The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-26 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CILLSCZLLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. Lord BROUGHAM moved for certain returns con nected with the administration of the criminal law as regards the trial of persons accused of petty larcenies. THE CHURCH IN CANADA. The Bishop of OXFORD rose to move for an address presented to her Majesty by the House of Assembly and Legislative Council of Canada. praying for the removal of disadvantages to which the Church in Canada was sub jected, and to enable it to elect its own bishops, and also for any answer which had been given thereto. The right rev. prelate said that when the notice for those returns was placed before their lordships, it would be time enough for him to enter into details on the subject. He would take that opportunity of observing that he b ee lieved the Church an d State in this country benefittd Der the relations that existed between them, and he for one would not see this relation altered. The supremacy of the Crown, on the whole, in its influence washighly beneficial to the Church of this land. The reason o w y the Church of England had authority with the . Cr e _wf o i was this : the Church of Eogla,nd_ was ackn d rledg d t be the national Church, ane every step ten ing to take from it that character took from serve Earl also that wholesome infleence which he wished to pres - Earl GRAN VILLE said be had no objection to the aturns asked for. The Earl of DERBY said he regretted the course which had been taken with respect to the Church of Canada. Ile felt, however, that he was by no means responsible for what he considered was a violation of the engagements which had been entered into between the Church and Se OX FORDda. The Bi s hop of said he had not given his sanction to the Clergy Reserves Bill ; on the contrary, he con sidered the act to be A spoliatlon of church property. THE NEGOTIATIONS AT VIENNA. Earl GREY then rose to bring forward the motion of which he bad given notice on this subject. After stating the pain which he felt at bringing forward a motion of which very few of their lordships would approve, and which implied a censure of many of the political friends with whom he had been connected, the noble earl pro ceeded :—But though for these reasons I would gladly have resigned the task I have now to perform, I am im pelled to proceed by many more powerful motives. I cannot, my lord, look on the calamities in which Europe Is now involved without a feeling of horror that it is impossible to' describe. The noble marquis (the Marquis of Lansdowne) informed the house the other evening that upon information which had reached the Government,- of the accuracy of which he did not doubt, be believed that the number of Rus sian soldiers who had perished by the sword or disease since this war began was not fewer than nearly 250,000. I see in the public newspapers, upon calculations apparently founded on very sufficient data, that the loss of the Turkish armies from the same causes are not less than 120,000 men. We know how heavy have been the losses of our own army, and that of our allies the French, and if to those who have perished in these armies we add the inhabitants of the provinces which have been the, eat of war, who have fallen victims to want, to disease, and to violence arising from the war now unhappily going on—when, I say, we reckon up the total sacrifice of lives from all these causes, it is impos sible to believe that it is less than 500,000 persons. 500,000 human beings already sacrificed to , the grim idol of war, before it has yet lasted three years ! Think of the amount of suffering which that represents, not so much perhaps on the part of victims who have died and are at rest, but think of the anguish of the wounded, the pain and the misery of the sick. And then recollect that not one of these 500,000 men, whether our fellow subjects, or those of other nations, but has left be. hind those near and dear to him who have suffered grief and anguish from his loss. Recollect the pro vinces devastated, the progress of civilisation, indus try, and commerce arrested, and thrown back perhaps for years. And think of the moral evils which must have resulted from a war which proverbially rouses the worst passions in human nature. How many men in the contending armies must be demoralised by this war, and unfitted for the pursuits of peace ! The expenditure of money which has taken place is a lesson, but is no slight evil. Even in our own country we know that the expenditure on the war before the termination of the second year will Lot fall short of fifty millions. You must consider how enormous a sum that is. How many objects of first importance to this country have been postponed for year for one-tenth or one-twentieth part of that sum. Consider what that sum would have done for the permanent welfare of the country, if, instead of the purposes of destruction, it bad been expended for the public welfare. With such a sum at our disposal this great city might have been relieved from the oppro brium of its present sanitary condition, and the educa tional wants of the country been provided for even by a permanent endowment. When, my lords, I reflected on the magnitude of the evils thus brought nn Europe and the world, and felt satisfied that an oppor tunity was recently thrown away, by which, if judi ciously improved, a reasonable prospect of terminating these calamities was afforded, I c,ntd not reconcile it to my conscience if I failed to raise my voice in protest against the course which has led to such results. lam willing, my lords, to assume, for the sake of argument, that the policy of this war, from which I have more than once expressed my dissent, was right—that Turkey was engaged in a quarrel in which it is the duty of this coun try to come forward to her support. And even on that assumption I am prepared to contend that the Govern ment erred in refusing to entertain the proposals made by the Russians in the recent negotiations, which, I think, afforded a Lair ground for discussion ; a basis for negotiation which was capable . of being worked out to a satisfactory settlement of the differences between the two nations. That is the opinion which I ask your lordships to express in an humble address to her Majesty, and if I can succeed in convincing your lordships of its soundness, I apprehend that there can be no doubt that it is not only the right but the bounden drty of your lordships to lay your opinion before her Majesty, to inform - her that in your opinion she has been ill advised by her confidential servants. I do not pro pose to go further than to ask you to inform her Ma jesty tbat you think a mistake has been committed by shutting the door, as has been done at Vienna, to fur ther negotiations with Russia. I do not presume to suggest what further steps should be taken. I know that after negotiations have been suspended sine die their resumption is a matter of great delicacy. I know that we have an ally with whom we must act in con cert, and I do not, therefore, ask you to suggest to her Majesty any further steps. I believe that if her Ma jesty's Government could be induced to think that ne gotiations should be opened on the basis offered by Russia, they could not be at a loss to do so. Nor do I think they would encounter great difficulties on the part of our ally. Because, unless the public have been misinformed, and unless all the symptoms by which the public can judge, have deceived us, we may come to the conclusion that the view of her Majesty's Government on this subject has had no inconsiderable influence on the opinions formed by France ; and that if they were led to form more pacific views, their coming to that conclusion would have its just weight with our allies, and they would fin d no difficulty in inducing them to adopt a corresponding policy. I would, in the first place, beg leave to remind your lordships what were the objects for which the war was originally undertaken, and what was the quarrel in which it originated. lam sure your lordships must all remember that, when this war began, we were informed by her Majesty's govern ment, that in entering upon it they had no views of selfish advantage, that it was strictly a defensive war, to repel an unjust aggression committed by a reigning sovereign. The same view was still more formally re corded almost immediately after the war began, in the Vienna protocol of. April 9, 1854, which insisted on the abandonment by Russia of the principalities, and on the surrender of her claim to the exclusive protection of the Greek Christians of the Turkish empire, there being then no question as to the revision of the treaty of 1841, I ask your lordships, have not these objects been long since attained Russia has many months ago been compelled to evacuate the principalities ; her de mand from Turkey of the recognition of her right to pro tect the Greek Christians in the Turkish dominions has been long since withdrawn, and she is willing that a common league of Christian Europe should be formed for the protection of the Christian subjects of the Porte. Undoubtedly, when you had once take up arms, you de clared that you would require more than you deemed necessary before the war commenced, and would exact security for the future by means of means of deliberated gether, and agreed upon arrangements to be proposed to Russia and taken as the ground work of negotiations. In the first instance Russia rejected them, but ultimately she accepted them, and the recent conference at Vienna was held for the purpose of ascertaining whether Russia and the allied powers would agree on the method of giving effect to those four heads of agreement, which on the 28th of December had been communicated to Russia. When the conferences opened no serious diffi culty__ was, experinced on the first two h eads. Russia 'Talented to give up all her treaty rights with regard to t s ' ie e e pritp t alities of Wallachia and Moldavia, a conces asZling at the importance, which you did not think of is of beginning of the war, but which I wil linglyto diminish the great value, and tends materially point seems to have of future war. Russia on this arrangement was met you as fairly as possible, and an her and the allied powe r by common accord between for the constitution of one or more states in the Principalities, entirely relieved from and exclusive e,,v w l h us ic iv h e were to be in fu tureright of interference by The third 2d article protectorate relat ed ( t ) o r that head also Russia he navigation of the Danube, and on granted all your demands. several monthscilty would greate,4 difficulty that on after the which it was always felt that the . arise. It was never started until war' had broken out, and the first allusion Tilly, no-1 on the v made it was in the month of . v ote of credit being proposed for the contiTianee_ of the wer. It wee to‘ this effect, that the revision of the treaty of July 1841, must have for its object to connect the existence of the Ottoman empire more completely with the Europ ean em, and to pu t an end to the preponderance o f Russia in Oa Black Sea. Upon the first part of this and an article d was agreed head no serious difficulty arose, upon declaring that the hig h contracting parties engage severally to respect the indepen dence and territorial in t:nT.oin- tegrityof the O ttoman empire, guara