The Sun. — London, England, 1842-08-02 00:00:00

~,i ~~CIC rn pubiie e taking Now, exceeded - o c ught it,' g to se many in ill gs of that Ministe- • in . which ,•i+ ieir duty,. " uctive. of :in which to ascer f the two might be the Go - - irrence of - iv as good • .• le Friend -, it, under ally acted, a was not hment of fir , formation I formed, ly inquiry plausible no means .eded his ar, hear.) nclusive? the legal olice con :ommence t or for he more 1 Justice, Commons old - decide no legal a Court d having sated the in such a tcou: age a • enforce- lo heir side; too much let them : 1 , en, law, and needless • ible trust,- their du the non s riot, and . lan then? nd no one ? There onflict be- '„; ce. Was - contrary, ' s? Were . 11 .15 e some-. tearing up loud cries e side, and roach to a an in Ire ;" when a hurry of surrection aughter.) he police• cretionary ualified by into con e police,' Lt the eon- now open he police it of their r belonged that the stated, cns. tion. He• rn up, ancit pct to the 1 a vindie he police-. cheers.). refusing' to refuse• 5000 per- • that they they con- • conduct. .nd if any uire into• 30 80 -59 id Itleatar rear were last year. igh Con 0• end ur loved , : the le Rs port gaai torial `rests, - - * ession, ast tea ti baeco— )l patron and nn ►' ; the Bill said that e revenue :ion as to .ated with practice of ill for an rties hold thus thy this Bill Report of the Right ed to the be merely rho would t whether -chaser of re article. :un.2denee it. The any great ight Hon. d that the ke did not one. ion of to )ed, that, he Right :t session. >f opinion e had the attention In of op the Es.- :he quits- he House 53 —44 mes were rem imed. SING 't on this It did twee of ed as t j by A o 1 in r ;n ey f o r a Fray ed with hat; the m- that tnd dif e could tat any u!d be :lurch incon- • he Bi',ll intr id bndl n'• e re- iissior,. ewals ; ---- t hat •• f ' ^- ytoast 's , , " , si n L eo., but it held ott a strong probabitity of their abo. °Ytheir being the inducement of a comloon interest to titute leases for ninety-nine years, instead of leases on i t : e s and fines upon renewals. Nor was there anything in it k e ecsistent With the public interest, as there was a strong disposition to prefer a lease of ninety-nine years, which was ritiost a certainty, to a lease on lives, wnich was subject to uneer gco li nty. The public had the deepest interest in the most advanta management of this property. There was no public interest thil i tating against this measure. With respect to the Eecele ''''tLeal portion of the question, there were four sources of re lute to which they could look. First, there was the Bishop's 4 , 1 The incomes of the Bishops were fixed prospectively, s i !'' as the Bi s h ops f e ll i n —a maximum income having been ird--under. this Bill any surplus revenue that misht arise t ` ° ter. the deaths of the present incumbents ivould be applicable t e cclesiastical purposes, subject only to the rent-charge of the : le eeeding Bishops. Then with regard to the diaconal and i i a tinlar property; there were four Chapters at present in nu respect in precisely the same category as the Bishops, and Al e* were the Chapters of Westminster, of St. Paul's, of i tt a tichester, and of Durham. Any future augmentation i s , s t s i te value of the property of those Chapters szt. '''`Kt -be available to ecclesiastical purposes; that th e to say, to the augmentation of small livings, or to °f the endowsnent of new churches, subject to the rent-charge s t s lie incumbents. He proposed, by the present Bill, to ex end that rul e t o the other Chapters, and he would introduce a .. . a lt* to that effect.—( Hear, hear.) He thought the prin ttple ought to be extendesi to all. Having disposed of the t r o ''', e , G Pal and the diaconal and capitular fund, he now came the corporations sole, the rectories, and vicarages. He 10 4 told that many of these incumbents were vicars in large .:as, having cures ill-endowed; but considering that a con terable.portion of the property rendered improvable by this S ill might be building ground of great value in the neighbour 13°?,i of large towns ; and fearing lest, by the operation cf this I lns he might be creating in the midst of a large town, having sSlense .populations where there was a great deficiency of ritual instruction, a cure that should be over.endowed, he st a `ltaken what he trusted would be found be an effectual pre illation against the occurrence of such an event. He had, for ex Purpose, introduced a proviso, that where the population ii:eeded 2,000 the income should not be more than 600/. a year ; t h at Where the population did not exceed 1,000, the income 5 , °41 4 not exceed 5001. a year ; and that where the population b !s, below 1,000, the income should not exceed 3001. a year ; 1 ,7 that any surplus should go to the general fund for im 14.7ing- small livings, er for endowing additional churches, mosediate neighbourhood of the property to have the pre tence over districts in the distribution of the surplus. He is c lghtthat this Bill was calculated to carry out the principle rotated by th e Right Hon. Gentleman in common with , s r s e i lit,namely, that the Church herself should devote the s e : le surplus of her property to ecclesiastical purposes con • tt tell with the pastoral care of the people before she applied tin,the state for that purpose. The Right Hon. Gentleman Omitted that that was the best purpose to which this 1 4 . nis could be appropriated, with the exception of one which sas (a irs Vernon. Smith) thought perfectly legitimate, but ttch h e (si r J. Graham) could not think so, and which the tt ht lion. Gentleman (Mr. V. Smith) candidly confessed he Present did not think it to press. He tssZasa), th ere fore, earnestly recommendedthe Bill to the at °l2 of the House, as a measure calculated to place at the 4 0 0 '41 of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, to be used tor s s . ` s et lY ecclesiastical' purposes, the largest possible amount of - s e t tlite. t s ' s ". HAWES said that undoubtedly the Right-Hon. Gen si;msin had made some considerable and most important F e at in the Bill, which he (Mr. Hawes) looked upon as C a t concessions. There was one point, however, on which sr ` 'fished to be satisfied. Was any portion of that fund thus stt e s lted to be diverted into the hands of any private parties, t. ner lay or ecclesiastical, after the present incumbents should : t e fallen i n ? If it were, the Bill would not have his eons ; if it were not, he would no longer oppose the measure. House ought to have a clear assurance on that head. sss "'n' JAMES GRAHAM explained, that although in his echhe.had stated there were four sources from which this in. c t ; eas e of revenue was to be deived, he had yet omitted to en ()11 the fourth source, which was the sinecure rectories ; m and u e Whole of the increased revenue derivable from these four s; s 4 ,ecas subject to the charges to which he had already alluded, i' ll ictunder the provisions of this Bill be available for cede aatical pur p oses, and go to the augmentation of the general •HENLEY said that the holders of Church Leases had :tea that, under this Bill, an end was to be put to their f e o 7, t s k : They were in perfect ighorance of what was preparing and he did not think a measure of . that importance If .111 d be pressed forward at such a late period of the sesion. t er were pressed to a division he should vote against the Bill committed this session. Dlr •BROTLIERTON thought the Bill ought to be post 4e). It was professedly for the advantage of the Church, but really for the advantage of the holders of Church property. te :n 'VERNON SMITH would not, after the ample con th:ioos which had been made by the Right Hon. Baronet, and qis° which he had given, press his motion to a The motion was then withdrawn, the Report was brought up, kid the Bill ordered to be read a third time on Friday. CANADA LOAN BILL. ..This Bill was read a second time. &Ile Slav er y (East Indies) Bill was read a second time. COUNTY COURTS BILL. 2n the motion for the second reading of this Bill, 111-'l_r• HENLEY said he did not wish to offer any objection to principle rd reading of the Bill, but he objected to the novel Making the was proposed to be introduced into the Bid, of ttnanimoues verdict upon the majority of the jury, instead of the Captain PE d fl et of the jury. ti ye_ conllsideratiolinE to LL hoed the Right Hon. Baronet would the claims for compensation of the Judges of small Debts Courts. The .13i11 wa s then read a second time and ordered to be emitted on Friday. LAW OF EVIDENCE BILL. Tho ecimmittal of this Bill was postponed till Friday next, ARIBERY AT ELECTIONS (No. 2) BILL. o 4 "o the motion for the further consideration of the Report lltis Bill, VP. HAWES proposed a clause for the purpose of providing lst i.eating and head-money. t ir•jiARDY said he thought the clause was unnecessary, tre at ; coltunon law, as it at present stood, provided that any its s . n. &given to voters after the test of the writ and before voided the election. He would appeal to the Learned lttp solic i t to know if this was not a correct view of the Th S it a t present stood. e SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that under the present the 41 'Y , treating whatever after the test of the writ rendered ; 4 . 