The Sun. — London, England, 1849-03-01 00:00:00

Tbtrt Ebition SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. TATTERSALL'S-THIS EVENING Six O'CLOCK• NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STAKES. 7 to 1 asst Loup-garou 8 to 1 apt The Tartar 14 to 1 agst Veto METROPOLITAN HANDICAP. 7 to 1 agst Lugar 10 to 1 agst Canezou CHESTZX CUP. 20 to 1 agst Joc o' Sot 20 to 1 agst Halo 25 to 1 agst The Tartar 40 to 1 agst Chanticleer—taken 50 to 1 agst Farewell 50 to 1 agst John Cosser DERBY. No betting. OAKS. 20 to 1 agst Highland Fling Scarcely any betting. OPENING OF THE PRUSSIAN CHAMBERS. THE YING 7 S SPEECH. BERLIN, FEB. 26.—The Prussian Chambers were opened this morning, at half-past eleven o'clock, by the King, who came in from Charlottenburg before nine o'clock, not only for that purpose, but in order to hold a council of Ministers. Neither of the build ings selected as temporary Houses of Parliament being spacious enough for the reception of the whole of the Members united, the noble saloon in the palace, called, from its furniture and silver orna ments, the White Hall, was selected for the purpose. Soon after ten o'clock, the diplomatic corps, in full dress, and nearly the whole of the deputies, reached the Palace, and were conducted by the laster of the Ceremonies, Count Portalis, and household officers; the former to the places reserved for them, and the latter to the benches and chairs arranged in front of the throne. The ante-chambers were guarded by the Garde de Corps, in their full dress surtouts, and by detachments of the grenadiers of Kaiser Alexander Guardo, in their canonical caps and full dress. Soon after eleven o'clock, the King, attired in a general's uniform, with crape on his arm and sword, as a token of mourning for his Royal Highness Prince Waldemar, entered the White Hall, accompanied by the Princes of the blood, and attended by the grand officers of the household. His Majesty was received, upon entering, with a triple burst of loyalty from the whole of the members So soon as the King had ascended the throne, and the srivas had ceased, Count Brandenburg delivered the follow ing speech to the King, who read it with a firm and loud voice, seated, and wearing his helmet : " Gentlemen! Deputies of the First and Second Chamber. , ! " Circumstances that must be fresh in all your recol lections rendered it necessary for me in the month of December last to dissolve the Assembly, invoked for the purpose of concocting a Constitution. Being con vinced of the indubitable necessity of the ultimate resto ration of a durable public state of legality, I at the same time acceded to the country a Constitution, through which the promises made by me in the month of March lust have been faithfully fulfilled. " Since that period the state of excitement which at that time prevailed throughout the country has been tempered. Confidence, so deeply shaken, is generally in progress of restoration. Commerce and industry commence to recover from the wounds that threatened to destroy them. Convinced of the gravity of the present times, I see the members of both Chambers, elected in virtue of the new Con stitution, assembled round my throne. You know, gentlemen, that I have placed it in your power to re vise this Constitution. It rests with you, then, to agree among yourselves, and with my Government, upon this point. I regret that it was requisite to sus spend the state of siege over the city and its imme diate vicinity, in order to restore public security and supremacy to the laws. Propositions relative to this measure will be laid before you without delay. Inde pendent of the urgent dispositions announced in my protest of the sth of December, other dispositions have been made in accordance with the 105th Article of the Constitution, in regard to subjects which, for the sake of public good, required immediate arrangement. In consequence of the numerous pressing propositions for an immediate reform of the relations of the ope rative classes one to the other, I found myself com. pelled to promulgate two depositions to that effect. These will be placed before you, without delay, for your assent. You will, moreover, be called upon to occupy yourselves with deliberating upon other laws, partly required for the carrying out of the Con stitution. The projects for the same will be laid before you in succession. I recommend to your special consi deration the project for the new commercial re4ula tions, the new circle district and provincial regulations, the law on education, the law on church patronage, the income-tax law, the land-tax law, as well as the law on the cessation of the summary charges (on land) ; on the abolition without compensation of some of them, and upon tho establishment o discount banks. Measures have been adopted to bring about the independence of the different religious com munities promised by the Constitution. They will be carried into effect so soon as the importance of the sub ject will permit. The public budget for the current year, 1849 1 together with the necessary explanations, will be placed before you for your acceptance, as directed by the Constitution. You will perceive, therefore, that notwithstanding the diminution of certain branches of revenue when compared with former years, and notwithstanding an augmentation of certain expenses, such, for instance, as those for sums expended on public works, all:demands can be met without any increase of public burdens, or employment of public credit. An account will be rendered to you of the use made of the 15 millions of voluntary loan authorised by the united Landtag. I have to acknowledge with gratitude and satisfaction that the readiness with which persons of property from all parts of the country, and from all classes of society, took part in this loan, notwithstanding the pressure of the times, has rendered it unnecessary to have recourse to more expensive measures. A report will also be made to you relative to the future employ ment of the Loan Bonds (Darlehns .Kassencheiuen) is sued on the authority of the Landtag, for the relief of suffering industry. By this means many serious mis fortunes which menaced the welfare of large dis tricts and entire provinces have been averted, and the activity of industry has been maintained. The budgets of the year 1850, together with a project for the enact ment of definite laws on this subject, will be laid before you, so soon as your deliberations upon the tax-laws to be presented shall be sufficiently advanced to enable you to form a fixed basis fur the general receipts. The com pletion of measures of defence for the country has, not withstanding other increased demands upon the public treasury, not been interrupted. Prussia may look with confidence to her army, while organization, effective ness for war, and devotion, have been maintained amidst severe trial. (The King, on reaching the last passage, raised his face, which, from being very short sighted, he approached close to the paper, and read the words with greater earnestness, and in a more emphatic tone). The intimate union of the German States, in a Confederate State (Bunderstaate), is the continued sub ject of my most lively desires. My Government has la boured with honourable zeal towards the attainment of this great objt ct; for which Prussia will not refuse to make sacrifices. The path of understanding between all German Prince; and the National Assembly at Frank fort is opened. [This announcement, especially the ac cent laid upon the word all,' produced a great sensa tion in the audience, and this sensation will find an echo out of doors.] My Government will continue its exertions in the same direction. I need not remind you, gentlemen, how much your co-operation can tend to the attainment of this great object. The present condition of the negotia tions for peace between th© Provisional Central Power of Get many and the Crown of Denmark justifies the hopes that these differences, which caused interruption to peace, and to navigation and commerce, last year, will be settled in a satisfactory manner. The peaoctefurl and friendly relation s of m y G overnme nt with he states have met with no interruption. I most deeply de plore the loss of a Prince of my royal house, wh o was i removed but a few days past, n the bloom of life, f rom the noble career of devoting his whole strength to his country. " Gentlemen of the First and Second Chambers " The country awaits with confidence from the united labours of its representatives and my Government the definite consolidation of legal order now restored, in order that it may enjoy in peace its constitutional liber ties. The protection of these liberties and of legal order—the great foundation of public welfare—will always be the object of my conscientious solicitude. I trust in this to your co-operation. May your exertions contribute, through Almighty aid, thereto; so that the honour and glory of Prussia, whose people, united in one bond with its princes, have fortunately overcome many difficulties, may be raised aloft, and a peaceful and blessed future be the lot of our fatherland, far and near." Count Brandenburg, who, with the Ministers, stood on the King's left side, now exclaimed, " I hereby declare the two Chambers to be opened, and I invite the same to meet, each at its destined chamber, under the Presidency of the eldest members. I beg to remark, that as it has been found impossible to complete all the arrangements thi s day, the great meeting must be postponed until to morrow at 10 Am " The King now rose, and h av i n g bowed t o the Members, withdrew amidst loud cheers. g DMZ/MING Oc of the border counetruyilitEll".