The Sun. — London, England, 1849-08-18 00:00:00

THE SUN. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING AUGUST 18 1849. taken 68 men out to Constantinople, and guaranteed that they should be forwarded to the frontier of their own country, and that each should receive as much money on their landing as would enable them to effect that objgett. That company entered into the arrange ment at an immense loss to themselves; and the Chairman, whose name - should be mentioned and remembered with honour, when his (Lord Nugent's) Noble Friend, Lord Dudley Stuart and another, undertook to guarantee the company from any losses in case of a failure of the sub scriptions, Irr. Wilcox, the Chairman, he repeated, con sented cn the reception of that guarantee, only on the condition that ho would allow him to join in the guarantee. (Cheers.) —ln enumerating the papers to which the cause was indebted, he had forgotten to mention the Standard of Freedom. [A Voice — Aye, and the Northern Star.] —(Cheers.) They had given the Hungarians who arrived on their shores the means of returning to their own country ; they were now at sea, in order to effect a junction with their gal lant friends in arms; but that ought to arouse still more the active communion between the people of England and those of Hungary. Let them establish such a coin• munication, by showing them they were ready to enter on a tribute — A VOICE Aye, that's the talk. Lord NUGENT, in continuation—Let them act as be came a great nation, sympathising with Hungary strug gling for her freedom, and by assisting and counte nancing them, they would assist and sympathise with liberty all over Europe.—(Cheers ) Let them testisfy to Europe their anxiety in their cause, and they may feel assured that, come what would, in joining to support the cause for which they met that night together, they bad not lived or met in vain. —(Cheers.) Mr. J. WYLD, M. P., then came forward, and was re calved with loud cheers. He said—Ladies and gentlemen, I trust, Mr. Chairmaa,thatj shall not be thought wanting in respect to you—stating es you did in the early part of your address that the opinions which you then gave ut terance to were the opinions of an individual—if I simply look ;Tan them in that light. And Ido hope, if, sir, it should be my painful duty to differ from you, that both you and this large and numerous meeting will take my sentiments to be merely the individual expressions of a single man.—(Hear, hear.) Now, sir, with great submission, I think the time for mere sympathetic speaking is pat.—(Loud cheers.) This is a great ques tion, ❑opt simply one between Russia, Austria, and Hun gary, but a question of European civilization.—(Loud cheers.) Great, nohle, an l daring as have been the ffarts of the brave Hungarian people in this holy and noble cause, let it be borne in mind they are not fight ing for themselves alone, but for the independence of Europ s.—(Lond cheers.) Tho Emperor of Russia has throana down the gauntlet to the greater part of Europe, as the advocate of despotic principles; and we, the people of Englund and of America, will take up the gauntlet and throw it into the air hi fore him.—(Loud cheers.) We wiil take up the glove of defiance, and throw it in hi; t: eth, saying, "As y have dared to menace the rights bequeathed to the Hungeriae people by their ancestors — rights of freedom solemnly and legally obtained by them --fl3 you have manifested to the various Courts of En: ape by ukase, that it is your intention, by despotism and by an ermiel force, to stifle throughout Europe the feeling of constitusioeal liberty, we, the people of Eng land, as a small but not unimportant section of the nations of Europe, throw that defiance in your teeth, at d as our ancestors have gained for us a glorious Con stitution, capable perhaps of amendment—(Hear, hear) —but the best, perhaps, at present in Europe, and as we have learned what aro the advantages and benefits of freedom, and how to value them, arid a 9, by all the enerzy, intelligence, and power we posses% we should defend our liberties were they assailed, by the same means sue will support the noblest cause in wh!eh brave and noble people ever engaged, not by mere wer:l3 but by deeds."—(Pfolonged cheering.) We will not behold similar blessings wrested from a brave people without an effort to prevent such a monstrous act of s poliation.—(ifear, hear, and cheers.) Sir, you have sus ed that this country is overwhelmed with debt in consequence of war. Yet how small a share in that immense mountain of debt has been add- din the cause of liberty. From the Prottc torate to the present time it has been all spent in war; not for the benefit of the people of this country, hut to assist the struggles and maintain the tyranny of despots and of tyrants—(Loud cheers) —to uphold the house of Hanover in continuing their association and intrigues to and with the different powers of Europe to strengthen their continental power—to beat down the liberty which the French people were striving to obtain—to hire assassins to aid despotic monarchs to crush the struggles of people eater to be free.—(Loud cheers.) That was the way in which the money was spent. Thus the debt was accumulated. And now the liberties of a bravo people are menaced, shall we complain if one small stone — one unit be added by the people, to aid in rendering all Europe freo.—(Loud cheers.) This is a question, let it be borne in mind, that concerns us as a nation—as indi vidusls; and it is to my mind a pecuniary one. If you view it in that new but necessary light, the way in which I think you should view it, you cannot fail to be of my opinion. It is, in fact, a matter of pounds, shillings, and pence. I say, therefore, that a strong demonstration on the part of England would be economical taken in this point of view. Let us recollect, that if Russia grasps Austria, and encloses her as she has Hungary, the time is not far distant when she will menace European Turkey, and close the Mediterranean as she has closed I the Black Sea; and menace, if not endanger. the safety or our vast Indian empire, by sending her armies to the shores of the Bosphorous, and by keeping her fleets in the JEgeau and Mediterranean Seas. And we most, at continual annual expense, send fleets to prevent her from menacing our gie a`• eastern possessions? Let us say to those who are striving to destroy the independ ence of Hungary, " The course you are adopting is neither fair nor manly—if you do not remove your forces the thunder of our ships shall drive you back to the Irirhariau waste from which you it sucd."—(Loud cheers.) This is a question in which the manufacturers and work ing men of England are intimately interested (Loud cheers;)—it is truly a question of political economy, as well as one of liberty and of freedom. We have had much talk about upholding Austria as a barrier against the incursions of other powers. What has she done to extend commercial freedom in her own empire, or to aid that of other countries? Why, she has inflicted upon her own people a tariff which has caused her commerce and her cities to languish—she has shut up an immense region which would be fertilized and rendered most productive and beneficial, not merely to England, but to Europe gene rally—a region consisting of 126 square miles, and con taining 14,000,000 of inhabitants—who were willing to enter into treaties of reciprocity and free trade with us. And, on the other hand, she has stifled every emanation of liberty in Europe. She has menaced the Turkish empire, suborned the north of Italy, arid assisted Prus sia to overawe, if not to crush, the German states in their efforts to obtain constitutional freedom. And yet it is sought to be instilled into the minds of the people of this country that it is necessary to maintain Austria as a power against the incursions of hordes of bar barians; from Russia. The whole tendency of the policy of Austria was to uphold and abet Russia. Why, it is obvious. Not a single remonstrance was offered by the statesmen of Russia when Austria took possession of Moldavia and Bessarabia. When Russia seized Poland, Austria made no remonstrance, though put to great expense, in increasing her army, entailing thereby great expense upon her people. It seems strange that any one should state, in the face of an intelligent people like the people of England, that it - is necessary to maintain such a power as this. A Voters:—No, it is not.—(Cheers.) Mr. WrLD.—lt is not. If the choice is to he between Austria and Hungary, give me Hungary—(Loud cheers) —Hungary, with nearly 600 years of constitu tional freedom, and since 1848 the most perfect freedom which any nation on the face of the earth enjoys. Who is so likely to fight against Russia, should she pass her own trawlers as a nation of ft eemen? for every Hunga rian peasant has a right in the soil on which he was born. Who so likely to fight against the barbarian hordes of Russia, in defence of freedom—and to stand as a barrier between Russia and the west of Europe—as the Hungarians, standing on their own soil, and fighting for their religion andtheir sacred rights?—(Loud cheers.) As the Noble Lord has entered at great length into the question before us I shall not occupy your attention more than a few moments longer.