The Sun. — London, England, 1842-07-14 00:00:00

ANTI-CORN-LAW CONFERENCE. The Delegates tnet again yesterday, at Herbert's Hod (late Brown's), Palate-yard. The Chair was taken shortly before It: o'clock. The CHAIRMAN said, in opening the business of the day, that they ought not to be discouraged at their meeting not being so large as might be wished ; they must not regard them selves ae a meeting of individuals; they were there as repre sentatives, and although their number as individuals might not be very large, yet probably they represented hundreds of thou sands. There were gentlemen there from very populous districts ; they must recollect that, and he trusted also that, applications having been m ade to various districts to send up Delegates whom business had called away, they should have in a few days a much larger attendance. A short conversation took place as to the probability of the Conference continuing to sit, during which The CHAIRMAN stated that the question had been debated in the Committee, and it had been decided that for the present they should continue to sit, as some effect had been produced by their meeting. He informed the meeting that he had re ceived reports from Christchurch, itlarylebone, and from Mit cham ; but as they were to the same effect as the reports they bad heard from au many other parts of the country, he should not detain the meeting by reading them. He then called on Mr. G. THOMPSON, who rose and said, I respectfully beg permission to occupy a few moments of the time of this Con ference, for the purpose of offering some remarks upon the -present state and prospects of the cause which we are now prosecuting. lam the more anxious to do so, because lam conscious that the eyes of the country are upon us—( Hear) — and that it is therefore peculiarly important, that we should adopt every method in our power of giving expression to our views, while at the same time, we sedulously labour to fulfil the duties which have been delegated to us.—(Loud cheer.. ) It is to me, and must be to all of us, a source of unutterable thankfulness, that we are able, through the medium of the Press, to circulate far and wide, over the face of the land, the facts and opinions which are brought before this meeting.—(Cheers.) And I am :dire I shall only be embody ing your feelings when I say, that we arc deeply grateful to thet very large and influential portion of the daily and weekly jour nals of the metropolis, who have aided our design, by giving so full and faithful a narrative of our proceedings.—( Loud and eon:invert cheering.) Without the Press we should be able to do little.—( Hear.) Aided by so powerful an auxiliary, we are warranted in the belief, that we shall ultimately succeed in our efforts.—( Cheers. ) I consider the information sent forth from this room, and the impression'produced upon the public mind by that information, fully equal in value to the employment of fifty lecturers. But our thanks are due to the cunductors and proprietors of the London Press, not only for the copious re ports they have furnished, but for the noble manner in which they have seconded our efforts, by the able and stirring appeals they have made in their editorial columns.—(Loud applauge.) Sir, we have a thousand times confessed our inability to carry our point, unless assisted by the people ; and we know, from experience, that the people of this country can be effectually aroused and enlisted only by the constant repetition of facts and arguments in the public prints.—( Hear, h ear .) Gentlemen may loudly demand the announcement and adoption of strong, measures, but we reckon without our host, if we proceed in the absence of a full know ledge of the state of the public mind, arid an enlightened confi dence in the willingness of the people to carry out our plans.— ( Cheers.) The great body of our countrymen can only be reached by means of these swift-winged messengers, carrying and depositing over the length and breadth of the land. the .seeds of truth and the principles of justice. This has been done, and is row doing. The very words lam this moment uttering, will by them be spread before the eyes of millions, hundreds of miles distant, in less than twenty-four hours. They will be Chronicled, they will be Advertised, they will be blazoned on the very face of the Sun—they will become part of the great Globe itself.—( Laughter and loud cheers. ) We are thus able to speak in the audience of the whole country, and to tell our countrymen that. we are at our posts, willing and g waitin to do their bidding.—(Cheers.) Thus f ar we have acted, e 1 believe, as resolutely and as boldly as we were autho rised to du. We have not, however, despised or rejected the counsel given us by our experienced and fast friends in Parlia ment. Our future proceedings must of necessity take their character from the manifested feelings and expressed determi nations of the people at large. The gentlemen deputed to visit London, both those who were some weeks ago, and those who, in larger numbers, have subsequently arri ved, have honestly dune their duty. They have laboriously sought to make known the actual condition of the people they represented. They have laboured publicly and privately to awaken the sympathy, to inform the minds, and to enlist the exertions of Members of both Houses of Parliament ; and they have not laboured in vain. They can confidently appeal to recent debates, for the proof that the Legislature have had the condition of the country spread before them. Generously assisted by several distinguished noblemen in the Upper House, and a still greater number of patriotic men in the Lower House, they have, during the last three weeks, unfolded from night to night, the position, the claims, and the wishes of their const.ituents. It will not be deemed invidious to men tion the eloquent, argumentative, and heart-stirring addresses of Lords Radnor, Ki nn ai r d, and Brougham ; an Messrs. Hume, O'Connell, Gibson, Villiers, Wallace, Bannerman, Brotherton, and last, but far from least, Richard Cobden.-- ( Great cheering.) Besides all this, an effort has been made, and not without effect, to engage the attention, and secure the co-operation of the Christian ministers of the metropolis, and their congregations. Finally, a last and solemn appeal has been made to the Prime Minister, in an interview of unusual length. and you can all bear witness to the extraordinary ability and fidelity with which that delicate and responsible duty was per formed.—(Cheers.) Never were the claims of suffering merit more nobly vindicated than on that occasion. Never'was the state of a aountry brought to the verge of ruin by bad government more graphically or truthfully depicted. than by those who spoke on your behalf.—(Cheers.) Never were the causes of our national distress more clearly revealed, or the remedy more distinctly pointed out.—( Cheers.) Never was the tremendous responsibility of a Minister of the Crown so justly or so ear nestly insisted upon.--(Cheers.) The conduct of those who represented us and our censtituenaies on that occa sion, deserves to be held up as a model for the close imitation of all who shall hereafter approach the persons of those who are entrusted with the manage ment of the affairs of this country.—(Cheers.) And, let me not omit to say, that never was Sir Robert Peel—the dextrous debater an disingenuous pervertor of facts and docu ments—more completely foiled in his subtle attempts to betray the speakers into admissions favourable to his tortuous and dishonest policy.—(Loud cheers.) The triumph of truth was most signal, if not over the heart, at all events over the talents of the Minister. lam confident that the fruit of that inter view will appear, though it should be after many days.— (Cheers.) But still the question returns, what have we rea lised? and we are forced to reply, nothing. An inquiry into the causes of our calamities has been asked; but it has deen denied, and denied in a speech demonstrating at once the callous indifference, and abject ignorance. of the Noble Lord at the head of the Board of trade, who was formally known by the name of " Prosperity Robinson," but should hereafter be called " Starvation Ripon."--(Cheers.) Mr. Wallace's motion has been thrown overboard—Mr. Bannerman's proposition treated in like manner—and Mr. Villiers' motion has been lost. In words the distress has been admitted, but in deeds denied.-- ( Hear.) In effect, the Government and Parliament have said, We know the people are starving, but we will give them ro bread.—( Loud cheers.) We admit and admire their patience, and will reward it. by leaving them to die.— ( Hear, hear.) We have such confidence in their fortitude and resignation, that we are firmly of opinion that if they are not inflamed to uiscontent and mutiny by the Anti-Corn-law League, they will meet death, and endure it without complaint, and without resistance.—(Cheers.) We have such a high opinion of the people of England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, that we believe we are secure in the selfish enjoyment of our plunder, if no meddling agitator goes near them, to point them from their rags and wretchedness to our robes - and riches, and to tell them, ere they give up the ghost, that they do not (lie by the visitation of God, but by the visitation of the Corn-law=.—(Cheers.) Sir, what a barefaced and wicked insult is conveyed in such conduct.— (Cheers.) Be ye warmed, and clothed and fed ( is the language of the Lords and Commons), but look not to us to help you to the means. As for you, who pity these miserable multitudes, and are daily anti nightly tormenting us with your prayers in their behalf, we hold you to be officious, and self-elected, and self-seeking advocates of then for whom you care nothing—who make their miseries the mere stalking-horse thr the accomplish assent of your own plans of ambition— in fact, you are " the ve riest hurtibup on the face of the earth."-( Laughter and applause. ) Imitate us. We have philosophy enwugh to heir all the Woes you speak of, anti ten-fold as many inure. while they belong to others, and not to us.—( Cheers. ) We know the people are starving—we admit that the distress is wide, and deep, and in ereaeing ; but what of that? the people are patient, and why not leave them in patience to possess their souls, until they shall exchange worlds, and go where they shall hunger nu more, neither thirst any more, where the wicked cease fsorn troubling, and the weary are at rest. Why not leave them do await this happy deliverance—happy for them, and happier still for us, who will then be left. to enjoy our good things, without a Lazarus or a Mordecai at the gate. —( Loud applause.) Such is the language of the aristocracy, by their acts. Sir, either they do believe in the distress of the country, or they de not. If they do, then, of all men, they are the most inhuman ; and, if they do not, they are, of all men, the most hypocritical. --(Cheers.) But we, who are here, have no doubt upon our minds. Nitither have we any doubt respecting the remedy. Still less have we any doubt respecting the justice of that mea sure which we demand from the Government of the country. Though it could be proved that it would but bring the relief which we confidently believe it would bring, it is just in itself. It seems to be tile natural method of escape from the ruin which impends. It is the right of the nation--it is the right of the labouring poor. We, therefore, demauded it when times were better—we demand it with a still louder voice, in this the season of our adversity—and, should relief come from any other quarter, we will demand it Cheers.) But who ar e th ey w h o d eny b ot h i t an d a ll other remedies ? The very men who have by force, intimidation, and bribery, snatched the reins of Government—who compelled the late Government to abandon office, and come into power, proudly vaunting? heir ability t o fi n d, a n d t o apply the remedy. Wh o are they They are freeetraders in the abstract, who have re cognised the principle but refuse to apply it, who hold the line and plummet in their hands, and have laid it to seven hundred and fifty articles of comparative insiguificence, but have care fully abstained from trying the merits of monopoly in timber, corn, and sugar.—(Cheers.) They have enacted a tariff, which contains 7M) paltry .exeuses for leaving untouched the giant monopolies I have named.