—The usual tranquillity by the discover y latel y been somewhat dis turbedYnthat the heir e ss to a land e d e state of 4,0001. per annni betrothed to a domestic servant of the family. The 1°:1? in theiouble her age, and it swain, who is their .gardener, i Y s is d Youn g , the for tu na te Is believed that a similarity religious views has a i la rcernstance as it produced this result. Be this las r t which is may, however, the family, old on ing the rare distin ction of bein g emba lmed by the claim in the unfading pag e of Shaks p ere, is in deeN &llama on account of the mat ch. It ma y be added, that tr th on gardener is of unexceptionable character, but it is diffi. cult to excuse such a proceeding on his part, being un doubtedly a breach of the fidelity implied in the relation between master and servant, and which a mere simi larity of religious views cannot palliate. The marriage is expected to take place in a fe w days. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1849. HOUSE OF LORDS.-(THIS DAY.) The House sat again to-day, to hear Scotch appeals. The Peers present were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Elphinstone, and the Bishop of Hereford. SONAR V. MACDONALD. The arguments on this part-heard appeal from the decision of the Court of Session in Scotland were con cluded to-day, and their Lordships reserved their judgment. bitants of King's County, attributing the present condition of Ireland to the operation of the land tenure in that country, and praying the House to pass some Act which may give security to the tenure of land. IRISH POOR-LAW ACT. _ Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL presented a petition from the Roman Catholic clergy and ratepayers of Tuam is Ireland, against what was sometimes called " The Beg gary Clause" in the Irish Poor-law Act, but commonly known as the Quarter-acre Clause. • CLEARANCE SYSTEM IN IRELAND. The HON. GENTLEMAN also presented a petition from the clergy and laity of the union of Tuam, deprecating the injustice of fixing on the inhabitants of towns instead of the landlord class the support of the poverty created by the clearance system. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. Mr. LUSHINGTON presented a petition from the borough of Ashburton, praying the House to take prompt and decisive measures to negotiate treaties between the Government of this country and those of the other countries in the world binding, them for the future to the more humane cause of settling national dis putes by means of international arbitration. PAYING CLERGYMEN OUT OF THE POOR dition of densely populated parts of the Empire could have failed to observe the great want of proper paro.; chial distribution, and the consequent difficulty of effi ciently carrying out efficient parochial government. This was nut the case in other departments of the State. In the common law, and courts of (qui,y, when the business increased, additional judges were appointed; and in the army, when occasion re quired, additional persons were enlisted; but this whole some rule had not been observed in the Church. Hence the machinery was as defective as it was fifty years ago. The main object of his motion was to render the Church more efficient in its labours than at present, and more worthy the appellation of the Church of the country. Many of the parishes of the me tropolis and in the large towns contained 100,000 souls. How could a rector efficiently exercise his spiritual Junctions over.so large a number; how with so large a number could any practical system be car ried out. He would merdy, mention half a dozen of the most populous parishes in the country to show the number of human beings confided to the care of the rector of a single parish. The population of the pa rish of Marylebone was ... 138,000 Liverpool ••• ••• ... 223,000 Stockport -•• ••• ... 84,000 Sheffield ••• ••• ... 111,000 Bradford ... ... 200,000 Manchester ... 353,000 St. Pancras 140,000 And he could mention many more equally as densely populated. Almost all these places contained a popula • Lion far exceeding that of many English counties. — (Hear, hear.) how could, he asked, any practical system be carried out in connexion with so large a num ber. The evil was twofold; first, with respect to the practical system itself, and, secondly, with respect to the inferior clergy who efticiated in these districts. Surely a minister at the head of a parish should know the people over whom he was placed; surely there should be a constant interchange of good offices between them, for a minister to transact his duty had not only to deal with the spiritual but the secular interests of his flock; for it was most important that the minister of a parish should be enabled to relieve the wants of the suffering poor. In many of the large parishes a minister was scarcely knew except in vestry or in the pulpit. De would mention but one instance in support of his statement. The population of St. Pancras exceeded 140,000, and as several acres were being built upon, the . population would b e i ncrease d one half, if not doubled. For instance, the population of that parish exceeded that of many counties, since the population of Westmoreland was but 56,000; of Redford, 109,000 ; and of Hertford, 114,000. Now, the church accommodation for those numbers should be provided—taking the rate of provision to the amount of one-third of the amount of population — church accommodation fur 47,000. As it was, the whole accommodation amounted to only 17,000. He would state that the statement he had then made in respect to the parish of St. Pancras, was accord • ing to the condition in which it was two or three years ago before the reforms were introduced by the present vicar; but it was a very good exemplification of the parish before the reforms were applied. Those reforms have been only effected by those principles which his proposition would endeavour to make universal. But before that time the whole church aceomodation amounted to only 17,0000. Thus the House saw church accommodation for 51,000 at the rate of ls. 3d. had been made for 140,000. Now take the number of clergymen officiating in that parish at that time. The whole number of clergymen amounted to 18. Upon the division of the parish to each of those clergy men were assigned 8,000 souls. But it . did so happ e n th a t the distribution was very. unequal. It was nut that every clergyman had the cure of 8,000 souls, but the distrebnoon of the clergymen was very unequal, and it did so hap pen that to twelve of these clergy men were as signed 120,000 souls, or one clergyman for every 10,000 souls. It was impossible too highly to praise the conscientious self-sacrifice made by Dr. Dale, the vicar.— (Hear.) He determined to use all the power which he possessed, when be first entered on the living, to subdivide that great parish, notwithstanding he was very much thwait e d. Still, after all his exertions, a vast proportion of that parish remained undivided. Look at another fact that was warranted by that want of sub-division. Take the great parish of Saint Pancras, and see the number of the children of tho Church of England schools. The number of children amounted to 4,000. whereas under pro per organization, with reference to the proportion of other children, found in other parishes, whether there aas an effectual organization, the number should be at least 14,000, and in that he made due allowance for the numbers usually educated by dissenters, and be (Lord Ashley) could answer from personal know ledge and investigation, having been induced to examine that parish with a view to the institution of what were called ragged schools, that there were 20,000 children who went to no place of worship whatever. But Dr. Dale, by making that subdivision, imperfect and inadequate as it was, had so far suc ceeded that he had opened schools giving accom modation fur 6,000 children, in addition to what existed before. He held that, in every respect, the case of St. Pancras proved the necessity of sub-division, and that that subdivision could take place only on the application of the principle for which he contended. Dr. Dale, in a letter which he had written to the Churchwarden of St, Pancras, said " there was no union between the clergymen and the parishioners; a great many of the labouring population had altogether abandoned attendance on public worship."—(Hear.) Dr. Dale said further—" The ordinances of the Church have to a great extent fallen into disuo tude, and the consequence is that a great num ber of parents feel no interest in the moral and religious instruction of their children." The con sequence was, that we had scattered about London a great number of proprietary Church schools. Every man must give credit to the groat good whifeh had been done by those proprietary churches; but they were not the churches which he (Lord Ashley) wished to see in this country.