nteeing, together Tie strict observance of this arrapgetnent, Uorn-.e qunene it a es n. riu consideringe . every a - ct or event o f a nature to in frig article provide litAor? of European intere st. A second 2 1 a. inistmderstanding _ Bl O Ol between the Port e and one of the high contracting par. we were wrong in inducing him, step by step, to adhere to his demands until it was impossible to withdraw them witaout a loss of honour. My lord , ;, I thought it m 3 luty to state my views of the character of the late Em oetor Nicholas, and of the origin of the war, 'hoping that by doing so I might assist in mitigating that bitter spirit which has been imported into this great question. I consider that to wage an unnecessary war, or to continue a war which is even just and necessary, for a single hour, after the objects for which it was commenced are obtained, is the greatest sin which any nation can com mit, and a sin for which every man, be his influence what it may, has a share, if he neglects to check the commis sion of that sin, so contrary to the laws of God and humanity. (Hear.) It is for these reasons that I am in Muted earnestly to recommend to your lordships the mo don which I have now the honour to submit, "That at , humble address be presented to her Majesty, to thaua her Majesty for having ordered the protocols of the re sent negotiations at Vienna to be laid before us ; to in tern' her Majesty that this house deeply deplores the failure of the attempt to put an end by these negotiations to the calamities of the war in which the country is now engaged, and, to express our opinion that the pro posals of Russia were such as to afford a fair pros pect of concluding a peace by which all the original ob jects of the war might have been gained, and by which her Majesty and her allies might have obtained all the advantages which can reasonably be demanded Iron , Russia." The Earl of CLARENDON next addressed their lord. ships, and said—l have listened to my noble friend with all the respect and attention which he never fails to corn mend in this house, and I think that his very long and able speech has been characterised by his usual ability. If, however, the noble earl has failed to convince your lord ships, it will certainly not be from any want of a strong conviction on his part of the justice of the cause which be has undertaken. I have no doubt whatever that the noble earl conceived that in bringing forward this motion he had a public duty to perform ; but, on the other hand, I may be permitted to say that it was with deep regret that I heard him propose his resolution, not less on account of the terms in which it is couched, than my conviction that if agreed to by your lordships it would be productive of most serious mischief. (Loud cheers.) The noble earl has laboured to prove that the war in which we are engaged is neither a just nor a neces sary war. He has condemned the manner in which the war has been carried on, and in which the negotiations have been conducted, and has applauded the moderation of the terms of the Russian plenipotentiaries, which he con siders should have been accepted. During the three and a half hours in which he has proceeded in an uninterrupted strain of applause as to the admirable course pursued by Russia, every word which he has said in censure of her Majesty's Government applies with equal force to the Go vernment of the Emperor of the French. The speech of my noble friend, with all the authority of his name and the great weight of his character and positi on, will be widely published by the partizans of Russia without giving any reply to the statements which he has made. (Hear.) And my noble friend has, so far as in him lies, rendered essential service to the Emperor of Russia in the course he has taken. So far as depends upon my noble friend he will have done his utmost to encourage the Emperor of Russia to resist compliance with those demands which England, France, and Austria, consider just, and which it would have been honourable in Russia to have accepted, and as far as in him lies the noble lord would represent us to the world as in a state of division and weakness In this latter point, however, I think the noble lord will be disappointed, and thus will possibly end the mischief which his speech was calculated to produce, because I trust your lordships will this evening, by your majority, agree with me in that negative with which I propose to meet the motion of the noble lord , and prove to Russia that the opinions that have been so often expressed in this house have undergone no change, and are not now waver ing. I regret the time at which this motion has been brought forward, not that I think that any great advantage may arise from these proposals which are now under con sideration, and which I did not consider of sufficient im portance to induce me to ask the noble earl to postpone his motion ; but it is for the interest of peace itself, the attain ment of which the Government has as much at heart as the noble lord himself. If we are to be called upon to enter into all the details of the negotiations of the day, to defend all the proceedings of our plenipotentiaries, to state what are the grounds upon which we think alone peace should be made, I say that is a course which will render negotiation more difficult, and, as nego tiation must precede peace, may consequently cause peace itself to suffer by premature discussions. (Cheers.) I shall not follow the noble earl in his remarks upon the contents of the blue-books laid before your lordships last year, but —and this I think will be of more interest and importance to your lordships—l will refer to the deductions which he has made from these despatches, and the attempts which he has made to prove that we are engaged in an unjust and unnecessary war. The solitary expression of blame which he employed against Russia was its occupation of the Principalities, although even for that the noble lord found something in the nature of an apology. Now, I contend that the war in which we are engaged is in strict confor mity with the law of nations, and is supported by the ablest writers on the subject. Vattel says :—" By the law of nations it is laid down as a principle that war is just and lawful which is to avenge or prevent injury. Wide once a state has given proof of injust ice, rapacity, pride, ambition, or any imperious thirst of rule, she becomes an object of suspicion to her neighbours, whose duty it is to stand on their guard against her. They may come upon her when she is at the moment of acquiring a formidable accession of power—may demand securities, and if she hesi tates to give them, may prevent her designs by force of arms. Must we delay to avert our ruin until it becomes inevitable? If the appearances are so easily credited, it is the fault of that neighbour who has betrayed his ambition by severalindicetions. Should that formidable power betray an unjust and ambitious disposition by doing the least in justice to another, all nations may avail themselves of the occasion, anti by joining the injured party thus form a coali tion of strength, in order to humble that ambitious poten tate, and disable him from so easily oppressing his neigh bours, or keeping them in continual awe and fear—for an injury gives us a right to provide for our future safety, by depriving the unjust oppressor of the means of injuring us ; and it is lawful, and even praiseworthy, to assist those who are oppressed or unjustly attacked. When a neigh bour in midst of a profound peace erects fortresses on our frontiers, equips a fleet, augments his troops, assembles a powerful army, fills his magazines—in a word, when he makes preparations for war, are we allowed to attack him with a view to prevent the danger with which we think ourselves threatened? The answer greatly depends on the manners and character of that neighbour. We must in quire into the reasons of those preparations, and bring him to an explanation. Such is the mode of proceeding in Europe; and if his sincerity be justly suspected, securities may be demanded of him. His refusal in that case would furnish ample indication of sinister designs, and a sufficient reason to justify us in anticipating them." My noble friend in his eulogies upon Russia dwelt upon the forbear ance which it had shown towards Turkey, but he omitted to state what had been the constant and uniform policy of Russia towards Turkey. I will inform the house of the extent and nature of the territory wrung from Turkey by Russia during the past century. "In 1774 the fortresses of Kertch and Yenicale with their dis tricts in the Crimea, Kinburn and its district, the desert between the Bug and the Dnieper, the town and district of Azoff, and the two Kabadins is Circassia, were ced- d by Turkey to Russia by treaty. In 1.83 the Crimea, the island of Taman, and Cuban Tartary were annexed to the Russian empire by a manifesto of the Empress Catherine. In 1774 Turkey acknowledged, by treaty, the River Cuban as the boundary of Russia. In 1792 the fortress of Oczakow and the country between the Bug and the Dniester were ceded by Turkey to Russia by treaty. In 1812 a part of Moldavia ; the fortresses of Chotchim and Bender, Bessa rabia, with Ismail and Kilia • and the left bank of the Pruth, from its entrance into Moldavia, were ceded by Turkey to Russia by treaty. In 829 a part of the pacha lie of Akhaltzick, and all the littoral of the Black Sea, from the mouth of the Cuban to port St. Nicholas, and the islands at the month of the Danube, were ceded by . Turkey to Russia by treaty. In 1834 the Russian terri tories, from the port of St. Nicholas to the province of Georgia, were extended by treaty with Turkey." This then is the power which, according to my noble friend, has acted with so much candour and forbearance towards Turkey. We all knew what was the opinion of the late Emperor Nicholas with respect to the state of that nation. We know that he said " nothing could save the sick man," and the mission of Prince Menschikoff was intended to give the coup de grace to the sick man, not by resorting to vio lent means, but by slow poison. By the misiuterpretation of the treaty of Kainardji the Emperor sought to secure another treaty or instrument by which the right of inter ference between the Sultan and his subjects should be se cured to Russia, who would thus obtain a virtual sove reignty over ten or twelve millions of the most enterpris ing, the most active, and most intelligent subjects of the Sultan. Since the time of the occupation of the principal it'es we have heard a great deal more of .the intentions of Russia, and the mode lu which .ho aooka to parry them into effect. We know now the vast resources of Russia, and how stealthily she has been at work for years accumulat ing those resources. The fortresses at Sebastopol and Bo inarsund were a standing menace to Europe. The whole of Europe was in reality standing over a mine, while the vast power of Russia had either paralysed the states of Europe, or blinded them to their real danger. Every Go vernment of Europe has been in part to blame for permit ting this state of things. For the last 25 years there has been an amount of deference paid to Russia to wh ich she had no right or claim, and she has been allowed to pry into and meddle with the affairs of every country. Her con duct has at times been denounced, but nobody considered it his business to interfere effectually, and