0 tl ection void, and would unseat th e Member. But he ap to -t°4 srß of l this clause, as be thought it a valuable im p rovement fil e l It • : AGLIONBY said that there was one principle recog thZ in this Bill to which he bad great objection, and that was )11Ving out-voters with refreshments. He did not know 111::oer it was possible to get rid of this practice , but he thouh g t ta l Ta candidate ought no more to give such refreshments to Coter s than he ought to pay for ribands and colours. Ipr r , CURTEIS thought that those candidates who paid Arlo ref res hments were sure to get the votes.—(Laug hter. ) It k. `f. HENLEY thought the House ought to decide what ts 4 l egal treating and what was not. It was n ow a mere tter of chance as to what would be decided by a Committee ti e treating. lie thought the House ought to look the par y in the face, and say what %Na 3 legal and what was fr o - -(Hear, hear.) In county elections, where electors came f re t li l a distance, he thought they ought to have moderat e re wlosent supplied to them. STRUTT thought the Hon. Gentleman ought to state Moderate refreshment was, and whether it was porter, or water, or roast beef, or bread and cheese. tt4:ft (1 er a few words from the SOLICITOR-GENERAL, in 11 , 1 nati o n, the clause was agreed to. 1 , 4 1 - " Y the next clause being brought up, the object of which to prevent the payment of head-money before, during, or sftt, any election 'gr• HARDY objected to the words "before, during, or L'er," and suggested that the words " before and after " should of ,truck out, and that the clause should stand the payment A N' valuable sum of money , &c. , " after any election. % It sß , . I'EEL did not think it would be advisable to l th t . th e words " before and after," though he could not f. eave ee T h - Use - C>f inserting all the words "before, during, and after." e Y included all time. It was impossible to conceive any i e that was not either before, during, or after an election.— p a ,_ear, hear.) Would it not be better to let it stand, " the 4,;" ll ,_ent of any valuable sum of money, &c., shall be deemed - ery:P. s h ," l 2,r• AGLIONBY hoped that the Right Hon. Baronet - 1 4, 1 not object to the words, " before, during, or after." ; Z fter some further conversation the clause was agreed to. s t ,.; he ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved a proviso at the I lp lof the 4th clause, to the effect that any alleged act of of,"„ e rY must be shown to be committed within three months s t ,i'e presentation of the petition, previous to its becoming i `, l .lect of inquiry bef .re the Committee.—Agreed to. coming verbal amendments were made in the other 'clauses, the House resumed. The Report was brought" up and tteed to.—Third reading this day. MUNICIPAL CORPORATIONS. str J. GRAHAM moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the I ,„Pose of better defining the boundaries of the borough o f Co e: try; rendered necessary by a recent judgment in the - C ourt of chee t ner, which leaves the borough with one actual and twop he boundaries, inducing much conf usion and difficulty in e adnainistration of justice between the county and city. He k 4 ‘ "t ed tl ttl e town council of the borough had agreed to the cange4-e t, Uzents of the Bill. ave was given to bring in the Bill. EXCHEQUER BILLS. MASTERMAN asked whether the Chancellor of the k lohe ' que r had received any Report from the Commissioners v lV 4 inte e' d to laid inqu ore thire int e o the Exchequer 13dis fraud, and when it 1 b bef House The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he had to4l;se' as y of the et receiveensuingd the R w p e eoit ek, and as soon as , but was led to exp itcameect it into his in the ,- 14 l i t 'us it should be laid before the House. He understood that e e t vidence was very voluminous. T Rouse adjourned at One o'Clock. 4 k . R.E THE MINISTERS OR THE PEOPLE MOST ItiNORANT ? (FROII A CORRESPONDENT. 4„, 1%) sooner had the report arrived in Manchester that Sir th's Graham had added insult to injury, by insinuating 4, 4 the 70,0:90 requisitionists to stop the supplies did not un it;rstand the surject, than large public meetings were held, one 7 nn St. George's-road, at which were present from 6,000 to $0 persons, and a still more numerous one in Oxford-road. Pc,,`P meetings were ly addressed diy 'Messrs. Falvey and 4 4 gaa, and a resolution passed repuding the charge of igno eee made against the people of M anchester b y the Home b ec retary. The proceetOngs were characterised throughout II the respectful, yet firm determination, of those large astern ags's of the people to obt tin freedom of industr y from the Legislature.Th e s• the ject, too, was temperately , yet ener g eticall y handled vb' le speakers, and the constitutional doctrine affecting the 2Pplies, explained as well ai if Sir James Graham himself had s p e cimens on the subject : and if we may judge from the previous I' e citnens of the worthy Baronet's pamrhleteering, with much °re moderation. It is intended to send a remonstrance to Sir James on his co i:! 0 -blo o d e d sneer a t the intelligence of the people. One are g is certain, the men of England know that their supplies A h i _stopped by the Corn-laws, and they feel that there is no -1,1.,"eg! either morally or constitutionally wrong, in stopping the 4 hinery of the Government that retains them. Al ancliester, July 30. W I3 IPROVEMENT IN THE SELF - LIGHTING S EALING- I 43 . c.—We.—We are happy to record an improvemen t that ,5e patentees, Messrs. Davis, Brothers, and C 0.,. of the woultry, have just effected in the Self-lighting Scaling- ~,,4 1 1 - The metal holder being now dispensed wit h, and one operation required, a letter can be properly Sealed with it, ne atly and instantaneously, without t he fir st of burning the fingers, as we have done with the sort, when we have lost or mislaid the holder. Not the least to astonish us is the price ; a large box, con tTng a countless quantity, is sold for 6d. ; there are also ,!. r eePenny, an d even penny boxes. We advise our t 2 1 ends to try it, and are confident they will u,e nothing "a for securing their letters. ANTI-Cf)RN-LA 'E7ONFERENCE The Delegates reet yercrday rearning at the esue' hour, at Herbert's Hotel, Palace-yard, P. Tave.on, Esq., in the Chair. The CHAIRMAN opened the proceedings by the follow ing address said—This Conference is drawing to a close—our mission is fulfilled—our work is accom plished. It remains to review its proceedings, and to give an account of them to those by whom we were de puted. Our object was two-fold ;to give a just and com • plete statement to the public of the real conditions and prospects of the places from whence we were sent ; and to press upon her Majesty's Government the necessity of affording immediate relief. The former has been most powerfully and completely effected ; and the me lancholy and heart-breaking accounts of destitution and misery which have day by day been communicated by, the Delegates, must have convinced the most sceptical that it is not as human nature to bear the continuance of such suffering, and yet it is to be feared an increase of that suffering is approaching, although, as the De puty from Nottingham expresses himself, " No