—(bear, hear.) It would be found that none but persons of easy and affluent circumstances were seen in the churches, and that a great portion of the working classes attended no place of worship at all, or went to such places, where the complete distinction of classes that was kept up, served only to hurt and repulse reasen. Now, there was another view of the matter which re quired serious consideration, and that was the position held by the inferior clergy, as respected the country at large. He must say that their position was not only disagreeable in itself, but also one riot et all calculated to to elevate them in the eyes of the country. They had to a certain extent, and in the same respects to their inferiors, the power of the bishops. But in other respects they had the responsibility without the power. He thought that their position was such that, both for their own sakes and that of the church, the sooner it was done away with the better, and the sooner, f urt h er , t h a t t h e number of these irresponsible clergy should be greatly reduced. He had received a number of communications, complaining of the position of the curates in the several parts of the country, stating that they were unable to fulfil their respective duties in some instances, and in others that they had no v i cars w h atever . to whom they were responsible. Now, he had said that it was indispensably necessary for the welfare of the clergy themselves. Let any person go into any of those large parishes and he would immediately see that nothing was more glaring than the discussions in the respective conditions of the clergy in these several places. In In some parishes the labours were ten times in amount as compared with those of others. On this subject he had received a great many letters from different parts of th e country, f rom three or four of which he w ou ld read extracts, in proof of the position which he had advanced. The Noble Lord then read extracts from letters from different ports of the country, complaining deeply of the responsibility imposed upon the writers, and th e o b struct i ons t h rown in their way, and stating the . utter impossibility o f fah filling their responsibilities whilst th e circum stances of their parishes remained as they at present were. One clergyman in Lancashire wrote to say that he had under his personal superintendence parish e s which collectively contained no less than 200,000 inha bitants; another had upwards of 175,000 people und e r his charge, and certainly if they desired to ad. vance the interests of the Church they would alter this state of things. A memorial had been presented a memorial to the Arch bishop of York, a n d h e believed also, that his Noble Friend at the head of the Government, complaining of the utter inadequacy of those who signed it to fulfil their duties. Some of those clergymen had as many as 12,000 and othe a as many as 14,000 souls to attend to. It was manifestly evident that this system could not continue, and that if the Church was to continue that instrument for i the public welfare which t was designed to be, some changes must immediately be made, Another person wrote to him and stated . that no pers on could be married at his church without paying double fe es , and that church was not situate three miles from the place he then was. The Noble Lord then referred to several other letters he had received from clergymen, complain ing of the restrictions that were placed upon them in the performan c e of their dutie s, and stating that these restrictions totally prevented them from the proper exercise of their duties. Ise propose to appoint a Commission, for the purpose . of considering the s u b-di v i s ion of these matters , feeling convinced that if such sub-division should take place they would not only rem edy all that was complained of but gaue great satisfaction to a great body of the peopl e . The parish of Beth na l- gree n bad been subdivided, arid ' the best results had followed. There had also been a subdivision in th e par i s h o f Chelsea, it but had cau se d no diminution in t h e rector ' s salary, nor had it left th e parts divided without sufficient means to carry out all re ligious and cnaritable purposes. So far from . that, the rec tor finding the Population increasing.:wr!hfdd to have the parishes further divided • and believed if it were so that the moral and religious Condition of the people would be butter attended to. The parish of St. w Dunstan's was within th e li m i t h e s uggested ; its popula tion was 3,400, an d i t as not without its share of poor population. It was only a quar ter of a mile in diameter, and in consequence of that most of the inhabitants were known to each other, and the rector !ind his curate were acquaint e d w i th every human being within it, it was impossible that any of those frightful cases of destitution cnuld prevail in that parish which were to be witnessed in, the large p ar i shes of Shore dit c h, Mart lebone, an,;, Pancras. If the p a rochial system suege , ted were carried o ut i n all great towns lie believed that the mendicant and vagrant class, which had a distinct natural history of its own , would be almost entirely done away with. He would suggest that a C omm i ss i on s h ou ld be appointed to in quireinto the best plan that could be adopted to carry out the object he had in view. He could not understand why anY objections could be urged to his motion, since they did not tisk, but repudiated any advance of pub lic money for such a purpose. Funds, he be lieved,mwheeieththhue ex lo p o e k n e se d s o w f er s e mal t l o be t n h ' e .fic e e x s i would be f oun d i n t h e present di str i cts to sting revenues, funds to to the result of the inquiry into the revenues of church lands, the funds of which might be made available to this purpose; but, above all, he looked to the munificence of the Church, which had not yet been fully tented.—Hear, hear.)—More especially did ho expect much from this munificence, if the efforts were properly localised, and the expenditure of the money was clearly shown. As a proof that they had not tested the munificence of the Church. the case of Bethnal• green was a remarkable , in stance, as in that miserable district sufficient money had been raised by a benevolent gentlemen to raise and endow 10 churches. Again the Archbishop of Canterbury had stated in a recent charge, that during the time he was connected with the diocese of Chester, he had consecrated more churches than had been consecrated during the last century. He considered the addition of 500 clergymen would meet all the exigencies of the case, for whom 3001. each, or 15,000/. in all, w ou ld be required, which he did not think too much to seek from the patriotic people of the Church of England. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the Address to her Majesty of which he had gived notice. The motion having been seconded, Lord JOHN RUSSELL had listened with the deepest interest to the statement of the Noble Lord, and he felt convinced that the sub-divhions he proposed would lead to the best results. His Noble Friend had stated that he required no public grant for carrying out his proposition, but that it should be left to the friends of the Church itself. He believed that the Church had ample funds for ti e purpose. —(Hear, hear.) It was gratifying to find how the efforts that had been made by the bishops of diffe rent dioceses had bean responded to for the erection of additional churches in their dioceses. He was disposed to think that the subdivision could not be carried to the extent which his Noble Friend expected. He, therefore, did not feel it necessary to trespass longer on the attention of the House; but he could not sit down without saying that there was no member of the Church of England, or no person who had diessented from that Church, who could feel otherwise than greatly indebted to the Noble Lord for the exertions he had made in bringing this subject before the House.—(Hear.) Mr. HUME denied that the building and planting of church( a in the Metropolis, or throughout the country would remove the difficulties which the Noble Lord deplored, and which he now sought to remedy. [LEFT. SPEAKING.] THE COUNTRY MARKETS. Lit/moot, MAncit I.—Messrs. Robinson and Co.'s circu lar states, since our last monthly circular, we have to report an extensive business, which is likely to continue, as the manufac turers are well employed in making goods to order, both for the home trade and foreign markets ; this fact having been proved from the consumption going forward, operated in raising prices considerably higher, and there is every prospect of the present quotations being supported. Complaints have been made hitherto, that the consumers cannot obtain an advance on goods equal to that on the raw material ; but we entertain no doubt, but in a short time they will be remunerated : all admit stocks to be much reduced, and wool still low in price; these circum stances, combined with the general consumption, are reasons we deem sufficient for being so hopeful. By private treaty, the largest transactions have been in Peruvian washed and un washed ; several thousand bags have been taken for export, speculation, and by manufacturers, at advanced rates ; a few parcels of Syrian, Russian, Buenos Ayres, low Oporto, East India, and Alpaca have found buyers. There were public sales held here on the 21st ultimo, consisting of upwards of 1,000 hales East India, which brought together a full attendance of the trade; the competition was animated throughout, and the whole was disposed of at an improvement on the immediate prices current, of fully Ihd per lb on the average, and in some instances more. Scotch :—Cheviot, Laid and White High land, keep in request; the mark et is barely supplied, which limits its sales. In Irish, a few parcels are announced ; spin ners purchase sparingly at the enhanced value. The series of public sales in London, that commenced on the 7th and termi nated on the 24th ult., were more numerously attended than any previous sales ;:upwards of 20,000 bales were cleared, at an advance on fine wool of 3d. per lb, and on coarse kinds of 1 ,4 d to ld per lb. Oil—A fair demand has been done during the month, the demand is more curtailed, and sales are reported under the quotations. BELFAST, FEB. 26.—Grain—Since Friday the supplies have been small, and at this morning's market prices were well supported, except in oatmeal, which was 2d lower. Wheat 9s 6d to 10s 6d ; barley 5s to 6s 6d; oats 5s 6d to 6s 6d ; and oatmeal 9s 9d to 104 4d per cwt. Indian Corn is in mode rate demand at former rates. Yellow 71 10s to 71 15s ; white 715 s to 71 lOs per ton. Pork sells freely at Friday's prices— say 40s to 41is per 1201bs. COAL MARKET Bate's West Hartley 14s Gd Buddle's W. Hartley 14s 9d Chester Main l3s 9d! Davison's West Hartley 14s 9d Holywell Main l4s North Percy Hartley.. 14s Oct Ord's Redheugh Townley l3s Od Walker's Primrose West Hartley Wall's End, &c. _ _ .-YSSTEEDAY. Lambton Primrose l6s Od Hetton Haswell l7s Od Lambton Lyons l6s Od Stewart's Shotten Whitwell Benson Hartlepool l6s 9d Thornley Trimdon ... 14s 3d Adelaide Tees Seymour Tees Tees ........... 16s Gd DerwentwsterHartley 14s 6,1 Howard's W. H. Neth. 14s 9d Ships at market, 209. Acorn Close Brown's Gas Framw ell Gate ...... 