—(Cries of 1 "Go on.") It is necessary, gentlemen, when so many persons have to address you that each speaker should be as brief as possible. Now we have had meeting after meeting, and we have spoken at them as loudly as we could. Our feelings of sympathy for the people of Hun gary brings to my recollection an old quotation of Hu dibras, which strikes me as somewhat apropos at the present moment— " That sympathy without relief Is like to mustarrl without beef." —(Loud cheers and laughter.) I want the people of England to speak in intelligible language, to the Russian and Austrian Cabinets. I want you also to say to the Government of the day, " You have in times past assisted nations struggling for their freedom —some years ago you suspended the Foreign Enlist• went Act, in order to enable Englishmen to join the standard of the Queen of Spain, who wes fighting against Don Carlos. Here a strong appeal is made to you to adopt a similar course in aid of a holy and noble cause. Suspend the Act in this case. We shall then be able to test the opinion of the country by meetings of this kind, whether that course would not be wise and just,. and whether there are not hosts of men ready to assist In , .nrantaming a constitutional power in the eastern pa r t r-alrope—a nation not affected with rebellious or ex treme opinions , but ready to become ' the defenders and guardian: of real t d,p , ,nd upon y and freedom; and if they do all the assistance the countr y whichreci procate we aid will which we may render her. And we should bo the means of teaching Asia, and all the dominions un a er ean t ? l empires Ise domination of Russia, Turkey, and other wishes to be free i t from despotism, that if a nation hope before long that some stron git can m b on e s t t- o r . a . nce will be And I do roaee by cur Government,:and tha r t e th up in vni may not be expresse3 by word - s e betlihugad of the e (Hear, hear) —for there are men passing but deeds— (Hear, indolence in England who are ready tc to assist this cause.—(Prolonged cheering.) Whilst h a t rm s the one hand wo say we do: not wish to embroil this c ountry in war with Austria and Russia—(H ear ' hear) —yet, on the other hand, let the p eo pl e espouse this holy and noble ca use if t h ey think proper. Will you allow th ose ships of yours sailing indolently in ditfereet parts et the eforld , to archer near some of the large towns of t he Russian 'empire, and say, " England has accepted your challenge—we are the advocates of constitutional liberty—so long as you re naainefl in your own country, and d id not step into another illegally, and against the laves of God and na tions, and endeavoured to crush the liberties of a people, like those of Hungary, we did not interfere with y ou ; but, heating acted in contravention of those laws, wa have accepted your challenge ; and un- less your armies be withdrawn, the broad sides of the British navy will fire upon you."—(lmineme cheering, and waving of hats and handkerchiefs.) Sir, we want no war. We shall have no war. Six mil lions worth of produce, from the estates of Russian nobles, is annually imported into_thi3 country; and the moment you: put on a warlike front, these nobles would compel the Emperor to adopt a different line of policy, or be would cease to exist. If you do not do this, we shall have that cloud which has so long hovered over Europe bursting upon us, and dis turbing, for years and years the peace of Europe; but if we step forth and aid this great and brave nation, the money it may cost will be well spent, because it will uphold the peace of Europe, and teach a lesson to the Russian Czar which he will never forget; and, on the other hand, we shall by such an act obtain a noble heritage which we shall be enabled to hand down to posterity unsullied, as a bright example to other nations. The Hon. Gentleman seconded the mo• tion, and resumed his seat amidst lend cheers. Mr. ROLAND ALSTON spoke to the resolution. From the earliest period, he said, the Hungarians had ever been a free, a noble, and a gallant people; loyal to their chosen Sovereign, and ever ready to expend their Lest blood its defence of their rights and fatherland. They had broken no law—they were, on the contrary, the de fenders of the law against those who broke it. It was said that their Constitution resembled our own; but they possessed a Constitution even before the name of Parlia ment was known in England, before a vestige of consti tutional rights appeared in this now highly-favoured and happy country.— (Vociferous cheering, in opposition to that opinion.) It would have been monstrous had Han teary not resisted her oppressors. What would the English people have thought and done if in 1830, when the people had effected the passing of the Re form Bill, and the King had sanctioned it, the King had refused to ratify it, had withdrawn to Hanover and had sent 200,000 Russians into England to enforce any tyranny he might have chosen to enact ? Why, there would have been but one shout of defiance from one end of the country to another, and there would have been a war of extermination in whose result either not a single Englishman or not a single Russian would have been left alive in the country.—(Cheers.) He did not fear that Russia awl Austria combined would ultimate ly crush Hungary, but he was anxious that England should not miss the opportunity of expressing her warm spn pethy in this glorious cause. He conceived that if the feeling of the people of this country was once distinctly expressed, it would aid the English Cabinet to develop more emphatically that sympathy which he was satis fied they felt for the great cause of Hungary.—(Hear.) The CHAIRMAN hoped the meeting would readily un derstand that there could be no reluctance, on the pert of the committee, to hear au American gentleman, but it was necessary to maintain order in their proceedings, which he was sure the meeting would egree with him. was highly proper. lie should now, however , be g lad to introduce ani welcome any gentleman who was a friend of America. The Rev. Mr. RIcuMOND, of the Episcopal church of America, then presented himself in front of the p'atform, and was received wi th loud cheers. He said he had not the most distant intention, when he first entered, of in truding himself upen this public meeting of the cit!zwis ot VitAmineter, but when America was appealed to he did think that that was a moment—and he should only have been a moment on his legs had he been allowed to arcak then—when it was his duty to get up and pro nounce this to be not me: e'y an English or a Etitish question, but an Anglo-Sexen question.—(Hear, beer.) lie would not confess to Lapp- ariug there es a stranger; he cool I not confess hims , It to be a stranger in &T -ian I, nor would he ever c infers himself to be a stranger; and when the other day he was et Green and was se-n by a friend to kiss the green fields, his friend ask! el him what he was doing? His reply wee, " that he was kissing his mother."—(Laughter.) Such, he could as sure them, was the feeling of every true-born American. The first thing they were proud of—and the meeting uld forgive the Americens for this—was that they were free-born Americans; while the st cond thing they were proud of was, that every drop of blood in the it veins was English.— (Cheers.) There fare, the time for wars be. tween great branches of the Anglo-Saxon nation had passed away.—(Cheers.) Hitherto they had been far too passive upon the question, and now the period had a -rived for their being positive. Let them then, in a voice of thunder, indignantly protest against this great wrong.—(Hear, hear.) Let the twenty millions of Anglo-Sax , ms on the other aide of the Atlantic, and the twenty millions here, unite in one cry, and that thunder of forty millions of An ;lo Saxon voices would roll over the Continent, and strike terror into the mouth of the tyrants of the north.—(Hear, hear.) Just one thousand years ago that great Anglo-Saxon, whose anniversary combined English and Americans were now about to celebrate, drove back the northern hordes. Let it be for the Anglo-Saxons of the present day to aid at least in driving back the northern hordes once mere.—(Cheers.) The Great Northern Bear had become so Hungary— (Laughter)—that he will not be satisfied without a large slice of Turkey—(Renewed laughter)—and it was time to tell him to whet his appetite elswhere. If this country told him so, he would listen to it; but he must be told to confine his appetite within a more limited range. (Hear, hear.) With Americans this was mainly a question of bro therly love, of liberty and freedom throughout the world, of hatred to oppression; but with England it was a qles:ion of sell-preservation, for they might be sure that Hungary would be only a step more towards Turkey, and that Turkey, if once assailed from so near a position, must fall; for Turkey, like one of those trees in the western forests of America which, long since cut through, but still remaining standing and looking like trees, yet fall at the first touch and show themselves but dust, must be prostrated with the first vigorous blow. The aim of the Russian bear was to get possession of Constantinople, and therefore it was well for this country to follow the example of America and double her fleet in the Mediter ranean. When the American commodore asked for an additional force in the Mediterranean, they sent him double the number of ships lie demanded, because they felt it was a contest between slavery and freedom. Now was the time, now was the day, row was the hour for a great effort. The struggle was between despotism and liberty—between oppression and slavery—between barbarism and civilisation. He, as a clergyman, should not stand forward as advo cating a recourse to physical demonstration, were it not that he considered the question one between despotism and liberty, between barbarism and civilisation, between the rights of man, given him by God, and the opponents of those rights, who cling to the monstrosities of the feudal system.—(Hear, hear.) It was not only a struggle between despotism and liberty, between oppression, slavery, and freedom, but it wa3 also a struggle between barbarism and civilization.—(Cheers.) It was a struggle between the rights of man, which God had given him, and the proud and tyrannical oppressors of those rights, who stood only upon the old feudal system. The last legacy which Washington gave to his countrymen was, " Not to entangle themselves with foreign alliances;" but in this case it was not applicable, for with them it was one of self-preservation. Statesmen now regretted and felt that it was in their power to have saved Poland before it was too late. They should interfere to save Hungary, and not afterwards to express unavailing re grets.—(Hear, hear.) Let the voice, then, of the forty millions of Anglo-Saxons be raised in favour of Hungary and the cause of liberty.—(Hear, hear.) Do not mistake him, he was not a sham Republican— not a make-believe lover of freedom—not such as they had seen in France, in Louis Napoleon, who sent a friendly army to Italy. He was not a make believe de fender of freedom. It was clear that the new Napoleon —(Groans)—was not to be relied upon, nor the nation which permitted the visit of the friendly army of inter vention to Rome.