one dares talk of the winter." Every thing that could be done to represent to the Government the condition of trade, and the destitution of the people, has been attempted at various interviews with its members, and the result has been nothing. They have been told by individuals from all parts of the country, and engaged in every description of manufacture—that their trade is de clining, their capital diminishing, and their unem ployed work-people starving ; that foreign countries are offering us food, for want of which the people are perishing, in exchange for those manufactures for which there is otherwise no demand , They have been conjured' by the claims of justice, by the rights of humanity, not to sufEn- their own sordid interests to trample upon the enjoyments, the comforts, the very existence, of thousands, or tens of thousands, of their fellow creatures and fellow countrymen, and they have been conjured in vain ; they seem resolved upon maintaining the iniquitous Corn-law, which aggrandizes their own wealth, and deprives the people of employ ment and food, a ndkeeping the peace of the country—i. e. by repressing the frantic attempt of the famishing to supply themselves and children with food by force. Our duty is done ; we have exposed the evil, suggested the remedy, denounced the wrong, and warned the Govern ment of the consequence of persisting in that wrong ; and it remains for us to return to our constituents and ted them that all our efforts to obtain justice for them have failed, and that we cmn hold out to them no prospect of improvement, and no hope of relief. It is fearful to con template the future. That a e great and highly civilised nation will finally suffer its prosperity to be blighted, and its progress obE tructed, by a faction of landowners, is nut to be believed. That th e millions of industrious and intelligent artisans who ought to be the glory of our country, as they have been the creators of its wealth, will quietly submit to the destitution they are now enduring, to the utter ruin which seems rapidly approaching to gratify the grasi:ing rapacity of a landlord legislature, is neither to be an ticipated nor desired. I trust they will use no violence, but not submit to be starved—that they will respect pro perty and life, but not suffer their children to perish by famine ; and if, when the time arrives that " pri vate property has become a nuisance," the struggle for existence is repressed by bloodshed, by whatever name that bloodshed may be cha raeterised in a British Court of judicature—in the eye of reason, of justice, of posterity, and of God, it will receive its true appellation, and be stamped with the guilt of murder.—(Applause.) I have only to say, an address will be submitted to you for your approval, and this Conference will then be dissolved. The Chairman then proceeded to read the following documents : " TO P. A. TAYLOR. ESQ. " Dear Sir,—Being informed by this morning's post of the probability of the Conference breaking up its sittings in a few days, the Committee of the Leicest er Anti-Corn-law' Association, being anxious to express its thanks to the League. have directed me to forward to you the accompanying resolution, praying most earnestly that this righteous agitation may speedily be crowned with success. " I am, dear Sir, " Your most obedient servant, " T. P. HULL, Secretary. " Leicester, July 30, 1842. Resolved,—That the Leicester Anti-Corn-law Asso ciation have observed with much admiration, the energetic, persevering, and highly useful services of the Anti-Corn law Conference assembled in London ; that they feel confident a cause so essentially just in its principles, and so momentous in its consequences, must ultimately be successful, and they trust that the enlightened and patriotic men who have thus far conducted the business of the League, will presevere in their agitation,t until they ealize the accomplishment of their g object that this Association begs to express their most hearty thanks to the National Anti-Corn-law League for their indefatigable exertions on behalf of suffering humanity, and promise the League upon every future occasion their prompt and contittous support." TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE. " Dear Sir,—The speech of Mr. William Brook, one of the Deputies, at the interview with Sir Robert Peel, has induced me to send you the following official statement ; believing, as I do, that his speech will give a wrong impression to all who read it, as to the amount of distress in this district, which is very great and alarmingly on the increase : " Amount of paupers in April, 1840 66 April, 1841 46 April, 1842 9,431 Increase in the quarter ending July, 1842 Total 10,992 " So that out of a population in this union of 100,000, we have nearly every ninth person a pauper, receiving relief, to say nothing of the thousands in distress, who, from their dislike to the Poor-law, will rather starve than have relief. " I snake no comment on these facts, but leave them for you to make what use of them you think proper. " I am, dear Sir, yours faithfully, " BENJAMIN ROBINSON, " Huddersfield, July 30. " Guardian for Huddersfield. " P. S. I have sent Sir Robert Peel a copy of this statement by the same post." " Bacup, near Rochdale, July 30, 1842. " My dear Sir,—As I hear you are still in London, I think it any duty to let you know that trade does not increase in this part of the country. A good deal has been said about trade being better, and the Guardian and some other newspasers h . ave reported it so ; however, we have not experie nced an y improvement at all in prices, and with the exception of we thought a little more inquiry about a fortnight ago, there has been no alteration for the better. On the contrary, for the last week we have been worse. I am a Guardian of a poor-law union in this neighbourhood, and the applications for relief are on the increase and as haymaking is ever (at which many of the poor get em ployment), our rates will increase most rapidly. except we have a decided improvement in trade. Masons, joiners, stone getters, &c., who depend upon out-door work for their liveli hood, are fast getting out of employment, and as their trade has been very slack for some time, they have no funds to fall back upon, and will nearly all have to go to their townships for relief. Cottages, which in 1835 and 1836 got up in rent in this neighbourhood at least 30s. at four pounds value (and at that time it was a favour to get a cottage near us, some of our hands having to come two miles to their vvork), are now lowered as much as they got up then, arid there are thirty empty ones within a short distance of our works. It must be recollected that these thirty have all been tenanted. I think you know that our house at Manchester is very extensively engaged in business, and I will give you extracts from two letters I received from my brother, dated the 21st and 23d inst. "He says, I have nothing more to advise you about. It appears to be as we anticipated, viz. that the little improve ment we had last week would soon disappear. It has entirely done so.' Then after stating the extremely low prices that one description of cloth was offered at, he says, ' Is this a good trade? Is this improvement ? I say not. The Guardian when he says the improvement he mentions for last week con tinued up to the time he wrote his article this week, does not tell true, and I fear he knows it. He is anxious to quote things better, and so am I, but not when I know it is not true. Honesty is the beat policy ; but newspaper editors don't appear to think, or at least they don't act as if they thought so. I hear the report of the state of trade in the Guardian has been quoted by Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons. It answers Sir R. Peel's purpose, and even if the Guardian should contradict what he has reported, Sir R. Peel will not allude to that in the House.' " You will see by these extracts, &c., that our trade is not improving, and that distress is increasing. I hope, before you leave London you will be able to make an impression on the Government. I think from the accounts in the papers they are becoming rather alarmed, but, of one thing I am quite certain, that if they believed in the distress as it really does exist, they