15s Od Hotspur Hedley Killingworth l4s 9d Riddell's l4s 9d Eden Main l6s Od THE RA TL IN AID. (From the Cork Examiner.) Lord John Russell's resolution, which fixes on the whole land of Ireland a rate of 6d. in the pound for two years to come, was carried in committee on Tuesday. It will be the law of the land in a few days. The first report of the committee will, of course, recommend such a proceeding, and the principle will then be carried out in resolutions of the House, or in a Bill pre pared for the purpose. Lord John Russell rules this committee with a high hand. I❑ fact, they are only a body for registering his edicts—passing his resolutions. As to its being a deliberative assembly, we have no faith in such a doctrine. We mention this merely to show that the landlords, as a body, aro utterly powerless with the men now in office, and that whatever changes, or amendments if you will, of the poor-law, shall be effected, those changes or amendments, will not be the result of the suggestions or deliberations of the landlords of Ireland. It would be out of the way to attempt upholding this 6d. rate in aid, for national purposes, on any fixed prin ciples of equity. The necessity is the great justifying cause for its adoption. And when we admit this neces sity to exist, in full and stringent force, all other argu ments are beside the question. If we admit that it is the land of Ireland which must support the poor of Ire land, any modifications of this large truth cannot hurt the principle. It was absurd to be drawing a line of demarcation round the north, and segregating this pro vince, morally, politically, and religiously, from the other provinces of Ireland. It was dividing the country in twain, and giving separate interests, and separate no tions of prosperity and freedom to each. This, on the face of it, was absurd. It was as if Yorkshire and De vonsihire took it into their heads to be antagonistic to each other. When we are told then of the North, or rather of Ulster and Leinster, being up in fierce indig nation against this rate in aid, we must designate it as more than folly; the poor of Ireland call imperatively on the proprietors of the soil of the island to see that they shall not die of hunger, and the British Minister and British law will only laugh at the unavailing opposition, w h en th e y have the power of decreeing. How can this be otherwise, when most of the unions in the west and south are bankrupt, from having past through three years of death of famine? The substance of Lord John Russell's resolution, car ried by a majority of 17 to 7, after a long discussion, is as follows: •` That a rate of 6d. in the pound be struck imme diately in every electoral division in Ireland—the pro ceeds to be placed at the disposal of the Poor-law Com missioners, for the purposes to be hereinafter men tioned." The correspondent of the Freeman says that— Some of the Irish popular Members (Mr. Fagan, I understand, among the number), who are really anxious to have the best possible amendments introduced into the Poor-law Act, voted with the Government, because they considered that the delay certain to come from the examination of witnesses on the entire question of rating, would prove most injurious to the interests of the poor." At the meeting, Mr. Reynolds moved that the vote in aid should include a tax on all property in Ireland —that of mortgagees and annuitants not excepted. Lord John Russell said it might be a subject for con sideration whether annuitants should not be taxed; but he thought no such rate as that contemplated could be levied off mortgagees. Sir Robert Fergusson submitted a proposition that a tax of sevenpence in the pound on all property ought to constitute the rate in aid. lle thought this would be a fair way to meet the question. The resolution was not pressed, and the Committee adjourned to Friday next. The following are the names of the seven Members who voted in the minority on the division which took place in the Committee on Lord John Russell's reso lution, mentioned above :—Messrs. Bright, Monsell. Adair, Stafford, Sir D. Norrey, Blackall, and O'Flaherty, VISIT OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE TO LlTER POOL.—Yesterday afternoon his Royal Highness the Prince of Orange Nassau (K ing o f the Netherlands) arrived at the Adelphi Hotel, accompanied by Admiral Arriens, Sir Henry Johnstone, Bart., and Captain Ju dicher, who formed his suite. llis Royal Highnt as and party were entertained at oinner at the Town Hail last night by his worship the Mayor. The mayor's carriage was in attendance at the Adelphi to convey his Royal Highness to the Town Hall, where ho was met by his Worship. Amongst the guests present who had been invited by his Worship to meet his Royal Highness and his suite, were the EJrl of Yarborough, the Hon. C. W. G. Howard, the Hon. Coluael Lowther, J. Willinck, E.q. (Dutch consul), J. Marshall, Esq.. Mayor 01 Stock port; Major-General Sir Williatn Warre. Lieutenant- Colonel Garrett. Captain Pennell, RN., J. A. Tint)°, Esq., E. Marsland, Esq., R. M. Cooper. E.q , J. B. Lloyd, Esq., T. S. May, Esq., &e. We believe that the Mayor will have the hen. ur of conducting his Roj al Highness and suite to the steeple chase at Aintree to day.--Liverpool Courier of yesterday. REDUCTION IN THE ARMY.—The names of about 300 soldi, rs were returned to the Horse Guards, for discharge from the regiment in Cork garrison. It is, however, understood that a letter has been received in timating that,at present compliance w ith th e or d er direct ing discharge would not be required. IMPERIAL P ARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 27. IRISH POOR-LAW. The following is a fuller report of the debate on the Irish Poor-law than we were enabled to give in our Third Edition of Tuesday] : Lord STANLEY then rose, in pursuance of a notice which he had given privately to the Marquis of Lans downe yesterday, to ask that Noble Marquis to explain the course intended to be pursued by the Government with respect to the amendment of the Irish poor-law, and to reconcile the discrepancy which, to his (Lord Stanley'a) mind appeared irreconcilable, between the lan guage and conduct which the Noble Marquis had used in that House and the language and conduct which the First Lord of the Treasury had used in the other House of Parliament, as to the course which the Government intended to pursue upon a question on which no diffe rence of opinion ought to exist in the cabinet. In order to place himself in order in the House, he would move that a messages be sent to the House of Commons' re questinas it to comm un i cate to t h e i r L ordships the first report of b their Select Committee on the Irish poor-laws. He cared little whether the motion was granted or nega tived, for, in point of fact, he had that report already, and merely made his motion as a matter of form. It would be in the recollection of their Lordships that at the commencement of the session, when the Noble Mar quis opposite moved for the appointment of a Select Committee to take into consideration the subject of the Irish poor-laws, he had taken the liberty of presenting to their Lordships his objections to that motion, although, in deference to the opinion of some of his Noble Friends, who thought that inquiry might be useful, he had ab stained from giving any decided opposition to it. But he had then stated that it appeared to him that the Go vernment was going to place itself in a dilemma, from which it could by no possibility escape. Either Govet went had mado up its mind as to the course to be pur sued—in which case there was no necessity for inquiry —or it had not ; and, if it had not, it was preparing to throw upon the Committee the responsibility of doing that which it ought to be prepared to do itself. He con fessed that he had not anticipated that her Majesty's Government would have had sufficient ingenuity to place itself on both horns of that dilemma ; and yet, if he ware not strangely misinformed, it had succeeded admirably in placing itself in that un fortunate position. A Select Committee, he repeated, had been appointed in both Houses of Parliament, and that, too, with similar intentions and objects, namely, to institute further inquiry into the operation of the Irish poor-law, because it was desirable to produce certain facts for public information, and to obtain the advice of both Committees on those facts before Govt rn meat proposed any measure of improvement and reform. At any rate, it was with that view that their Lordships had appointed a Select Committee, and that that Coin mittee had taken evidence—even the evidence of the Commissioners engaged in the administration of the poor-law in Ireland. The Noble Marquis had, as he (Lord Stanley) thought, correctly and properly laid before that Committee certain resolutions, to which he declined pledging himself, which he described as sug gestions upon which the Government had come to no positive conclusion, but which related to various sub jects connected with the Irish poor-law, and on which he stated that it was fitting that full information should be received in order to guide the deliberations and decisions of her Majesty's Ministers. That appeared to him (Lord S anley) to be a proper and a reasonable course; but he was surprised to learn that a different course had been pursued in the Committee of the House of Commons, although it had been selected and consti tuted, and was to a certain extent controlled by her Mu. jesty's Government. When that Committee met, reso lutions similar to those which had been laid upon the table of their Lordship's Committee, were moved by the First Lord of the Treasury, who was at the head of it, as the Noble Marquis opposite was at tie head of their Lordship's Comieittee. Those resolutions were, however, moved in a very different sense, and with a very different explanation, from that with which they had been moved among their Lordships. So far front