Europe gene rally was unaware of the danger which menaced it until the mine was suddenly exploded by Prince Menschikoff. The entire possession of the Sound was one of the great objects of Russia. and her Government had ordered a very large increase of her steam fleet, and the whole of her sailing ships of the line were about to be converted into screws, and she was actively engaged beforo the breaking out of the war in the completion of a system of railway co mmunication which would have had the effect of doub ling the effective power of her military forces. With Constantinople and the Bosphorus in the hands of Russia, what, I would ask, would be the fate of all the nations bordering on the Black Sea ? All the co mmerce of the West with those countries would soon be brought to an end (Cheers.) What would h ave be e n the fate of Europe itself if the Russian fleet were no longer looked np in the Black Sea ? With th e full p ossession of the Sound, and her fleets no longer ic e-bound for six months in the year, all Europe would he in the hands of this Colossus. And it is no small thing that we were upon the eve of seeing this bold design of universal empire all but universally ac knowledged. The first act of the present Emperor was to declare that he was determined to place the Russian em pire upon the highest pinnacle of glory and power, and fully to carry out all the plans of his predecessors, the Em press Catherine and the Emperor Nicholas. The policy of Russia has undergone no change. It is the same noiV as it was twenty-five years ago, when the father of the noble earl who brought ferward this motion, referring e t o r the te d g f r e e r a g t v a i r n m g i a p s e a l e h c h a o r a l n e s t e r w i s h e ip th w e e p re eac sa e i a d s t , ? t b h e e peace of the grave, and the silence of the tomb." (Cheers.) If ever there was a war which was just, net:les:ary l. and unavoidable, it is that into which England a d F ance htiaavtieonno tow d n e re lib s e e r r a v t e el p y o e a n o t e e w re i t t l i : e s e a n l 1 m t the L e i e m b o y r more just gos and necessary because every effor a t n h d oa i l t the real cause of the war, and made it unavoidable , repent believe that the people of this country do not out having.recourtie tanhd tili'ies. The unbending pride of Russia A was that was having kite red-intci-the preseht conflict. If there red thing i t n& s m c o o r un e tt ry an , char acterises i a t n i o s th a er ke w en hi s c e h nseofnatjon a-sticingletierraination" Ifot to 'submit to snythius . Which al ho t o e urP,Pie ties, those two States, before employing force, should put the other powers in a position to anticipate their resort to this extreme remedy. On these two articles, of the which we re intended to carry into effect the first part thi point, no difficulty whatever arose, excepting an observa tion made by Russia, articlese was not to be considered as bound by the she had concurred in, to take up arms in all cases on behalf of the Turkish empire. The other powers recorded their regret at this result, but I roust say, in my opinion, without any just foundation. On the contrary, I think the reserve of Russia on this point was only wise and just, and I wish it had been imitated by our own plenipotentiaries Russia said; and I think with unanswerable force, that the blood of Russia belongs to Russia, and is to be she( only for Russian interests, and therefore she would not bind herself in all possible cases to take up arms in de fence of Turkey. These unlimited engagements to go to war in defence of other countries are, in my opinion, always imprudent and dangerous, but singularly so ie the case of Turkey—an empire composed of such heterogeneous materials, and of which the ultimate dis solution is absolutely certain, and a mere question of time. The course of Russia on this point, there ', fore, appears to me to have been infinitely wiser and more prudent than our own. Next, as to the second part of the third point, relative to the prepon derance of Russia in the Black Sea. England and France I on the one side, said they would be content with nothing short of the limitation of her naval force in that sea; whilst to this, on the other hand, Russia would not cement, maintaining that her preponderance would be sufficiently diminished by the two articles already agreed to, as well as by an important alteration of the treaty of 1841, in respect to the right of Turkey to bring foreign ships of war into the straits of the Dardanelles and Bosphorus. By that treaty this right was withheld except in times of actual war. Russia proposed that, maintaining the general principle of the closure of the I straits, Turkey should ha, e a right to open them to the , fleets of any of her allies, whenever she censidered herself ' to be menaced, a conjuncture of which she herself was to be the sole judge. Austria was of opinion that the propo sals of Russia offered fair grounds for discussion, and might have led to some settlement of the question. In order to form a judgment whether • her Majesty's Government were right in closing the door on further negotiation, we must compare the effect of the two proposals, and also consider whether that right admitted by Russia was not. capable of further modification, and of being rendered still more advantageous to this country. What is really meant by the phrase of limiting the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea is, that her great naval power should be rendered no longer a source of just apprehen sion to Turkey. To me, there appears great force in the remark ef Prince Gortschakoff, that this object would be attained by the articles already concluded. It is sug gested that an attack may be made on Turkey with a large maratime force from Sebastopol, carrying a consi derabletbody of troops. Of course it must be supposed that this is not a very easy affair, nor capable of being ac complished in a moment. You must have very little faith in the assertions constantly heard as to the improvements going on in the Turkish empire—you must think even still more meanly than I do of the strt ngth of Turkey, if, with all the facilities that exist for fortifying the entrance to the Bosphorus and the approach to Constantinople, If, with the great population and resources of the country, you believe that Russia could venture upon an enterprise of this kind without vessels capable of conveying 40,000 or 50,000 troops, with a respectable artillery. Now, we know from our own recent experience that, even with all our vast mercantile marine and magnificent steamers, to collect the means of moving an army of that force is not a work which can be performed in a moment, but is one of great - difficulty and expense, and not to be accomplished in secret. The agents of her Majesty's Government in Turkey could not fail to know what was in agitation long before it was completed, so that, under the other provision by which Turkey was to be enabled to call in the aid of her allies, there would be ample time to come to her assistance. Knowing the risks with which an operation of this sort would be at tended, I cannot help feeling very confident that it would not be attempted by Russia,, and that if it were, it would be defeated by the intervention of the allies of Turkey. (Hear, hear.) I grant that, if the time should ever arrive when, from differences between the nations of Europe, the western powers should not be prepared to assist Turkey ag ainst the attacks of Russia, or if one of them should be prepared to join in a plan of iniquitous spoliation, in a case of that kind the Russian fleet in the Black Sea would be a source of immediate apprehension to Turkey. But in the case supposed, would the limitation of the Russian fleet be sufficient to preserve Turkey from the sudden destruction which would menace her. One must be sanguine, indeed to suppose so. It is obvious that, if you believe Russia really intends to fuifil the solemn engagements into which she has entered, the two articles concluded really accomplish all your objects • it is only on the assump tion that she is faithless , and does not mean to observe those engagements, that any further security is required. But o that assumption I ask what is the value of this limitation of the Russian force in the Black Sea ? Would that provision be worth the paper on which it is written ? It is evident that no stipulation would be more easily open to evasion. (Hear, hear.) A faithless power would have no difficulty whatever in augmenting her naval force to a much greater extent than the treaty permitted. As long as Russia maintains naval establishments and dockyards, she must be allowed to rep sir her old ships, to build others to take their places when worn out, to turn them over to be used as zonvict hulks, and for other such purposes. It would be easy for her to have ships completely fitted and pre pared, ready for launching at a moment's notice, to keep two or three crews attached to each of the ships kept afloat, and practised in succession in the Black Sea, or sailors might be brought across from the Baltic during winter. You cannot offer any obstacle to the extension by Russia of her commercial marine ; and I ask my noble friend if there is any force she could keep up half so dangerous to Turkey as a vast fleet of steam gun boats, each capable of carrying one or two heavy guns, and a force of 200 or 300 soldiers, for a voyage of a few days ? But the treaty, in the very words as drawn up by yourselves, opposes no difficulty whatever to Russia providing a force of this kind to the full extent of her pecuniary resources. The gun-boats might he kept at Taeanrog, Odessa, and other peas of the Black Sea, really the property of the Government, but nominally of the merchants, so that on the shortest notice they could be assembled at Sebastopol. It appears to me that my noble friend, in urging the precedent of the de molition of Dunkirk under the treaty of - Utrecht in 1713, selected a very unfortunate instance. This provision of the treaty has always been considered as a very great humiliation for Louis XIV., and was imposed only after the fortune of that sovereign had been reduced to the lowest ebb by a series of military disasters. Besides, so little effective was that provision, that in 1744 France fitted out a great army against England from this very port, and in the debates of 1783 Lord Shelburne, when charged with having abandoned the provisions of former treaties relative to the port of Dunkirk, exclaimed, " If I was wrong in departing from those provisions, all former Ministers were wrong in not enforcing them." While this stipulation was worthless to the allies, was it not open to the just objections of Russia I. She said it was an insult to an independent nation to call upon her to limit her fleet. I think this view a reasonable and sound one, and can call your lordships' attention to high authority in support of it. In 1813, when the Emperor Napoleon was driven almost to extremity by the defeat of Leipsic, and was treating for peace, it was proposed that his dominions should be reduced to the ancient limits of France, and a noble friend of mine, whose absence to-night, as well as the indisposition that causes it, I much regret (the Earl of Aberdeen), was charged with the conduct of the negotiations on the part of this country. He was instructed by Lord Castle reagh that on no account should Antwerp be left