—(Groans.) But a Frenchman would be a Frenchman, he could not help it.—(A laugh) A Frenchman could not be a John Bull.—(A laugh.) And thirty-two millions of people, who were so near to them, could not be counted on in this struggle.—(Hear, hear.) What, then, had they to look to? Why, to the conservative republic of England. The true consera waive republic was to be looked for in America and in England. And the health which he would soonest drink was " Long life to the Queen."—(Elea, hear.) In America they said, the Queen of Spain, the Queen of Portugal; but when speaking of the Queen of England, they said simply, the Queen; proving beyond all ques tion, that every American was anxious to secure the stability of the throne of England.—(Hear.) And the meeeting might depend upon it the best thing for Eng land was long life to the Queen, and stability to her throne. He believed a republic was the best thing for America, while a monarchy was the best thing for England; and both, he was sure, would always be found ready to unite in defending the rights of man against the . oppression of the tyrant.—(Cheers.) There was a time for all things; and now was the time for England to stand up in defence ot Hungary. No nation could stand up with the majesty that she could. She had power to command reverence, if not from despots, at least from their people; and, therefore, he said again, let the great progenitor of the Anglo-Saxon race stand up, and cry in a voice of thunder, " This mighty:wrong shall not be done."—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried with enthu siasm. Lord DUDLEY STUART, who was then introduced to the meeting by the Chairman to move the second reso lution, and who was received with loud and long-conti nued cheering, said—Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and Gentlemen, I assure you that I have delayed a few me ments addressing you with a great deal of pleasure. I was to have spoken immediately after my friend Mr. Roland Alston had delivered his sentiments, but I am re joiced that the Rev. Gentleman from the United States of America has had the opportunity of delivering his noble sentiments upon the present occasion. —(Cheers.) I am certain that our worthy Chairman, when he stopped that Rev. Gentleman on his first rising, only did so, a s he expressed himself, from a desire to maintain the order of our proceedings—(Hear, hear)—because the committee, under the guidance of t hat Hon. Gentleman, had already decided that a resolution should be given to a citizen of the United States, who will also have the honour of addressing you.—(Cheers.) Ladi , s and gen tlemen, I shall now make to you but a few observations upon the qucAion, because it is one with which you aro already familiar, in consequence of the great number of meetings which I rejoice to know have been held in different p ar t s o f t hi s metropo li s , an d i n a ll, o r at least in a g r ea t many, country ; and of the principal towns throughout the u aymeanayiregad y aent!ezrne,ssi(d y in no o b u le u a p n o d n etlhoe eione nnttr speeches, aencdhes also subject.—(Bear, and cheers.) It is nently- calculated to excite yo d ur sympathy; and I will read to you, b e f ore I further, the resoludon which it will b e my duty to move. " That this meeti ng looks with unmitigated h unmitigated abhor rence on tho joint efforts of te Monarchs to extinguish th e freedom of and Russian in the blood of its brave inhabitants. Ag a allant nation, of the invasion is only equalled by the atrt,oiou the infamy cruel ties marking the progress- of -the invaders ; an d taut following address, expressive of our adcuirationatt sympathy, be forwarded' to the brave men of Hungary, with the least possible delay."—(Loud ch. ers.) An address has been'preparcd to be forwarded to Hun gary, and I will call upon the Secretary, Mr. M'Enteer, to read it to you, and then I will further address you. Mr. IVENTEER then read the following address : " ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS CT THE CITY OF WEST MINSTER TO THE HUNGARIAN PEOPLE. "Bravo Men of lluagary,—From the seat of Briti?h Government, we, the inhabitants of the ancient city of Westminster, address you. As the citizens of a free country, the struggle of freedom against despotism must ever command our sympathies. Such a struggle, in its holiest phase, heroic Hungary now presents to us. In you the world beholds the spectacle of a united people fighting for the rights of fatherland, and exhibiting a heroism only to he (quailed by the enduring patience and devoted loyalty manifested by you preceding your final resort to arms. Justice and moderation clothe with dignity the surpassing bravery of the defenders of your constitutional rights, and the guilt and cruelty of your oppressors call not more loudly for the execration of the good than your devoted patriotism commands the sym pethy and aid of all to whom liberty and humanity are dear, and injustice and cruelty abhorrent. " The intense interest attaching to your position has made the history of Hungary familiar to the Bri.ish mind. In the pages of that history we find that the rights you struggle to preserve are the constitutional heritage of a thousand years. Since the accession of the House of Lorraine-Hapsburg, fourteen kings of a faithless race have successively sworn to respect and guard your national privileges; and by each in turn has the sacred oath been violated; and now, as the crowning sin of this perjured dynasty, the present Austrian mo narch seeks to wade through a nation's blood to the throne of St. Stephen, and when defeated by Ifunga elan valour, calls to his aid the kindred assistance Cossack hordes to desolate with fire and sword the fair fields of a people who have repaid royal treason with forgiving truth, and erred only in their loyalty by loving • not wisely, but too well.' " War should ever be the last resource of the op pressed, but the history of our own country teaches that tyranny may assume a shape that makes arnatd resistance bt come a virtue. That shape in its most hideous form the Austrian and Russian invaders of your country have assumed, If the revolution that won for us Englishmen u r.ights of H is for a g lo r u ' ' then m i s glorious is o the r struggle nationalityfreedom,ardost and sanctified is the blood of the heroes so devotedly slit d in sacrifice at the altar of their country, Would that an Evgiish current mingled in the Mitigation stream in its victorious course to glory and immortality. While with the bleeding hearts of your heroes you build the foundation of your country's freedom, the en lightened of the earth must see dna, your contest is not atone for your native land, but one fully identified with the interests of universal humanity. As the frontier guard of European civil action, your gallant nation offers a natural barrier to the encroachments of Russian bar barism, and while fighting the battle of Hungarian liberty, 3 on have the ps ril and the glory of ecting as the vengatud of continental freedom. Bravo defenders of so great a trust, right manfully have you fulfilled your high inissioe : Your country bleeds from many wounds. Humanity weeps at the spt ctaele, end renps the reward of your heroic devotion, " Accept, brave Runge-ill - is, this ex:ere - 854m of sym pathy froze English hearts, to which we add our prayers to the God of freedom for a speedy SUCCCS3 to your righteous cause; of tucti ultimate success wo doubt not, for we live in the faith of the bard of our land,who sung— " For freedom's battle env, begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to sell, Though lesfil.d oft, is ever won.' And never had freedom cobler armstles to work out the poetic prophecy than Hungary now cff. rs in the illus trious Kossuth, the valiant Bern, Georgey, Dambhaki, Kleplca, Vettor, Damianich, Perm!, Aulich, and Richard Guyon. That more than British sympathy may strengthen the heroic band, we this day petition our beloved Sovereign to suspend the Foreign Enlist ment Act, which prevents us sending immediate succour to your ranks, and to acknowledge the independence of the Hungarian nation. In the cause of Hungary w e re cognise the cause of jumtice, freedom, and civilization, and they who would shrink from you in your day of peril are unworthy of the blessings the triumph of such a cause confers on man." Lord !DUDLEY STUART resumed—Now, Mr. Chair man, ladies, and gentlemen, that is the address, and ought we not at least to express our sympethy with this brave and noble nation of Hungary ?—(Cheers.) The be ginning of this struggle was to decide a question which i s recognised as one of the most important in our own constitution, and without which principle our cons'itu tiou could not go on a day. Oae question that arms were taken up to decide was whether the Ministers were to be responsible to the people or to the Sovereign.— (Hear, hear.) Tho Emperor of Austria wanted the Minister of War and the Minister of Finance not to be responsible to Parliament, but to be responsible only to himself. However, feeling it dangerous to insist on that demand, in March he agreed that the Ministers should be responsible. In April ho determined that they should not—he determined that they should act without Parliament; and to enforce that ty rannical proposition it was that Jellachich attempted to coerce the Hungarians by arms.—(Hear, hear.) Why, that is enough, one would think to engage the sympathy of all free and of all constitutional people.—(Cheers.) Sympathy for Hungary I Why, asks some one, are we to express sympathy with Hungary? I will tell you why the British should, because we are a free people, and the people of Hungary are struggling for freedom—(Cheers) —because we are. if ever a nation was, an independent people, and would not brook for a single moment the do minion of a foreigner, and the Hungarians aro striving against foreigner—(Cheers)—because we are a people who have lived f ir centuries under a constitution which we have inherited from our fathers, and which has been handed down from father and to son—a constitution composed of King, Lords, and Commons—(Cheers)— a constitution to which we are attached, but one which we have from time to time found it necessary to amend and to improve—(Cheers)—and one which we aro determined still further to amend—(Cheers)—and to make as per fect as we can.