its having been stated that they related to a matter on which the Cabinet had not made up its mind, and on which it was desirable that the Commitiee should obtain information, it was declared by the first Lord of the Treasure that they had been submitted to the Cabinet, and that the Cabinet was pledged to support them; that they con tained the plan of the Government; and that, if they were not adopted by the Committee, they would be sub mitted to Parliament on the responsibility of Ministers. The next step taken in that Committee was the proposi tion of a motion by certain Members not connected with the Government that on those resolutions so submitted to them evidence should be taken—a course which was perfectly in accordance with that adopted by their Lord ships. Their Lordships would hardly credit the fact, that that proposition, so strictly in conformity with that sanc tioned by their Lordship, was negatived by the Go vernment in the Committee of the House of Commons; the First Lord of the Treasury taking the initiative in declaring that Ministers had determined that no change should take place in, and that no evidence should be heard upon, those resolutions. From a minute of that division, it appeared that the First Lord of the Treasury, the Under Secretary of the Treasury, and the Secretary for Ireland, had all voted in the ma jority; and it was subsequently decided that Govern ment should bring in its first iesolution on its own re sponsibility. Now, mark the inconsistency. In the Committee of the House of Commons the leader of the Government declared that the Government was pledged to the resolutions. In the Committee of the House of Lords the leader declared that it was not. In the Committee of the House of Lords it was held to be a itting course to hear evidence; in the Committee of the House, of commons the Hirst Lord of the Treasury negatived that course, and passed his first resolution without producing a single tittle of evidence; nay, more, he had had that resolution reported to the House of Commons, had obtained its pre sentation as the first report of it s elect Committee, and had himself given notice, that on Thursday next he would move for a Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration that single resolution, with a view of founding upon it a distinct legislative measure on that grand question, upon which their Lordships were just commencing to take evidence. There was a degree of inconsistency in the course pursued in tke one and the other Houses of Parliament which it was impossible for him to reconcile with the respect which was due to their Lordships, to the House of Com mons, or even to the Noble Marquis opposite—an incon sistency which was incompatible with the steady course of administration, for how could government be steadily carried on when language so different was addressed to the different branches of the Legislature? It was not for him at that moment to discuss whether that resolu tion, so passed at the instigation of the Government, and without any evidence, was correct or not; but he must say that it was a conclusion which touched on a most im portant point—namely, the question of a rate in aid to be levied on the solvent for the benefit of the in solvent parishes, unions, and districts of Ireland. He hoped that he might be permitted to say ono word—for he had some personal interest in the matter—as to the share which he was supposed to have had in it; for he had been told that the main proposition then before the House of Commons had emanated from him.—(The Marquis of Lansdowne —" No, no.") He was sure that the Noble Marquis op posite would instantly disclaim such an imputation be fore their Lordships. What he had said, speaking on behalf of himself and some other landed proprietors in Ireland was this—that provided they could obtain such a subdivision of districts in Ireland as would make them responsible for their own properties, and their own properties alone, and as would free them from all responsibility for the property of others—provided that Government would remove from the districts which were pauperised the control of guardians who had proved themselves inefficient—provided also, the Go• vernment would consent that any sum which might be required from them as a rate in aid should be con sidered as a loan, repayable by the less fortunate district in more prosperous times—subject to all these provisoes, ho and they would be ready to pay an insurance on their properties as a rate in aid to an extent not exceeding is. in the pound. Now, the proposition which the Government had brought forward was the superstruc ture which he had proposed to raise, but without the foundation on which he had intended to rest its basis; and it was a little too bad, under such circumstances, that he should be held up as the wiseacre who had pro pounded it. With regard to the question of a rate in aid, he would at once declare that it was not his inten tion to discuss it now. It was a question which ought to be approached with calmness, deliberation, and for bearance. He hoped that the proposal for ;,raising it would not be treated as a separate question unconnected with other considerations; for, if it were so treated, so far should he be from blaming, that he should even par ticipate in the feelings of those who urged its instanta neous and absolute rejection. The whole question of the Irish poor. law should be approached at once; and the House ought not to be called on to consent to single pro positions distinct from and unconnected with each other. He hoped that this measure, when it was brought forward, would not be made the subject of mutual recriminations between Noble Lords and Members of Parliament connected with England and Ireland respec tively. He hoped that the Irish party would not say that Ireland was a part of the united empire, and that the rate in aid ought to be paid out of the imperial funds ; he hoped, he said, that such an argument would not be brought forward; for, though he could wish to see Eng land ;and Ireland treated as one country both with re spect to taxation and legislation, unquestionably they were not treated so at present; and it was not fair that Irish proprietors, who claimed exemption from the in come-tax and the assessed taxes, as members of a dis tinct nation, should, on the one hand, obtain the advari tags of their separate position, and should, on the other, claim a community of interest by throwing a community of burdens on this country. He therefore hoped that we should have no exaggerated pretensions raised by Irish proprietors to escape contribution to Irish distress. On the other hand, he hoped that English Peers and Members of Parliament would not be so led away by their im patience of taxation for Irish purposes as to seek for tiny mode, without reference to its justice, of escaping from the duty of giving aid to Ireland. In conclusion, he suggested to the Noble Marquis opposite the pro priety either of discharging the Committee of their Lordships from further useless and idle investigation into this subject, or of postponing. in the other House of Parliament, the consideration of the imposition of a rate iu aid in Ireland until teeth Houses had satisfied them selves as to the nature of the whole measure her eat ter to be submitted to the deliberation or Parliament. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE perfectly under stood that the Noble Lord opposite, in submitting his present motion to the Hi use, hart merely done so to en able himself to put a question to the Government, to which he would endeavour to give an explicit answer. The Noble Baron would at once perceive that, as his questions related not merely to proceedings in that and the other House of Parliament, but also to proceedings in Committees of them both—the Noble DYKES V. STRUTHERS. The arguments in this appeal were commenced, but not having concluded when their Lordships rose, the further consideration of the case was adjourned to Monday next. PRIVY COUNCIL.-(THIS DAY). The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat to day in the Council chamber, Whitehall, for the purpose of hearing appeals from the Arches' Court. The Lords present were Lord Brougham, Lord Campbell, the Bishop of London, and the Judge of the Admiralty Court. CRAIG V. FARNALL. This appeal from the Arches' Court occupied their Lordships the whole day. The Master of the Rolls, the Vice- Chancellor of Eng • land, and the Vice-Chancellors Knight Bruce and Wi gram were occupied the whole day with motions of no general interest. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF LORD:S. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. Earl FORTESCUE presented petitions from Oak hampton, and other unions in Devon, praying for an alteration in the county of Devon. Also petitions com plaining of the treatment experienced by the Rev. Mr. Shore, and praying for an alteration in the laws respect ing clergymen seceding from the Church of England, in the prayer of which he cordially concnrred. Lord LYTTLETON presented a petition from cer tain rural deans, praying for additional security in the appointment of bishops; also petitions praying for an alteration in the law of settlement and for a national poor-rate. TURNPIKE TRUSTS. The Marquis of SALISBURY moved that an address be presented to her Majesty, praying that certain papers relating to highways and turnpike trusts might be laid before the House. After a few words from the Earl of GRANVILLE, the motion was agreed to. WOODS AND FORESTS GROUND RENTS. The Marquis of SALISBURY wished to call the at tention of the Noble Lord the Chief Commissioner of Woods and Forests, to the report of the Committee of the House of Commons on the Woods and Forests, which had been published in the papers, and from which it was made to appear that several noblemen and gentlemen had obtained houses and grounds in the Green Park upon almost nominal rents. As far as he was concerned he begged to state that the amount which appeared in the return as paid by him was paid solely for the garden in front of his house, and not for the ground on which the house stood, and that the rent had been fixed by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, and his ancestors many years back. Tee Earl of CARLISLE was much obliged to the Noble Marquis for having afforded him this opportuhity of entering into explanations on a subject with respect to which much misapprehension existed. There was great misapprehension existing as to the ground for which rent was paid to the Crown by the occupiers of houses in the Green-park. The sums which appeared in that return as the sums paid by the occupiers of those houses to the Crown were paid in respect of the strips of ground occupied as gardens, which ex tended from the fronts of the houses to the boundary of the park. The Noble Marquis himself appeared in that return as paying 101. 