in the' possession of France, which the British Secretary of State said would be little short of imposing on Great Britain the charge of a perpetual war with France, adding, "We do not wish to impose any dishonourable conditions on France, which limiting the number of her ships would be, but she must not be left in possession of this point." So that the depriving France of Ant werp, after all the vast sums expended on its dockyards and arsenals, was considered less humiliating to her pride than would have been a proposal for limiting the number of her ships of war. I think an opinion of this kind, without any reference to the question now pending, is a preitty—eLear—proef that to ask an independent nation to limit the force she keeps us, is an insult and a degradation to her. In the case of Russia it is a very great insult and degradation, for the only conceivable value you can attach to the provision is, that it will be the means of preventing a breach of faith on her part. Therefore, in asking Russia to consent to this provision, you ask her to direct her ambassador to put his hand to a treaty declaring and acknowledging their own want of faith.. That is a great objection on the part of Russia to this limitation ; but there are of course others. Far example, it is not impossible that, some time or other, Russia may be the ally of T urke y a g ain s t one or both of the Western Powers, and in fact the first commencement of the armament of Russia previous to the present contest was to support Turkey against the menaces of the French minister. There has been great exaggeration, I repeat, with regard to the acts and con duct of Russia. It was an exaggeration to say that she had 4een guilty of an unprovoked aggres sion ; there is no ground for saying so, , while there is still less. ground for saying that she was guilty of fraud in keeping her claim out of sight, for the demand of Russia to protect the Greek Church has been avowed in the plainest and strongest language from the very outset. I find that as long ago as December 1852, Col. Rose reported that, Russia claimed the right under the treaty of Kainardji ; then again, after that Sir Hamilton Seymour reports from St. Petersburg that the Emperor claimed to exercise this protection over millions of Christians who were subjeets of the Sultan ; and Lord John Russell, in a despatch subsequently written, admits in terms that this claim of the Emperor was " prescribed by duty, and banctioned by treaty." How, then, can you contend that Russia was guilty of a fraudulent con cealment of her claim ? I think the occupation of the principalities was a wrongful act. But if Russia was in the wrong, was there no allowance to bo made for her I We had made many and grievous blun ders, and we should not be too severe in criticising Russia for this. The late emperor was a man in whom, I muss say, notwithstanding that I know it is unpopu lar,dereoine that I saw, in spite of many faults, many good quali ties. I think he was sincerely devoted to what be be lieved to be the welfare of his people. I believe that no selfish gratification or mean motive actuated him in un calm and Chri the unwearied labour of governing his great empire. When I read the touching account of the last scene, I cannot belie ve hours of the E mperor st Nicholas—when I contemplate the — arid whe rk . 1 : 1 n in which he met his mortal eras ery were faults wbiev: is conduct throughout that awful that to that man fraud and treacla he was greatly wrong could fo be justly imputed. I think departure of Prince Ariensvciiiis violent conduct after the ikoff, but I also tliink grit THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 26 1855, they deem a national disgrace.' (Cheers.) It was with these objects the war was undertaken, and to those ehjects we still adhere, viz., that of maintaining the in tegrity and independence of Turkey, and not alone to protect Turkey, but to guard Europe against the ambi tious designs of Russia, These objects, we think, can be secured by annulling all the treaties between Russia and Turkey ; by causing the protectorate of Russia over the principalities to cease ; by removing all the obstacles in the way of the free navigation of the Danube ; by connect ing Turkey more closely with the family of European na tions ; by causing the preponderance of Russia to cease in the Black Sea ; and by preventing Russia from having any exclusive rights of interference between the Sultan end his subjects. (Cheers.) If these bases of negotiations had been honestly accepted and acted upon, they would eeve secured the objects which we had in view on entering upon this great struggle. The manner in which the defence of Sebastopol has been carried on without having the op eortunity of sending a single gun by sea, by relying solely in the resources accumulated in that port, are proofs of the langers to which Turkey was exposed from Russia. From Archangel to Sebastopol, from Bomarsund to Petropaulov eki—everywhere in fact there is the same accumulation of military stores, the same protection and defence, and the same proof that Russia must havebeen a ware that the policy which she was pursuing would at some time excite the alarm end unite the efforts of all Europe against her. (Cheers.) All 'hat we wished to obtain was such a diminution of the l'orcee of Russia as should secure the safety of Turkey, and efford no danger to the liberties of Europe. In reply to our demands, Russia said, " We will not submit to this, nor permit any interference with what we consider our own sovereignty in our own territory, and we claim the right to accumulate and even to develops all those means of ag gression which in principle are quite untenable." It is not, contend, derogatory to the dignity of such a country to reduce her armaments if she really intends to restore con fidence, and not to justify the suspicious which are enter tained of her motives. The noble lord has referred to the statement made at the conference of Vienna, by Prince Gortschakoff, to the effect that it would be impossible to land 16,000 men in Turkey from the Crimea with any seri ous consequences to the integrity of that country. I believe, on the contrary, that such a force suddenly brought before Constantinople would be the greatest blow which that coun try has ever yet received ; it would be accompanied by ap peals to the passions and feelings of a large portion of the most excited and discontented subjects of the Porte, and there would very soon be an end to the Mussulman dy nasty in Europe. But Russia also proposed that the straits should be opened indiscriminately to all the powers. and that the Russian fleet should have free access to the Medi terranean, and thus acquire the means of disturbing the Greek inhabitants of the Levant islands ; and she pro posed also that the Porte should be able to call the Allied fleets into the Black Sea whenever it was threatened. But the safety of Turkey would always be in danger from such a fleet, as Russia and the allies would never be able to say that the apprehensions of the Porte; whenever they were called upon, were groundless, or that the call for assistance should be listened to. The result of this would be, as the re ward and r eturn of all the cost and sacrifice which We have made in this war, that England and France would indirectly bind themselves by treaty to have a large force always in the Mediterranean ready at the cell of the Sultan, and would thus enter into securities to make Russia keep the peace, while Russia would give no corresponding security to keep the peace. England and France would, in fact, con stitute themselves the watchmen of Europe, and be re quired perpetually to keep their fleets upon a war footing. But whether the fleets of the allies welt in the Mediterra nean or at home, they would never be able to arrive in time to protect Constantinople from tt e effects of a well organised and well-arranged attack on the part of Russia. The Government of Russia still claims her right to be a standing, menace to Europe, and has refused to join with the other powers in guaranteeing the independence of Tur key, and she has no right to say that by the concessions which she has made, merely for the purpoee of conceding something to German interests, she has fulfilled those duties with respect to European interests which have led to the just and necessary war in which we are now engaged. The Russian fleet is powerless to Russia, except in the Black Sea, as a menace to Turkey, and as an engine to carry out her designs against that country. (Cheers.) I can only add that if it is our good fortune to restore to the country the blessings of peace, I trust it will be only such a peace as will meet the approbation of your lordships and that of the country at large. (Hear.) The Earl of MALMESBURY said that he consiiered the question then before the house as one so far removed from party politics that, although he could not be expected to be an energetic supporter of the Government, he would have come almost any distance, and at almost any incon venience, to record his vote against the motion of the noble earl. In the address which the noble earl proposed, he stated that the original objects of the war might have been gained by the recent negotiations, but had not b ,en attained. Now, he did not agree with the nobleea.rl in that, because he did not think that the original objects of the war were suffi ciently touched by the negotiations recently carried on at Vienna. Mischievous as was the speech in which the noble earl had introduced his motion, the only danger to which the country was now exposed did not arise from that speech. The same opinions were expressed on the previous evening in the other house by a man equally looked up to for his talents—he would not say for his consistency or the sincerity of his convictions—end, perhaps, even sur passing the noble earl in the gifts of oratory and eloquence. He did not know how far he might be permitted to refer to what took place in another place, but he would say that no later since than the previous evening he dreamt that he heard a man he had always admired as almost the greatest orator of the day address an august assembly in a tone, with words, ',and with a colour: and distortion of the facts of the case worthy of a Russian minister, and which if lie had been a Russian minister would have obtained for him every cross in the gift of the Emperor but that of St. Andrew. He felt so hureiliated, pained, and distressed as an Englishman, at what he heard, that he could hardly believe his hearing until be read this morning's journal, and found his dream realised word for word. (A laugh.) He trusted that the sentiments of the Government were such as might be deduced from the speech of the noble earl (the Earl of Clarendon), and that the Govern ment were fully determined to accede to no terms of peace not fully as strong or even stronger than those rejected by Russia at Vienna. The country bad entered into the present war with a full belief in the justice of our c tuse. The spirit of our officers and the bravery of our sol diers had never been surpassed since England was a king dom, and we only wanted vigour, determination,andunity on the part of her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, if the noble earl divided the house, that the di: vision would show unequivocally the opinion of that house, for such a division would be most important before