would be ten times more alarmed. It is quite evident, the pressure increases every week, and, except something is done, which will have an almost instantaneous effect, we shall be very soon indeed at a complete stand; and, if we are so, who can attempt to foretell the consequences. " 1 remain, yours respectfully, " ROBERT MUNN. " Cullingworth Mills, near Bradford, Juiy 26, 1842." "TO P. A. TAYLOR, ESQ., CHAIRMAN OF THE ANTI-CORN LAW CONFERENCE. " Sir, --Though living on the confines of the moors I read with heartfelt satisfaction the report of your proceedings daily in the pages of The Sun , and I am p ersuaded that in the most remote and obscure parts of the country the people are looking with hope and intense interest, far more on your proceedings than on those of Parliament. "Distress, which is proved to pervade society, is awakening inquiry in every mind; and the firm conviction that the causes of that distress are traceable to the Corn-law concentrates the execrations of the masses upon the heads of those whom they regard as protected robbers, and their blessings on yours. " If anything could incite the people to revolt and retaliation, it would be the deep and sullen sense of injury inflicted on them, which all the sophistry and art of interested and ingenious politicians cannot move from their minds. But there is an en lightened conviction gaining ground, that society cannot be well regulated by war; and this conviction, in connection with the influence of religion on thousands of the suffering, induces them to look with intense interest for some other means of de livering them from the unnatural famine occasioned by the ac cursed Corn-law. I have read the report of your proceedings only to discover what practical plan of relief the Conference may have to propose, and have hardly had patience to read any arguments, however able, so satisfied ant I that the Corn-law is unjust and impolitic, and that all our evils are referable to it. " Of the various plans proposed, the refusal to pay direct taxes seems to be the mo't effectual, as well as being peaceful and constitutional; but it is justly doubted whether it will ever be acted on to such an extent in Britain as to effect a change in the law. " 'l'o stop all the mills in the country (another plan proposed) would be attended with immediate anarchy, and the temporary dominion of all the most unprincipled in the lower ranks of the suffering poor, and God knows our wicked laws are tending ' rapidly to increase their number. " All seem to be agreed that the most effectual plan would be to effect a union between the lower and the middle classes. Without this, 1 am persuaded nothing can be done, and it is right they sh d e united, fo they both suffe frm the giant monopo ly. Ba ul t . so b me speak as r if nothing more r were o required. It is true the united demand of the people obtained Catholic Emancipation and the Reform Bill, but these two great mea sures left the control of the national weallh, secured by the Corn-law. still in the hands of the Ari,tocracy. " For what purpose, then, ought the middle and lower classes to be united? Not in order to prepare for war on the principle of physical force. This, even were it successful, would throw us back into a sta te of semi-barbarism from which ages might not redeem us. Why, then, adopt a menacing tone if war be not intended. But these are, there must be, other means by which a united people may thwart the measures and resist the , power of a dominant but small party. What are those means ? To the solution of this important question permit me to call the attention of your Conference. THE SUN, LONDON, TITESDAY EVEININGi - AUGUST 2, 1842. " I would premise, as established facts, that we are pre-- Conference, he was anxious to take the opportunity ofeeldresse mai l ientia lavoured by our insular position for commerce, and in;; the Delegates assembled. The gentleman who had spoken liy our natural resources, arid the character of our people, fot he last but one, seemed to think that the cause had suffered the economy of manufactures ; that our population cannot non because, in the House of Commons, there seas not a second be fed by our own agricultural produce, and that importation Hampden. Now he (Mr. Hume) must say, that during his of food to a considerable extent will therefore be indispensable: sxperience in Parliament for upwards of thirty years, he that this, in connexion with th e w ick e d sliding-scale, will un- ead never known of and question whi c h h a d been more fret failingly keep up the price o f f oo d to the famine mark ; thin . l uently, more powerfully, or more zealously brought before the famine price of agricultu r al p ro duce will prevent our peopli the House of Commons, than that very question of the dis from buying clothing ; and th a t th e hazardous nature of the messed satiation of the country, and the evil resulting from corn trade will prevent the free exchange of our industry for the maintenance of the Corn-laws. The gentleman Wise had the surplus food of other c oun t r i es ; that gaunt hunger thenc, node the observation to which he (Mr. Hume) now replied, arises to our own people, and the nakedness bath of our owe would perhaps find some other cause to account for the want people, and the people of other countries ; and that the fins of success attending the efforts of the friends of the people in : issue will be, the loss of our manufactures, as well as the im- Parliamen t . He would, perhaps, find that the House of mense capital: now e mbark e d i n them, which is rapidly disap- Commons , as at present c o nstituted , was an assembly in which peering, and the utter ruin of cnr national greatness. the prepond erance of p olitical por was possessed by the mo- As 1 solemnly believe this will be the consequence of our un nopolist party—a party which was supported by the established wise Legislators, saying, in effect, " You shall buy no corn clergy of the country—(Hear, hear )—a party supported by a from other countri e s tilt y o u give us a famine price for all we erne majority of the Magistracy throughout the country (for can grow," let us say in return," We will frustrate your wicker' during the Whig Administration but few of the Liberal party intentions, and use none of your corn so long as we can get a. had been appointed to tue Magistracy)—a party which, though supply from other countries, until the law permits us freely, in many instances opposed to the measures which their leaders mut without restraint, to exchange our labour for the food of proposed, yet kept together as one man. He regretted other countries." that the same unanimity did not prevail among the Opposition "On this principle of trade, I beg to recommend that the party and the friends of the people. Ile urged the necessity of Anti-Corn-law League resolve itself into an Anti-Corn-law union among the operatives and their employers, which could Trading Company. or, at least, that it should originate the for - alone enab le them to succeed in th eir views. He dw elt on the oration of such a - Company, to carry o n by it s agents, or ot h er tee m t h a t wou ld result from the middle classes uniting at the connexions, the barter of English cloths, cutlery, stoneware, next general election in sending to Parliament men who would &c., &c., fir the corn and provisions of other countries, par- advance the cause of the millions. If such had been done at titularly of America. the last election Sir Robert Peel could not, sm . th his mutes be " From all I have read and heard, lam led to conclude that hind him, s t r angle, as he had done in the preihnt session, the America alone might supply all our wants, and consume all the measures productive of advantage to the people. He (Sir R. products of our industry which we could spare. A gentleman Peel) would have been forced to bring forward measures more of my acquaintance, who has lately made a tour of observation io consonance with the wishes and interests of the people. They in America, told me only last week, that to his knowledge men must then change the present system. Without doing so in America.. possessed of large estates, and immense stocks of there was not a ray of hope for the people. He referred, in grain and cattle, were actually in rags for want