—(Cheers) The people ask for bread, i,ut they give them leather—(Cheers)—they ask for employment, but they tell them that they may buy turbot duty free—they ask for money, but they receive an Income tax—they ask for repesl, but they are answered with a sliding aeale.—( Cheers.) There is one man in the Cabinet who seems in my eyes to stand "Exalted midst his less abhorred compeers." The prince of apostates—the man who has written with his hand the sentence of his own condemnation, and who seems bent on precipitating the events which he has himself predicted.— (Cheers.) Mr. Gaily knight talked or, Monday evening of hanging certain prophets. Sir, there was one prophet near him who must., I think, have felt an uncomfortable compression of the windpipe when his friend, the Member for Nottinghamshire, was speaking.—( Loud laughter anti cheers. ) I allu.le to the Horne Secretary.—( Hear, hear. ) Sir, it needs some of f a lls patience of the suffering elassea of nu e countrymen to enable us to endure the sight of the man who wrote the boo:: I hold in my hand, and who is now found in the ranks of the it traders of sliilingh'eale system of Corn-laws. There is not a public man in • Great Britain who, as suelt I regard with 1 such unmi xe d scorn and detestation a s Si; James Graham_ (Loud applau se ),„(1 ' l ' do marvel at the tolerance of my coun trymen, which p erm its such a mart to fill the situation which be now holds —a situt his s i m i wh t ich places the fat e of the starved people of England , It is Sir James Graham who bas proclaimed th e .. "onespiritn of the landOwners"— (Hear) —yet he himself i s the tioistth., headlong of them all, and w is propelling his country to r u i n his eyes open.—( Cheers. it is Sir James Graham that has told us, that " the marufac tarer is the best customer of the landlord" _yet • isSir .E.‘Gra bans that is found foremost in tho work of annihilating — oo - n e d t o l f h the ma-_ nufacturere of the country for the proposed t e he andlord l it is Sir James Graham's speech that hals4tauvhtt that agriculture, under a sliding-seale eystem of Corn-law, "a gambling and a haza -Limn speculation--(Hear)—un just' to the grower—( Hear )- -unjust to the consumer —(Hear)—exposing the people to the ho rror , of fa mine—(Cheers)—and the agricultural interest to the inci dents of the hazard table, and makes revenue from the soil the Mof wind and weather."—( Cheers.) Yet it is Sir J ames aw. who is POW found among the chief advocates of this i very system, and who thereby proves himself to be the enlighie cued and self. convicted, and ellicient enemy of both inteteste— and for what ? , that he might obtain place and keep it, and in his °NH words—" share the patronage of the Government, and make that provision out of the public purse for his dependents which his hereditary estates can no longer bear."—(Cheers.) It is this same Right Hun. Baronet that has told us in this book, that " the feeling of the public must be hostile to the present Corn-law—that the receivers of rent are a very small body— that backed by public opinion, they are almost omnipotent— that in violation of public opinion, they cannot long retain an exclusive advantage—that the contest is fearful ; for on what ground will it be decided ? On the very topic which inflames to madness : that hunger, which breaks through walls, will be arrayed against them • reason will be heard no l onger ; th e barriers of society will be broken down ; and estates, distinc nuns, honours, swept aw a y i n one res i st l ess torrent."—( Cheers. Yet this same Right Hon. Baronet now defends these Corn laws, in defiance of public opinion, at a time when hunger is maddening the very people—at the very moment when he offi cially declares that 1,400,000 persons are receiving the pay of paupers—when the clouds of vengeance are fast gathering. At such a time, we find this identical Baronet, night after night, voting town every measure directed against the very law which he has described as the author of gambling, injustice, hunger, despair, and madness. Oh, Sir— Had it Pleased Heaven to curse us with affliction ; To rain all sorts of sores upon my head; To steep me in poverty to the very lips ; I could have found in some part of my soul A drop of patience;'' but to be doomed to pining wretchedness and helpless hunger, by such a man, and to find him, besides, armed with the dread power of the law to enforce his sentence, does all but banish the virtue of patience from the heart. Virtue itself seems to demand that such a man, so infamous and guilty, should be driven from his seat.—( Great applause.) It is this_ man who t e ll s us t h at " the paramount duty of every Government is attention to the interests of the commu nity, of which the labourers must form the great majority ; the right of property is institeted for the good, not of the few who possess wealth and honours, but of the many who have them not; if the majority be deeply injured the public peace is in danger ; if the majority want food, private property becomes a nuisance."—( Cheers.) Yet this man sits upon the Treasury bench, between the Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and, night after night, amuses the House with his "heavy pleasantries," while around him is a state of things, binonct comparison worse than was ever found when he wrote this book.—( Cheers.) I find him, here, pathetically lamenting over the condition of the hand-loom weavers in 1826, and after describing them as not able to earn more than 6s. a week when in work, and many of them without employment, saying :—" I have reason to k.iow that when the handful of meal in the barrel, and the little oil in the cruise have failed, pinching hunger too often is endured far many hours by entire fami• lies." And what then ? Why he proceeds thus :—" It is vain to add reasoning to facts like these ; they cry aloud, and proclaim approaching danger. Patience still endures, because hope still lingers. " Either legislative redress must speedily be granted, or the reign of terror is at hand."— ( Cheers.) And what is his remedy ? The abolition of the sliding-scale of duties on corn !—(Cheers.) "Let me implore the landowners," he says, " to abandon the futile attempt of artificially maintaining high prices. Let them make a com promise with the public. Let them open the ports for the ad iniseinn of foreign corn. The Corn.laws estrange the hearts of the people from the possessors of the soil.—(Cheers.) Con cession will win back their kindly feelings." But Sir James gays mo re . H ear hi m : " In addition to free importation, let there be a revision of all monopolies. Let not the consumer be forced to pay an exorbitant price for his sugar, that a particular interest may be benefited.—(Cheers.) Let us de stroy the heavy duties on timber—(Cheers)—which, at the expense of every man building a ship or a house in the mother country, are at the best a paltry premium to our colonies; and since we are bent on establishing an open competition with the foreign manufacturer, let us at once reduce largely those taxes which affect both the commerce and manufactures of our country."—(Cheers.) Such are :the opinions of the Right Hon. Home Secretary. 1 say are, for those which he now expresses are but the official apologies for measures which he supports in order to support himself. But what shall we say of such a man? Can we regard him with any other feelings than those of contempt and indignation ?—( Cheers. ) Would it not be the extreme of cruelty and treachery, to abandon the hard-working people of England, and the commerce and menu fact tires of our island, to such a shameless apostate ?—( Cheers. ) But how may the power of such men be overthrown ? Sir James tells you ; and with one more extract I will leave his book for the present. The power to hurl oppressors from their high places, he tells you, is public opinion. " Public opinion," he assures us, "cannot be outraged with impunity."—( Cheers. ) Be it so. I believe it. Sir James has outraged public opinion and his own opinions too.—(Cheers.) " King, Lords, and Commons united, cannot carry any measure into effect which is contrary to public opinion." So says Sir James. They are not united. Our Queen is with us—( Continued applause)— sn that we have but to rally round the Sovereign, and our work is done.—( Cheers.) Thank you, Sir James ! You have taught us a lesson, and we will not be slow to learn. Sir, 1 am convinced that these meetings are doing eminent service to our cause. The fact is, that there is at present no practical belief in the existing distress, still less any just apprehensions of the danger.—( Cheers.) The night before last, whilst standing in the House of Lords, listening to the statements of Lord Brougham, a lady of rank addressed a Peer in such words as these. " How shocking these things are ; do you believe them ?" The nobleman replied—" I believe they are true, though I don't agree respecting the cause." The lady rejoined—" I don't believe in the di s tress." H ere was one o f the aristocracy disbelieving the fact, and another the remedy ; and both agreeing in postponing redress. The melancholy truth is, that the votaries of rank and fashion neither know the miseries of the poor nor the dangers which every hour threaten themselves. " Oh ! little think the gay licentious proud, Whom pleasure, power, and afluence surround ; They who their thoughtless hours in giddy mirth, And wanton, often cruel riot waste; Ah ! little think they, while they dance along, Ilow many feel, this very moment, death, And all the sad variety of pain."—(Cheers. ) But the reign of delusion is fast drawing to a close.—( Hear.) Distress is encircling our island.—( Hear.) It is drawing nearer and nearer to the abodes of the rich, the gay, and the thoughtless. That hunger, which has been borne with a patience which the' well-fed have regarded with co ld admire ; tion, is doing its work.—( Hear.) It has kept the young from school.—( Hear.) It has driven the daughter to prostitution. —( Hear.) It has kept the man from the house of pra3er. It has tempted him to infidelity.—( Hear, hear.) It is fast turning him into a ravenous and reckless monster. —( Hear, hear.) The law which forbids him to steal his food, starves him at the same time ; and he is ceasing to reverence it, and will soon cease to obey it. Evil advisers are here, and he has nothing to do but to listen. The middle classes, which have hitherto been the partition-wall—the safe guard and defence of the aristocracy, no longer able to obtain for themselves a hearing, are fast becoming convinced that the reign of terror must precede the return of justice, and are preparing to be neutral spectators of that horrid conflict which will ensue, when the oppressors stand naked in the presence of the oppressed. —( Loud cheers ) In these circumstances, we send forth once more the voice of warning to those who are withholding corn from the people. We conjure them by their recollections of the fate which has overtaken the usurping aristocracy of other countries—( Hear )—we implore them, by their love for those who belong to them, by their love of themselves, to avert the evil which is at their doers. We call upon those who fear God, and would be found doing His will, to bestir themselves, and to exert that influence which, - ere long, may be tried in vain. We call upon our constituents through out the kingdom, to strengthen our hands, 'by sending ns in lime their representations and remonstrances. Peradventure, our importunity may yet prevail, and our continual coming weary our rulers into the doing of an act of justice. But, if alt efforts should prove unavailing, we have this consolation, that we did our duty. We have made our appeal to reason. We have made our appeal to experience. We have preached pease, and pursued it. We have sterol between the hungry and those who created the famine.; and if, at last, the aristocracy of this king dom ru.h upon their own doom, their blood be upon their own heeds, and the blood of those who may fall in the struggle for that bread which God had provided, but which they hav e with held.