To conclude with the New serious 04elodrame, entitled THE TROOPER'S HORN; or, The Goblin of the Chest. Characters by Messrs. Diddear, Barker, Hemming, and Oxbcrry, arid Miss Jane Mordaunt. fe*'' ' * • .0% 1 • T O • F.,1 N ' Vek• A llik I ‘l,. kat:e l k s:o l 4 :"' " . 4 " 57' rt , • ROYAL SURREY THEATRE. Posit►vely the Last Week of Alazeppa, which must be withdrawn fur the Geand 'Whitsun Novelties. THIS EVENING. MAY 10, Will be presented Lord Byron's MAZEPPA ; dR, THE WILD HORSE OF THE DESERT, with Increased splendour. extensive auxiliary aid, and unapproachable effects. After which, in a snore extensive and splendid Arena than ever before witnessed. NEW SCENES IN THE CIRCLE, introducing Mr. B ityrrs unrivalled Collection of Animals, consisting of nu. merous and matchless Cream coloured Horses, Andalusian Chargers, Spotted Coursers, Fairy Palfreys, and Pigmy Poneys, and the most talented Vaulters, Riders, Gymnastics, and Contortionists in the kingdom. The renowned French Female Rider, ;Madame Seraphine Bassin ; and the miraculous feats of flexibility by the Sprite of the Silver Shower. To conclude with the Drama of THE DUMB MAN OF MAN CHESTER. All Advertisements of a Disgusting Character, or Immoral Tendency, are excluded from the Columns of " The Sun." titz .Atit, LONDON: TUESDAY MORNING, MAY 10, 1842. Mr. R3EBUCK'S motion as he originally made it, was objected to last night by Mr. WYNN and most of the leading Members of both parties. They all professed a wish to put down bribery, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL and Sir ROBERT PEEL agreed that a Bill should be brought in to effect that object, but they demanded that Mr. ROEBUCK should make some specific charges, in order to limit the inquiries of his Committee. They would not consent to what was called a fishing and roving Committee, and Mr. ROEBUCK modified his motion to meet their views. He made, therefore, specific charges, that compromises had been entered into in the case of Reading, Nottingham, Harwich, Lewes, and Fal mouth elections, and he moved for a Select Com mittee to investigate them. That motion was acceded to without a division, and the Committee will be appointed. Mr. ROEBUCK has also promised to introduce a short Bill of Indemnity, to enable witnesses to give evidence without criminating themselves. We are not sorry that the Committee is appointed, but we care nothing for the success of the motion. The exposure was obtained when Mr. ROEBUCK made his speech, and the investigations of the Committee can only reduce that information to a specific legal form, which is already possessed by the public. To have re fused the Committee, would only have spread over the whole House the accusation which will now fix itself on the few boroughs, and the few Members subjected to the inquiry. In the course of the debate Lord PALMERSTON stated .uch compromises had long been known and practised, and he doubted whether they were either illegal or a breach of the privileges of the House. Lord JOHN RUSSELL referred specifically to the case of Norwich, in the last Parliament, as a notorious compromise which had not called forth the censure of the House. It seemed to be considered, as Major BERESFORD stated, that such matters were private affairs, of which Honourable Members, from a sort of fellow feeling, were never to inquire into. That House of Commons' law and House of Commons' logic, is consistent with its general conduct. The decision of an election petition concerns the constituencies, and about them the House never troubles itself, unless they happen to be coincident with the party or private interest of some of its own Members. Whatever may be the result of the inquiry, the public are so convinced of the great corruption of elections, that they will not be satisfied with any thing short of a general measure to repress it That House has essayed in vain, for several years, to re-establish itself in the public esteem, and all its efforts for this purpose—whether they were partial alterations in the constituent body, new contrivances to settle con troverted elections, or bills against bribery—have only damaged it more and more. Its conduct of late is uni versally stigmatized as in the highest degree immoral. The bulk of its Members were elected on the principle ofpreserv ing the Farmer's Protection Bill entire, and the bulk of them have voted to lessen that protection. They have forfeited their word, and have broken all their vows. At the same time they have signified that the measures for which they have voted do not meet their approbation. They have been equally false to themselves and false to their constituents. Their votes and their convictions, their acts and their consciences, have been at variance. To keep in Sir P. PEEL they have cast political honesty to the winds. Now has come this ex posure of the manner in which many of them have obtained their seats, and there is