of money to buy terms of eulogy. to the great exertions of the Hon. Members clothes, and because barter was impossible. for Stockport and Wolverhampton (Mr. Cobden and Mr. Vil " New, if such a Company were immediately formed, with ders) in the cause of their distressed countrymen, and pointed agents, or perhaps a corresponding Company in America, fur out benefits to be derived from drawing the attention of the the purpose of barter, and if all the members of the Anti- people during the recess to the cause of their sufferings, and Corn-law League, manufacturers and work people, were to the only remedy to be had for them, and expressed his opinion pledge themselves to use no other grain but such as the Corn- that the working of the Income-tax, with its inquisitorial pany might import, lam persuaded that, in a few months, all machinery, its Tory Commissioners, its exposures of men's our starving people would be well fed, and the unemployed affairs, &c., would do much to teach the people what they had operatives and machinery would be in full activity. The Corn- to expect from a Tory Government. He bad no further advice pany would pay the '2os. duty for British grain; would soon be to give them, except to urge them to do everything in their low enough to raise the duty to the highest point) and still be power to effect a union with the working classes.—(Cheers.) able to provide the best foreign flour at 2s. 61. per stone; They must have the millions acting with the middle classes.— while, at the same time, British flour might be reduced to, say (Cheers. ) It only rested with themselves to have trade with 20d. per stone, which, if the corn trade were conducted as at all the world. He could not admit that they could never have present, by speculators under the sliding scale, would cost the any great trade with Europe. They m i g h t yet recover much community at least an average price of 3 s. 4 d. per sto n e . that the y had lost, if free trade were not p ost p o ne d to too remote a Thus, even those who should wisely pledge themselves to co n- p eriad.— ( Cheers. ) He had seen in the American p a p ers a sumo no British flour, however cheap, would save 10d. per stone, report laid on the table of Congress and the Committee on the and likewise obtain full employment, while those who were nut tariff in May last. The Committee in that report declared so pledged would pay Is. Bd. per stone less fur the flour. All that it was the policy and the desire of the United States to this reduction in the cost of provisions (for it would soon em- enter into commercial regulations with every nation on the brace all provisions) would be expended on clothing, &c., and basis of equity, recieroeity, and fair competition ; but that the r e store our languishing home trade. So that the benfit of Government of Great Britain, by its system of restrictions and such a measure would be great, and immediate, and general ; prohibitions, imposed upon the Government ol o i f oy t_heU be n e it e e s) d while it would greatly subdue the ruinous and destructive States the necessity of adopting a retaliatory p(c policy of the monopolists. but to show how desiroes they were to establish equitable corn ,. Some place their hope of redress only upon agitation, as if mercial relationis with Great Britain, they desired th a t the agitation were an ultimate power, arid seem to take some sort President would enter into negotiations w ith Great Britain for of pleasure in the existence of distress, upon which agitation the purpose of establishing, if possible, commercial relations lives. Those inconsiderate persons might on such ground ob- bet w een th e two countries on a sound and equitable basis.-a ject to this measure, but the very fact of the existence of such ( Cheers- ) Ile: hoped the subject would not escape the atten an Association, and in the case of those who may be prevailed tion of Lord Ashburton. The nations of the continent of Europe on to enter it; the sacrifice it would appear to require would were equally desirous of enterin g into comme rc i a l re l at i ons always keep them alive to their grie v an c e , a nd would admit of with us. Prussia, German y , and Sweden, had endeavoured to the grateful agitation conducted by the Anti Corn •law League, do so ; and the reason why these desires had not been complied until yerfect and unrestricted freedom of trade be established by with was, as Lord Palmerston said, because the landed interest the laws of Britain. Then would wealth flow in channels would not allow of free trade in timber and corn. The landed which have been hitherto empty and dry ; and the diffusion of interest, then, was the cause of their present evils. If the re wealth thus produced world directly and certainly lead to a peal of the Corn-laws was carried, they would soup have the more equal distribution of political power. landed gentry themselves clamouring for free trade in every essw On this account the Universal Suffrage party should act, thing else. Ile had great doubt, unless the question of free first for the repeal of the restrictive laws, and then their ulti- trade were carried, whether the public faith could be kept— mate object might he accomplished without the horrors of a ( Hear, hear)—and no event could be more lamentable for revolution. It is extremely doubtful whether even the best the working classes than any breach of the public faith. He organised revolutionary efforts could effect in Britain so exten- felt the League had already conferred great benefit on the pub sive a change in the political system as they demand. lie, and he urged them to continue their exertions strenuously " I implore the Anti-Corn- law League to give my proposi- ducting the recess.—(Loud cheers.) tion their calm and serious consideration. Whether it is not Mr. VILLIERS, M. P., rose, and was received with loud the hest ultimate measure that could be adopted, and in what cheering.—He had hitherto abstained from presenting himself way it could best be carried info effect. lam aware there are to the Conference, because he was unable to forward their object ; by communicating to them any local information, but he could witb not help taking that occasion to express his opinion that by their butgr ea t a perhapsi ff, c u l every t i e other scheme will and be success s to of h t e he hos schemee beset s intine formation greater difficulties, and to be less certain of success. assembling in London, as they had done, during the present .6 The League may depend upon it that the present doini- Conference, they had conferred a great benefit on the country. nant party in the State will cling to power, and refuse eaten- The public had been, in consequence, more fully apprised of the sion of the Suffrage, only that they may be able to maintain distressed condition of the country ; they had seen more clearly the monopolies in which they are directly interested; much how that distress had been produced by bad legislation.— less will they give up the monopolies for which they hold ( Cheers.) He thought that while the present defective state power, until they exhaust all the moral and all the physical of the representation continued it would be well to have a Con force, which their present position places at their command. ference permanently sitting to watch over the proceedings in "I am, dear Sir, your obedient servant , Parliament. It had already done good by operating as a check " ISAAC HOLDING. upon those foolish assertions which were wont to be put forth as "P. S. A letter from me on the above subject, headed replies to the arguments for repeal.—(Cheers.) They had pre ' Suggestions for the Consideration of the Anti-Corn-law seated the Corn-laws in their real character before the public— League,' was inserted in The Sun, of 3d March last.—l. H." they had deprived those laws of all moral support.—(Cheers. ) A DELEGATE ( Camberwell) said he had heard the re- The Corn-laws were now only supported by a nume marks just read with much pleasure, hut it would take up a steal majority in the House, and an interested and intimi considerable time in bringing into a working state. He was dated constituency out of doors.