—( Mr. Thompson sat 'down amidst great cheers. ) Mr. SHUTTLEWORTH said—l come from Manchester. lam Manchester horn. lam not young. • I consider myself some what observant. I have stood closely connected with Man ehester by friendship and relationship, through not a short life ; and though I have for a portion of my existence lived in dif ferent pares of England, have ever maintained an immediate and extended knowledge of its state and condition, sustained by constant correspondence and frequent visits. For the last eight or nine years I have regularly dwelt in the place (as I had done at a previous period for 26 years in succession), mingling with its teeming. ingenious, and industrious population. I do claim to have a somewhat enlarged acquaintance with tthe state of my native town. Am I questioned as to its present com mercial condition ? I answer, I have more than once, twice, or thrice seen it in a drooping afflicted state ; but I am corn riled to aver that I never, never knew it in so low, and sink ing, and wretched a condition, as it now is ; and I declare that, though I have long since been forced to feel that this is the case, it has even since that period continued to sink lower and lower, and that its course is still a rapidly downward one. When and where it is to be stayed God only knows—the prospect is appalling in the extreme. Our unemployed artisans are wandering about our streets and suburbs in thousands, anxious to find employment to sustain themselves and families, but are utterly unable • their tattered garments and haggard countenances b e sp ea k dieir deplorable wretchedness, physically and mentally, and excites deer pity in the hearts, and wring tears—l utter literal truth—and wrings tears, from the eyes of many of our more considerate and hu mane inhabitants. And the real amount of our town wretched. ness does not come under the notice of those who merely traverse the streets, and the neighbourhood of our town. There are amongst us who sympathise with our fellow-citizens, and who enter those very localities. and those very cellars and garrets where hundreds dwell—without food, without clothes, without beds—who are sinking in obscurity and silence to the grave_ dying by inches. Our town missionaries and many other par ties can describe scenes of distress which come under their daily notice, that would soften and melt hearts of stone. I aver, Sir, that it is harrowing and afflictive to the spirit of humane men, to be compelled to live among our manufacturing population. And this distress is not of yesterday—it has been long endured, and has been regularly augmenting for years, and has not ap parently as yet reached its ultimatum. Remember, too, it is rapidly spreading upward in society. All classes are suffering —from the merchant downward—and, Sir, it may soon reach even those who, having the power to relieve us, I mean the Government, pertinaciously refuse to abrogate those unrighte laws, to whose blighting influence these awful effects are mainly to be attributed—the deservedly execrated Corn-laws, Onr lowest orders, as a class, are already a wreck, and the wasting desolation which has first seized them, is reaching and seizing those placed above them, and is dragging them also down into the same vortex. Our shop keepers and traders are rapidly declining and daily becoming bankrupt —they are at their wits' end—stricken as with terror at at the ruin which stares them in the face, and from which they ciraint escape. I spoke with one, a draper, the other day, standing at the door idling away his time, in the principal street in the town, and he assured me that he firmly believed he could himself, with ease, do all the business that was done in his line in the whole town—without the assistroice of even a 'prentice led. The remark staggered me far the moment, but on reflection, and recollecting what I witnessed in the dra pers' shops in the heart of the town, 1 was not disposed to dis pute the statement. Our manufacturers are in an awful plight. Oppressed with costly workshops and wareheuscs, and facto ries, from which they cannot relieve themselves, though in many cases they ar' either closed or are only partial l open, and if operating at all, operating to actual mi losea,ytocsaaseys, to my nothing about c mon interest on capital sunk, our mer c h ants are at c a e l r o t s a s i n w ;1 knowledge,at to do or waiting n t g o act, and watching eh al ing einmn for supposed able opportunities of diverting their capital out of ordinary com mercial transactions, or for quitting the country. All kinds and all grades of tradesmen ve compelled to reduce their establishments and expenses, and are even reducing th e number and the wages of their household and domestic servants. Emigration to other lands is very prevalent; and this is not confined to such of the operative classes as cannot find employ. ment and scope-for their ingenuity in their native land, but is the ease with individuals of a higher grade, who are escaping with that wrack of their property yet remaining, determined to seek homes for themselves and families in distant countries, though their habits and affections, and connexions, and associa- tions, still bind them to the land of their birth. Others, again, there are, who would fain quit our shores, and seek settlement's elsewhere, dill circumstances allow—but they arc bound, as by chains of iron, to the spot on which they feel they must soon be sacrificed, unless some speedy change takes place, bound by eh gagements and bonds, and wasted substance, and are thus ree luctantly compelled to surrender themselves to their fate. Our workhouse, which has long been one of the largest in the kingdom, is at this hour undergoing great and expensive enlargements. It has become far trio small to receive all the applicants who legally claim admission, portions of whom are already stowed in large buildings taken for the purpose, in dif ferent parts of the town. Our Poor-rates have just received a considerable augmentation ; and an official person informed me, only a few days before I left home, that it has since be come evident that the augmentation is not, by far, expected to be adequate to meet the increasing demands. Nor need this excite wonder ; protracted commercial depression, must con tinually increase the number of those who cannot pay, and consequently augment the number of paupers, and, of course add to the amount of claims do those who have the ability to pay. Remember too, that thousands of pounds have been raised among our charitable and more affluent townsmen, to administer temporary relief to the wretched perishing poor around them ; that hundreds upon hundreds are dis posing of their clothes and furniture, and are expending the little Ea% itigs of their better days in order to sustain exist ence. And remember, too, that this is summer, and that its claims are comparatively limited. Yes, seriously ponder this. Let the thousands new pining in want, or who are only half fed, and the thousands who contrive to exist on precarious, un certain, charitable, or other scanty supplies, be fed as the claims of nature require, and as they ought to be. Let those who have hitherto generously responded to the calls of hunger and want, by which they are assailed, cease, as many of them will soon be obliged to do, on account of their own reduced condi tion—let the houses of those who are now subsisting on what they raise by disposing of their furniture and clothes, become completely stripped--let the winter, with its cold and severity, arrive, bringing in its train multiplied claims, as it shortly will, what, oh ! what will be our sad condition ? Rates must be raised to a fearful amount. Oh! the corning winter presents to the soberest mind an appalling picture ! At present we are in a deplorable condition, but no contemplative, right-minded citi zen in our district can look to the approaching winter without trembling and alarm. Emphatically do I say, let the monopolists beware—endurance must have its bounds. Must our popula tion perish before our eyes ? It has been said that our Premier has a heart; we know our beloved Queen has. They can serve, they can save us. If we perish the blood of thousands upon thousands will lie at their door. Depend upon it, men of chat acter, men of intelligence, men of loyalty and moral worth, men who constitute the stamina, the muscles of civil society are becoming desperate. Needless national sufferings like ours will drive wise men mad. One township in our county has been brought to a stand, and has found it utterly impossible to raise its rates and feed its poor ; the claims af the masses of its pauperised poor have overpowered the capabilities of the rate payers; and it has cast itself upon the Government. In this wake we are rapidly following ; and so are many of our neighbouring . towns. Stockport is doomed, without a speedy change. No kind of investments are safe. One general ruin threatens to overtake and overwhelm us all. We are in a most deplorable state. He is a besotted, stupid imbecile, or has a heart cased in steel, who is neither awake to the existing unpa ralleled distress, nor willing frankly to own it. Party spirit can do, and has done much in this respect, but the sprinklings of such stupid individuals is rapidly declining, and must shortly vanish away. A friend of mine, who has been extensively en gaged in business, who is well acquainted with our merchants and manufacturers, who is daily, anti in these days of ar.xious idleness, almost hourly walking en 'Change, speaking the other day of his own losses, and those of his fellow-tradesmen, ob served, '• Let any man on 'Change tell me he is doing well, and I dare not trust him a shilling." And he, Sir, is no prophet who reckons on a very speedy recovery from our pre sent deplorable condition ; and he who can reckon at all on the arrival of a permanent restoration to vigorous commercial health without freedom to trade, is a novice who must not be trusted. He talks of what he does Lot comprehend. We may cherish hope from the coming harvest • nay, on reflection, we cannot. We must have trade, or our harvest, however abun dant, cannot find its way to the homes and the sto machs of our labouring poor. The wheat harvest, it is said, by persons competent to judge, will not, in many parts of the country, even under the most favourable circumstances, prove more than an average crop, and should the weather be come unpropitious—and our clime in England is fickle—may even yet prove a failure. We have little, indeed no hope from the new corn scale and the revised tariff. Neither of them will revive trade, and without trade, and were they in themselves as really good as they are notoriously bad, to trust in them would delude and cheat. H flesh meat, if coffee, if sugar, were 50 per cent. lower than they are—and they might be but for baneful monopolies—if flour, and meal, and rye, were one-third or one-half less than they are—and they might be but for the accursed Corn-laws—what would it avail if working men had little or no employment ? To them it is an insult anti a mockery to talk of cheapness if they have no money—a cart load of provisions for a penny would prove too dear for them, if they have not a farthing in the world. But the prime necessaries of life are dear, an d will be so—they are taxed for this very purpose—of this we do, and will complain. Let, however, our impious fiscal restrictions be removed, and our wicked Corn-laws be abolished, and our trade will revive. The distant parts of the world will send us their pork, and beef, and mutten, and coffee, and tea, and sugar, and corn, in exehange for our manufactures. Li thus speaking I utter what is known and understood—l utter plain, sober, truth—truth which must be rung in the ears of our countrymen, till feeling its force, they rise up as one man to assert their rights, and resolve to give their mono polising oppressors no rest, till right, and reason, 'and hu manity, and Christian principles prevail, to deliver the poor that groan and cry under the grasp of a few rich, pampered, proud, selfish lordlings and their clan, by whom, at present, they are wronged, and crushed, and indirectly murdered. Strong language, say you. Oh, that it were stronger than the case requires ! Were it, my spirit, and the spirit of thousands of my countrymen, would be delivered from a load of anxiety and sorrow which language cannot depict. Give me a hear ing ; I speak with a full heart. I come from a district, the pre.