7s. 7d. a year on a lease of ninety. nine years, but that was merely for the garden in front of his house, not for the ground on which his house was built, which ground did not belong to the Crown. The houses were built upon land which was not CI own property. The rents which appeared in the return varied from 4/. a year to 1151. a year, and were paid for the gardens merely, which added to the fragrance and beauty of the park, and from which the public derived this benefit that they could never be built upon. —(Hear, hear.) There were but two houses in that row which paid ground rent to the Craven, those were the residences of Sir John Lubbock and of Mr. Ragers. Sir John Lubbock paid 100/. a year for the ground on which his house stood, and Mr. Rogers paid 60/. a year ; but it should be remembered that Mr. Rogers had almost rebuilt his house when the lease was renewed. Then with regard to the ground-rents in Re gent's-park—the land had been grass-land, which had been let to Mr. Nash for building, and it had always been the custom in such cases to demand a certain amount of ground rent for a patch of land, leaving it to the builder to apportion the different amounts of ground among the honses built upon the land. This rule had been followed in the case of Mr. Nash. Augustus street and Regent's-park had been grass land when let to him fur building in 1819. If that which in 1819 was grass land, the Crown now received 6414 per annum; and in 1857 the Crown would receive for the same land 1,374/. per annum; and in 1919 the whole of the buildings erected on this land would be come the absolute property of the Crown. This charge of having let lands at a reduced rate to Mr. Nash had on a previous occasion brought before the notice of Par liament; in investigation had taken place, and the transaction had been satisfactorily explained. The next CAMI was that of Mr. Bell, who was stated to have Jbtained the property of twelve messuagea on a lease for 99 years, at a rental of 6/. per annum. The fact, however, was that Mr. Bell held a quantity of land on lease for 59 years at a ground rent of 731. per year, but their Lordships must remember that the houses which Mr. Ball had built on this land would revert to the Crown at the expiration of the lease.—(Hear, hear.) Then came the case of Mr. Benton, the charge against whom was that he held thirty-one messuages in Chesunt street for ninety-nine years, at a ground rent of 61. per annum. The fact was, though, that this gentleman held a lease from the Crown of certain land, upon which he had built forty-one substantial dwelling-houses, at a ground rent of 7111. per annum. There was only one other class of cases to which it was necessary to direct the attention of the House, and one of those cases would illustrate the whole. It was the case of a lady who held a lease of some land in Chandos-mews upon which her husband bad expended during his lifetime 2,5001. in building stables, for which she had to pay a rental of 11/. per annum, besides the interest on the 2,5001. already expended in the buildings, which would revert to the Crown at the termination of the lease.—(Hear, hear.) Now in the last case but one which he had mentioned to their Lordships, so far from Mr. Burton making a profit out of these mismanaged Crown leads he had actually lost 40,0001. by tbem.—(Hear, hear.) No doubt these erroneous im pressions had gone abroad throngh the party who made them, having had to collect his information from a volume consisting of 750 folio pages. Doubtless in relating the many transactions described in these 750 pages, errors and miscalculations might be found, but the greatest care would in future be taken to guard against inacuracies. With respect to the arrangement of the Crown Lands there was always room for improvement in the manage ment of a large public establishment like the Woods and Forests, and a Committee was now sitting for the purpose of discovering and remedying any existing defects in the department, and in con clusion, he would take the opportunity of declaiming that this Committee would always be ready to listen to any suggestions that might be made to them on the subject they were investigating.—(Hear.) The Earl of ELLESMERE, as one of tho in dividuals referred to in these charges, he must be allowed to say a few words on the statement of the Noble Lord, which he could assure their Lordships had taken him somewhat by surprise.—(Hear, hear.) He was represented to be building a mansion quite unsuited to his station in society—(Laughtar)—on a piece of land which he rented from the Crown for 691., but which ought to yield 500/. per annum. (Hear, hear.) Now, he did not complain of the press or newspaper correspondents complaining of defects in public departments, but before they made their complaints public it was their duty to ascertain that they were well founded. These writers seemed to forget that any such strong moral obligation as that rested upon them, but, nevertheless it was their duty to ascertain that these facts were correct and founded on truth, before they attacked a public institution in a style and manner which equally reflected upon the character of private individuals.—(Hear.) Now, with regard to this charge of his renting from the Crown for 16:19a/d to . per year, in ear,alnanswd answer rhtio it which ought simplyttobe 10i0s, h /, t , all that was no he aftf o Th all e o t b n tcjhe w oec h tNl a a tsn t h e ode v ,nt e a r lds Dr f t o ohA r pepT i f t er , e in eh as o m ld u w ch as a s v e l s i t e e d p a i i n d h n i o rn rent . t . lt E d. l3 FUND BILL. This Bill was brought up from the Commons, and read a first time. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair a few minutea before Four o'clock. SECEDING CLERGYMEN. Mr. WILLIAMS presented a petition signed by 11,000 electors of the borough of Macclesfield, calling the attention of the House to the decision in the Arches' Conrt and the Court of Queen's Bench, in the case of the Rev. Mr. Shore, and praying the House to take such measures as shall secure full religious liberty to clergymen seceding from the Established Church. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. Mr. H. BERKELEY presented a petition, signed by 7,000 inhabitants of Bristol, praying the House to take prompt and decisive measures to negotiate treaties with the Government of this country and the Governments of other countries, in matters of war, by means of inter national arbitration. MARKETS AT GREENWICH Admiral DUNDAS gave notice of motion for leave to bring in a Bill to enable the Commissioners of Greenwich Hospital to regulate and manage the mar kets held at Greenwich, in the county of Kent. NAVIGATION-LAWS. Sir R. FERGUSON presented a petition from the inabitants of Londonderry against any alteration in the navigation-laws. THE CASHEL UNION. Mr. SCULLY presented a petition from the guar dians of the Cashel union, praying the House to inquire into the appointment of the present surgeon of the Ii tver Hospital in that union. LAND TENURE IN IRELAND. Mr. ROCHE presented a petition from certain inha- RATES. Mr. G. THOMPSON presented a petition from the Tower Hamlets against the payment of clergymen out of the poor-rates. NATIONAL EXPENDITURE. Mr. EWART presented a petition from Woodstock in favour of the reduction of national expenditure. NEW METROPOLITAN BOROUGH. Mr. MACGREGOR presented a petition from certain of the inhabitants of Kensington, praying the House to associate the districts of Kensington, Chelsea, Hammer smith, Fulham, and Chiswick together, and to confer upon them, when so united, the right to return two Members to Parliament. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. Mr. V. SMITH presented a petition from Northamp ton in favour of referring national disputes for settlement to international arbitration. NAVIGATION-LAWS. Mr. CARDWELL presented a petition from the Shipowners' Association in Liverpool against the navi gation-laws. Mr. HERRIES presented a petition, signed by a ma jority of the Board of Trade of Quebec, praying the House to repeal the navigation-laws. MINISTERS' MONEY. Mr. FAGAN postponed his motion on the subject of ministers' money to this day fortnight. SIR ROBERT INGLIS. Sir THOMAS ACLAND moved for and obtained leave of absence for Sir R. H. Inglis, until after Easter, not on account, as he observed, of any apprehension of increase of the Hon. Baronet's malady, but simply in accordance with the desire of his medical advisers, in order that that recovery, which is uninterruptedly and steadily progressing, might not be hindered.