—(Long continued cheering.) That is just what the Hungarians have been doing. They have enjoyed a constitution similar to our own for centuries. It has been handed down to them from father to son; they have struggled from time to time to make it better; they have lately introduced a great, a sweeping, an essential reform into it, and no doubt when they have driven out those who attempt to prevent them they will, like us, be determined to make their constitution perfectly satisfac tory.—(Loud cheers.) Why should we sympathise with Hungary ? Because we aro a Protestant nation— (Cheers)—and because, above all, we are a nation as much attached to religion as to a civil liberty.— (Cheers.) So are the Hungarians. A great portion of that nation is Protestant, but, Protestant or not, they are determined to have—they have perfect religious li berty—they have it to a degree greater than we have, for in that country, now since the reform of Kossuth, there is not even the vestige of such a thing as intole rance, or any obstacle to the completion of religious liberty.—(Cheers.) Why should we sympathise with Hungary ? Because we are a brave people.—(Cheers.) If ever a nation in the world was renowned for deeds of arms, by land and by sea, that is the British nation.— (Cheers.) We have succumbed to none in these respects, and we can point to as glorious achievements as are recorded in the history of any nation. And what cation is more brave than the Hungarians ?—(Cheers.) What nobler deeds of arms have ever been done than by those gallant patriots, led oa by the glorious 13em?— (Loud cheers.) Lately a poor despised Polish refugee, subsisting on a charitable allowance its this country, he is now the first man in Europe.—(Prolonged cheers.) What deeds have ever surpassed those of another noble Polish commander, Dembinski, or of Georgey, or of all those other noble Hungarian (Beers who are mentioned in the address?—(Prolonged cheers.) Why then we, who are Englishmen, we who belong to a brave nation, renowned for deeds in arms, mu s t we not sympath i se with those gallant Hungarians struggling in th e b est o f all causes?—(" Yes, yes,' and loud cheers.) Why should we sympathise with Hungary? Because we are a hu mane nation.—(Hear, hear.) However bold our soldiers may be in the field, or our sailors on the deck, no base unmanly, cold-blooded act has ever sullied the fame of British soldiers and sailors.—(Cheers.) We cannot bear to hear of the mode in which these vile Austrians carry on the war.—(Hear, hear,) Unable to overcome the brave Hungarians in the field, they satiate their vengeance upon those unhappy men and women who fall into their grasp.—(Cries of " Shame," and sen sation.) Not long since a noble Hungarian, filling an office which we have not any that exactly corresponds to, but which may be termed Inspector-General of the Protestant Faith. lie is not a clergyman, he is not a bishop, but he is a layman, appointed to protect and see that the Protestant religion is maintained in its right'. He had the misfortune to full into the hands of the Aus trians. He was not a soldier, he was a man of peace; ho was interrogated by the Austrian officers, he gave en answer somewhat too independent. What did they do with him? Publicly flogged him. Now, that is one of the last things that we have heard. But this is shocking; it revolts the feelings of every man of common humanity. —(Hear, hear.) But it is nothing, compared to things which they have done—flogging not men but women. — (Cries of " Shame," and hisses.) It is hardly credible, but these things we know, not from private letters, but from the official documents of the Austrian Govern ment itself. As to the prisoners being shot and put to death, there are innumerable instances of those; and the Austrian Government, which has always betn famous for its persecution of religion—(Hear, hear) — the House of Hapsburg, some of whom were those who esolblished the infamous Spanish Inquisition, and who have done more to put down religious liberty than any other family that ever has been known—(Hear)--this Austrian Government has at least shown its impartiality with different religions during this war—for it has hung up on one and the same gallows a clergyman of the Pro testant and of the Catholic Church.—(Hisses.) Why then we, who are a humane people, cannot bear to hear of war being carried on in this shameful and dastardly way, and we must sympathise with the Hungarians who have resisted enemies, who have acted in the' manner which I have described —(Cheers.) And why should we then sympathise with th; Hungarians? Because, al though we are a brave people, we are a people disposed to peace. Some persons may think that there is a time when war is desirable; but I look upon it that there is ao doubt that the British nation is disposed and de sirous of seeing peace prevail throughout the world; and we know that there can be no peace in`Europe until Hungary recovers her rights.—(Loud cheers.) The Ilurgarians are engaged in a struggle thesuccess ful issue of which will do more to place peace upon a sound and durable footing than any other evepathat can , be contemplated. Therefore all our sympathies . etre utie to the Hungarians.—(Cheers) Why sympathise with the Hungarians? Because they are engaged in a strug gle with Russia, and we know that if Russia be allowed to proceed the consequence must be that herinfluence will become supreme in Europe, and Europe will become, Rs was piophncied by Napoleon, altogether Cossack.— (llear, hear.) A very bad habit has prevailed in the world for many years, that of suffering Russia to proceed with her encro•achmen's.—(llnar, hear.) You looked upon and saw Poland destroyed and put down. Now what is the consequence? Now Russia is going on to destroy rho liberties of Hungary, and she will destroy those of all the world if she is not arrested.—(Hear.) Therefore the Hungarians being engaged in the siruggle against her demand all our sympathies—(Cheers)— another reason why we ought to sympathise with Hun gary. This nation is distinguished by one characteris tic above nll others. I believe it has always been ac knowledged that Englishmen love fair play.— (Laughter.) The Hungariana have not had • fair play.—Cheers.) They rose to maintain their rights—r they fought with their enemy—they fought a good fi,:-41; —they cot vered him—they put him to flight—they, discomfited his armies—they turned his best general to shame—they drove him out of their country, and he could only take refuge upon the confines.—(Loud cheers.) What did he do? Ho applied to another great overgrown and powerful monarch, with hundreds of men to interfere, and Russia interferes with lawless interference, against the law of nations, in order to nut down these brave men. — (" S ham e , " and groans.) Now that is another reason why we ought to syeapsthize with them.—(Loud cheers.) And do you want one more reason? I will tell you one more, and I think it is a good reason--it is a reason which will bear consideration— it will bear pondering over and examining. The Hun garians have always been distinguished by their love of free-trade.—(Cheers.) This netion is an industrious and a commercial nation. We are a people who love to live by our industry—we like to interchange our commodities with other nations-, so that a mutual benefit may „t ee ,(Chcers.) We have seen the advaetege of this with regard to that country, one of whose sons has addressed us this evening so well and so nobly— (Loud cheers.) We know that the commercial advan tages arising to this country from the trade with the United States is ten times greater than it would be if that country bad net achieved her independence— (Cheers) —greater even than it would be it she had re mained subject to the rule of Great Britain.—(Hear, hear.) If the advantages to this country of Hunger) being free, in a commercial point of view, are so great that those well versed in this subject are confidently of opinion, that in a few years we shall have as great a trade with Hungary as we now have with tho United States—(Cheers) — consider what would be the benefit of having another United States allied with us, bound to us by feelings of friendship, thus() feelings cementer: by mutual interests, placid at the carat of Europe.— (Cheers) To the west. we,should scud forth our corn °scree, and interchange our commodities with our bre thren in the United States.—(hear, hear.) And charmed I was to hear that nob!o AmeriLan say that he would not be a stranger in an assembly of Britons— (Vehement cheering)—and I am glad to have the opportunity of telling him, and I know that I speak the feelings of m y nation, that whenever an American from the United States comes into an assembly of Englishmen he evil, be a brother.—(Loud cheers) Now, gentlemen, i• there arc twenty millions of freemen on the other site of the Atlantic, there are fif een millions of free men in Hurgary. Thee are a nation where then are few manufactures, but where the soil is rieh and ex ceedingly productive.—(`clear, hear.) The inhabitants would h, exceedingly glad to seed to us their produce in corn, in maise, in wine, in oil, in hemp, in tobacco, ane to Wee in return the products of our industry.—(Cheers.) They would be glad to take from us linen and cottot goods, and woollen goods, and articles of cutlery ano china, and silk manufactures, and stationery and saddler), and almost every article that at itish industry produces. --(Hear, hear.) They woul I take them with pleasure. with profit to us, with advantage to themselves, and great indeed would be the advantages which would result Iron this commerce—(Cheers) —aud let me say that the) aoulel take them free, without duty, or with the smallest possible duty, unlike the Austrian Government, which i, roost inimical to cur commerce.