- sent history of which must be written in blackest ink, mingled with wormwood and gall. It can furnish scenes of wretched ness as deep and as dark as ever were chronicled, and, remember, the wretchedness is still g athering a darker hue, and is still rushing onward in a rapid downward career. And what is my conviction, and the conviction of thousands, after mature and honest inquiry ? Why, that all this misery— and we cannot enumerate a tithe of what really exies—is mainly attributable to class legislation, which has placed on our statute-books laws which cramp our trade, render provisions scarce and dear, and starve our people. Dwelling where I do—knowing what I do—feeling as 1 do—l must, I will give utterance to my honest convictions, and denounce, in strong terms, those impious restrictions which have plunged, and are still deeper plunging my country—my fellow-creatures —my fel low-cenmtrymen, by thousands, into an abyss of wretchedness and ruin. Justice, probity, humanity, philanthropy, cannot spare such crying evils. Woe is me, if I denounce them not. 'I his heart of mine must become recreant to my judgment, and to the voice of conscience; it must be converted into stone ere I cease to feel and speak strongly ; I must become a monster and no man, a hater of my species, of my country, of my Queen, if, with the clear conviction now possessed, I did not declare how utterly I loathe and abhor the Corn-laws, which are overwhelm ing us with calamities not to be described. And here, Sir, allow me to state, that I am a member of. the Anti-Corn-law League; and that I am honestly proud of my associates, and of the righteous agitation to which they have given birth ; and I wish from the bottom of my heart I had capabilities to serve the cause in a manner commensurate to its importance and its holy purposes. The body has been foully maligned. The object has been to bring it into disre pute, and to stay its opera! ions. Vain attempt. I know some thing of its workings, and of the men, too, by whom they are conducted and sustained; and I will say that, taken as a whole, for integrity, humanity, intelligence, patriotism, loyalty, and for religion too, a more honourable, right-hearted body of men were never banded together to seek the attain ment of any great national object.—( Hear, h e ar.) A newly-fledged, hair-brained Yorkshire senator has ventured to assail the League, and been cheered on in his wild course by the Bread-taxers in the House of Commons. And what then ? He sought notoriety, and he has gained it. But such notoriety very few men indeed would like to wear. Of this gentleman I know little, but what he has taught rue, in the inimitable speeches he has delivered against the League and others. As suredly they are rare instances of his love for truth, and of his ability to teach. He has, indeed, by his labours to enlighten those once applauding friends who set around him, most des. perately scorched not a few of their own dear friends. He had better tes quiet, except he is reckless of his own character, and that of those who most support his party. To serve his friends he should be chained to his kennel, for he knows riot when to bark aria when to bite. I know something, how ever, of the gentlemen who constitute that portion of the League immediately connected with Manchester, and I do think, nay, 1 am sure, taking the character of his speeches as my test, not one of them can suffer by a comparison with him for prudence, truthfulness, and moral worth. I have a strong opinion that their aggregate respecta bility would not be very much raised if they attached to their cause the name he hears ; nay, I assure him this, I imagine. would be true, even if he should prove a much more discreet and intelligent person than his wonderful speeches warrant one to suppose. If the League are a mistaken body, let their er rors be pointed out ; they fear not discussion—they rather court it ; but honourable men, and valuable citizens ought not to have their characters unjustly traduced. I rather think that even their opponents begin to think that for such work B us fi e ld Ferrand is not the man . His notable inquiry has ended in smoke, save and except it has covered him and them well its filth. Of the League and its operations I will venture further to say that it has, not only tended greatly to enlighten and disabuse the public mind, on many subjects connected with our perma nent national welfare, but its iefluence has proved very bene ficial in calling forth the patience, and in preserving the peace of the country, and especially of those districts from which I come. Its existence and its movements ought to be hailed, in this respect, as a signal rational blessing. It has done more to preserve the peace than all our rural and town police, with our new-made magistrates to boot. In its existence our suffering people have hone—in its teachings they see an infallible remedy. While it lives they are favoured with a gleam of light to which ea t c h niha e ,al y nfi:tee l ot o , o cw k elehaiandt w ric i t t eao h enl:t a lihneeoy f r a ( i i n is t sip e at x i p o e n eta o t f ion the tha p t res i e t nt may per chance in which they are enveloped. Let it cease to exist, look i ? t be I a e n lr h r i e s et a n li e d s i s n g o f saaidm th su at re an th y ey of l h ia is ve doi l n it g tl s e , since he assumed power, are calculated to inspire their cond kdennocweiedgmHi: n ttariff t h s f e r a e l e e - , t r t a n d o e ug p h rill a ci k p i l n e d s, of a re a; miserably defective and partial, as to mock and insult them in their sufferings. Let the League expire, and Hope may be con verted into despair; and when a people become desperate, who can say to what lengths their desp a i r may drive them 9 We ex hort to peace ; we deprecate physical force ; we teach loyalty to our Sovereign and obedience to our rulers; but we constitution ally tell the people and tell the Government, and tell our beloved Queen, that legislation which protects the richest men in the world and refuses to protect the poor, is an awful crime in the sight of man and God, and that we will not cease to cry out against the abomination until it be removed. We point to the evils it inflicts ; and alas ! we do it now with aching hearts, cover ing, as it is, cur land with mourning and sack-cloth. True, the spirits of the people are breaking down, their patience is becoming, exhausted—lone-retarded justice, with bungling at tempts at legislation, which mock and leave unrelieved their sufferings, is fixing on their minds a gloom and despondency not to be witnessed without alarm. Our advance's are so tardy, and long between, that at times they almost doubt whether or not we have adyanned at all. They are becoming deaf to our appeals, when we try to inspire them with hope. The attempt begins to agitate and rouse, at least, till we gain their attention and appeal to facts. A time was, we say, when we could not be heard in our so-called Commons' House of Parliament—whf•n the q•.testioo was, comparatively speaking, little understood, cither at St. James's or elsewhere—when the Press was scarcely employed at all on the subject—when the agricultural districts were hermetically sealed against the repealers' agents and books—when the ministers of the Gospel stood aloof from any interference—when the subject was gene rally considered in the light of a mere political squabble. Remember, too, we say, the strength of that prepossession, and prejudice, and ignorance, and selfishness, with which we have to conflict—prese.nting an array of opposition, before which, hearts, less actuated by principle, founded on conviction and patriotism, than those by which many of the leading men of the League are animated, would long ere this not only have quailed, but fled. We still say there is hope; and assure them that we will continue to acquit ourselves like men, and never abandon them, and their, and our, and our country's cause. Now, w 9 say, we will be able to secure discussion in the Parlia. ._ _ . •~- PRE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORVISTG, JULY 14, 1842. s ment _House. Now, we hare seen even a Government propos ing a fixed duty. Now, we have heard the head o f ano th e r ; Government teaching the very doctrine long taught by the League, though, in practice, lie strangely eintradicts himself. Now, the Press is sending fords its publications oa this subject by thousands per diem, an is calling in the aid of poetry, litera ture, and science, to enable it yet more plenteously to meet the cravings of the people. Now, we have a cordial reception for our lecturers and tracts in the rural districts, not excepting the lovely neighbourhood of the renowned Sir James --. Now the subject is taken up as one of humanity and piety. Now, decided Christians join our ranks. Now, ministers of religion can meet in conference, end, with the Bible to their hands, and the love of God and man in their hearts. enter into vows with each other, and with Heaven, to seek, by prayers and labours, the abrogation of laws, which, while unjust in themselves, are wasting and destroying the moralityand prosperity of these realms. I am sorry to learn from a recent speech deliveresi by Sir R. Peel, that he affects to believe, and wishes the House to believe, that his late measures are approved and lauded by the country, because the people quietly endure their now acknowledged sufferings. If such speeches are correctly reported—such is the inference he aff ec t s t o d raw —h e l ays a 'flat terinz unction, to his soul, indicative of great ignorance of the real views and feelings of the people. The Income-tax is justly execrated, and will become more so when brought into operation What then ! will he maintain and teach the doctrine, thst his measures are popular and joyously received, because the people do not b rea k out i nto open re b e lli on ? What ! will he allow no other proof of the obnoxiousness of his measures, but riots, and civil anarchy, and confusion ? What is this but a direct encouragement of what we dread? Did the League ever thus teach ? Will they adopt this senti ment of England's Premier? Never. If I have mistaken the Premier's meaning, I ask his pardon ; if I have not, I charge him with teaching what I neither admire, nor will imitate. Last night I was in the House of Commons. I heard the de bate on Mr. VillierS's amendment on the motion to go into Committee on the Supplies. Principles were enunciated by Sir Robert Peel himself, which showed that our cause is, to say the least, slowly progressing, and so far there is en couragement. There was one in the Tory camp who had abandoned the sliding scale, and would now vote for a fixed duty. This is progress made, though nut to the extent of our principles. We must not, as I think, abandon our principles, or cease to agitate fur their adoption. My own opinion is, that if we can prosecute our object, with our wonted energy, and refuse to lay down our arms, victory will yet be ours. We have done much—we may do more ; the country, though much enlightened, still needs enlightenment. The League must continue its operations, and prosecute them with unflinching vigour. Never had a previous national move ment been more successful in the same space bf time. Never had a movement been originated more important and philanthropic. Remember the awfully distressed condition of the country. Remember distress is daily augmenting. Winter with its horrors is advancing. We must do our duty. Fix your resolve—and nobly say that you will.—( Cheers. ) Mr. CORDES, M.P. then rose to address the meeting, and was most enthusiastically cheered. He was compelled to leave early to attend a Committee over the way. He had nothing particular to say, but be congratulated the Delegates on the great benefits of their meetings.—( Cheers.) He hoped they would continue them, and send to the country for recruits,— (Cheers.) If their proceedings were only reported by the public Press, they might depend open it they would excite more interest in the country than anything that was done in the great House over the way. But the meeting must remember that they had still a great deal more to do befere they would be believed among the higher circles. —( Cheers.) The present state of the country was not yet understood in the metropolis. The people here, at least the higher orders, were quite incre dulous of the stateme n t s o f di s t ress th at had been made; and he was not surprised at it, when he considered the splendour in which they lived. How, he would ask, should they know any thing of the distress, when their own organs of the Press studi ously avoided mentioning it. (Cheers. ) In the daily Press— he would allude to the Times—there was no allusion made to the subject of distress, unless for the purpose of discrediting the public mind on the subject.