—(Cheers from all sides of the House.) REFORM OF CHURCH REVENUES. Mr. P. WOOD presented a petition from several places in the diocese of St. Asaph, praying for a refurm in the distribution of the revenues of the Church. TITHES. Mr. HORSMAN presented two petitions, one from Workington and the other from Armagh, against tithes generally. DISPUTES BETWEEN NATIONS. Mr. MACGREGOR presented a petition from Glas gow praying that disputes between nations might be re terred to arbitration. ECONOMY. Mr. LABOUCHERE presented a petition from Taunton, praying the House to adopt strict measures of economy. MERCHANT SEAMEN'S FUND. The RIGHT HON. GENTLEMAN also'presented four petitions from the seamen of Workington, Whitehaven, and two other places, praying for a reform iu the appro priation of the Merchant Seamen's Fund. VANCOUVER'S ISLAND. Mr. GLADSTONE wished to ask the First Lord of the Treasury, or the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, whether it is the intention of the Government to present to Parliament any papers, in addition to those for which addresses have already been voted, with re spect to the charter and colonisation of Vancouver's Island, or with respect to the charter, constitution, or administration of the Hudson's Bay Company ? Mr. HAWES said it was the intention of Government to lay additional documents on the table of the House connected with this subject almost immediately. Mr. GLADSTONE hoped all the papers of itnport ance bearing upon the question would be forthcoming. Mr. HAWES said he would then move for the papers, and if they did not include all the documents of ins portance any others should be laid before the House. IRISH POOR-LAW. Sir LUCIUS O'BRIEN wished to ask the Noble Lord at the head of the Government if it was his intention to submit his plans for Ireland as a whole, or in parts, as he, for one, could only vote for the third and fourth pro positions. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said some of his proposals were of a temporary nature, while others were of a per manent character, and it was his intention to separate the two. Mr. B. OSBORNE asked the Noble Lord if he had any objection to say whether he would bring his plans on to-night. Lord J. RUSSELL replied that he would, provided he could do so before nine o clock. Mr. BRIGHT said the Noble Lord the Member for Bath had a motion on the paper for to-night which it was understood was to be disposed of without a debate. Now he (Mr. Bright) intended to address some observa tions to the House on that motion, and he believed other Hon. Ideukci inteutled Lo dO the Salne and he therefore put it to the Noble Lord whether he had not better postpone his motion and allow the Irish question to come on, which was one of great importance, and of a far more pressing nature.—(Hear.) Could not some arrangement be made by which the Noble Lord's motion could be brought on in a week or a fortnight.—(Hear.) Lord ASHLEY said he had already postponed his motion more than once. He really could not consent to the Honourable Gentleman's proposition. Mr. J. O'CONNELL said he had twice postponed motions to enable the pablic business to be proceeded with, and he appealed to the Noble Lord at the head 01 the Government whether he ought not to intercede with the Noble Lord the Member for Bath to induce him to delay his motion.—(Hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not see how he could very well do so, the Noble Lord having already con sented once or twice to postpone his motion.—(Hear.) IMPRISONMENT UNDER THE HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENSION ACT. _ _ In reply to a question from Mr. E. B. ROCHE, Sir G. GREY said it was true that six persons had been arrested and confined under the powers granted by the Habeas Corpus Act. They were originally con fined on the debtor side of the prison, as an indulge nce, and not by any direct order from the Lord-Lieutenant, but in consequence of some letters which were known to be written by them appearing in the newspapers, the matter was brought under the attention of the superin- tendents, and they directed that they should be confined in the criminal ►ide of the prison. Two had given a pledge that thoy would not write any further letters to the newspaper, but the other four had refused to do so. The six prisoners were, however, confined in the best cells of the criminal side. TURNPIKE TRUSTS. In reply to Mr. 058613. NE , Mr. C. LEWIS intimated that Marylebone and other metropolitan turnpike trusts would come under the ope rations of the Act of which he had given notice: yester day to introduce. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Mr. DISRAELI laid upon the table of the House the resolution of which he had previously given notice with respect to agricultural distress. Upon the motion of an HON. MEMBER, the Clerk read the resolution, which was to the following effect:— That the whole local taxation of the country for national purposes, was raised mainly, if not exclu sively, upon property; that it bore with undue severity on the occupiers of land; that it was injurious to the agricultural interests of the country and was otherwise highly impolitic and unjust; that the hardships of the apportioment, which was greatly ag gravated by the fact that more than one-third of the whole revenue derived from the Excise was levied upon agricultural produce, exposed us, by recent changes in the law, to direct com p e titi on w i t h the untaxed produce of other countries ; that this burden of taxation greatly balanced the price and limited the demand of British produce and injuri ously interfered with the trade and industry of this country; and that a Committee of the whole House be appointed to take into consideration such measures as might be required to remove the grievances of which owners and occupiers of land justly complain, and with the view to a more equitable appointment of the public burden. DIVISION OF ECCLESIASTICAL DISTRICTS. Lord ASHLEY moved that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty to ap point a commission to inquire into the practicability and mode of subdividing, into distinct and independent pa rishes, for all ecclesiastical purposes, all the densely peopled parishes in England and Wales, in such manner that the population of each, except in particular cases at the discretion of the Commissioners, shall not exceed four thousand souls.'The Noble Lord said, seeing that it was the wish of the House that brevity should be observed on all occasions, and as he believed no opposition would be offered on the part of the Govern ment to his proposition, he should compress what he had to say into the smallest possible compass. He knew ho should thereby expose himself to much disadvantage, because he should be compelled to omit much in teresting matter, which he should have wished to present to the House, and possibly to the charge hereafter, if nut having probed the evil sot- ficiently deep ; yet he should adhere to the determina tion ho had followed, and occupy as small a portion of the time of the House as was consistent with the im portance of the subject with which he had to deal. At the outset he wished to state without reserve that his pro position would not, tither directly or indirectly, involve any grant of public money.—(Hear, hear.) He be lieved he expressed the sentiments of thousands when he stated that though they admitted the principle of making demands upon the public purse when occa- , sion rt qnired; that with respect to this matter they were not disposed to seek any pecuniary aid—nay more, they should be disposed to resist any such demands until such time as the Church should have exhausted the whole of her resources.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore assenting to the proposition would not involve any increase of the present amount of local taxation in the form of church-rates. Moreover he wished it to be understoood that the Commission would be instructed to all existing rights, all existing incumbencies, which would only be dealt with as vacancies occasioned by ! death or otherwise. No one who had looked at the con- Baron, familiar as he was with Parliamentary proceed ings, would at once perceive that be (the Marquis of Lansdowne) mold only answer them with ieserve in point of forte, though he might answer them correctly in point of substance. As to what had occurred in their own House, he had no difficulty at all in answering. In their Lordships' Committee he had pursued a course which he thought consistent h the position of the Committee, being, as it was, a Committee of Inquiry. He considered himself to be perfectly justified in laying before it the substance, and the substance only, of certain propositions which, he understood ; had been made, or would be male, in the Committee of the House of Commons. Ho had not laid them before the Com mittee in the shape of resolutions, but had communi cated them simply as suggestions which had been, or might be, made in the other House. He was extremely desirous that the fullest opportunity should be given to their Lcml.hips' Committee to examine into all those sure o s i o.; and he was ready to submit that the fullest unity tor inquiry should be also had elsewhere. He begged their Lordships, however, to consider the Iff Tent positions in which the two Hou.es were placed, and to enable them to do so he would now proceed to explain what had occurred in another place. The ques tion of the Noble Boron called on him, after explaining his own conduct in that House, to explain not only the conduct of one of his colleagues elsewhere, but also to explain the motives of a number of Members of Parlia ment acting in a Committee of the other House, some times in accordance with, and sometimes in opposition to, the Government. He possessed no particular infor mation on those points. It was notorious, however, that a proposition made by his Noble Colleague, the First Lord of the Treasury, to the Committee of the House of Commons, had be=en assented to by a large majority of it, and that there had been subsequently another mo tion made by another Noble Friend of his own, which had also been assented to. It was impossible fur hint (the Marquis of Lansdowne) to explain the course so taken without assuming the motives which might have influenced his two Noble Friends and the other Members of the Committee. The reasons laid before that Committee