now not a debating club in the country which, on account of the sincerity and honesty of its proceedings, and the just manner of entering the club, is not more respected than the House of Commons. We fancied yesterday, as we copied from the Morning Post the announcement that a general charity sermon is to be preached for the relief and subsistence of the starving millions of the manufacturing districts, that we saw their pallid faces, at first lighted up with smiles of joy and hope. They started up, we thought, as the news reached them, and huzzaed for delight. Then came over them a doubt, and they whispered, " Is it, indeed, true ? Can it be that the humane and patriotic advisers of her MAJESTY ' have thought of us poor wretches ? Can it be that they have counselled with the Great PRIMATE and the Bishop of LONDON, the lineal heirs of CHRIST ? Can it be that these wise men are coming to our aid ? The news is too great and good to be true. But it must be true, it is printed ; it is double-leaded in the Pest; it is sent forth by au thority ; it is propagated throughout the empire in a solemn manner, as an important piece of news, that her MAJESTY'S humane and patriotic advisers' are coming to our help by ordaining a universal charity sermon." Wonderful, indeed ! And is this the quack nostrum, we think we hear them saying, as they become sensible of the mocking insult, which PEEL offers to a starving and industrious people, after ten months' cogitation ? We think we see the people recovering from their astonish ment, the smiles of joy and hope changing into smiles of withering contempt and derision, followed by one universal shout of indignation. We want justice not charity. "We spurn your charity, and we will have justice." The announcement in the Post is the most awful event we have yet witnessed. We thought the National Peti tion ominous enough, but a general charity sermon, ordained by the Prime Minister, because he finds his hopes and his schemes for relieving the people a dead failure, as he avowed on Friday, is a subject for more painful reflections than the presentation of the National Petition. What ! the industrious millions of this country, who have just appeared in the House of Com mons, by a petition to demand admission into the pale of the Constitution, to be relieved by a charity sermon ! Are they tube so fobbed off by the Prime Minister! What! the groat distress that is eating into the core of the nation, the flagrant injustice of which the leople complain, to be relieved as money is gathered for a mission to the South Seas, or to rebuild a church struck by lightning ! Impossible, absurd—a proof only that Sir It. PEEL has lost his senses, and knows not what to do. We have entertained an opinion from the first that his policy was shortcoming and inefficient. But this plan of eking it out by a great charity sermon, makes it abso lutely despicable. A masqued ball at Court to give vigour to our arms in India is not a mare contemptible expedient. Can Sir ROBERT PEEL suppose for a moment that the people will be gratified by such a course of pro• ceeding ? They ask for Universal Suffrage ; he con sults with the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, and issues a QUEEN'S Letter. They ask for the abolition of the landlords' monopoly and of class legislation ; he ordains a charity sermon. Does he now suppose that the people are to be so bribed and preached into contentment ? Does be expect, by thus putting for and the priesthood, in what he supposes a good work, to re store them to public esteem ? If he means both to elevate the priesthood and content the people by such a contrivance, never was a poor charlatan more miserably deceived. The cunning trick is at once seen through, and the people will only despise the more the bungling con triver, as well as the ministers of religion, who are so willing to substitute the charity of others for doing justice themselves. But will this scheme even answer Sir R. PEEL'S object ? The plain intention of it is to bolster up, if possible, the landlords' injustice. We take it for granted, therefore, that not a single free-trader or Radical in the empire will contribute a farthing to the fund. It is intended also to relieve the manufacturers, they there fore can contribute nothing. Adding the unwilling to the unable, there will remain few persons to con tribute beyond the landlords themselves, and a few of the opulent tax receivers of the metropolis. The already over-burdened middle classes will need all that they can scrape together to pay Sir ROBERT PEEL'S Income-tax, and it is not likely that they will contri bute largely. The bulk of the funds, therefore, will come from the pockets of the landlords and clergy, who will probably give more than they will gain by the Corn-laws. They will have, therefore, all the disgrace and all the odium of supporting those laws, without reaping a single penny