—( Cheers.) He had alluded the other night to the fact of individuals eating carrion and de vouring nettles. This statement was disbelieved. He had since, however, received a letter from the manager of his own establishment at Chorley, relating an anecdote which was worse than almost anything which he had beforelmet with : Dear Sir,—There having been statements made at various times lately of people being driven by distress to eat part of animals that had died, and these statements having been always denied, and treated as fables, by your opponents, I am induced to send you the enclosed statement, that you may rely on is a fact, as I know it to be so, it having occurred in this neighbourhood, and I know all the psrties concerned ; and I know they would not have thought of doing anything of the kind twelve months since, bat the fact is they are nearly starved, and have been for some time, indeed the people in this neighbourhood are in a shocking state of distress : it may be said they can go into the workhouse; but that they cannot do in this parish, as all the workhouses are full, and no more can be taken in ; there are several workhouses in the union, and they are all crowded. " I send the statement respecting the bull, as I thought you might be speaking on Mr. 'Wallace's motion. _ _ " - t The animal wax a bull, belonging to a woman who keeps a farm in this neighbourhood, her name is Clayton, the tarn is caled Brook-house Farm. The bull was taken ill some time last week, and a 7eterinary surgeon in Chorley attended it.; it died on Saturday morning last. The foilowtng men went to the woman who owned it, and begged her to let them have it, and she allowed them to take it away, instead of burying It ; she gave them Is. for taking off the hide, and they brought it away early on last Sunday morning, and divided it near our Bleach works; part of it was quite black, I believe, from mortification having commenced ; this was cut off, and our watchman got it for his dogs. The following are the names of the parties who divided it amongst themselves, and then each one gave part of Ira share to others, to those, as one of the men told me, who 'had the most children, and, consequently, was in the greatest distress:— Thomas West, John West, John Ratcliffe, Daniel Ratcliffe, James Holden, William Ratcliffe. " I am respectfully yours. " Crosse Hall, Chorley, July 9. " J. HYLAND." These individual cases would be h-se worthy of notice if they were not an evidence of what must be the unavoidable opera tion of the Corn and Provision-laws.—( Hear, hear.) A law was passed to inflict scarcity upon an empire containing twenty seven millions of people ; without producing scarcity it would be impossible to keep up the price.---( Hear, hear.) How could they spread scarcity over twenty-seven millions of people whose inequality was so great, without producing starvation at one end, whilst the other was wholly unaffected.—( Hear, hear.) Our legislators affected a holy horror of individual statements of suffering such as those wliieh he and others had made. They denied these facts; they shut their eyes against the clear unavoidable consequences of their own wilkedness a n d injustice.—( Hear.) Whilst, however, these facts were die puted, there was a general admission that great distressprevailed. It was very convenient to admit the general distress, but that distress would not be obvious to the people of this country, unless facts were brought to the Convention from all parts of the country. It was on this account that the Government were so exceedingly dissatisfied with these proceedin gs .-- ( Hear, hear.) Now, what had b een t h e conduct of S i r Robert Peel? He would much rather speak of him in his presence than in his absence, but his conduct had been such, that they must speak of him trumpet-tongued everywhere. The only cause of the distress to which Sir Robert Peel had alluded during the debate on the motions of Mr. Wallace and Mr. Villiers—the only cause to which he had referred—was ma chinery.—( Hear, hear.) Now he had no hesitation in say ing, that the alluding to machinery in 'the way in which Sir Robert Peel had alluded to it, was as dangerous to the country as it was reprehensible in the Prime Alinister himself.—( Hear.) It would be reprehensible in any man, but in a man of Sir R. Peel's character and origin it was especially blameable—he had almost wicked.---( Hear, hear.) Now what were the coun try by Sir Robert Peel's allusion to machinery? He had re ceived a letter en this subject from a f r i en d at Burnley, which he would read to the meeting ; " Burnley. July 11, 1842. Sir Robert Peel's machinery clap -trap is produci. g some effects. During the last week a bundle of lueiter matches was thrown into a cotton mill near Accrington ; part of the matches were found consumed, fortunately they had not reached the eotten, or the mill would have been destroyed. There is a com mon expectation among the poor suffering labouring people that machinery is going to be done away with, and they refer to the remarks of Sir R. Peel in the newspapers as authority." These were the natural effects of the observations made by Sir R. Peel. What more natural than that the distressed and suffering people. driven to extremities by their sufferings, should take up the opinion of Sir R. Peel, and attribute to machinery all the miseries which they endured ? They were told that the manufacturers wei e incendiaries. Now, he apprehended that they were the last men in the world, circumstanced as they were, to do anything likely to lead to violence of any kind. When a lucifer match would destroy not merely the produce of their industry, but would destroy the capital also, was it likely that they would provoke violence in the manufacturing districts, when the man, the pet, the protege, so petted by the Standard, who was called the King of the factory children, recommended some time ago the children to destroy machinery with knit ting-needles, were they likely to provoke violence when their property could be destroyed by knitting needles? The real revolutionists were not in that League, the real revo'utionists were the majority in that House opnosite.—( Loud cheers. ) The real incendiaries were not to be found in that body, but in the House of Commons and the Cabinet.—(Cheers.) As he said before he thought that their meeting had been productive of the greatest advantage. He exhorted them not to separate If they adjourned the meeting from time to time let it be merely to bring up more recruits from different parts of the country. Had they any gentleman from Nottingham? He was met the other night in the . House of Commons by Mr. Golly Knight, who said that Nottingham was not so flourishing as he could wish, but it was improving. He (Ur. Cobden ) hoped they would take pains to bring before the Con ference the existing condition of Nottingham. He would undertake ; if they furnished him with facts, to bring them before the House of Commons, and Mr. Gaily Knight. It was very importaet that the condition of 'Nottingham should be understood, as there had been no improvement in mae machinery there. He exhorted them not to separate—let ehem continue there at long as the House of Commons sat, and if the House should separate and leave the count , y in its deplorable and declining state, then it would be for them to eonsicer what next they would do, in order to justify themselves before the country. There were thousands and tens of thousands out of employment, and who were starving for want of work,looking to them, and they called upon them and the country to take any and every step to force from the Government justice for them selves and the people. They must keep within the law, and proceed upon morality and religion. He would make no other exception, but he would embarrass the Government in every possible way. The more they embarrassed such a Government the more did they fulfil their duty to themselves and the country. He said take no other guide whatever but the strict letter of the law, and that greater sanction, the sanction of religion and morality, and whatever they could do to embarrass the Govern. ment they were bound to do. They owed them no respect, they were entitled to none. They owed them no service which they could possibly avoid. The Government was based upon corruption, and the offspring of vice, corruption, viole nc e, intimidation, and bribery. The majority o• the House of Com mons was supported by the violation of morality and religioe. He said for sueli a Government they should entertain no respect whatever. He would assist the Anti-Corn-law League all in his power to embarrass the Government. A Noble Lord, for whom they entertained great respect (Lord Brougham) had deprecated anything hire endangering the creidit of the country. Why what a mockery to talk to men who had the gulf of ruin yawning before them, who saw nothing, but confiscation of their property and s t arvat i on for their work-people, to talk to them of the public credit ! He had no notion of preserving national credit at the expense of national suffering. He would rather see a bankrupt exchequer than a starving population. They were not in a position to be chary of pub lic credit. What h a d been the conduct of the monied interest in the City, whose policy revolved round their money bag ? Had they shown a sympathy during the last three years, when property was wasting—when there was such a ruin of capital as the history of the world never witnessed before? Had they attempted to assist them ? Had they gore over their counting-house door to inquire if their statements were true or not? No. Why, t ley (the manufacturers) could convulse the funds, and bring them down to-morrow ten per cent. Then they would have Quaker men from Lom bard-street trotting up to Downing-street, and they would say to Sir Robert Peel, " Thee must do something, for thou see'st what is going on in the City."--(Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Cobden) would be the last man in the world to advise any thing calculated to shake national credit, but he saw no alter native between the starving thousands and destruction of capital of the manufacturing body. If there was no alternative between that and shaking public credit, why let them shake public credit to-morrow. — 4 , Cheers.) That was the languaee he would use in the House of Commons on every opportunity he .had. They were voting supplies of money without any consi deration as to how that money was raised. They sat at three o'clock in the morning, the felon's hour of midnight, and they took money from the people, when half an hour before they re fused to inquire into their distress. He said that no despot would ever treat a people as the majority of that House treated the people of this country. The Emperor of Morocco would not dare to issue a mandate at midnight, and at the same time issue an edict to starve the people. —( Loud cheers.) He told them before he had nothing to say. He dared say those feelings had crossed their minds as they had crossed his. He believed they would do nothing with the present Government or the present Par liament. Sir R. Peel was nut called in to save the country or to save them. He was called in to save the great monopolies of sugar and corn—and he had done his work admirably by his sophistry and special pleading. He had done his work admi rably for his masters. They had nothing to hope from the pre sent Government or the Parliament. The remedy was in their own hands, if they chose to exercise the power they pos sessed. It would be for them to consider what other means ought to be resorted to. Whatever they did, they must be de termined, without the slightest reference to etiquette, to which public bodies paid too much regard. Whatever they did, let them keep within the letter :if the law, and he would do all in his power to assist them.