—(Renewed cheering.; These things aro beginning to be understood by the great merchants and manufacturers of this country. have in my hand a letter which I received some time age from a merchant at Glasgow. I have a good mind e read it to you. (Cries of " Read it.") It is not a nee letter ; it came to me in the month of May, when thi: noble struggle began first to be very much talked of ii this country. It is from a stranger to me—a gentleman with whom I had no acquaintance, but I have sine found, upon inquiry, that he is at the head of one of the mast respectable mercantile houses in Glasgow. I have been called a sentimentalist in politics—(Laughter)—but now I am speaking -to you not of sentiment, but of that which must be of permanent advantage and benefit to our country. The Noble Lord then pro ceeded to read as follows: " Individually I read with pleasure the Hungarian General Bem's letter to your Lordship, and feel deepl ) in the issue of Hungarian independence on the ground of its bearing on true freedom-in religious, political, and commercial interests, all of which are at stake in 6( issue of the struggle. Austrian dominion in Hungar) imposes very high restrictive duties on articles of m nufacture as imported into the latter country. Instance those on the item of pig or coat iron, rolled iron, ant , sheet iron, as an index to those imposed on other articles and contrast such prices as, paid by the Hungarian Go vernment with what they can be furnished from Scotland as an inducement to open a connexion in commerce." First he gives the prices paid in Hungary under the Hun garian system. The price at which he could delivea iron in Hungary according to the Hungarian tariff, first, cast iron pr ton delivered in the river Saso a -41. los.; according to the present Austrian one, of 71 Rolled iron delivered in the river Sase, according to the Hungarian system, at 10/. per ton; according to the Austrian system, at 221. par ton. Then sheet iron, ac cording to the Hungarian system, 121. 10s. per ton; according to the Austrian system, at 441 per ton. Then he says with truth:—" These figures are vet.) striking, and show clearly what an advanta geous opening for British commerce that hitherto-closed kingdom presents to us." He is a practical man; heis not theorizing. He says, My immediate business lays in these very articles named, and in order to facilitate the forma tion of connexions in Hungary, your knowledge of per sons of influence there would be invaluable as a medium of access for future operations."—(Hear, hear.) I wrote to this gentleman and gave him all the information that I possibly could supply, and in a short time afterwards he replied to me, saying bow much he was obliged, but that lie found it was impossible to enter into any trans action, much as he wished it, because the independence of Hungary was not recognised by our Government.— (Hear, and cheers.) Now that stops all these proceed ings. Then this war which is being carried on is a positive detriment and evil to the merchants and menu facturers, and everybody else in this country.—(Hear, hear.) That ought to be known, for not only could iron be sent out with advantage, but alrnostevery other article. Let the merchants of Manchester remember that, who have cotton goods to send out. Let the manu facturers of Lancashire remember that. Let Hud dersfield, Leeds, Halifax, Bradford, all those places in Yorkshire where the woollen trade and cotton trade flourish, remember that—let the inhabitants of She ffield with their cutlery know that—let the inhabit ants of Macclesfield and of Spitalfields with their silk manufactures know that—let all those who live by in dustry, and comma rte, and manufacture, tend who want a market for British industry, know that it is to be found in Hungary. Aye, and let them remember that those who prevent their having these advantages, those who keep th:s money out of their pockets, and who prevent theta from getting rich and being enabled to afford in consequence advantages to their children and families, and diffuse wealth through the land—those are the Emperors of Austria and of Russia.—(Hisses.) But chiefly it is that Northern Bear, to whom reference has been made so often, because the Emperor of Austria could not do it —it has been proved he could not do it. And why do we not recognise the independence of Hungary? The in dependence of Hungary de jure is not denied; the inde pendence of Hungury de facto has been established—l say it is proved by the very fact of Russian interven tion. If Hungary were not independent Austria would not appeal to Russia to come to her assistance.— (Cheers.) Let us then, by the expression of our opinion and of our determination upon this subject, give strength to those in our Government who, as I believe, feel and sympathise with us.—(Cheers.) At the beginning of this session of Parliament I called the attention of our Government to the encroachments of Russia in Wallachia and Moldavia.—(Hear, hear.) I told them that Russia, without any right or reason, whatever had marched an immense army into those provinces of the Turkish empire, and that they were keeping that immense force there at free quarters upon the inhabitants. I called upon the Government to re monstrate against this course. I believe that some kind of representation was made •, but if a remonstrance of a sort to be attended to had been addressed to Russia, it is my belief that all this attack upon Hungary would net have taken place.—(Loud cheers.) And I will tell you another thing, that I believe more energetic and effectual remonstrances would have been made, if the attention of the public bad been called to the circumstance, so that those at the head of cur Foreign Affairs would have found that support from the people which, perhaps, they in vain looked for elsewhere.—(Loud cheers.) I there fore rejoice in my heart at such meetings as these, where there are so many persons of intelligence end so many determined spi r i ts assem bl e d together to testify their interest in th e contest w hich is going on—(Cheers)— und I rejoice t o t hi nk t h at this is not a solitary meeting. There have be en meetings all over this metropolisotonly upon throughout the c ountr y, and I cannot but think that the voice of such meetings will have an effect, not our Cabinet, but will also have an effect in the foreign cabinets of those despots who are waging this un righteous war.—(Cheers.) Yes, your voice will go forth over Europe, teed it will reach even the Czar himself, who will hear it even amidst the roar of the cannon of Bem. (Loud cheers.) But I want you to give every proof that you can of your real, sincere, and honest interest in this cause. There have been different opinions about peace and about war. It is my opinion that war is not necessary ; for, as has been well said by my Hon. Friend the Member for Bodmin (Mr. Wyld), it is only requisite that this country should take a determined attitude for respected.—(Cheers.)her will to b e respecte d.i(Cheers.) But there are other . very the things whi c h you can d o besides petitioning her Ma jesty, be s id es a dd ress i ng t h e Hungarian nation, whi c h are very ri g ht, an d w hi c h have my entire approbation— there are oth er means o f testing people's sincerity, and one which much h wilt e b patriots th ere is suc h a thing as a subscrip tion of merlefa e Yi o hi f o this day testimonials are very(Lgar use to the Hungarian fashion:—(Laughter) — and d-•es any thi ng which ghter)—and whenever a man In deserves the approbation of his fell ow - c i t i zens, i t i s co mmon to make a large sub scription by way of a testimonial to his rnerit.—(Re nowei laughter.). Well, then, why not a testimonial to the merit of the Hungarian people ?—(Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) I think that committees for this purpose ought to be formed in every part of the country; and I have no doubt that a sum will be collected, which, being placed in the hands of the Hungarian Governmerit, will ba foun,l to be of the utmost use to them.—(Loud ch,crs ) I must say that I think the working classes in this country have already set a most noble example.— (Loud cheers ) I know that everywhere they have been ready to part with some of their hard earnings. I know that in some places they have determined to give each some pence a week.—(hear, hear.) I think that is a most noble example.—(Cheers.) I know that those noble spirits have :FDA, " We cannot afford much —we can give but a mite, but every week wo will put aside something that we can spare from the wants of our families, and send it to the brave Ifungatinn patriots." —(Cheers.) I know that that has been done in this metropolis, and I believe elsewhere also. L :at night I received . a letter from a number of liberal working men in the small town of Horsham, tel• Ong me that they had assemble] in behalf of Hungary, ,god had resolved each to give so much of his weekly earnings, and desiring to know to whom they were to send it. These are most noble examples.—(Cheers.) This is a noble example which the working classes have set, as they often do, to those who are superior to them in the gift, of fortune.—(Cheers.) I cannot say that I am so well setisfied in this respect with people much bet ter able to subscribe than those brave men whom I have mentioned to you; but I hope they are not deaf to public epinion.--(Cheers.) People, in however high circles they move, are keenly sensitive upon this point. We have a press—these things are circulated through the country, and I trust that such noble examples will he worthily followed, and that we shall soon have some not to present to the Government of Kossuth which will be worthy of his acceptance, and which may really render some essential service. —(Loud cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I do not think that I have anything further is trouble you with. I need not set out the claims of llungsry to you any more, because I see and know that you are all with me upon this subject. I. will not read the resolution again; but I shall propose it to you with zho perfect conneence that you will unanimously adopt i t.