profit to compensate them for the just indignation and hatred of the people. The curious announcement of a general begging in behalf of men who despise the alms, is accompanied by another equally curious announcement. We say nothing against the benevolent motive of the amiable and well-meaning Lady who is about to enliven her Court, and excite the attention of all Europe, by a most splendid and novel entertainment. We believe that she and'•her Ministers entertain the opinion that the extravagance of the rich benefits the poor. Thinking neither of the bad example nor the unproductive con sumption, they suppose, therefore, they are doing good to the nation by giving splendid entertainments. On that economical question we now offer no opinion ; but we may venture to remind those who are continually admo nishing the people to take the Bible as their guide—that the wise Kings of Judah, when their kingdom was afflicted, clothed themselves in sackcloth and ashes. Our rulers, on the contrary, when the nation is in dis tress, ordain charity sermons, and give masqued balls. The same journals which contain the announcement of our " patriotic Ministers" to issue a QUEEN'S Letter, inform the public that " for years there has not been a season of so much festivity, and so many amusements of every descrip tion, as at this moment; all thoughts are absorbed in breathless expectation of her MAJESTY'S Masque." Are the nobility and gentry about to dance over the grave where they have buried the national welfare ? Some of the Tory journals have been, and occasionally still are, virtuously indignant against the repudiating States of the North American Union. " How atrocious," they have exclaimed, " in those States not to pay the in terest on loans contracted in their name ! They have lost their credit in the market, and no capitalist will now lend a farthing to an American repudiating State." We agree in this instance with our Tory Contemporaries; but wha; can they say for England, become a repudiating State to a certain extent under the administration of Sir R. PEEL ? England does not repudiate—the fashionable phrase for artfully defrauding a State's creditors—the whole of her debt, she only repudiates, at present, 2/. 18s. 4d. per cent. of it. But it is whispered that the Income-tax is by and by to be ex tended, in order to give more commercial relief, and instead of 21. 18s. 4d. per cent. it will be 10 or 12 per cent. Sir R. PEEL having established the principle of repudiating to the former extent, must carry out his own principle, and make all the State creditors pay 10 or 12 per cent., as he now proposes to make them pay 21. 18s. 4d., whenever the Income-tax is extended. It is, however, a certain fact that England has become a re pudiating State under the moral Government of the Tories, and has so become, on Sir R. PEEL'S theory, to preserve public credit. What is a crime, therefore, in the new republics, is a virtue in the old Tory monarchy. UNITED STATES.. By the packet ship New York, arrived at Liverpool yesterday morning, In eighteen days from New York, we have received papers from that city of the 20th ult., but they contain no news of the least importance. The Great Western reached New York on the 17th. The Warspite had left Annapolis, for Bermuda. After re maining a short time at that place, she will visit Halifax and New York, and remain for orders from Lord Ash burton. Texas had occupied the attention of the Con gress, and some discussion had taken place on the sub ject, of the effects which a union with Texas would have on promoting and extending slavery. In the course of the discussion, a Mr. Jones, of Maryland, expressed the following characteristic sentiments : Let President Houston but establish his standard, and proclaim a war of conquest, and twenty thousand men, from Illinois, Indiana, Tennessee, Kentucky, Ark ansas, and Louisiana, would arm themselves to destroy the humiliating despotism of Santa Anna and the Spanish priests, and to enrich themselves with the idols (which were now worshiped in defiance of the command of the Deity) and treasures with which Mexico abounds. Let but that day he announced by President Houston, and that House should not detain him in his seat ; he considered the " plunder," if it must be so called, of Mexico, under such circumstances, justifiable, and the golden images of Jesus would be not the less valuable when converted into American " Eagles." We add the following extracts : THE BOUNDARY QUESTION.—The Boston Transcript says that Governor Fairfield was about to convene the Legislature of Maine, in consequence of despatches just received by him from Mr. Webster, stating that Lord Ashburton was fully authorised to settle the Boundary Question, and that there was every prospect that this long disputed matter would be soon adjusted to the satis faction of all parties. IMPORTANT FROM MEnco.