the public opinion of Europe. The Duke of ARGYLL said that - the arguments of his noble friend who had brought forward this motion tended to show that, since the beginning of this struggle, we had been continually increasing our demands, and that while Russia had shown a c onciliator y we had displayed an ar rogant, spirit. Now, no argument could be more unjust. He really did not know whether it was the intention of his noble friend to convey that impression— Earl GREY —Certainly not. The Duke of ARGYLL said that the speech of his noble friend was, however, calculated to convey it. With regard to the disposition Russia had shown to accept reasonable terms from the allies, he exceedingly regretted the tone of his noble friend's speech, which was an out-and-out defence of Russian moderation, and as such would hey° an exceed. ingly bad effect, and must produce a re-action. He could assure his noble friend that though he was an earnest sup porter of the cause of peace when the great objhts for which we had undertaken the war were attained, yet he could not consider that the concessions of Russia were sufficient to place those objects within our reach, or to satisfy our national interests and honour. Lord LYTTELTON agreed in the terms of the motion, but not in all the views which had been stated by the noble earl who brought it forward. The Biebop of OXFORD felt that the appeal addressed by the noble earl to the right reverend bench ought to meet with some answer in words before they proleeded t i a divi sion on his resolution. He could not vote for the proposed address, because he did not think it would tend to advance the object which the noble earl had so much at heart. The speech made by the noble earl went even further than his motion, in throwing the blame of the war up on Eng land and her respected ally. It was our bounden duty to examine whether the war now proceeding was of such a character that it could properly be described as an appeal to the tribunal of God for justice, which there was no earthly tribunal to enforce. Every war, to be justifiable, ought, in his view, to be resolvable into one of self-de fence. He (the Bishop of Oxford) did not wish that the English people should be ready to quit any war in a dishonourable manner, or without the success which their arms merited; and he, therefore, must deplore the disparaging language that had been used respecting this campaign, because it would make peace more difficult of attainment, consistently with the honour of England. The Duke of NEWCASTLE had listened to mach that had passed with very sincere pain. When he first saw the notice of the noble earl, he apprehended that little but mischief could arise from the discussion of tlee question which he raised, but those anticipations of evil were greatly aggravated by the speech that was delivered by his noble friend that evening ; for throughout the whole of th d at speech he had so greatly extenua ted, he might sa v y defende, every act of the.r enemy, and dwelt so heavily upon every act they had themselves committed, that he was afraid the re sult could not be, otherwise thansto peat eatent the result the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) He (the Duke of Newcastle) thought that was a serious evil, and th , t it was likely to lower them in the eyes both of the Allies awl of their enemies. (Hear, hear.) He used these observations most sincerely in the interests of peace, be cause he conscientiously believed that the speech which his noble friend had addressed that evening was far more cal culated to postpone that peace which they most heartile , desired to see than any of the declarations of the most vio lent friends of war that could bo delivered in any assembly. That speech must have the effect of encouraging Russia in the efforts she was making and the demands she was put ting forth. It might, perhaps, even induce her to with draw from the concessions she had already expressed her entire willingness to make. (Hear.) If that was to be its effect upon their enemy, what was likely to be its effect on their friends? (Hear, hear.) What was the condition of Germany ? Germany was divided on the question, but nevertheless they had many friends to their cause amongst the states of Germany; but when such sentiments were ex pressed, not by an insignificant individual, but by one oc cupying a high position in the house and in the country — one bearing also a great and historic name—was it not cal culated to paralyse Germany, turn t am were their friends against them, and encourage those who were already against them to persevere in their hostility? (Hear.) Then again, what was likely to be the effect in France? (Hear ) Must not a great number of the people of France look with alarm at the discussion that had taken place ? Was it not likely that the people of France would say, " What security have we that the English will not desert us in a very short period of time 2" And were not the people of France likely to be deterred by that consideration from a continuance in that firm and fixed alliance which they bad hitherto dis played? (Hear.) He (the Duke of Newcastle) was sure, from the spirit of the people of this country, that an at tempt to defend the actions and conduct of their enemy was more likely to instigate them to express a desire for war than any other course they could possibly take. That feeling would prevent any Government, however desirous it might be for peace, from effecting that object, even though it should be a Government as anxious for peace as the present Government must be, unless it had departed from the opinions which it entertained when heeled the honour to be a member of it. (Hear.) The speech of his noble friend was in fact calculated to throw difficulties in the way of that important object which he was sure his noble friend had warmly at heart. He (the Duke of New castle) felt there was no vain love of military glory enter tainedsanguinaryin p conflicts e for fi r r t e h d e t o m: e r l e e b p r a u t r e p t o h s e e by the people of this country ; they had no desire for v o i f ct h o e ry ari o r i g th t e h i 3 r arms—their wishes generally, be believed, rather tended to peace, but they did not think- that they had yet obtained the great object for - which they "had entered into this war. (Hear, hear.) If he had listened to the speech of his noble friend with pain, - be bad also beard with considerable pain the resolution which he had called upon them to adopt. It was not for them to take into consideration the rumours to which his noble friend hail referred as to Russia being disposed to couceila something more. He (the Duke of Newcastle) must confess he could not agree that the coun ter-proposition made by Russia was one which was in any degree calculated to obtain the objects of the war. (Hear) He could not see how the limitation of the ships of Russia in the Black Sea was such an indignity to Russia that it was inconsistent with her honour to accept it. (Hear.) But they were not obliged to look upon the question in that point of view, because it was one of the four bases which Russia had accepted, and it was only the mode of carrying it out which she refused to adopt. He could not see in the c ounter-proposition of Russia any equivalent for this proposition respecting the limitation of her preponder ance in the Bieck Sea. He could not see in the counter proposition any security at all. (Hear.) The counter proposition of Russis was really one for her own advan tage. (Hear ) Putting aside the question of limits( ion, what did she offer ? She. proposed that they should regard the Black Sea as a mare c/ausunt, an l adopt the status quo ante bellum, with this exception, that the Turkish Govern ment should not wait for a declaration of war, but should when it liked call for the assistance of any other power. But Turkey might some day " call those spirits from the vasty deep" when there would be no one to answer her. If that proposition was accepted, they should, as his noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs had said, keep a lerge fleet in the immediate neighbourhood. It was the way to create a perpetual element of discord. There would be a perpetual state of semi-war, and if this state of semi-war were departed from, there would be a call in the H 01 1 ,3 of Commons for a diminution of their fleet. There would be a return 'to the state in which they had been before, when they bad only three or four vessels of war in the Mediterranean, which were locked up for a month in the harbour of Valetta. What, be asked, would be the condition of Turkey if that should again be their position at a period when she demanded their assistance? The Earl of DER 3Y said—My lords, I had little wish to intrude upon your lordships when the noble duke ruse, and I have still less a desire to do so now, because, since I have heard the speech of the noble duke I may say there is not one syllable in it to which I can dissent, or which does not entirely express the views and opinions which I entertain with regard to the war. (Hear.) I think, my lords, that a proposition like that which is now before us, involving as it does matter of so much importance, should not have 'been brought forward at this moment, but the opinions by which it has been accompanied are peculiarly unfortunate, because, while they are at variance with the opinions of the country-, they are calculated to encourage the preten sions of Russia, and therefore I should be sorry that such, a speech went forth to Europe without some expression of your lordships' feeling. (Hear.) But, my lords, al though I am disposed to think that the noble earl has ex ercised a sound discretion in abstaining from going to a division on this question, I yet think that if he had only desired to place his own opinions fairly before the peers of England, and fairly before the country and the world, he either ought not to have brought forward such a motion as this, and this time, or he ought to have made his motion nugatory by going to a division upon it. Because where we have the poison of the argument, we ought, at all events, to have the antidote of the division. It is desirable that there should be no mistake on this subject, and if the noble earl doubts my opinion on the matter, let him go to a divi sion, and I am sure there are not a dozen, nay, I may say a half-dozen members out of the five hundred and fifty members of your lordships' house, who would not give a negative to the motion. (Hear, hear.) I regret very much the manner in which this motion has been brought forward. I could have desired that Ministers should have taken the course dictated by practice, and the n gotiations having closed for all substantial purposes, your lordships' opinion ought to have been taken, on the ques tion when the pipers were laid on the table. I cannot regret that in laying these papers on the table, Ministers did not express, as they might have done if they had been so disposed, their regret that these negotiations had not led to a substantial issue ; for then they might have received — as I am confident they would have done—the assurance that this and the other house of Parliament would give them their combined support in the vigorous prosecution of the war. (Cheers.) The terms of the resolution go to express an opinion that the house still entertains a lively hope that the conference of Vienna would lead to peace ; but I confess I