—(Loud cheers.) The great sorry to hear that they were near the close of the Conference, hope of the opponents of the repeal was that the working I as tar as the metropolis was concerned, and he should make a classes did not sympathise with the League. He (Mr. Villiers) proposition on the subject to the Committee. There was was by no means disposed to admit that such was the case, for nothing like the present body sitting in Londcn, and he wished he could not admit that those disturbances of the public meet to make some some provision for continuing the work after ings which had taken place were spontaneous manifestations of the Conference should break up. He should propose that a the opinions of the working classes.—( Loud cheers.) But , society be formed in London, to be called t h e National e v en i f it were, that was no more an ar g ument against the , Society, to do every thing it could for the good of the country repeal of the Corn-law than the fact that on some occasions the I and to be permanent in its sittings. slaves had committed outrages against those who were doing The CHAIRMAN did not think this was a proposition that their utmost to emancipate them, could be considered as an ar could be made to the present meeting, but if he would take it gement against the abolition of slavery.—( Cheers.) He believed on himself to work it out, they would lend it every assistance that those who had been guilty of these interruptions were the 1 in their power. -sictims of interest and corruption—(Cheers)—and he thought 1 Mr. BRIGHT then addressed the meeting. He said he felt too highly of the working classes to believe that at a body they called on to make a few observations on the state in which they were not fully aware of the importance to their own interests found themselves. Some persons appeared inclined to ask of a repeal of the Corn-laws,—(Cheers.) He had once argued what the Conference had done during its session. One thing the question with one who was no warm friend of the people, it bad done most decidedly—it had put the Government and and who had said to him (Mr. Villiers) "I do not dispute the Monopolists more clearly in the wrong than they were be- your argument, but a free trade in corn would he like the 1 fore the Conference assembled. He had formed part of sees- addition of so much more fertile land to the country, and we sal deputations to the Executive Government, and for himself, should have the working classes as impudent and independent had they not brought it on themselves lie should feel corn- as they are its America."—(Cheers.) He believed it would miseration for every man in the position of a statesman, render them independent, and that would be the first step who, before any number of his fellow-countrymen, was forced towards gaining their political rights, and therefore, as a to argue in the same manner, and support the same cause as friend to the enfranchisement of the people, he was they had done at the meetings with the deputations. As for Sir still more' zealous fei a repeal of the Corn-laws. — R. Peel, they believed he held precisely the same opinions as (Loud Cheers.) The supporters of the laws depended the deputation; it was impossible for any man with his know- on the ignorance and corruption of the people, but they would ledge of the state of the coun t r y, o f b us i ness masters , an d th e signally fail. They dare not stop the Press, they dare not stop principles of political economy, not to be acquainted with the the public expression of opinion ; the people were becoming real operation of the Corn-laws ;he must find his position ex- edu c ated, and they could not be blinded to the fact that it was tremely difficult with regard to his argument. It wee not to be for their interest that these laws should be repealed.—( Cheers. ) wondered at that he stated in the House of C o mm o ns hi s dis- H e b e li eve d it was only because the Government calculated on satisfaction with the general impression conveyed by the reports the disunion and ignorance of the people that they disregarded of those interviews, though he could not point to any one f ac t , ev id ence presented to them as to the condition of the country. actually misrepresented: The general impression they con- —Cheers.) Henceforth the League would be spared sonic veyed was certainly that the Ministers had cut a trouble, for many of the fallacies by which the Corn-law had ver y mwavourable 'figure. Sir James Graham said been supported had been completely exploded. They could no something of the sable kind, but the only fact that had come longer delude the labouring population with the idea that these out was, that he himself was guilty of the only mis-statement laws improved their condition. They could not cheat the then made. When he said that Mr. Fielden had stated the capitalist and the manu acturer into the belief that markets amount of labour thrown out of employ by machinery to be 35 could be made by Act of Parliament.—(Cheers.) Their efforts p e r cent., during the last three or four years, the Deputation, might now be usefully directed in their respecti ve localities whether Mr. Fielden said so or not, did not believe it. to show the connection between increased taxation and in- With respect to the Press, some portion of the London papers creased poor-rates, anti these laws. The Income-tax had been had done immense service to the cause, and he trusted, before rendered necessary solely through the existence of these re the Conference separated, they would mark their grateful sense strictive laws. Mr. Iluskisson, in th e l as t s peech he ever made of that service. There was one journal, however, the Times, in Parliament, had predicted that if the Corn-laws and the which, though favourable to the repeal of the Corn-laws, had other laws restricting commerce, were suffered to remain Imre omitted doing that good to the cause which its influence enabled pealed, there would be a falling off in the revenue, and the only it to do. He could not sit down without adverting to the infa- resource they would have to fail back uhon would be the impo tuation of some manufacturers, who, though from the depressed sition of an Income-tax.—(Cheers.) Every Chancellor of the state of commerce they were going fast to the Gazette, still Exchequer adm itted that th e revenue was grea tl y increased b y sen t communications to the Government, stating that the an abundant harvest, and seriously di m i n i s hed by a bad one. present distress arose from a temporary stagnation in trade, Now if they would open the ports they would have constant which would be remedied by a good harvest ; and this they did good harvests—( Cheers)—for they could always command merely because the party to which they beloneed advocated the abundance of food. — (Cheers.) Then there was the su g ar mo commercial policy which was proving so ruinous to their in- no p oly. By the laws prohibiting the im p ortation of foreign sugar, terests. After a few further observat i o ns, Mr. Bri g ht read the revenue lost three millions a year, just the amount of the the following address ; Income-tax.—(Cheers.) Then, with regard to local taxation, " THE CONFERENCE OF THE NATIONAL ANTI-CORN-LAW pauperisna increased, and rates increased, as the price of food LEAGUE TO TUE PEOPLE OE THE UNITED EINGDOM• got higher, and were reduced as the price of food became re .. We are about to separate; we would address you upon the duced. Let them, when they heard men complain of the pres position- of our cause. In February las t, we assembled in this sure of Income-tax and the poor -rates, point to these laws as the metropolis, to urge upon the Government and the Legislature cause, and let them di sc over in the different constituencies those the necessity of repealing the Corn-law. The band of mono- who had voted for monopolists at the l a st election, and hold polists who have usurped the Legislative power, disregarded our them responsible for the imposition of this tax.