—( Cheers.) Mr. R. R. Moons said, the night before last, in the House of Lords, when Lord Brougham made a speech on the manufac turing distress, amongst others he was replied to by the Earl of Ripon, and it would be useful to answer some of the fal lacies and absurdities contained in t hat speech. The Noble Lord admitted the distress, but he would do nothing to relieve it, and contented himself with saying that the Corn laws were not the cacao, and that their repeal would not relieve it. If he could not tell them the cause they could tell him, that it was the Corn-laws, and that it would have caused much more extensive and intolerable distress, if it had not been for the unparalleled energy, industry, patienee, and perseverance of those whom they (the aristocracy) despised—the manufacturers and la bourers of this country.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not enough to show that the Corn laws were the cause, when they deprived us of the markets of the world, and sent out our best workmen upon the world, to assist in raising new competition against us in countries with whom we had now to compete?—( Hear.) Was it not enough that they made bread dear, and left the teople the less money to lay out on manufactures. They (the Anti-Corn-law advocates) told Lord Rip n that the Corn-law repeal would relieve the dis tress. Did he deny that it would open an increased trade wi .h America, and with the Continent ?—( Hear. )- Did he deny, that it would immediately, by giving confidence to our capitalists, set thousands of men at work ?—( Hear, hear.) Did he deny that it would bring in bread to this bread-stinted country ?—( Hear, hear.) But he (Lord R.) told them that we already took all the surplus produce of the Conti nent actually consumed all the surplus produce of the exporting countries of Europe. But we did not receive it in the regular process of trade, but under such circumstances as showed it to be in itself the sign and the cause of embarassment and diistress. It was an uncertain trade, in the hands of those who were jobbers in the bread of the people, and it had to be paid for in money.-- ( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said that the repeal would give no relief, because other countries, such as Russia and Prussia, would not make any change ' in their system. But if they did not, the less would be theirs. America and the rest of the world would trade with us.— ( Hear, hear.) So that it was easy to see the absurdity of that argument.—( Hear.) But, in answer to Lord Brougham, the Noble Earl said that in the years when the Corn laws were in full force, our trade with America was 12,000,000/., from which he argued that the law did not injure the trade. But it was easy to show that it had done so. In the first plach, to go back to the ten years before 1800, the Americans consumed English manu • factures to the amount of 395. 4d. per head ; in the next ten years, 41s. Bd. per head. In 1812, the war occurred. In 1815, our Corn-laws were passed; and, consequently, the severe tariffs of America were enacted in 1816.—( Hear, hear.) In the ten years commencing 1831, the consump tion of English produce in America was only 225. 6d. per head; If America did not take our manufactures, it was because we drove America to manufacture for herself, because we would not take the produce of her fruitful lands—it was because we were determined that our people should starve rather than let them have our goods. What had given rise to the mone. tary confusion of America but our Corn-laws. We had given large loans, both in specie and in goods to America, which were applied to opening up the great wheat country on the banks of the Misessipi, in making roads, constructing canals, &c., for the purpose of enabling that enterprising people to cultivate that fertile district. But when the harvest came— when the Americans had become possessed of the means of re• paying us—our Corn-law interposed ;it forbade them the intro duction among us of that commodity which we most wanted— the commodity with whiche alone the Americans could repay us. The Americans could not sell us their wheat, and hence the n.onetary confusion. Was it not, then, caused by our Corn-laws? Lord Ripon had lately said that at no period of American history had the people of that country so much urged upon Congress the necessity of an universally protective system as at the present. But why was it so? It was because our manufactures were sold cheaper than theirs, and the y wished to have their capital and labour protected. But would such have been the case, if that enterprising spirit which led them to open paths into the far West and cultivate its prairies, was allowed to make the most of the land, is the hope of find. ing a market for its produce. Lord Ripon said that the Ame ricans coo d not compete in any branch of manufactures with the European States. Now the very thing we wanted was to raise the value of our labour—to raise its price. What were the wages paid to labourers in America? In the manufactories the wages paid common hands are 9s. per week for females, and 20s. per week for males, and their board. Day laboUrers in the villages 4s. 6d. per day. Agricultural la bourers in ordinary times 3s. a day ; in harvest, 4s. 6d. to Bs. The labourer who boards himself has an additional shilling per day. In the country Is. per day is the ordinary price of board and bed in respectable families. Common la bourers are usually employee by the month cr year. at from 21. 10a. to 31. per month, with board and lodging. The taxes, direct and indirect, paid by an ordinary labourer of all kinds, reumually 10a. per year.. In the extreme western parts of the -entry, where provisions are cheapest, wages are higher by 'lO r cent. than these given for the same kinds of labour in °L.,. parts of the country." Such were the state ments of Mr. John Curtis, an American gentleman, who came to this country to show us the great field for industry, which the United States presented to our labourers. If our Corns laws were now repeated the factories at present established in Ame rica would find it impossible to continue any longer working, The factories could not go on without skilled hands, and they were few in number, and when they discovered that they could get good remuneration and employment in the agricultural dis tricts, they would leave the mills and the factories; and the factories of America would and could not be continued if our Corn-laws were repealed. Now as to wages. Why should not we have as high wages as the Americans, if the Corn-laws were repealed ? If they could, for raising food for us, afford to give good wages, why not we by raising clothes for them ? Lord Ripon, at the close of his speech the other evening, said that he feared such a Committee as Lord Brougham proposed could have no other effect than that of increasing the enmity that 'already seemed to exist between the agriculturists and the manufacturers. How an inquiry into the dtsti ess of the people could set those bodies more at variance than they now were, he ( Mr. Moore) really did nqt know, unless his Lordship meant to say that the inquiry would prove that the agricul turists were the cause of the people's distress.—( Hear.) Did he think that the people, feeling that the Committee of the House of Lords was a salvation committee, standing between them and the corruption of the House of Commons, that they were a little band standing round their Queen, that they were a Committee endeavouring to arrive at the cause of the distress and to relieve it, would believe that such a Committee would increase the enmity between the agricultural and the manufacturing classes?—( Hear, hear.) No ; his Lordship meaet what the country should understand ; he knew that the Corn-laws trampled on their trade; he knew that the Corn-laws prevented their trade ; he knew that the Corn-laws diminished wages; he knew that the Corn-laws raised the price of food, and would prevent the Ame ricans taking our manufactures; he knew that our trade with America might be increased, if the Corn-laws were repealed, to between 40 and 50,000.000/. per annum, instead of being confined to 12,000,000/., as at present ; he knew that the land owners then would have their rants pulled down, to which otherwise, though thousands should starve and die, they would not consent ; he knew, too, that the Committee of Lord Brougham would be a dangerous Committee. There was nothing he and his party dreaded so much as truth. So long as they could hoodwink and deceive the people they would do it ; so long as they could eut their face upon a foul disgrace, they would do it.--( Loud cheers.) He Mr. Moore) was. delighte l to hear Mr. Cobden recommend them to embarrass the Government. They had the power to do it, anti he could see at once the means by which they had the power to embarrass the Government. They would em barrass them by not using the articles which would bring in the greatest amount of revenue, and if they were to recommend that course to the people they would adopt it. They had the power to work upon the Government by each man re fusing—not combining, for that would be unlawful—to pay the taxes in money, but ccnsentine" to pay them with th e i r goads. So ought they to act with the feat pet tax of the Government—the Income-tax—don't pay it in money, but pay it in what they could well spare—goods. They knew how the sales of such property were met. The moment it was found that some people dared to make a stand in favour of their rights, people would say, " These raen are in earnest," and they would temu them their most cordial and hearty support. The Government would tremble to its foundations, the funds would come down, and they would find monied men praying for the repeal of the Corn-laws. It was right to embarass the Government. They said they wanted supplies, and perhaps it was right they should have them, but do not the people want their supplies, and was it not right they should have them? _( Hear, hear.) Don't let them laugh when they were asked to give up what they liked, to give up their wine, or their ale, or their tea, or their sugar, for it was true, if the people gave up these articles, the Government could not go on. Talk of not damaging the credit of the country ! Why, the credit of the country was rotten to its very heart's core. Security of the country l. when no one could tell the day or the hour when the whole working classes might rise to get rid of what now burdened them. Credit indeed I when the people were dying for want of food. They must make a bold and determined stand. Every one should think not how little, but how much he could do—not how little he could suffer, but how much. They should use every effort to inspire the country, to inspire themselves, with confidence ; so would they weaken the Go vernment, at the same time that they added strength to truth and justice ; thousands and tens of thousands would aid them in their cause; then would they obtain that for which they long had struggled; the country would be re-instated in her former glory, and their work would be accomplished.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. Evvene, M.P., then presented himself to the meeting, and was received with loud cheering. The Hon. Gentleman said that even if there were no distress, the principles upon which they demanded a repeal of the Corn-laws would remain unshaken.—( Cheers ) Their enemies conceded to tham that great distress was existing, but, even if they denied the existence of the distress, they still would not have shaken one of the principles On which they demanded a repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) They refused the repeal of the Corn-laws as a remedy, for the distress, because they said that the Corn-laws had not occasioned it. Now, it did not follow, that because a certain state of circumstances had not originally been produced by a certain cause, that therefore the re moval of that cause would not alter the state of the circumstances. This objection had beet. answered by Mr. Canning, who had made use of a homely illustration ; he had said that although the original maeady might not have been caused by the absence of rhubarb and magnesia, yet that the exhibition of rhubarb and magnesia would remove the malady.—( Cheers.) He would ask, Sir Robert Pee!, in reply to his denial, that the repeal of the Coin-laws would relieve the distress, if the repeal of these laws would not extend our commerce ?