— M ( m re . o i n li g o - m c o a n s t r u o e t d a c r l o t e s e e r i t n o g. s ) econd the resolution, but tie was interrupted with calls for Mr. Julian Harney. Mr. JULIAN HALNEY accordingly presented himself in front of the platform, but he declined to speak at that moment, as the committee had appointed Mr. Preut to second the resolution, and it would be out of order to interpose himeelf then, especially as he would afterwards have an opportunity of addressing them—Meal - 0 Mr. Paour said he seconded the resolution with great pleasure, but in doing so he should be very brief, as the subject had bean dealt with so fully by the several gentlemen who had pre ceded him. He had been a reformer for a great number of years, and had seen public opinion expressed on:a multitude of subjects, but never had he found it xpressed so strongly as it was in the case of Hun gary.—(Hear, hear) Ile saw it rising up in all its strength from Cornwall to Norfolk, and Irons Sussex to the Oi kneye, and del end upon it a voice so unanimously and universally raised would find its way to the ears of the oppressor.—(Hoar, hear.) He was a practical man, and had not assisted in convening this meetiog with out having some practical object in view. —(Cries if " Heer, hear.") Well, then, the first thing that had struck him was this—they had heard that the Governments of France and England united could control the other countries of Europe, toed what he had to lament in this ca -e was, that France and England were not exactly united. Now, it appeared to him quite clear that one practical use of this meeting would be to aid and assist our Foreign Minister in per suading the Government of France to take the same view ,f this subject with themselves.—(Hear, hear.) He had aed to lament the position which France had taken up fir many months pas'.—(Hear, hear.) Witness their expedition to Rome—(llear)—witness what was under stood to be the current of events there, and the attempts ..hat avers being made for reactionary purposes. If Fame had been true to herself, if she had been true to her revolution, when it was proposed that the Cos sacks and serfs of Russia should be called in to crush Hungary, France would have told Russia that she would place 100,000 mon on the Rhine.—(Hear, hear.) He would warrant them this would not have proddeed war. It would have been the true conservative policy, if France had said that Frenchmen would have been in possession of Vienna before Russia could have crossed the frontier to assist the Emperor of Austria. Therefore, one object of the meeting was to make an impression on the British Government, so that it might procure the as , istance of France in making a stand against the ad • ranee of Russia.—(Hear, hear.) Hither, however, than Hungary should be wiped away from the map of the world, although he was averse to war, England ought to run the risk of a war to prevent it; but had France placed 100,000 men at the Rhine, and 50,000 men on the top of the Alps, for the purpose of procuring Italian liberty, the liberties of Europe would have been secure against the present reactionary state of things.—(Hear, hear.) What was now taking place ? He believed a foundation was being laid for an insurrection that might swamp every crowned head in Europe, and this meeting would have the effect of assisting the Foreign Minister in coming to some understanding with France to put a stop to the incursions of Russia.— (Hear, hear.) Let them remember the opinion pro nounced by his Hon. Friend tho Member for Bodmin, Rho had said that the true policy of this country was to take its stand now against Russia, and prevent the occurrence of a ferocious war hereafter.—(Hear, hear.) Unless she were checked in her daring career, she would take possession of the Danubian Provinces, and they would witness another division of a great and important country, which England might have prevented had she interfered in time.—(Elear, hear.) . Mr. WICKENS, in speaking to the resolution, pointed to Madame Yulski, who was in the gallery, observing, that she escaped the knout and the bayonets of the Huse sian soldiery in her efforts to join her husband. This statement caused a great movement amongst the meeting, who loudly cheered the lady. He then proceeded to read an extract from a work to show that Hungary bad always sympathised with Poland; and he added that the reform in Hungary had emanated from the nobles of the country, who had given 20,000,000 of acres of land to make electors of 500,000 of the people. Ail he would say was, let our nobles "go and do likewise." Mr. JULIAN HARNEY' then came forward, and was well received. He commenced by explaining what had taken place between himself and Lord Dudley Stuart at the meeting held in Marylebone on the subject of Hungary, and he said that he was now going to pursue the same course on that occasion, because they had that evening showed that they • desired that an armed intervention in the affairs of Hungary ought to take place.—(Hear, hear.) The meeting at Marylebone was not, as it was imputed it was, a Chartist meeting; nor was that. They met as Englishmen, to express their sympathy with the acts of the bravo men of Hungary. One of the most prac tical modes by which they could serve the Hungarians would be by means of subscriptions. He then com mented on the "friendly relations with foreign coun tries" which appeared in the Queen's Speech, and said it was a shame, if they had friendly relations with some of those countries who did all in their power to crush the spirit of liberty on the continent. He also contended that the Foreign Enlistment Act might be repealed.—(Hear, hear.) The resolution was then agreed to. The Hon. Mr. WHARTON moved the third resolution as follows: " That justice and policy alike justify the British Go vernment in at ones acknowledging the independence of Hungary; and that a petition be presented on behalf of the inhabitants of the city of Westminster to our Graci ous Sovereign, praying her for an order in Council to re cognise the de facto Government of Hungary, and to suspend the Foreign Enlistment Act of 1819, in favour of the Hungarian nation." Government he said could not control public opinion in this country, though public opinion could control the Government; and he did really believe that the expres sion of public opinion upon this subject would have a great effect upon Austria and Russia.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WRIGHT seconded the resolution, which, he said, quite accorded with his notions. The independence of Hungary ought at once to be recognised; and if the ex pression of Englishmen availed them not, then it must be followed up by something more substantial. The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. Sir FRANCIS KNOWLES moved the next resolution : " That the efforts of the London absolutist press to damage the cause of Hungary has been in a great de gree neutralised by the honesty and talent of the Daily News; and that the thanks of the meeting be given to that journal, together with The Sun and Morning A Iver• aver, for their advocacy of truth and freedom on the question of the Hungarian struggle." After what had fallen from his Noble Friend the Member for Aylesbury, it would be a waste of time to detain the meeting with any remark on the subject of the resolution itself ; but, however united they might bo upon this great cause, the sentiments of each gentleman in speaking to a reso lution must be taken as his own individual opinions, for which the other members of the meeting were not ac countable.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, it appeared to him that the principle of non-intervention was receiving a most extraordinary construction. He remembered some years ago, when that principle was first promul gated, the impression on his mind was that when a na tion took upon itself to regulate its own affairs, or to give a new form to its constitution, no other nation whatever would be permitted to - interfere.—(Loud cheers.) But he found the modern construction of the principle was that every other nation under heaven was to be per mitted to ;:enjoy all the mischief of intervention but Great Britain—(Hear, hear)—but it did occur to him that we had arrived at that state of things when it be came us to take a proper and imposing stand on this Hungarian question.—(Cheers.) Canning predicted some years ago that the next war in Europe would be a war .of opinion—(Hear,hear)---that was to say that the opinions of nations would be divided in favour of despotism on the one side, and liberty and freedom on the other,—(Hear, hear.) Such a war had now been commenced, and it behoved every man, whatever be his degree in station in life, now to make up his mind whether he will join one side or the other.—(Cheers.) With respect to the struggle which we are now met to support, let him resat to their recollection, that the great and sagacious mind of the Emperor Napoleon had predicted that this struggle in Hungary would come. Let them remember the words of the Emperor, that England would run the day she did not assist him to crush the tyrant of the north.—(Cheers.) Some day or other, said the Em peror, Europe would have to choose between a republican government or the Cossscks, and he now called'upon England to decide which they would have?—(Hear.) He was sure she would decide in favour of the republic, and her assistance to Hungary should establish a code of liberty to be the admiration of surrounding nations, and a blessing to all mankind.—(Cheers.) Mr. NICHOLAS briefly seconded the resolution, reserv ing his speech for another occasion, and, like the others, i t was put, and carried unanimously. Mr. UEESIN moved the following resolution:— " That this nu eting looks with warm approbation on those generous men who have given practical proof of their interest in Hungary, by contributing according to their means to the relief of Hungarian refugees, and in particular it desires to thaok B. M. Wilcox, li]sq., M.P., the chairman, and the other directors of the Peninsular C mpeny, for their kininess in forwarding, at a price whieh c uld not be remune:ating, a number of these brave tarn to the Levant, on their way to their own country; and this meeting further approves and desires to promote the subscription set on foet for the purpose of raising a sum of money to be .presented as a testi monial from the British to The Hungary nation." He hid heard that Baron Rothschild had granted a loan to the Emperor of Russia to carry on the war in Hun gary. If this were so, than he was unworthy to sit in the House of Commons as the representative of a liberal constituency. He hoped, however, that when this an nouncement went forth to the world through the public prints, it would be the means of eliciting a denial from the Baron.