—We have received, via Natchitoches, intelligence of a battle between the Mexi cans, who sacked San Antonio, under Velasquez, and the Texians, under Burleson. It took place near the Rio Grande. None were killed, but all the Mexicans surren dered. We give this intelligence as we have received it. There was great excitement in Vicksburgh about a Dr. Smith of Cincinnati, an abolitionist, who had been de tected in an attempt to steal three slaves. It appears that the Doctor had Lecreted them on board of a steam-boat, disguised as Indians; they were detected and the Doctor arraigned for trial. It is said that an offer of $lO,OOO was made to two lawyers there to appear fur him, which they refused; but that a Mr. Chase, a distinguished lawyer and abolitionist, volunteered as his counsel, and that a mob had risen, headed by some of the most re spectable citizens, had taken Smith and Chase into cos • tatty, and intended to hang them forthwith. THE MuminiiEss.—lt is said that Miss Hamblin, who recently murdered her husband, or cher amie, between the acts of a tragedy in the green-room a the Mobile Theatre, has been seen in this city. If so, she must have travelled in the disguise of a man from the South. She is said to be a fine-looking, black-eyed woman, and with a bit of a moustache, would pass off for a fashionable youth with great success.—New York Herald. The House of Representatives was visited by the Right Rev. Mar Yohanna, Christian Bishop of the Nes torian Church, of Oorootniah, in the north of Persia, ac companied by by Mr. Perkins, a Missionary of the Ame rican Board of Foreign Missions. DEATH OF THE RIGHT REV. DR. ENGLAND.—This eminent Prelate breathed his last this morning, about five o'clock, in the fifty-sixth year of his age, exhibiting, throughout a lingering and painful illness, unabated courage and strength of intellect, with an unwavering reliance in the promises of a steadfast faith. Bishop England has been a resident of our city fbr twenty-two years, during which period he has presided over the dio cese committed to his charge, comprising the States of South Carolina. North Carolina, and Georgia, with sin gular talent for both civil and ecclesiastical administra tion, and with a paternal regard for the interests of his church, while in the civil relations created by the alle giance to his adopted country he ever exhibited respect for her institutions, zeal for her interests, and sensibility to her rights.— Charleston Patriot, April H . MEXICAN ARMV.—We find in one of our Campeachy papers of the 15th ult., a statement of the force of the Mexican army, that had just been received by an arrival from Vera Cruz. The force actually on foot, and mounted, was upwards of 40,000 men; and -although not thoroughly disciplined at the time, there was no doubt it would soon beco►ne nearly perfect, from the unusual exertions and activity displayed by the officers to effect that object, - The army was the❑ stationed thus :-2,600 in Xulapa ; 1,500 in Perote ; 2,000 in Puebla ; 500 in Vera Cruz ; 1,200 in Ulta ; 22,000 in the capital, and the remainder at various points. No mention is made of a probable movement of this army upon Texas ; and, indeed, it is believed few of them can safely be. spared from their present locations. _ ' The papers state that a great struggle is preparing for the next Mexican presidency, the candidates being Santa Anna, Valencia, and Paredes, and with every probability that the former will succeed.—N. 0. Bulletin , April G. NEW YORK MONEY MARKET. 5 Delaware and Hudson . eash 91 25 Bank of America Bo t-50 Bank of Com. set s 4 mos 90 170 Mechanics' Banking Association 5O 25 United States Bank 34- 50 Ohio Life and Trust 55 'lO Utica and Schen. Railway 5 Au. and Roch. Railway . - 99 20 Do. 200 Long Island ao 50 Harlem Railway 15 New Jersey Railway 25 Mohawk 4Sa 150 Paterson SECOND BOARD. 350 Long Island. 200 Harlem Railway 40 Do. 10. •:5 Mohawk s 3 days 25 Do. 50 Delaware and Hudson b 39 day, 93 25 Do. 50 Paterson Railroad NEW YORK MARKETS, APRIL 19, 1842. ASHES.—Since our last about 60 barrels of pots have been sold at 6 dol. a 6 371 dol., and 30 of pearls at 5 60 dol. CoTroN.—The news per the Great Western has had the tendency to make the market quiet, buyers claiming to have a deduction, while sellers are only willing to operate at previous rates. . . _ FLOUR-The weather has been unfavourable yester day and to-day for the operations in the Flour Market, and we have heard of no transactions. We quote Camel at 6 33 dol. (Frona Bicknell s Philadelphia Reporter of April 19.) THE MONEY MARKET.