—( Cheers.) They had to call for returns for the produce of their labour, and they asked for no more than the right of asking for a repeal of the Corn-laws. They had had an interview with Sir Robert Peel. Their Chairman had cenducted their proceedings during that interview in a manner that reflected the greatest honour on himself—( Loud cheers)—and must prove beneficial in its results to their cause. —(Loud cheers.) In Top!) , to Mr. eleyworthls representation; of the distress existing in Liverpool, Sir Robert Peel had asked him in the most gentle, plausible, Lord Chesterfield sort. of style, What was the state of their exports ? Mr, Hayworth was • • STATE OF i NIANC wa EESTER.- he re s a railivr •i tii.l h i 3;? !,' !arket yesterd:ty tha i f . ,r some wi?_‘l:s increAsed amount of busine,s done in y 3 ; l (principally - for the Russian market) ; and also in some descriptions of goods, particularly in domestic s ' and inferior qualities in shirtings. Printing . (- 4 "t. hs ' however, ennonue as dull as ev•T ; and in no devil:. i:ou. either of goods or yarn, can any ilaptiventen; 0' price be n o t e d. - - , ROCHDALE FLANNEL \rARKET, JULY i veen but a dug market to-day ; not many buyer , ha attended, and the number of pieces sold has been limited._ Th9ugh the quantity I , f business has been sa: ailer,Ln r price:,' hare been s t at i onary. In the wool mar k e t prw`: re,nain the same; but lamb and skin wools have IP° muc:i inquired after, and are becoming scarce.--guns cliester Guardian. THE MARKETS.-N ESTERD-": --- - - - CORN EXCH ‘NGE. l eo The fresh supplies of E og li s h G ra i n s i nce M on d ay have iv moderate, but Foreign Whe a t h as come in plentifull. sale of every article wa s d u ll , at Monday's prices. There by not been much demand for Flour this week. COLONIAL MARKET. The price of most kinds of merchandise were steadily ra in' tained, and a lair business was done. TEA IIARKE'I'. Or o The large public sale has commence d , an d b e i ng the since the arrival of the Overland from India, attracted full room. Considerable anxiety was manifested to are er 'the the feeling of both buyers and seliers. At the trade showed little disposition to purchase, and the hiuulav ld were languid, but the merchants mostly evinced Ormnea s t o con:iderable parcels were bought in. The small propor . , t , sold was mostiy on previous rates, w ith h ere an d t h er e s P chaser at a small decline. TALLOW MARKET. The prices continue at 48s on the snot, and 495. fOrdeliferf in the last three months of the year, with a very flat mark et ' tA.)AL MARKEL smps arrived since last maraet.dv, 77. 1/, e • •Sf ew Tinfield M00r... Old Tanti..l.l Iledhengh l5 0 Walls End Whitwell ...... 14 0 anfield Moor We-.t•Wylam Wylam Walls E d Herne ea. t' C Walls End Heaton '9 3 Walt d Bowtiurn ......... Awls End Hi1da....... 11 6 Walls End Tees Hetton 9 9 ts walls •-,1 Killtnewnrth 17 6 Wal Et -d Walls End Wharnctiffe 15 9 ..v. r. ittadayti'sriettots •2I 9 131 ~t he 0 ...•• .... i 9 %V Its Et.-1 Hetton How red s Netherton Main , 5 0 tv,ll. End '2. 1 ) Walls End Morrison COUNT; 1 Wheat. Per Quarter.: s. to a. Carl► Hexham 44 it M11orp• t , t. 68 Penrlth Sheffield .. Winchest r Per Bushel. Carmarthen Cowbri ge. Swansea a, to a. 6 4 62 70 s. d. s. d. 6t 70' 76 80 08 80 36 33 28 34 24 23 s.d. s.d. 00 44 00 40 44 54 Per 801 l Barnardcastle 11 18 68 9 9 0 Durham Richmond 14 19 0 1 10 011 0 Stockton NEWCASTLE CORP ti ! to I. 23 28 29 3 —.. 2A •‘'3 20 '2O s. d. is. d. 0 0 I Si 00 30 28 3 8 .......---"' e .x a Pe-- ~. ........"' s. to ... aw. sd. 0 0 , 0 0 01 u 0 0 01 o'o 0 ~ 0 u 0 0 ready with his answer; but if he had not been ready, Liverpool had since returned her own answer to the question, by .coeven ii,g a panic meeting to be h- ild on .tionday next, n Clayto square, to petition Parliament not to separate vt ithout some measures for the relief of the unpP.ralleled distress which was pressing on Liverpool as well as on the other towns of the kingdom. That was the answer returned from Liverpool to Sir R. Peel's question. —( Cheers.) He would also refer Sir R. Peel for an answer to an article which had appeared in one of the most moderate, temperate. end best conducted ;tape' s in Liver peol—to the Liverpool Times. In the Liverpool Times of this week, the following article had appeared:— " In Liverpool we have not any mills or manufactories to create over. production ; n o p ro fli ga t e b an k s t o ru i n credit; there has been no great diminution in the amount of imports or exports ; yet, at the present time, every class. from the highest to the lowest, is suffering more severely than at any prea joss time. At the present moment, nearly 701, more persons are receiving parish relief thee were receiving it at this time last year. There are not more than three or fo it ships under repair in the pert, and_ scarcely any buildiag. The great builders of marine engines and machinery have been.cnm pelled to dismiss hundreds of their hands ; shies are uesaleable, and freights, to most parts of the w.srld, insufficient to pay ex penses. Things are every day going from bad to worse, and nothing can stop their downward course but the repeal of those prohibitory laws by which the price of !turd is enhanced, the employment of shipping diminished, the returns of the merchant impeded, anti the ability to consume, both at home and abroad, destroyed." The question with re :aid to Leeds had been satisfactorily en tered into. They must apply their energies in every district for the repeal of this law. The repeal must. ultimately be car ried. The probability was t h at Si r R..b ert Peel himself would be the instrument by which the repeal would be carried, unless he retired from office, in order to enable some one else to carry that great measure—a measure called for riot unly by the interests, but by the wises and the necessities of the people.—( Cheer ) Mr. SIDNEY Sat *H would not have presented himself tuthe ! notice of the meeting if he had not had something to submit to the meeting which would produce the most material effect in the chances of ultimate success. They hail been most truly told by that exce.lent and able patriot, Mr. Cobtlen—(Loud cheers)—that their business was not with the Govern ment, which had refused to hear them—not with the Parliament, which had rejected their prayers— but with the great body of 'the people; they must fall back on the sound hearted and intelligent people, to compel he Govern • merit and the Parliament to do that which without some such action on the part of the people they would be unab e to effect. He had always been of opinion that they had looked too much. from the very first, to Government and to Parliament. If the people had been true to themselves the total anti immediate re peal of the Corn-laws would have been carried before now. They had heard complaints of class legislation ; but it was not class le gislation that had returned two btead-taxers for Liverpool. It was the working men of Liverpool that had returned these Members, selling for a little gold themselves and their country.—( Hear. ) The same th rig had happened in Leeds, where the working men had returned Mr. Beckett to the House of Commons ; and among the first names on the list against the late motion of Mr. Villiers was that of Mr. Beckett. Again, Mr. Philip Howard, who had been returned as the Liberal Member for Carlisle, hat absented himself from the division, and had expressed himself unfavourable to a total repeal, although he preferred a ;bred duty to a sliding scale. Now he ( Mr. S. Smith) proposed that the League should record its condemnation of the course taken by Mr. Howard. Before, however, he submitted to the meeting the resolution which he held in his hand. he wished to say that if Lord Melbourne were in the House of Commons the censure of the League ought to reach him as it had reached others.—( Hear, hear.) He found that that Noble Lord, the late Prime Minister, and the supposed le:aler cf the Liberal party, was the only Liberal Peer who had opposed the motion of Lord Brougham for an inquiry into the national distress. He wished his Lordship should know that he escaped a vote of cen sure by the League solely because he had no representatives on whom they could act by making him the object of merited in dignation.—( Hear, hear.) Air. Smith concluded by moving the following resolution:— " That this meeting would respectfully bring under the no tice of the constituency of the city of Carlisle the fact. that their reptesentative. Mr. P. Howard expressed in the House of Commons his oeposit ion to the repeal of the Corn-law, and absented himseif.from the divi'sion on Mr. Villiers' motion on Monday evening. And this Conference vrouldfur ther remind the constituents of Mr. Howard, that their deputies to the meeting of the League, held at the Crown and Anchor in February last, voted for the motion then and there, unani mously passed, that they would not vote for any Parliamentary candidate, who opposed the repeal of the Corn-laws. This meeting further directs that a copy of this teselati n, signed by the Chairman, be forthwith Ira ,smitted to the Presideut and Secretary of the Carlisle A nti- Corn-law Ass elation." Mr. GItUNDY, of Bury. secon.led the resiutioa, which was carried unanimously after a short discussion. Mr. S. SHITH wished to read to the meeting the list of the representatives for trading towns, who had voted against Mr. Villiers' motion, it, order that they might go forth to the wor11:--Mr. Beckett. the Member for Leeds; Mr. 'Cochrane, the Member for Bridport, who obtained his election by extensive bribery -(Cheers)—Mr. Fteldeet, the Member for Blackburn; Mr. Ferrand, the Member for Knareshoreugh—( Groans)—Nlr. Grimsititeh, the Member for Macclesfield ; Nlr. Lyall, and Mr. Macterman, the Member for London; Captain Rous, the Member for West minster ; and Mr. Shepherd, the Member for Frome. The Corn-law League must still: persevere, they must still send out lecturers, and if they did so they might depend upon it the day was their own.—( Cheers. ) Mr. WoaLity said, that very mush had been said about im provement in machinery, and it was to that that Sir Robert Peel attributed the distress He (Air. Worley) held in his hand a Report. It was the Report of Mr. Horner, the factory inspector, of Lancashire. From that Report it appeared that there were 1,164 mills in 1841, employing 1,999,190 persons. Of these, 138 were standing, and 139 were working short time; leaving 887 mills at full work; employing 142,062 persons. Ot these not more than 3 per cent. wet eeotton-spinners upon mules. These were chiefly adults, and might pos-ibly be reduced 1 per cent., so that there were nover more than 4,269 so employed, and of those, 1,420 at the utmost had been thrown out of work by the extension ‘,f the use of the self-acting mules, and by the coupling of others. Of those out of empiloment, no le-s than half a million were dependent on charity for support. At the present time there were no less than 1,200 mechanics out of employ. He knew a respeetahle machine maker, who said he had net a single o der in his place, and he was then only working for stock, and in a few weeks he must stop. Many of these workmen were emigrating to the United States. One of the largest mills in Ma. , .chester was wo.k.. ing only four days a week. They were Conservatives, and were very active in returning a Conservative Member for the county. fhey employed 1,000 people. Another large mill, employing 700 persons, had stopped on Saturday. An other large concern, employing some hundred hands, had also stopped. The totid number of persons thrown out of employ ment during the list we'k, was 2,600 persot.s. He also knew that cottage' rents were 'fallen six to seven hundred per cent. in consequence of the occupants being unable to pay. Mr. SIDNEY S3ITIH observed that from the Income tax, evil as it was, this advantage would be derived, that it would enable an accura'e estimate to be formed of the present rental of the country, which could be compared witli the rental of 1815. when the Income-tax was in operation before, and thus an idea could be formed of what the rise in the rental of the country re:illy was. The meeting then adjourned until eleven o'cloil to-day. THE SALEOF - THEN - TOCK OF THE JEWELS AND ' , LATE OF ,MESSRS. RUNDELL, BRIDGE. AND COMPANY. ' In consequence of the expiration of the partnership of that well-known firm, and the determination of the part ners to retire from business, they had their most exten sive stock of jewels and plate (the largest perhaps ever submitted for public comp,tition) con% eyed to the great auction room of Messrs. Christie and Manson ' in King street, St. 