have no such hope or desire. I believe, with the noble duke, that the people of this country are anxious for peace, but at the same time they are deter mined that the war shall be carried on until peace shall be obtained upon honourable terms, and I think the terms pro nosed by Russia, if they hail been assented to, would not hays givenus lithe -ecurity thatwehave a right to demand. (Hear.) If I lock back to what might have been done be ' fore the war was actually commenced, I cannot help feel ing that if a more determined front had been shown to Russia in the first instance, she would have been reluctant to enter upon the war. (Hear.) I agree with the noble earl that Russia did not desire war in the first instance ; she was rather bent upon obtaining her object at all cost, and, if possible, without a recourse to the force of arms, but the more you delayed offering a determined opposition the better she became prepared for war when the time 'came for declaring it. (Hear.) The feeling of Russia for continuing at peace was sitcere, no doubt; but we ought to have addressed to her an uncompromising declaration that we understood her projects, and if she persevered in those projects, she would only be exciting the determined hostility of the two great western powers. lam perfectly persuaded that if such a tone had been adopted towards Russia we should be placed in a much more favourable position than we are in now. The Governm-nt were quite aware what the ulterior objects of Russia were, and from that moment it became their duty to convey to Russia, in unequivocal terms, that those objects could not be tole rated. But the question you have now to consider is, what course England ought to take in order to bring this war to a speedy and honourable termination. Now, my lords, upon th it question I do not undervalue the concessions which Russia has been compelled to make by the yeller of our men and the progress of our arms. I do not undervalue her withdrawing from the principalities. Ido not under value her readiness to ooncede independent Governments to Moldavia and Wallachia, in her desire to secure the free navigation of the Danube, though the latter project is not new; because, although it has been the practice of Russia to obstractthat stream, it was yet the bounden duty of Russia, under treaties, to take care that its navigation was open and free to the whole world. (Hear.) I say, my lords, I neither undervalue those objects, nor do I pre tend to say that they are incomplete in themselves, but the main object for which we entered on the war was to secure the integrity of Turkey; and my complaint withre gard to the third point is not that we asked too much, but that we asked too little. (Hear.) For in the progress of the war changes have taken place in our demands, and we are justified in increasing those demands by the altered circumstances in which we are now placed. What we ori ginally demanded might have been reasonable enough before we went to war, but having drawn the sword and lavished fifty millions of treasure, besides sacrificing the lives of twenty thousand of our valuaole subjects, we have a right to demand more ; but I must say, also, that there has been a material alteration in the character of the war since the original demands were made. At first we were told that the war was to be thoroughly defensive, the simple object being the protection of Turkey and securing the free navi gation of the Danube, and up to that period we might have been satisfied with less demands than could be now accepted with honour or security to ourselves; but, from the moment that you commenced an aggressive war—from the moment you gave effect to the decla rations of the Government that a stop must be put, to the preponderance and ambition of Russia—it was needless to talk about our propositions being humiliating to Russia. The noble lord opposite holds the opinion that, anything which reduced her power or strength must be humiliating to Russia • but you were pl - dged to accomplish that humi liation wli ' en ou entered the Crimea. When you sat down before the fortress of Sebastopol, where you have remained through the heroic exertions and noble patriotism of your troops, you took up a position which was humiliating to Russia, but it would be more humiliating still to England if you were to abandon it without receiving the amplest terms you could demand. The country is sincerely noel tens to see peace re-eatabrshed, and I um unwilling . to say a single word which might stand in the way of obtaining that peace emsut, at the same time, I do not believe that any engagt you could have entered into at the conference of Vienna eould have been consistent with the honour of the country in the position in which she is now placed by your having made an aggressive attack on Russia. We are not responsible for this aggressive war in the manner in which it has been conducted, but we are responsible to the Sovereign and the country that the great efforts we have made to humiliate Russia shall not be disgraced by an un worthy peace, no matter whether we approve or disapprove of the conduct of the war. The noble earl says we ought to have been satisfied with the security offered by Russia. Now, what was the proposal of reussia ? Why, it was nothing more nor less than that there should be a limit placed upon the maritime power of herself and the Porte,• but that in case of imminent danger the Porte should have power to summon the fleets of her allies to the straits of the Dardanelles. Now observe, in the first place, that the straits are the absolute property of the Porte; they are past of the Turkish dominions, and, according to the law of nations, Turkey has a perfect right to open or close them just as she may think proper, so that, ,my lords, in point of fact, Russia proposed to grant to Turkey nothing more than she was already entitled to, without the mole tion or permission of her enemy. qllear, hear, hear.) ?f there could be a proposition more calculated than another to embroil Russia and Turkey, to keep up a constant fear of insecurity, to impose on the guaranteeing powers the necessity of keeping up forces without the hope of effecting the object for which the forces were maintained—if there could be a proposition having for its objects these results, that was the proposition made by Russia, and which the noble earl calls on your lordships to affirm. It is of no use now to moralise on the horrors or war. We are en tered into war, and the question now is how we could withdraw from the war without discredit to our arms — without dissatisfaction to our allies—without encouraging those who are hesitating, and discouraging those that are friendly to us—and also with the security of having some reasonable prospect that we should not be plunged, in six months' time, into another war more aggressive in character and more intense in its nature, from the fact of our showing too great a desire to conclude a peace. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, in the interests of peace itself, this is not a time for inquiring what was the origin, and what was the conduct of the war. The only ques tion we have now to decide is, what is to be done to extinguish the war with honour and credit ? (Cheers.) In this instance I cannot say I regret that the negotiations at Vienna have failed. I believe that if we would have a se cure and honourable peace we must conquer that peace— (loud cheers)---and that by showing, in the teeth of such resolutions as those proposed by the noble earl, that there is a fixed determination in this country. of going through that war into which we have entered, and that we will not depart from it until we have brought it to an honour able conclusion. (Loud cheers.) Earl GRANVILLE rose to state a matter of fact, and not to prolong the debate after the discussion which had exhibited so remarkable a unanimity. The matter of fact which he rose to state was this. He understood that the noble earl had supposed that the conferences were closed. But that was not the fact. At this moment proposals had been received from Austria, together with subse quent modifications, which were at present under the consideration of the two Governments of France and England. There was very little chance—indeed he might say there was no chance—of a favourable conclu sion. Lord GREY said he was afraid there would be very little use in dividing, as more than one of those who would have supported him were unavoidably absent. The motion was withdrawn amidst much laughter, caused by several noble lords declaring that it was nega tived nentine contradkente. ROYAL COMMISSION. A royal commission, consisting of the Lord Ch ancellor, - the Earl of - flarrowby, and the Duke of Argyll, was t hen formed for the purpose of giving the assent the of her PeMaer - jesty to several bills, Lord Panmure bein only present during the imposing ceremony, in addition to the members of the royal CO and Cuiitoms Dutiesion. The royal asient was given to the Income Tax, •lnd Excise Duties Bills, and a large number of private bills. The Registration of Births (Scotland) Bill was read a third time and paassed. Their lordships then adjourned at a quarter to 1 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS -YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Caledonian Railway ; Carmarthen and Cardiga Rail way ; Executor and Trustee Society ; National n Loan Fund Life Assurance Society ; Peterborough and Wel lingborough Road ; Wigan and Preston Roads, North of Yarrow ; Sligo Gas. The following bills were considered and ordered to he read a third time :-,Bolron and Nightingales' Road ; Edinburg hand Glasgow Railway ; Folkestone Improve ment ; Lon.lon and South Western Railway ; Not tingham arid Newhaven Road. The following bills were read a second time :—Airdrie Rural District Police (No. 2), and New River Company and Trustees of the River Lee (No. 2). PETITIONS. Mr. A. PELL,vrt presented a petition from National and Constitutional Reform Association, signed by 5,000 persons, praying for Administrative Reform ; by Mr. Spooner 34 petitions from various parts of Warwickshire, praying far the repeal of the Maynooth grant ; by Sir J.. Graham. two petitions from Carlisle, for the repeal of the Sunday Beer Bill ; by Mr. Lowe, several petitions in favour of the bill fur legalising mar riage with a deceased wife's sister. PASSPORTS TO PARIS. Mr. WILSON said passports would be issued free to the workmen and artisans of the United Kingdom, to visit the Paris Exhibition, to be•avai!able for one month. NEW WRIT FOR BATH. Sir J. W. JO LLIFF E moved fora new writ if . A. Bath, in the place of Mr. Phinn, appointed Second Secretary to the Admiralty. After a few remarks from Sir C. Wood, Sir F. Thesi ger, and Sir F. Kelly, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he received this morning an application from Mr. Nita' for the stewardship of the Chi!tern Hundreds to enable him to vacate his seat. The grant of an office under the Crown was brought to biro for signature, and he signed it this morning. He believed it was the intention of the Sec retary to the Treasury to move for a new writ this evening, with the corr'ct name of the office which Mr. Phinn ap plied to accept, as it was not the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. (Hear.) After a few words from Mr. DISH MELT, who re commended that some distinct understanding should be come to as to the practice