—(Hear.) Captain REID, an American officer, then addressed the meeting as follows: Gentlemen,—ln rising to second this motion, I am placed in a proud and privileged posi tion—proud that the eyes of a thousand freemen are turned upon me with approval, privileged that I am offered this glorious opportunity of again recording my sympathy on behalf of the brave Hungarians.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is the third time in my life that I have stood upon the platform of a public assembly, and pre ceded as I have been by orators of eminence and elo quence, it would perhaps be becoming in me to apologise for my inexperience, and resume my seat. But no; a cause like this would change bashfulness into boldness, would make even the voicelese eloquent.—(Hear, hear.) I will not sit down until I have raised my voice in its loudest denunciation of the oppressor, in its fullest ' sympathy with the oppressed.—(Cheers.) What men is there among you who could read the barbarous bulletins of a Haynau and a Jellachich eithout feeling his bosom swelling with a holy indignatioa?—(Elear)— without being tempted to exclaim, " Are there no stones in heaven but what serve for the thunder?"—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, it is only a few days since I landed upon our shores; and I cannot express to you the joy that filled my heart to find that that sentiment that was run ning over my own land like an electric fire, was meeting with a full response in the hearts of the English nation. —(Hear, hear.) I found it expressed in the circles of private conversation, through the columns of the public press, and on the platform of many a crowded assembly. I expected as much from the ancestors of the American race, from the scions of the Anglo.Saxon.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it has been said that our sympathy thus ex pressed can effect but little good. I do not take this view of the matter.—(Hear, hear.) The voice of a great 1 people must ever be listened to with respect, and the threats of a great people will ever be beard with fear.— (Hear, hear.) Even now is the cry of your indignation ringing in the cars of the Russian despot ; it will para lyze the hearts and palsy the arms of his hireling mil lions. Justly fear the Austrian and Russian that Eng lish words may soon be followed by English deeds; justly fear they that this sentiment may yet express it self in louder tones, that it may speak in the thunder of the cannon, under a canopy of suiphier!—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, although I am a sillier, I eta no lover of war—(Hear, hear)—and gladly would I turn my sword into the peaceful ploughshare, if I believed that that time had come upon the earth when men had ceased to tyrannise over each other.—(iLar, hear.) The sword drawn in the cause of wrong is as vile a weapon as the steel of the assassin; but so long as there is a living tyrant upon the earth, I will hold war to be no evil, but a great and holy good. " Give us a noble cause," says the immortal Cempbell—((heers)— " Give that, and welcome war to brace Her drums, and rend Heaven's reeking space: Tee colours planted face to face— The charging cheer! Though death's pale horse leaeon, the chase Still, still be dear." And what is the cause of the gallant Magyar--!'or what is he contending? For his liberty and his lire—for his country—for his altar—for his God!—(Cheese.) Gen tlemen, should these glorious spirits survive the fierce struggle they will repay you for your generous sym pathy.—(Cheers.) A brave man is seldom an ungrateful one; and a brave people will not be ungrateful. On the other hand, should they fall, ah! who will there be to thank you? Then, indeed, may it be truly said— " Few, few shall part where many meet !" for who will stay the sword of the double avenger?— (Hear, hear.) Then, indeed, may it be truly said, that every turf beneath their feet will be the sepulchre of a soldier!—(Cheers.) lint, gentlemen, let us hope that this result may never be—let us pray that it may never be; and before I resume my seat I will offer a prayer to the God of Omoipotence, couched in a paraphrase upon the language of the eloquent Curran :—May the Austrian and the Russian sink together in the dust; may the brave Magyar walk abroad in his own majesty; may his body swell beyond the measure of his chains, now bursting from around him; and may he stand redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation.—(Cheers.) The resolution being carried, a vote of thanks was passed to the Chairman, and the meeting separated at a late hour. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. as - ;ccount given in your columns of the proceedings at the late Hungarian meeting in Hanov,r squAre, an American, the Rev. James Richmond, is re ported to have said that his countrymen " wished the stability of the British throne." Now, Sir, I am satisfied that I express the sentiments of every American when I say that there is not one of them who " wishes the stability" of any throne on the face of the earth.—l am, Sir, with respect; truly yours, AN AMERICAN. August 17, 1849. THE ROYAL PATEN T SUBMARINE MANURE COMPANY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—Obs - rvieg in a recent number of The Sum some excellent remarks on the immense benefits likely to be conferrt d on Ireland by the conversion of the bogs of that country into various products, as well as for sanitary purposes, forming as it does a complete deodorizer, and feeling assured that it must prove a powerful adjunct iu aiding fertilization, I beg to call your attention, and that of your numerous readers, to another discovery, also of great national importance. It has been asserted by some, and imagined by others, that the sources from which buano or guano is derived will fail. Without entering into the probability or im probability of this matter, not having sufficient data to guido me, I will assume these sources may fail, yet it should be borne in mind, that Great Britain is sur rounded by an ocean inexhaustible in animal and pisea torial matter, which, by encouragement to fishers, may be extracted therefrom, conveyed to depots, and by a chemical process converted into a substance equal in value, and quite as, if not more efficacious, when ap plied to the earth, as an agricultural or horticultural fertilizer, than Peruvian guano, and costing less money. Fortunately for our country, as England now has, by the policy of her rulers, been placed under the necessity of competing with all the world in her own markets for supplying its inhabitants with food, a discovery has been wade by two gentlemen of re search and talent, residing in Budleigh Salerton, in Devonshire, and is now earrying out with great em ray at Devonport, by Messrs. Byers and Applin, under the designation of " the Royal Patent Sub-Marine Manure Company," and also by their appointe l licencees. By their process all the unmarketable fish of the ocean, and fish refuse of every description, whether caught by the hook or entangled in the net, are converted into a manure, and I have authority to say, from a very expe rienced and intelligent horticulturist, is equal to, if not superior to Peruvian guano. It is concentrated and granulated by a process for which the company have obtained a royal patent, and may, by moderate expense, be conveyed to the interior or any part of England. As the sea near our coasts abounds with fish, by encourage ment being gived to fisheries, an abundant supply might be obtained, not only for the tables of the wealthy, but as food for the poor. Depots and manufactories could be established along our shores, and the land fertilised by an artificial manure superior to any obtained from foreigners at less expense. It may not be generally known that vast quantities of fish, unfit for human food, such as dog-fish, monks, star fish, porpoises, sharks, &c., &c., are continually drawn up by the trawlers on all our fishing grounds, which have hitherto been thrown back into the sea. This being observed by the patentees of the Sub-Marine Manure, created the original idea of combining other fertilizing ingredients, mostly marine products, and, after many years of experiments (aided by first-rate chemical talent), producing under their peculiar patent process, this most invaluable compost, which, I understand, was first tried with success on Lady Rolle's estate at Bicton, in Devon shire, under the management of Mr. Barnes. I cannot close these remarks without suggesting to the capitaliss of the metropolis the feasibility of con verting into a valuable manure, under t he p atent above referred' to, the vast quantities of offal fish from Billings gate, and the numerous fishmongers from whom it could be collected, instead of, as at present, daily polluting the Thames; and in the event of a glut of fish, which, if not saleable for food, would find a profitable market opened for its reception. Wealth is nut my pursuit; my object, as a mariner, is to draw the attention of my countrymen to that element by which we aro surrounded, which is an inexhaustible mine of wealth, whereon thousands of additional hardy and danger-defying seamen may find profitable employ, and who, in times of war and tumult, will hereafter, as they have done heretofore, carry us through dangers which have appalled the wisest of statesmen. L have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, THOS. CURTIS, Commander Royal Navy. 22, London road, King's Lynn, Norfolk, August 15, 1849 LOSS OF TOE RUBY YACHT.—On Sunday morn ing the Ruby left Kingstown, the weather squally, and crossed the bay under a foresail. She beat heavily for some hours, and afterwards filled and went down. The six met, who were on board narrowly escaped drowning, some clinging to the r i g ging and others in the water. A steam-boat picked them all up. The yacht was carried out to sea the evening ebb tide and lost. EXTRAORDINARY ESCAPE FROM DROWNING.