—(Cheers.) remonstrances, and laughed at our warniugs. They triumphed Let them endeavour to find out who really wished to support for a brief season, and again sanctioned the miseries of famine these laws. Sir R. Peel and the Vice-President of the Baofr.eard by statute. We were baffled for a moment, but were not of Trade had, inthe House of Commons, put forth as g cast down. From that time the prospects of our country have trade principles in their speeches as any member of the League become more gloomy—commerce and manufactures have could have stone, but they, it was said, could not repeal the in favour of that law. Many members of that majo declined—wages have fallen—food has continued scarce and Corn-laws, because there was a Parliamentary majority dear, and agricultural and manufacturing operatives have felt rite it was said, would be glad to see the law rep ealed, bu t the the hand of affliction heavier and he avier. s , favour. Now they were told by a middle classquestion. from the heart of the empire the impolicy and the wickedness others, that this was exclusively . H e " Again we have assembled—again we have proclaimed constituencies were in its of the Corn-law. We have sought and obtained interviews should like much to discover who really was in f a vou r o f with the Members of the Executive Government , and have continuing these laws.—(Loud cheers.) He urged the addressed them with a freedom w hi c h th e consc i o usness that League to continue their exertions, and assured them that the we w ere the e xpression of the public voice on a question which more they were villified and sneered at, the more certain th ey affects the safety of our cou ntr y authorised and enabled us to might be that they were rendering essential service to the do. We have forced upon t he attention of Parliament, by re- cause of free trade.—(Cheers.) peated discussions, the unwelcome subject of the national dis- Mr. COBDEN M.P., rose, arid was most enthusiastically tress and its remedy. We have sent, through the public P r ess, greete d. T he H on . Gentleman said they were going to sepa to the remotest corners of the country, facts and arguments rate, not to dissolve.—( Cheers. ) They were only going to which will become the seed of the great principle of industrial shift their encampment like a Mahratta tribe, to return freedom. again, when least ex p ected. Tho y h a d been invited to ado p t "We know that our labours h ave not been in vain. Public another course, but he did not see how they could do so sentiment is running strongly, irresistibly in our favour—the without dissolving the League.—( Cries of " No, no.") 'they monopolists in Parliament are mute, conscious that the foul could not, as an Anti-Corn-law League, enter upon any other injustice they vote for cannot be defended; the Premier him- question whatever.—( Cheers. ) It would be dishonourable in self having completed the demolition of the fallacies upon t hem to connect them elves with any other agitation. —( Cheers. ) The funds for their support had been contributed by persons meat which i t s h l e a y s l t i have accustomedoeubreoepnpooeotsrely. The o T he morosetirne a f o o d r ergo- o b s ti of almost. every shade of political opinion. —( Cheers.) A great nate silence. The question is now narrowed to one of might deal had been contributed by the fair sex — (Cheers) — 7,000/. seek t o safety against right. We have fought the good fight thus far, and we had been sent by the Manchester ladies as - the produce of their —and lie w shall fight it out. The hope which animated us four years ago, late bazaar—(Loud cheers) —and happy to say that in the bank.—(Loud cheers. is still present with us. It burns brighter— it points to an early the greater part of it was still knew wee cheers.) The best Corn-law repeaters he knew were the la lies victory. Under these circumstances " But the present is a time of awful importance. We know o f M anc hester, .the Le Isle if u with an ' a that the springs of national wealth and power are rapidly drying could not honourably mix itself up Lea ) other agitation. up, and that the disease which i's now preying upon the resources The only way would be to dissolve the ene--(" No, no.") for the of our country may soon get beyond the reach of remedy. We Now was there any other agitation meth. purpose of attaining would not conceal from you the imminency of the perils which all the objects of the League and something as to so ripe, and d us ; they menace the existence of the country ;we with such a bulk of people itsat . _ rn praysurroun We would say to you, look to your doctors of it to say to the Anti-Co League " Get out of our they may be averted. hinderingus from accomplishing our object ?" He majorityof them have basely sold you. way, you are representatives ; the . .uch —(Cheers, and c • visit your boronghs and coon- thought there was none s • cries of "No Give them no rest. When the st . radical man famine must be put an end to, that No !" " Yes ! yes !") Now, as a p ,he was aceus ties, tell them the law.•made- . le wanted to know who 1 • ed. Let deputations wait upon tou t ed to take stock. and l ere tat aorta the millions must be f be f d (Cheers ) It was intimated that they resolutionnot - }our firm Won was to found.—( . rat them, that they may know s(Cheers.) If lily that ever. To tape constituencies join Ch • t should the artes s.— were meant to be trampled iii the dust for ,s which acknowledged F (2, , d such men to Parliament, we would say, the section of the Chartist eargus Con who have presenteLeague had not by urging upon your nor as their leader, the any more inveterate Make instant at onemeat for h our error, them,the tr (Cheers.) The Members the difficulties wham surround you. Tell an organ of the O'Connor Chartists never omitted opportueity of de. people must live even though party perish.' for the evils no i g all attempts at a repeal of the Corn. l aws. Fellow-Countrymen,—We are not responsible unc n [t never of the present, Fen' for the calamities which may be in store.aristocracy attacked the lt always attacked what it called We have warned the Government; we have instructed the O'Connell, Hume, Villiers,i Cobden, and Company.—(A rr, law '' people; we depend upon your intelligence, aed upon the fears laugh.) It called the A t - (Cheers.) Leaguethe plague. It of the Monopolists. We know how dangerous is the crisis It would not do to join them.— Then Mr. Sturge He had ascert • through, which we are passing, and we cannot conceal from had asked them to join him. this ascertained that of the ourselves and from you, that there are breakers a-head, and members of the League attending s Conference nine out of that there is no firm and honest-hearted pilot at the helm. ten were in favour of Mr. Sturge' h i could movementio ; but still, as a Your own intelligence, your own virtue, your own energy must body, they felt that in honour 1 eystroneer t than it. Was there deliver you. The truth we have espoused is inextinguishable. any party holding those o} ' i n i nt initi at t the League? and error and selfishness and lust of power must speedily fall N o .—( Cheers.) They would not g a the hostility of the before it. aristocracy or tile • Tories by joining agitation for an Extension for Coin-la e• We now separate. We return to the country to labour in. of the Suffrage to the agitation ___ ia.s w ho th e re repeal ; and they cessantly for the accomplishment of the great object of the might lose the support of some Whigs there in favour of a (Cheers League—the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-law, and total and immediate repeal...7%e object h When they saw a we are prepared to re-assemble at such time and place as the party strong enough to carry tho itselfj y moral force, then Council in Manchester may determine. Hitherto we have en- perh ups the League might dissolve and join such a party. deavoured to merit the confidence of our fellow-citizens, and (Cheers.) They had been - taunted with being monopolists we trust we shall not be found unequal to any emergency which themselves because the people had not the suffrage. He wished power of giving the suffrage.—(Loud (L i d ,e.— o e may arise. the League had the . 