in future in such cases, Sir W. JOLLIFFE withdrew his motion. CADET APPOINTMENTS TO THE ARIVIY. In reply to Mr. H. A. BRUCE, Mr. yONSELL said that the system which had pre. veiled at Woolwich with regard to the appointment of cadets had been exclusively that of nomination. Within the last few days, .however, the system bad come under the knowledge of the Secretary of State, and as a consi derable number of cadets were required in the Engineers and Artillery, the expediency of alter ing the present mode of appointment was deemed necessary. The pressing emergency for these cadets rendered it impossible that any permanent arrangement could be at once made, but a plan of selection had been adopted which was a great improvement upon the old one, which would be based upon the result of a public examination, showing whrn use they had made of the means afforded to them of itquiring it formation in their profession. (Rear, hear.) By these means the best men would be selected. THE CRIMEAN MEDALS. Mi. STAFFORD asked the Under Secretary for War what arrangements had been made for forwarding the Crimean medal to the sick and wounded soldiers who were at present at home with their friends? Mr. F. PEEL said that 2,000 medals were in the hands of Hunt and R.)skill, fur delivering to those sol diers who had returned to this country from the Crimea, and were not present at the ceremony on the 18th inst., and would be forwarded to them by the firm he had mentioned. He might take that opportunity of also informing the house that arrangements had been made to send 8,000 medals per fortnight to the Crimea for distribution there ; and further, that those soldiers who received medals on the 18th would shortly receive certificates upon Hunt and Roskill, in order to obtain their clasps, to which they might be entitled. THE GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR. Mr. BRIGHT said he had often bad to complain, by personal representation and memorial, of the interference of the present Governor of Gibraltar with the trade of that port, which complaint he had now to repeat. He had been informed by the Duke of Newcastle, on a for mer occasion, that the term of office of Sir R. Gardiner would shortly expire, but that officer remained there still. He wished, therefore, to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether it was the intention of the Govern. ment or not to supersede him ? Lord PALMERSTON,said that the period of service of Sir R. Gardiner had expired, and that he now only held office until his successor was appointed. THE VIENNA CONFERENCE. Mr. ROEBUCK said—Sir, there is a report abroad that the. Conference at Vienna has been renewed. I wish to ask whether the Government have received any intimation of such a renewal ? Lord PALMERSTON—AII I can say is, that no conference has been held since the last reported in the papers ; and before any fresh conference is held, the English Minister at Vienna must receive authority from the Government at home to attend it. (A. laugh.) Mr. M. GIBSON said he did not quite understand the answer of the noble lord to the question just put. The noble lord at the head of the Government stated a few days since that the conference at Vienna was not closed, but suspended, and that Lord Westmorland re tained full powers to Re. He wished to know it those powers had been withdrawn, and when ? (Hear.) Lord PAINERSTON said the powers referred to had not been withdrawn fr m the noble lord. It was one thing to possess them, and another to exercise them, and that must depend on the instrnctions he received. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE—THE VIENNA NEGOTIATIONS. The adjourned debate was resumed by Mr. WHITESIDE, who said that after what bad oc curred in that house with reference to this question, the house would have failed in its duty to itself and the people if it did not unequivocally express its in dignation on the conduct of the First Minister of the Crown. He (Mr. Whiteside) admitted the im portance of the question, and contrasted the views of the hon. member for Oxford and those of the noble lord on the question—gentlemen who had rode in the same carriage on this question who had expounded their views with great ability, but not with equal consistency ; and if there was a justification re quired for the motion of the right hon. gentleman, he would a , le 'any impartial and attentive listener to these speeches whether there was ever exhi bited before that house, or any reasonable as sembly, more striking proof of inconsistency of opinion and insincerity of conduct., not- on small mat ters, but on the greatest subject that could well occupy. the minds of statesmen, on this creetion. On the ques tion of the ware the noble lord had said he was for war. and the honourable gentleman that he was for peace, and would he satisfied with a treaty with Russia, hut the noble lord was for something more substantial. The right hon. gentleman thought the revision of the treaty of 1841 would be of much value in the settlement of this question,. but the noble lord thought it would amount to nothing, because, as he very truly said, without any fresh treaty the Sultan must call out for help when assailed. (Hear, hear.) The honourable gentleman thought these terms real and substantial, but the noble lord considered them futile and useless, and so the argument stood between then). One part of the noble lord's speech claimed his attention on account of its fairness, be lieving that everything the noble lord said, from his position, entitled him to implicit respect, and that was that the negotiations with which he was charged to conduct at Vienna that, although the noble lord thought the success of those negotiations came within the range of possibility, he felt at no time sanguine of it. The chief of the negotiations had, in fact, described him self as the leader of the forlorn .hope of diplomacy— (hear) —and such being the case, they were surprised if hon. members still hesitated to vote for the motion of his right honourable friend. (Hear.) The result was that those who proposed to pursue a direct and honest course had the alternative but to declare that they would do all in their power to carry on the war and send diplomacy to the winds. (Hear.) Why, what was tlie . effect of the statements of the noble lord the member for the city of London ? Why, that he had no faith in diplomacy, and by doing so he had completely destroyed the well-drawn arguments of his noble friend at the head of the Government. (Hear, hear.) The opinion of the noble lord was doubtless that it had been the intention of Russia to d e stroj Turkey but for the in terfefence of England and France, and yet wit h those opinions strongly impressed within him the noble lord had said, on the motion of the right h on. g entleman the member for Manchester, there were still hopes that ne gotiations might be entered into, and attended with the best effects. For his own part he entertained no suck fallacious ideas believing from the noble lord's speech of last night that any further nego tiations were useless. (Hear.) Much bad been said about what Thissia had done for the free navigation of the Danube. In his opinion the course she had pursued was an insult to any civilised nation in Europe. (Hear.) The sketch that had been given last night by the noble lord of the course adopt ed by Russia, of her filching k doms and bribing officials, was frightful in the extreme, and he thought thatri of tif Count Nesselro the worh l,de wanted to preserve the good opiniohe nations of with respect to the conduct of Russia, he could not do better than enrol the sketch given by the noble , lord the member for London in the Chancellerie of St. Petersburg, as it would be a fitting memento of the perfidy of Russia. The noble lord then described the evils we had to contend with. What was the remedy ? Why, it was the moun tain and the mouse over again. (Laughter.) The co lossal power of Russia must, in sonic way or other, be reduced, said the noble lord. He (Mr. Whiteside) listened to the remedy ,the noble lord prescribed ; and what did he point out ? Nothing—really nothing. (Laughter.) All the noble lorl suggested, as far as he (Mr. White side) could gather was, that something must be done —which was a very safe theory to perform. (Hear, and laughter.) But, said the noble lord to the Opposition, the Go,ertiment would change don't you tell ue what to do I" If • Whyßear) 00 •• • , preattoe) they would shew - them what to do. (- 1 and probe - nged cheers from the Oppo.ition, and leile o hter) Was . . it ever the duty of the Opposition to dO an)thing k more than criticise 1 He (Mr. White Such vished ta now from the noble lord,- who was such ate edrelt . leader o f P ar liament, when it ever was the duty of the place 4 with thernt the Opposition to dictate the course of business to the Got ? The charge brought against the Governelit was that its language in this question Y • unsa lord tisfactoryeaud evasive. (Cheers.) Did' the 2JO explain what the noble lord the Prernier nreant..etir a had not and he (Mr. WO ventured to saythe noble lord did,,,,, not really know what the Pretnier mea! h eaasr a very difficult queetion to deterrnme. (1-leee,rd ) d The bo le and learned gentleman then proce Nobleoe to r .. lorPparty, it : , ;la, instead of adopting the o f the several extracts from the speeches hal beennvoebre oe . in illustration of bis argument, and urged the nx ofssatoye of using' every effort to break the colossal ieeeco t g h l: t i n e the her h i, u s b e r e v, a , "b l er power and carrying her views When Europe inigh,tdede less prepared to meet and defeat ,theta. li e COlical obtain this result, the motion of his right hon. end the member for Bnekiut If ' e mous ire. just a W ntd E dsoa s wi a c i in d tbh t a h acti e wq h ua o so n tt . ehde n , a n i t , : np ga l tteianirgonejewd gentlemanhainct ji epihouse would ado Yat-:otfrheetctineeear:ol ought now to use. He would ask the h why did not be use such language? and be 0 11. ' L e the wished th a t he had, as it would have epered tbe holl dre ss trouble theo of hearing what he was now about to ° w et and himself the trouble of making the areenas_le., which about to propose It was _beCaUSe g T ao men opposite had not used such language; ;it ago be e •r tb si they had put their patriotism in theirc InotiOU and_,) l)?.l a ty spirit in their speeches-( Oh oh," e.rol clie*.ote ththe had felt it to be his duty to place sonothiugatibdt to ..- the house that would really raise the question, .sues' - which the speech of the hon. and learned geetletna?_",,7os. on. gentian:los:re') have b e en a pplied. He must recall the house to tea tt a t to tion before it. He had given notice of an aniendirarl), the resolution of the right hon. baronet (Sir i ll • V w as called I what he had to show was that his ituendlne,tet it. He for, was true, and that it was expedient to,,,a4rright. _ would recapitulate bow the matter stood• a" toe of hon. gentleman the member for Manchester gaa'..e notice end a motion on the subject of the conferenees at Arir : s l e d of on that occasion a question on that subject W3., Te vi eSt the noble lord at the heed of the Government. Peleario say that the answer of the noble lord could have tleeelenael, one.. Thenoble lord saidthat negotiations were SusP,,, e ar but that Austria was looking about for sornetin,egnewtor,Se w farw h r e sm( t disl h ai e nsr r s.ea a hLt n ei( y s: wht t .e h eera i ) n differed i whether w iffteh o i u . peso, and that we were like Mx. Micawber , watt' Aeollia Ye time when peace and war were hanging ' ll fur hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone) put if to the hon. o' otie , a t etlaidahtfteruoiopmnurguohhepietsettool right i o u u og r o. a n ; v v , isk;fterhigei s e e cin .: - , b3ei.n it: be. tea r. the, an d ae on• b t e• Ile thollf die t tbe duty of the house to go into these matters, an. .