'James's—gnat -Q., there to b e so ld by public auction. At one o'chck yesterdny the sale com.oenced. The great room exhibited a 1 rgt- attendance of the most respyctable in the trade. Sir. CILUSTIE. on opening the sale. said that he had to submit fiir competition, the larg,st stock vatuqjde property ever heard bef.,re being disposed of by atto tion. Messrs. Runde] and Bridge, with their tisud liberality, directed hi.n to soli it wunout reserv..., anal he would therefore cominenc.. with the SI..:ALS. I Those which appeared to he most worthy of notice, brought the fi,llowing trices, viz. 'A female head on a litrg , eaierald. and a bust of a satyr, onyx, on a gold pedestal-71. 10s. Threes als. wit the heads of Jupiter, Homer, and Cicero, 71. 7s: 1 The i hike of Welling on, on topaz, 5.1. Four engraved, with the heads of George the Fourth. Witham the Fourth, the Duke of York, and the the night lion. Wm. Pit t, 41. 16s. There were many other beautiful seals, which went equally cheap. The next class, of which there was a vast number, was that of rings ; the following appear best worthy of notice, and were'sold in lots : An onyx engraved with a forget me-not, a butterfly cameo and one haematite.--41, 10s. A forget-me-not with two brilliants.-61. 10s. There were six other most beautiful rings sold ; one of a butterfly, onyx, with two brilliants, 50 guineas. Thera wee several plain and enamelled rings, with the medallions of the Queen and Prince Albert, sold, which averaged about three guineas a ring ; they were anxiously purchased by the trade. Three enamelled rings, with the medallion of the Duke of Wellington, averaged about two guineas each. A cluster of small rubies and brilliants in white enamel, 81. Bs. A most sup-rb single stone brilliant ring., 21 guineas. A gold enamelled scent bottle. 61. 15s. JEWELS AND T INSETS. A set of shirt studs on rabies. emeralds on a white enamel setting, with engraved connecting chain, 12 guineas. A brooch of small circle of turquoises, in twisted gold chain and tkree pndenti., with balls of turquoises, 3 guineas. A set' of three shirt studs, with small gold medallions of the Qtwen and Prince Albert, small brilliants, and blue enamelled chain, 91. 10s. A set of three shirt studs, fine brilliants, in blue enamel, said to have belonged to a foreign Prince, thirty-one guineas. Another set, said to have belonged .to the same personage, of fine lozenge-shaped emeralds, in coronet, 21 guineas ; another set, 15 guineas ; and a fourth, in black enamel, 12 guineas. MINATURES ON GLASS. The mother of Pope, 10s. ; Butler and the Earl of Devonshire, 1/. 25.• Zie Earl of Albemarle, 15s. ENAMELS. Head of Queen Elizabeth, after Ross, anti Sir Francis Drake's, 2/. 18s. . . Mrs. Bellamy and Sir Robert Walk,le, 41. The Duke of Wharton, by Zincke, 41. 17s. The Mar quis of Bute.' U. Is. William the Fourth. IL 15s. Very minute heads of Grorge the Fo u r t h . Willi am t h e Fourth, and Queen Adelaide. ' by Essex, .?/. 15 The gorgeous display of valuable propeety exhibited in Messrs. Christie and Manson's groat room, attracted several v.isitors, amongst whom we observed several noblemen. Such is the vast extent ur this property, that the catalogue announce- a nine days' sale. We exceedingly lament to state that Commanc!er Harrington, residing at Hyde. was on Thnr-day found sus, i.end dby a c'rd in his bcd -room, and lift( qude extinct, A Coroner's inquest was h e l d on Fr,day, at Hyde. haw. Mr. Thomas &well, of wit ch W. Hughes Hughes,VAti , • was to. ' man, when it tippearcd that the decesseo, for some time past, had been occasionally much depressed inspirits, arising from an apprehension that he «gine to poverty, though in fact. he was in affluent circumst ances : set latterly, as be hid comparatively a amid urn be the Ui ited s:tat• s"(ank. ir s lowness of spirits incrcased. lint • n in s.) gr.at a ) ) Y( 1 • i n • to lead to a suspicion of 1119 i .tentions to make away with Lon mil ;: ) 1 Ptir, l•iPell • by th .1 „ of himself. A verdi c t of 'Temporary deiangemmt" was re- Nu. 312, Stwand, at The Sun CC hir t;42. corded.--Hampshire Telegraph. the County of Middlesex, Thetada. 'Jail': 14' in On the s;h inst., a t G ue nsey, Rn Cap! ;tin John F.3-""' AI " °! her Ilaj -,.Ws ti3d Repnnent, avz, , d 38. On zhe %th inst., at flunt , r- st,et , Brunsw'.ek""luare' grl James ti taloa, late of lienchureh-st, v!e , ..af'lii .33 ' 1 ry, tl - IS On the tith inst., at L at .{ im,)r ' re .or" , wife of th e R ev. It Mountforti Wood aged a' A net th e On the 9 th inat., at tV,,o:ley- park, ne:tr W akefieid , --P wife of G o df rey Wentwnrth, Egg. . gory On tale 9th inst., . 311 St , ske 1 .3 . 1kb , ern ( i n ill Lie.. Sw il l' f • Jar , e. r i,•7 ?fi.'l. s F. 9 , 4, 1 Jucki, 3 a Y CORN MARKETS. Barley. Oats. 1 Beans. S. to S. 46 - 40 42 -- 4*i - 43 35 40 s. d. s.d 56 00 50 53 •5 6 601 40 74 1 9 6 11 01 56 6 ' 0 0 96 60 7410 0 120 60 7 0 9 0 11 6, EXCHANGE ed Wi''Xi. Whet, North , tinkerland ... 5• 1R 6 641 M h .i.t.• Norfolk and Sutlolk ........... 625. 66. 63 . 7211 Berwick nil Scotch 50s 56s 54.. W.! Foreign tO .6..5. ... 66 • 1,1 " Bye, Noi to:k and Sutlolk • : 0.. 234 .....,,...•... --• Foreign .. Barley, Malting,Norfolk and Suffolk t9 . 30s ...... -.. -.'-- 4 Grinding and 1. eeiting M 1.. Nor olk and Su4 •11 • 2 5. s . ..... ---, --' Beans, Small Tick 396.4 5....,. -:- --'• Pease, White Gray .... ...... •10s 3.'s -s .. - • Oats Notthumberland, Poratoe ..... - 2: , 5• 2 0s -- --1 ' . . Feed 22. Lti5......„.......—5.. 1 --For , ign .20. 225....... —.. --Ls' Flour (per .ach) 46 .. 50. —s. 5. ADDINGFON CORN MARKEI. Wheat 1 is.rley. Oars. tie ,<,s Peas e' •, Fir t 7l. Od • 35. i d ' 26. 8.1 40s ou -- ~,, • Second ,3• Od I Oil 32, od as. 6d 3',.. Od , : Thi.d.. 1 56. Od 1 29s .24r. Od 534 Od , .-S Od , v ...laze GLASIiOW CORN 111/ fIIcZT. ' 4 IP ea , , per '2401b. s. d. s.d. 14,5, Lies 541 b. s. d. iiii .4 English Scottisn 19 0 •, Irish . Foreign 1 Hanle,, tor 320;b Scottish English Scottish t2 0 :6 0 Oatme a l, p er 1: 9 1b . 16 0 a Irish DALKEITH CORN MARKET. Wheat. Bane,. 1 Oats. peas e . . Deli First 7O 0 u I 33. 64 ' 28. Sd 3 8s 08 :.8s m Second 6O 0d Os ad i 24. 48 33s Od . : :i4s ..• hird EDINBURGH MEAL MARKET. Per Sack of 2 t lbs. l'er Stone of 141 b. First Oatmeal .......51 19 0 First Oatmeal.... £0 g /, Second a)itto Barfeyiveal Peasemeal Pot Barley from 3 s. to 48s. per sack. KETS. he Week ending JULY S' si t From To Asir? 553 Wheat,perbarrcl2l itOile..••• 26 0 3fl 6 '0 4. were • 0 Barley .6 Omit. 0 0 •-• 9,571 (tits F:our, per cwt , stuac...... 0 — 0 11 2,766 Oatmeal 14 stone."... 13 f 13 6 14 Sold to Bakers only. 9,417 Cwt. Flour rid 8 0 • Q 4 0 ft Aver.,ae pr.ce 'll \ heal and Flour 58- Od p er sack •• Pecetpts of Flour, 8 . 316 Ffr , ts ''''' ........ from J6s. t.til t o 24 Sales of Do. 10,434 3.7 nu .s Prom .2, Od to 1/ from Bs . dd. ro 13: PPLICit ZlittaP, Quarter, Loa. \t A RKETS.....-July 9. Wheat (per 20 5 t.;24 01. tt.Z 6 .per list. .0145. 0 fi.rley (per Ifist. 10 6 .2 6 flow • (per cwt .In ci '2 2 Oftureal s per ........5. Od to 16. 0 Reef, Git. to 60.—Mutte,.. 511. t 6h.- Veal, 40. 1 , vr.rk, 4d. to 5,1 -1. re,h Ihote, 11d. —.I per lb. PRICE OF CUTTER. To the Merchants. - Co the Couhtd . Fars, ...... 7 5 'S ......... 72 ... 02 Fourth ...... •..•• ......• ..... 62 •• • •••••• •• •• •• "2 Fifth 52 sixth 4O CLON eLL mtf F,ETS . ...J u Iy 9 Pe►d wt P. s, New Butte: .....,..98 oto 99 I . , ' 1 H.uet ,ea t e d. ; Oatmeal — 0 14 6 I Ba•01.P 44 4' Rendereo and o 52 Flour, iecond: et 40 f. I Gel, four, i %atilt 0 28 —Hovesehold - f :38 01- f...rurws. la st Per Barrel - 01 Barley, „. 16 0 13 n 13 VIC LAF .14.40 • be" •••• KILKENNY 11A EIS. f A estat4rbarrel)2B. Od to 33,-04. b ee t ,et .... Os. Od. " 12 0 19 (t - 0 5 , .11 0 • vats li 0 15 Porn r , 4 11 , e sour (per bag) 25 0 bi t 0 tes 0 6 0 • B 0 utter(pe, ewt.) 0 98 0 ..res t Emir, .. 0 ohp0 h p Bacon Pigs 45 0 46 0 tail Dirt( ....... 0 1 0 6 Coals 1 o 12 Potatoes,per it,, 1/ 9 " IRISH MAR DUBLIN MARKET NOTE for. apcsee; 2C 0 Rere HAMBITRci MARKETS. • 0.141 N. 1 0 WI. eat Marks 414 to Harley. Mccklennurgh ICC 7 C' e Igi —.... Magdeburg .75t0 5 5.4 —. Magdehurgh... WI to -- Anlialt, mute 432 .. 510 - Rutstein 165 U 09 , 0 --- red ... :75 .0 504 -- Oderbruck 16.1 u , log, —. Brutt.*ick 414 t. 492; :/ats. Elder ...... .......... 16i 1 V 'rid -- i l eoslciiburg...; - .75 ri 495! --- MeCtlenburg ... 18* t t'W -- Polish 456 to 5491-- Holstein l, 4 (0 -- 11.1..1ein 35 to 498 -- Upland .»».N».. 174. 0 ,4 Rye, Mecklenburg .... 165 to 189 Poase, Meuklenburg ~. 2'o !°. / •1 -- K.rks 18;1 t 195:13cans .......... 2543 ' "1 _.. tibitig nd Ko. 'Buck Wheat.......... ' 231 r 0 n..o)..irg --- -- Pomeranian - Anti ...t Co ITON . ...........„ 225 t'' Lan Inn. did Tennessee 7 t4to 9%' .31arrnham ...••»•«........ 6 i OO g eorgia, hit sott 7% 8 Madras.... • 4* 40 6NStoats . .„.. ....... ....... 3% - 6 I'OF FEE. 'id and 4th 0 440 q..i. 1.; t , my, Dcrof n g o 3% t, B it.:1121 .................« ..... - ' • Sl'll dt ra. - l'or. to Rico sg ~i 0 2N b% II avannab ............. :4 )labia 2% ?% SOU A IF.— L lavannah, White.-- 3 to % 8r0wn...., 2% 2 Rio, White :O 4 Brown 31un11a. Brow i". 8% Discount.) Hama, White ..... % fig m) aru T., 2% t o 21( lib Pernambuco, White l "4 0 Brown ',,% 'Tv 0 , - (1#, REFRESHMENT ROOMS AT SWINDON.-0 n ....u-' s. the extensive refreshment rooms at Swindon, o , ft th e G : 1;. of Western Railway were opened for the public. The D° the Cambridge, accompanied by the Directors. vs!. 3 prese nt en jo ar occasion, and expressed hi inse lf highly gratifi.e a by the spiel ] and accommodation of this new establishr 4. nt. THE WELC H CONVICTS.—The - .-1 ) ;li m i ng i s an V , e " tract from a letter, d ate d Port Art' * ~,r, Dec. )4, 181 0 4 Frost, Williams, and J ones ere in this settlement. has been sent to Hobart T own to sr ` t be and a trial respecting t be r• tain letters he sent to England, w' new,papers and got to the ears ell t h e U overtiment, an d " re A .11,11 were p u bli s hed in lit , been sent to this settlement t' hard Labour. He has d°,: er e, great deal of harm to him., q , being employed as a clerk it as he was very well off " o d A the Corn miss ariat departmen t ' / '`hour for some - time." now he will be at hard, t hree BRIGHTON, TU.* jspAy . o'clo,k this afternoc , n an alarming ace ident happenen, jee r, —About half-past , wr e , A small pleasure-koat, named the Sur prise, tbchaed "{aPtigh' owner, had been b ut for a cruise with a, lady, her three , d Elie ters, and a little boy. The wind was blowing hard, t n e oro sea running hic,h, and many of the Es* semen blamed 0 ' 0 . 0 1. 1 for taking parties out. Upon tlse rats rn of the boa t 0 5 , be t persons were on the cliffs watching b er in, when, nil, the striking the beach, the wind caught her sails. and tireaa the whole party into the sea, including tl to two men wlin° 6., , h er• management of her. Very fort oat el y a number °'. l „, se 2 ; men were near the spot, and immedir itely rushed into ' fiv a 0 and succeeded in bringir g out the wh cle of the party. e w hoa' the young ladies were washed under the boat, one of 0 : appeared at first in a lifeless state, but upo n being r ' c o the the bead) she soon came round. A fly was pr , scuri a , , _ roil" party were conveyed to their resides ee, A . 02, K in g: 0 . ,04. with the loss of some of their wearing Lppare :, and in tie d t o sable plight from the effects of the frig' it and the dam°. o their clothing. MNIMI..••••••••... ••••••. ............10,,,......._,,,,,, = ite' l!''' • BIRTH,fi. l ' On the ith i ns t., at Ri c b mo d. .Vi rs. Pre le f t c./nlin'! °fai m o te ,; On the 10th i ns t., at Norwick4, 11 . ,e h it ,y oi. Alfred Fsq., of a son. On 16th ,nst., th e w if e of ttle Rev, W a l. :er L. Brown , Bee t° of Wendleb ur y, o f a son . —.v.."' MA rR/ED. coif On the 28th ti 1t.., at lianw..ll, G. Wyt he Dinlett "` . ., l l'esti t i L i son of Livutenant-• Colon 1 Alerinder Da noel, other iv A l ittifi'l l ° 6351 Itegitne.tt, te, Laura, only chill of Francis S . E q., or Oxford.'tetract.,' HAtle-Imrk. h COr lin the 12o' n inst., at S t. Georg e', $ :11 arch, Sir 0-- atr bell, K. C. s., to Harriet Alaria 'd of Major-C*ol— 1 Alexandr x ack,oo, I