— Yesterday afternoon, as the Gem, Gravesend steamer, was stopping off Greenhithe to take on board some pas sengers, a wan was observed to jump overboard. A boat was imraediately lowered, and in a few minutes the man was picked up, but being a heavy man, and wholly unable to swim, he must almost certainly have been drowned, had it not happened Card ho wore a large cloak, which being inflated by the wind sustained him until he was picked up. The Pawnbrokers' Alms-houses, now in course of erection at Forest-gate, W es t Hui], are rapidly pro gressing towards completion. The exterior of the build ing is of red brick, and, vrben completed, Will present an imposing and unique appearance.—Essex Standard. • SIR EDWARD BULWER LYTTON'S K ING A R IF ‘ I7 ,I I s I E L D T — s OEWC In 1 vol., price 103. 6d. bound. EDITION • . " Kin; Arthur aims at relating one of the most fascinating, of all national and chivalrous legends. It is a valuable addition to the poetical treasures of our language, and we regard it as not only worthy, but likely to take its place among those fine, though not faultless, performances which will hereafter represent the poetical literature of England in tile fist half of the nineteenth century. The author is, we think, right in believin4 this to be the least perishable monument of his genius."—Edinburgh Review. Henry Cotburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. rHE NOVELS of the SEASON, By Distinguished Writers. LEONIE VERMONT. By the Author of " Mildred Vernon." 3 Vols. Sir EpIVARD BULIVER LYTTON'S HAROLD. Third Edition, . 3 Vols. 111 FILLAN'S TRADITIONARY STORIES of the TWO RE BELLIONS in SCOTLAND . . IV. J. FENLMORE COOPER'S SEA LIONS . 1 Vol. • . . . 3 Vols. • , . 3 Vols. . . . 2 Vols. . . . . . . . 3 Vols. . 3 Vols. Dliss HARDY'S OWEN GLENDOWEP • VI". Miss BUNBURY'S EVELYN HERMAN MELVILLE'S MARDI VIII. EIGHTEEN HUNDRED and TWELVE IT. Sir HENRY V. HUNTLEY'S PEREGRINE SCRAMBLE . 2 Vols. DUDLEY CRANBOURNE . . • . . 3 Vol.!. XI. PALGRAVE SIMPSON'S LILY of PARIS . . . 3 Vols. XII. JAMES MORRIER'S 'MARTIN lOU MOND. . Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. . 1 Vol. IIFR MAJESTT'S THEATRE. The LAST rABE WELL NIGHT of the Season will take place 'OHS EVLNINt; When will Le presented, for the last time, LE NOZZE DE FIGARO. With the following powerful cast Susanna, Madame Sontag ; the Countess, .Al,llle. Farodi; Cheru hint, 21,111e.A1b0,1i ; Figaro, Signor Beletti ; Basilic., Signor Barto lint ; the Count, Signor Cotetti ; Itartolo, Signor Lablacho. To conclude with LES PLAISIRS DE L'HWER. SATURDAY, August 18 Application for Boxes, Stalls, and Ticke s to be made at the Box-office of the Theatre, where Pit Tickets may be obtained, a 3 it.nal, price 10s, Gd. each. EITATH iIOYAL. /11YMArtii ET. 1;4.. B. Wolmtor, 6plo Lessee and Manr.ger, Old Brompton. THIS EVENLN,, Will be performed the new Petite Comedy, entitled FLYING' COLOURS; or, Crossing. the Frontier. Captain Sans soaci, Mr. )Vebster ; Margaret, Miss Woolgar ; Helen de Montereau. ,la•.lame Celeste ; Justine, Miss Ellen Chaplin. After which a new grand Extravaganza, entitled THE DEVIL'S VIOLIN AND THE REVOLT OF THE FLOWERS. To conelnde with a new piece, 'entitled WEBSTER'S ROYAL LED BOOK. ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Proprietor, Mr. W. Batty. IJudcr the Patronage of her Miticsty the Queen, his Royal HlV:meets Prince Albert, Fze. THIS EVENING, The performance will commence with a Grand Military Equestrian Spectacle, entitled MOOLTAN and GOOJEBAT ; or, the Conquest of the Selkbs. To be iialowed by an Inimitable display of SCENE' IN THE 'IRCL V. in which :Marie Macarte will appear, supported by the first Eqnestrian talent of the day. •t•„ with the favourite Melodrama of THE LONDON CARRIER. Box-office open from Eleven till Four. ''LAZO Manager, Mr. W. Welt. ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS. IMMENSE AND UNPARALLELED SUCCESS. Under the patronage of her Most Gracious Majesty, her Majesty thus Queen Dowager, h's Royal Highness Prince Albert, &c. The Public Press has unanimously pronounced the Storming of Badajoz to be the most perfect and life-like exhibition. Celebrated German Band and Chorus. Engagement of Mr. Roberts, the celebrated Welch Harper. The Nobility, Gentry, and the Public are respectfully informedr.l hat this favourite place of fashionable resort is open every mONDAY TUESDAY, WEDNESDAY, AND THURSDAY. Danson's gigantic modelled Panorama of the TOWN AND. FORT OF BADAJOZ, pronounced by the voice of public opinion to be the most perfect and life-like exhibition ever presented—Splendid Menagerie—German Band and Chores—Vo— cal anti Instrumental Concert—Several Favourite Songs Audi Ballads by Miss Ellen Rowland and Mr. George Tedder-- Solos by Richardson (Flute)—Violia and Violoncello hi Vieth and George Collins, varied alternately—and other at tractions, concluding with a vivid representation of the Storming of Badajoz, pourtraying the advance of the British army—bombard— ment and attack—gallant deter:floe—rush to the breach oy real troops , : —and final tableaux in honour of the " Hero of a hundred fight?." REFRESIISIENTS.—The frequenters of these Gardens have long: complained that Refreshments from the Confectionary-rooms only • could b., procured. Arrangements have been effected, and a distinct; portion of the Gardens set apart, where Refreshments may bo had, of the first quality, and at the usual Prices. _ . Doors open at Nine o'Clock, A.m. ; feeding of the animals at Five ; Pelicans and White Bears half-past Five ; Concert at Six ; Storming of Badajoz, at Dusk.—Admission► One Shilling. THE WEATHER.—SuN OFZICE, AUG. 18. THERMOMETER, LOWee, 47, fli2hest, 651 Noon, 61.4 BAROMETER, 30.07. Wind N.W.--showery. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. Tms Day —Morning, 36 min. after 1 j Evening, 0 min. after t co-Moscow—Morning, 24 min. after 2 I Eveninz, 46 min. after 2 ( t;) ,. *4O ,4-94 44e • niE 0, 4 '• • thisietzinix, LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 18, 1849. The shares in the British Bank have all been" subscribed for, and the list of shareholders is com pleted. There is now, therefore, a certainty that the system of banking which during a long series or years has been so eminently successful in Scotland--• which has proved so profitable to the sharehold( srs and so beneficial to the commercial, trading, and working classes in North Britain, will receive a fait trial in the English metropolis. We cannot doubt the result of the experiment. Sound principlea,wb ell honestly, fairly, and judiciously carried into exec at' tion, must ever prove successful. The principles noir about to be brought into operation in London h sire been fully tested in the northern part of our island- They have been subjected to the most stringent ordeals, and never been found wanting. During a century and a half the aggregate los.leo to the public from the failures of Sootell banks have not amounted to 26,000/, w hilst in this country they have exceeded 26,000,004 within the last 50 years. The losses in Engla ad within a third of the time have been a thousandfi ala more than they have been in Scotland. A strong :et proof could not be afforded of the efficacy of t be Scotch system than is exhibited by this extraordina difference:; the causes by which it was produc ed may easily be discovered. The bases on which t j l e Scottish banks are sustained are more widely r tended and generally diffused than in this countr . the middle and the less wealthy classes in Scotia ad have had a direct interest in supporting the establi 511' ments in which all were interested either as share holders or customers. The small capitalist had inve; ;te 4 his savings in the stock or shares of the different bunk.; his welfare was intimately connected with tbeit prosperity ; he should support it through good rte port or through evil report. If it became bankrui 't he falls with it; and, therefore, all his credit an a resources were always forthcoming to avert such 11 catastrophe. The small trader was also intereseei although in a less degree ; he was indebted for 1 0 position, in a great measure, to the valuable acct sir modation he received when his only capital consis lea in his integrity and perseverance, and the confide ace which tho , e qualities produced in his friends. 11° knew that if he had been fortunate in business it mainly ascribable to the assistance he received fr 0 01 the banks—assistance of which he still might be glad to avail himself ; and he was also aware that the:o could be but litVe loss while so many of is neighbours and friends were responsible to the entire extent of their property. No panics coal a arise, there could be no failure of credit, in establigements thus constituted. The cause which led to so many disastrous stoppages in this ce - untri was altogether unknown in Scotland ; the banks riot being subjected to extraordinary runs, were not caw' pelled to realise their assets, and dispose of tiseit securities on unfavourable terms, when unduly Jr preciated. The losses were thus avoided which vier ° found so prejudicial and exercised such deteriora';iog influences in England. It is, therefore, by no me 0 0 ° surprising that the progress of joint-stock bankia , north of the Tweed, should have been almost uninter ruptedly successful, as well for the profit of thos e engaged therein as for the advantage of the cow" munity at large. The directors of the British Bank have just pot forward a very valuable report as to the amount of business that may reasonably be expected by the eels' bl:shment, its current expenses, and probable 130: tits. Of course, it cannot be supposed Lb ati any positive data which can be relied on as absolute l 9 certain are in existence. Sufficient, however, ig known as to the support received and business trans acted by other establishments, offering far less ao vantsges to their customers , to ena ble the experien , and intelligent men who have been selected as dir t)rs to calculate a minimum amount of profit. there should be any mistake in the estimate, it , Nl ll be found that the committee appointed to inquire AO report have erred on the safe side ;t n l 3 ie r y ex h t a r v a e va c;a nt • tiously abstained from p uttin g forth a No peiraell qualified to form a sound judg ment o or exaggerated anticipat ions of success ; not, in all, will venture to affirm will that they excite d . any expectations that the question ~;