—We notice with pleasure an improvement in our Money Market. The rates, although still high, are assuredly lower than they were a fortnight ago, while the prospect for the future is more en couraging. The periods for the largest payments of the spring have gone by, with much less difficulty than was at first apprehended. The failures have been few and far between, the resumption of specie payments has been fully successful, and our banks have more specie and specie funds on hand at the present time, than they had the day'the resumption was attempted. The banks are discounting, but with no alteration, and in few in stances, beyond their daily receipts. None of the suspended banks have yet re-opened. We hear, however, that the Mechanics' and the Mopamensing are both making vigorous efforts to such an end. We trust that they may prove successful, but are not suffi ciently acquainted with their assets and liabilities to au thorise the expression of a confident opinion. AWFUL STEAM-BOAT EXPLOSION.-FEARFUL LOSS OF LIVES. (From the Baltimore American. It Is our melancholy duty to record the most t e arful and fatal steam-boat explosion which has ever taken place on the waters of the Chesapeake. The new and splendid steam-boat Medora, built for the line between this city and Norfolk, was yesterday rendered a wreck by the explosion of her steam-boiler, attended by a fearful destruction of human life. The ltledora was just completed, and preparatory to being turned out from the hands of the machinist, a number of per sons were invited to go in her on an experimental trip. Th e day being pleasant, it is supposed that probably one hundred or more were on board, including some of the Directors of the Steam-boat Company . and their friends, and a number of the hands engaged in finishing the vessel, putting in the ma chinery, &c., and otherwise connected with the construction or sailing of the boat. Soon after three o'clock, p.m. the beat was about to start from the wharf of the engine builder, Mr. John Watchman, on the south side of the basin, on the proposed trip. A gentleman who was on board informs us that the engine had only made the second revolution, in order to back the Medora from the wharf, when the boiler exploded with a loud noise, carrying upwards a considerable portion of the upper deck anti those upon it, and blowing the smoke stacks high into the air. The main force of the explosion was almost exclusively towards the head of the boat, and the portions of the boat around the boiler were torn to pieces. The boiler itself, an immense one d iron, was thrown crosswise on the deck. The boat was instantly enveloped in a cloud of scalding steam, which was inhaled by some with fatal consequences, white others suffered externally in their persons from ite effects. Our informant was in the after part of the boat, where the steam had no effect. He states that several persons were forced over board, and that ore of them was drowned. The boat imme diately settled dowa in tl:e water, until her hull rested on the bottom of the river. In the centre and forward part of the boat there was a fear ful destruction of life and limb, Some of those on board were blown high in the air, and fell on shore, in the water, and on the boats lying near by. Others were crushed with the splin tered timbers; others scalded with the steam ; while those below the leeks, not having time to escape, were either suffo cated by the steam or drowned when the boat sunk. When we reached the scene of desolation, we found a large number of persons, among whom were several physicians, busily engaged in endeavouring to assist the injured, and carry ing away those who were dead or dying. So great was the confusion that prevailed, and so little was known as to the num ber and names of the persons on board, that no complete account could be obtained. We annex a list of all those who were injured or killed, as far as we could learn them. There are no doubt some who were on board, whose loss will only be known by thing e t o o m t m h e a i n r d h o o f m t e h s e Captain boat, was stand ingover the boiler when it exploded. Ile was much injured in the bead, and it was very doubtful yesterday whether he would recover. John C. Aloale, Esq., the agent of the steam-boat line, was on board with his two sons. Air. Aloalo had his right foot dis located, and was injured in the side and back. Soon after he was taken home he expired. Mr. Moak's eldest son William, a fine lad about 14 years of age, was killed a l mos t i ns t an tly. His second 11013, who was also on board, was dangerously injured. [Here follows a list of about forty persons. not more than hat' of whom survived.] The Commerce Beige announces that the British Queen steam-packet took her first departure from Antwerp for New York at ten in the morning of Wednesday last, *Alder a salute of artillery. She had a gp,,r s piny Pas Pr. nn board, and the crowd assembled to wi ness her gettlu under weigh was very great. ~,~' Nearly ready, in 3 vols. post Bvo., NEW NOVEL ri By the Authoress of " THE HISTORY of a FLIRT." Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. THE INDIA SUN , CONTAINING A MAP AND FULL ACCOUNT OF AFFGHANIVTAN AND THE THEATRE OF WAR IN INDIA, WITH ALL THE LATEST NEWS FROM INDIA AND CHINA, LS NOW READY.