--„ a of house would euffer in the eyes of the coun t/ that tb ° Europe if it did not take that course, and he felt . 0g to house had been excluded from a go'od seal rellitolnisl°ll foreign affairs in the last two Yeaas, and t h a t the ~, S u b of the house ought to have been expressed on th" t i e w jects. He was pleased to hear the right hon. gpeeowiog the f°" c eao the member for' B 1 Bucks give utterance on d es la evening to sentiments something like those) an d lA air, his intention of moving a resolution which won " tea e nta raise the real question. He was e qually dieeP °in °Pi ll° the tenor of the resolution. He expected to , ee Voile expressed as to whether the conference ought to 000 0 t ol e , on or not, or that it was time for negotiations t ri e be d l, an end. He thought if the right hon. geotleins',llooo,_.ael lowed the impulse of his feelings he would be l e eafOl v " ee r eibt but being only a representative man, he had o.ltbe Pa than his owl to consider ; and so the notice o , 0 pe at hon. gentleman began in patriotism and endedA wet: ~ 6y h 1 Id b ro . passage,p Lai n"1 tzd _. and it was a mere censure on the Goveroo,7o -.re o biguous language and uncertain couduct, while,,,, tbeitt tion itself was couched in such uncertain lotigri;yernlee 1, one knew to what part of the conduct of the p tior tA i l i. it pointed, or the facts withwhich it teas to be s eas e (Hear, hear.) When it - sure tb , .0 was meant to ceo t oo ~,i'be ment, it should be done in clear and defieite e e tte r l e ' c h the right hon. gentleman ould have done '4 O sr,,. had himself avoid, I ambaruities. Look, too,a t '' it e io r ."a l of the right hon. gentleman,a which was filled ;,..„ o° 4 tives against the noble lord J. Russell), for th'eirne-t, pot ; t, • he had done, not as a member of the erect h er the o Secretary for the Colonies, but as the aliploree sitioo4ol noble the crown, and in doing the duty of o'4 P ° l lo l l,oo lord was entitled to that fair cousiderti°.etilbeld ; ea by party feeling, which that house never t vl b et e'!„'tbo any pu, lic servant, who did his duty i n the oor-0,0 i could. He (Mr. Lowe) felt strongly that it vi3stbat "en/ noble lord was a member of a nartic,ular partY,tot,ortical sn bjected to strictures to which lewd Virestin"fe ith P' 11 4 .4 0 ' other diplomatist not immediately counecteolot hoe. l o el life, would not have been subjected. Th e I ,° g s rerl i ' l le ' P er' tleman said little or nothing in favour Of I' l- d e ja' - ipto' the house, following his example, had saitillt. t b o o. if it of it. Then as to the amendueeut of the r, e li o y th re e t° net the member for Portsmouth, he t h e ag.: 0 111 , 0 was discreditable to the House of Cornellgr. D'lo the the motion of the right hon. gentleman % tire, oer neither would it be creditable to theta The etneenee: amendment of the right hon. baronet. n. e - fl ier!' tb' atated-" Flavin.; seen with regret thet the bog ill Vienna have not led to a tortination of I . l t w ill r e t ioe ° house feels it to be a duty to declare tha t ' ro soo".0 1 lre, to give every support to her Majesty in rho p,i,l ,r 1 0, the war until her_ Majesty shall, in col'illeelrabisr, coei allies, obtain for this country a safe andlPel" s ill- Di 1 What did that mean ? The words " regr-09ore•coare' cern" when used in that house mean t ce o W e t eet,, e te r mean censure on, the plenipotentiary, Or e a for 0,, tie - , ment-or war , it a censure on the nob lor cer'' l ose" re e ,„ to Ger Ito . ine e ,into negotiations with a sincere dos',,ees ' e l , e ll P'cl an ;awl to allow Russia to obtain adval"ea%eflini"4, with our Ottoman allie 4 and then t ee 0 3 " - eite l ' . 0 tia' ions? It ought to be kno'wn what wa s co te. t) ) i .4 the ame d n rnent before tb h ~ came t ° 5 rre J ril ls e then, the question in e ou ' e it oec" y. 9' lel (Mr. Lowe) to move an amendment riu n ,bieli s'l,7,4eet rer motion, in order e to raise the questiononer Gi f oe o e been raised % to see whether _, after the rejection 11 e ., eel, e el' 0 1 , position on the third article, there vir e ". w ieeteit s e o basis left for negotiations for Pace ; al,°;;',„; t'e-aeli'lito the opinion of the house on that QueeDo', se ll :; 4101 oat-f party view. If his resolution was agreeo regr et, b e , ' meaning would be given to the word re clac e o ter?, words " owing to the refusal of Rug - the to vor d b ee e in the Black Sea" would- show that the ' to tbl ne 0 0 d applied toe Russia, and would shoo' fete a .iee t or plainly, what it was about to vote tneedweetio effect would be produced bY th e ~3 0 ie. 6 ,t ° f elit Sir W. Heathcote, though its terms !`" s e pP e iba ,; D J sense. He had now to give Teasels 1 ° eoe li ° to et, 0 0 amendment; and here he was met by the fewever,d, bto,oo hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone). go wesCee fritotistelee, not on the ground taken by his iebt, °".""of e"to °eat those taken by Russia be The s i b lot e gre e et ° it° was duly settled, and although he did ye, , t° j a t‘ o f D ot , ' Ses s JAY i yet he thought that this country or s e sow, arst oc basis as Russia • said she was entitled. a on the 4 be,: to cl:- in this year-on the 7th of Jan uary an° p ee ,e,, t ee P t etty the conferences-saie that we were u?„ 0 ,0 P t 'froo l l 0 0 negotiation that the preponderarce of -Di a or d el , o r. Sea was to be put au end to. go v ' clu t 0° I)c oY Cl11. 1 )1. point, and would urge that if that was c .. '„ e el 6 g o_ o o not desirable that negotiations should Pr..plrP t i e saP t eo Were the terms offered by Prince G . , ° :, iv 111 !„. e co.', 11 0 a3 Titoff equivalent to that which was -I;ooo,lel;etiet' the yielded by Russia, namely, that her Pl e ,,, brelhed -lo o s Black Sea was to be diminished? a_-°"'direief`eta i ta p that that preponderance could oolV "eo.oern°lo.l,`„bel limitation of the fleet of Russia. The. re del° a o 3 , e te ° ,: that, opinion ; for their plattipotenti'l. la, S' e ee"',o , limitation of the Russian fleet in the D''' to betbotlll ilto that was refused he declared his Pevie.erlo 04 ~iOO ', J O_ Even Count Nesselrode did not ventut ~ , revideralioree; had not agreed that there should be ant`' o rer ° e d ee tt ° treaty of 1841 as would o limit r t reotrole 1 ; 0 tPe, the Black Sea ; but h© Shptsupressed 0 t f'iShi. ter i:eij `tat, vaguely of the revision of the treety 0_ to el " rof e "" l ir did not stop there, for Russia refuse,._.4eie p , be , e l. question relating to that sabject. r it, betbovea l'i n O te ' means of entering into negotiation,,,u,s proPotegleaeoteof clausum" and the "niece apertuni, „toe a d t ee ',O o f equally tended to give her an ininveies of eter_nerer Black Sea. The proposal that theeel!tot tbe_,neePt Ole Powers ehould , come iuto the Black'bt; p rep a ct , 0 0 ' 0 , r ", ( Turkey would not put an. end to out wit , 0 ea o° . l lo o ,e Ruesia there, but contemplated its 0 , d 130.3 bola rv t , provided a tardy remedy when it shol' vo er ,e ,t ,_ 0, 3 e dienu f ecv j i s' 0 0 sufferably offensive. Such an exe want. 0 oa s 0 c ti f, and ridiculous, anti there was 13° i tb e t eer ee afi t ep t third point exeipt by the liruitalli° it• ' eve' ie t ; e ra This was not a -numerical questioe _. .„ 02 tce t o c o e$ ~ obtain three points out of thefour °7 o f ,t.',', 04 0 _ ao't non numerantur ; and the ortaaet,oot, wr,i';ll pro/sico was refused was such, that we cor%iisie pre, p r op to once we had had of the dealing's 0 , -''') ther e t Of I lot cement to waive it. He (Mr. 1-4°,erefesear ;v) to declare by hiaaniendinent that tr. tbe 1a . , 00 ect oe re t le restrict the strength of her navY in„eroselft7atep,",:eoe, a in the words of Prince Gortchakoff hi to he r Foot rteti;t4 to the refusal of Russia to put an en_Lelosioaea, 00,1 fatal, in that sea, must lead to the e_e'etatist.,, e l fer l i yi third point the negotiations Werit°l4oo.lo,l.o pegejee would be below the dignity' of t ogotietioP c 0n,,,c1. J' with the subject, to continue the _oo,o3lorartotort (Cheers.) The hon. and learned P . ! ,hov ° f th e t 1 .0 . 0 0; moving his amendment in the tersgstrot 0e_0,0030 iO, Mr. CAYLEY expressed hi s . op tion t 6io e ee se t e, went by Russia of her :inister in 4 might I _ o o_ l ha e ela and thought Lord John Russell sort:oo,lW> rr eti 1 ~ ing to ex.:et from Russia some sul.'eat this, e _ vier;-earele ell future aggressions. Believing that al-re A ir. Y,, i , V 4 l ,_ complished by negotiation, be. inbat we e Air. ettet:i withdra •v his resolutio nd tga o l2,: n teod e c t th e 'to covor,,, Mr. ROUNDELL PALMS_'' n' t f o r b....0,,g ~ e a . 4,, , ,, ready obtained all that was o°,.°7teeree /"If tbf• 7 oo 0 1 ,', 4 0' was, therefore, in the hig h e st ia aotit 001;103, 0, hostilities for vague and un er w a :dare l„, l 'a 00 4 , r , P l o p a defensive into a n aggr.ossie or the 6 ' „of ' 0 ,0 4, ,, , Bible to preaict its ternainatime. reotiel'aeali et "',t which it might ultimately teed. fe d the inert te 4o „ , Lord STANLEY said he sear: 5 o,oo..botervo e e , fii , raeli not so much because it passe:ve them :bet Il e a of:/ t ; Ministers as becauee it at last g_ . , 00 tovosseet ,50 „,? 0 .0 01 more the infornotel°o", yettnellYlwellepe,,p, war s for than the country we°, o rre toe 4 ,,,ev ic e r r vie s R to e •O P te "I' opinion was, that the wa , nnaiong 0° o rf PI tb' for Russia was all througe ,4_,.t frore_eoessof ,00 0, England. Ile believed i,to:becaoe_ortiooa_tter, e f . 1 , we had drifted into war, an y : " ee p rol e e',. t he 1 ", I te {p ot whether the object now ~at. was envy' ,tirblit, , _ow po 00 the humbling of a poweratatt)....e to c o s, ,,,ie tr_ irooteelif, object, they would stand o'_.11:1 Oita trunti,ge I se d?, pt.' definite duration, which is a ,a ..-, woe,- eb 0130'10o sits war of nationalities. Tb , ntil , Avb", as 6 - 0 0 0 ' eV with the history of this co ~ 0 000 a rot ec 0 019 t ,e- ro il • a that ''-' the Pits eer ail .0 wide-spiced despoiisi merely f el 'l, tote tr6 ° 0 0 ` ti l however, the war WaS tOe'l gUe". 1 0 6° t ''. i ' 4 L ' and if the countty -traders eto t he 0, not i_otec „icor there would be alsito;t _o..aeln,ieti vfe eGovertybo iatre'relti,ol log any ternas from =oleo v' io d ,taeolerete e001.4,0,Le1, humbling to that P°w.el.:‘,o,,ia 110,,t0 beeo P,'„ed,lrd 0 l e: firmly intimated that it i lover bee otberprorofooo,ol,oo Turkey the Pruth w lt d. Oe thee,de ao t be o to 0 would have been ave. fere , Ittl .- o of itsvi ,illi t ,iliabar •11500 tes t 0 4 said they would no , ebe ea ci ~ or have come to terms. .-a ..,,,e erne I host O, f the " ' On 4 . ee le , was the true cause o woo. OP ,, 0 0' Bible. tru sted thet the wade be gigot Yeil J •); Mr. LAVA bled tails .„,, p , feig .o _ fr ool o 0/3 .114 him if he troubled them e w!'", eves .tiriot :00aboto v. what had fallen the pro l o i c o. tm a P j o ifithlt ember O r 0 wile -sae or, gentleman the in _cerence t, be 14 • gentleman caid with re., t for nutli get them was quite corr ect, i 0 lot oe how,* be (Mrt l'ailir4) 4