embraced a vast variety of topics—not so confined as to make the future sitting of their Lordships' Committee idle and useless, because a too hasty decision had been come to on one point, but involving a multitude of questions connected with the whole condition of Ireland, into all of which, no matter whether one of them was adopted or rejected, it was fitting that the Committee should inquire. Now, he begged to call the attention of their Lordships to this fact, that at present the only resolution which had been assented to by the Committee in the other hoarse of Par liament, and which now stood before it as a legislative proposition, was a resolution indispensably connected with the immediate relief of Ireland, now plunged into a state of the utmost and most appalling distress; and it might oc cur to their Lordships, us it did occur to him, as a reason for the course taken in that Committee, that the members of it, anxious as they were to obtain the most com plete information on every point connected with the Irish poor-law, were still more anxious upon one point, on which there was no room for delay, namely, on that which was connected with the providing subsistence for the famishing poor of Ireland during the next few months. He had no hesitation in saying that he wished that no separation bed been made between the first re solution and those which immediately :followed it. He had no hesitation in saying that he thought that if any thing in the shape of immediate relief was to be enter tained it ought to be entertained in conjunc tion with another proposition, of which the effect would be to establish a maximum of poor-rate in all the counties of Ireland. He was of opinion that the eatahlishment of such a maximum in conjunction with the preservation of the lives of the people of Ire land was an object of paramount importance. He be lieved that in the absence of such a maximum, the un certainty attending on the amount to which the poor rates might be raised in counties where the potato crop had entirely failed was an item which deserved tobe taken into account along with any other measures which might be devised tor the bent fit of the district. He was only stating that which was consistent with the know hedge of many of their Lordships when he stated, that in some counties of Ireland it was impossible to let land which had been abandoned, except in the most objec tionable of all forms, namely, that of small allotments, and that the effect cf he poor-law, as it now stood, without any rectification, was to give direct encourage ment to that which all legislation should be directed to discourage—the infinite subdivision of land in Ireland, the source of all the mischief's which their Lordships were then seeking to obviate. He certainly wished that tha‘ part of the r, solutions which related to the rate in aid hal been combined, and had none together with a proposition for establishing a maximum of rate. lie was not able, as he said before, to explain the motives of those Members of the other House of Parliament who had thought it necessary to separate the two, and to report the former only t o the House for separate legislation. He was, how ever, prepared to say that, seeing the great emer gency of Ireland seeing the nec e s s ity o f a ff or di ng ur mediate relief to the absolute starvation of hundreds is that country, seeing the necessity of providing a remedy at once for an existing evil, th e y mi g ht argue th us with themselves:—" We will report that resolution which will meet and repress the most urgent evil, and, while we do that, we will take time to consider the propriety of establishing a maximum rate, the amount which it shall not exceed, and the regulations to which it shall be sub ject." He could not positively say that such were the motives of those Hon. Members, but it seemed to him likely that such motiv es m i g ht h ave governe d their conduct. In the other House of Parliament it web quite clear that he could not discourage the early introduction of legislative measures which required long tune for deliberation. Inquiry was still goies on there into this very important and delicate subject, and the introduction of a Bill into the House of Commons at this period of the session might save much time be fore the conclusion of it. In the Committee appointed by their Lordships opportunity had been afforded, and would be afforded, to prosecute inquiry, not only into this, but into every other point connected with the administration of the poor-laws. He there fore considered that there was nothing but an apparent inconsistency in the course recommended by Govern ment to the two Committees. Their Lordships could not come soon to a conclusion on the points submitted to them, and the House of Commons had found it necessary to apply immediate relief to impending starvation. Be fully agreed with the Noble Baron, that a rate in aid without any limitation was subject to very grave and se rious objections; and he said so, considering it as intro duced into the permanent legislation of Ireland. He bad not, however, had any opportunity before the present to say that no con s id e r at i on u p on eart h wou ld i nduce bills to assist in carrying a measure which would establish rate in aid as part of the permanent poor-law of Ireland. It was only as a temporary expedient to afford facilities for meeting a great and existing evil that the present measure, limited as it was in amount and in time, had re ceived his acquiescence. Further than that measure be could not go; nay, more, he should be prepared to im plore their Lordships not to concur in establishing a sys tem which would be permanently injurious to the indus trial interests of Ir e l an d I n conc l us i on h e concurre d in the propriety of Lord Stanley's recommendation that this question should be calmly discussed, without any angry recriminations between English and Irish landed pro prietors. - Lord BROUGHAM hs,d experienced great pleasure in remarking the reluctance with which his Noble Friend opposite had give n hi s acqu i escence to the proposition -tor a rate in aid. He hoped that further consideration would lead his Noble Friend to withdraw even that scanty acquiescence. He pointed out the impossibility of main' taming a maximum rate in a season of extreme distress, and the probability of the maximum soon becoming the minimum rate in ordinary times. He trusted that this grant of 50,000/. would be the last grant made to Ire land, and lamented that, by the absurd forms of the two Houses of Parliament, their Lordships would not have an opportunity of expressing their opinion upon It until every farthing of the 50,000/. had been spent. The motion, as we understood, was then by leave withdrawn. Their Lordships then adjourned. CHILD-MURDER IN LIVERPOOL.— On Saturday night Catherine Herbert, a young woman, was taken into custody charged with the murder of her new •horis child. The prisoner, who is, we learn, not a resident In town, but had come here with the view of emigration to America, was lodging at a house in Sherwood-street. She there, it is alleged, unknown to the other inmates of the house, delivered herself of a child, and, by tying her garter round its neck, afterwards strangled it.— Liverpool Albion. MILITARY AMATEUR THEATRICALS.—On Monday evening the amateurs of the garrison of Kilkenny, con sisting of members of the 75th Regiment, and soldiers 0 . the 7th Hussars, performed the play of Robert Macaire, and the farce of Box and Cox, the latter lately patronised by the Queen, at Windsor Castle. Both pieces were well performed, an d s h owe d a preat improvement in the his trionic skill of the amateurs. The performances were very respectably and numerously attended. Many of the officers, with their ladies, were present. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Another Proof of the Ef 64 , ciency of Holloway's Ointment and Pill s f or the cure of Bail Legs.—Mrs. Mandeville, of Stretton, suffered for nearly aree years with fearful sores in her legs. Notwithstanding the vari ous medicines of which trial was made, the ulcerations grew' worse, and for some months she was unable to stand; at length it was decided that Holloway's Ointment arid Pills should be used, and these excellent medicines soon worked wonders, for in a few weeks all the wounds were healed, and the use of her legs so perfectly restored, that she is now able to walk several miles a day with ease.—Sold by all Vendors of Medicine, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. BIRTHS. On the 24th ult., at Rockbeare, Devon, Mrs. James Smart , of a son. On the 25th ult., at Thornton-row, Greenwich, Mrs. B• A. Marsden. of a daughter. On the 26th ult., at Tywardreath Parsonage, Cornwall, ° J• wife of the Rev. John Coventry, of a son. MARRIED. On the 24th u lt . , at the Cathedral T. Manchester, Mr. • Matthews, of Manchester, to Sarah Ann, second daughter of Mr. Terry, of Thistle-grove, New Bromptor, London. DIED. On the 23d u lt ., M r. T. Baker, !we of Southampton. On the 25th ult., at Chalk Farm-lane, Hampstead-roadt Thomas Long, Esq., aged 34. On the 6th ult., at Hastings, N7iss Crump, late of Dlill hill, Hendon. On the 2ith ult., in Lower Grosvenor-place, Pimlico, IL S. Paul, Esq.. of the Hill-house, Glocestershire, aged 81. On the 2ith ult., at the Grove, WoodfO r d, A n nie, the dangly er of 'N. Sykes, Esq On the 2::th ult., at Stratford-on•Ayou, Warwickshire, W W. Wtston, L q., aged 49. London Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG , o f No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 1.12, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of Middlesex, Thursday, North 1, Iso. ~,~ b The r opr Ito ( Try ( Anr nal Zit 111.9 )erCB ....___, I 4 Prot or a ny . *ode, ~-•.. ~r~ fitl snare lin o ai not 'Tear e t Eleve n or ter-st r( 1,04d0t tond ----.... ll] A tAlleu 4,e44,41 J 2 , 14 c Mt; Pa Mitt. / On ever EC Thr e Pack 4 Bran Pa, W ay-, Porte large if, ...._ 4 4t1 We Nei Fro, Cut,