'the * "Providence has given plenty; a few• men of wealth and cheers. )- It had not--it had not even power to give them title have opposed their mandate to the will of Hettitell, 'Shalltrying Lard to do Si);bread, although it was • , and he did not mortal man he more just than God ? ' think they would fight , . _ the battle of the suffrage one whit the 6' Palace-yard, August 1, 1842." worse for having (Ch eis•) T fqll bellies.. . F,. • 4 hey must get a The reading of this address was received with marked appro. pu , tc o general and united expression of ut pinion against these bation by the meeting, and on Mr. Bright's moving that it be i laws, and then they must fall, The agricultural labourers had adopted by the Conference, and circulated throughout the an opinion that they w ere benefited by these laws; Low they must United Kingdom , prove to them that the Corn-laws pauperised the peopleby depriv. Mr. H U ME, M. P. rose. He said that understanding that the ing them of employment in the towns; but all these things could present was to be the last, or nearly the last, meeting of the not be done at once, The repeal could not be carried by a coup de main. No turbulence could benefit the eause.— (Cheers. ) No beneficial measure hod ever yet been carried by turbulence. Never, Illysically speaking, were the great body of the people so powerless as at the present moment. Two regiments of Life Gu7,rds and two of Infantry, with their shrapneil, shells, imd rockets, and other infernal instruments of destruction, would put down any attempt of that sort, and the larger the 'minter of an unorganised multitude was that was opposed to disciplined troops, the more fearful was the destruc tion effected among them. They must rely solely on mural means, and as long as they did so they were omnipotent.— (Laud cheers.) The question after all was with the electoral body, and the distress would soon reach them, and make them think. Before another year distress would have reached the metropolis,. and when the Londoners had undergone the same discipline as the people had in the North they would be as ardent repeaters.—( Cheers.) He l.ad been told they ought to stop the suppli , s. Now it was only a majority of the House of Commons that could do so ; and to make any efforts effec tual in the House the stoppage must begin out of doors (Cheers.) When the time should come, he should be pre pared to make sacrifices to procure the repeal of those laws, but he protested against any small martyrdom. Such an exhi bition would only render a great cause ridiculous--(Cheers- ) There must be a united demonstration, and there would be no necessity for anything else, fur the laws would then fall with out trouble.—( Cheers.) He trusted that next session, night after night, and week after week, Corn-law debates would be raised, until the Government, like the unjust judge in Scrip ture, would repeal the Corn-laws to get rid of their importu nity.—( Loud cheers. ) Ile believed that many of the sup porters of that law began to think they were paying too dear for bringing upon themselves the odium and execration of Europe and America, arid would be glad to give it up.— ( Cheers. ) If they could get the Parliament to sit for one ses s:on in :Manchester he would engage they would have a repeal of the Corn -laws ; and half-a-dozen towns in England felt on this subject as strongly as Manchester did, the Corn-laws would not exist another fortnight.—( ucl cheers.) 11Jr. O'CossEr.t., M.P., then rose, and was received with shouts of applause, which lasted some minutes. I come here (said the Right lion. Gentleman) to perform a simple duty_ that of returning thanks to the Anti-Corn-law League for having continued thus ably their efforts in support of that noble cause in which we are all engaged.—(Loud cheers.) I feel deeply grateful to them for what they have done, and in the name of that part of the empire of which I am more par ticularly the representative, I return them thanks for the manly efforts they have made to get rid of a terrific nuisance. —(lmmense cheering.) They say that political gratitude is a lively sense of future favours.—(A laugh.) I feel doubly grate ful to them, not so much on account of what they have done, as for what they will achieve.—( Loud cheers.) If it be wrong to tax food for the purposes of revenue, what must be the enor mity of that guilt which taxes it for the benefit, not of the nation, but of one particular class of the community ? It any man were to come to your table, and say by word of mouth, " You shan't eat that meat for which you have paid till you give me a share of it," I Ihtlieve—l know what your att . ,wer would be ; it would rather come from your foot than your hand.—(Cheers and laughter.) But that's what the aristo cracy do ; only as they make more words about it, and sur round it with more mysteries, the original iniquity is forgotten, and the injury remains. It has always been said that John Bull is an animal of good common sense, and it was illustrated in this way ; the Frenchman boasted that the French were great in all the arts : " For example," said they," we invented rufiles-2Ce what tine things lace ruffles are." " Aye, aye," sa3 7 s 7 John Bull, " but I add r ed the shirt to them."—(bbejr;) That was the common sense of John Bull. But John judgment is now at fault, and instead of deserving the admira tion of the world for his good seme, he ought to be the con tempt of the world for enduring this monopoly, which makes bread dear, and maintains a class legislation. The question is how to achieve the great measure we have in view ; for I be lieve no one intends giving up his exertions. It may assist you to overcome these difficulties that you take new allies, but every one must be convinced of the iniquity of the Corn laws, and feel it to be his conscientious duty to persevere for their repeal ; by perseverance alone every greet object is to be obtained.—( Cheers. ) I heard with respect my respected friend who spoke last, express his opinion with regard to mixing up other things with the Anti-Corr.-law Conference. I hear that you have got money for the purposes of this Conference, and 1 admire the pecuniary honesty which tells you to apply that money to the purpose alone for which it was given you. Honesty is always the best policy—(Cheers)--and you are bound in honesty at least to consult the donors before you take another step.—(hear, hear.) It is not my own individual opinion that you do right in separating the Anti-Corn-law agi tation from the agitation for the extension of the franchise. In conjunction with others I took the liberty of submitting a pro positiol to you for the combination of both. You have decided it adversely to the views I entertained on thu subject; but I don't repud.ate your judgment because it differs from mine ; oo the contrary, I believe yours is the better; and however I may be attached to my own opinion, as is natural, I give you the such a Parliament as this, and there is your present Parliament and its history. Is•this to be endured? I want to know who ever saw a man who declared that he was unfit to have a vote. I would go 20 miles to see him.—( Cheers.) I never met a man who said that of himself, but I have met plenty of mis creants who said it for others.---( Cheers. ) We have plenty of them in our house—the majority of our House have said it. The unstained ermine of the Bench proclaims every time a criminal is about to be punished, " You cannot complain of your punishment. because recollect you are yourself a party to making the law." The Judge who says that, would, on no ac count, be guilty of any jest or party ribaldry, yet what can be greater jest than the assertion that the people of this country had a share in making the laws? That which the Judges pro claim, shows that every Englishman untainted.by crime, and not incompetent by fatuity, has an equal right to his privilege, as the Duke or the King to their prerogatives ' • and it is a sham e and eternal disgrace to those who sit tranquil when their rights are irfringed on.—( Hear, hear.) I can only tell you this, that there is another portion of the empire who will aid you in your struggle.—(Cheers.) The morning papers contain an expression of Lord Cloncurry's (the most popular nobleman in the country) opinion of the Corn-laws to the effect that they Seer? a blind and abominable injustice.—(Cheers.) I only mentioned that to show that, from the highest proprietors down to the population idle from want of employment, a strong opi nion is entertained against this abominable iniquity.—( Cheers. ) Though the Income-tax has not reached us, because of our poverty, I will tell you that you can take no fixed purpose of asserting your political privileges, but you will find us ready to assist you heart and hand.—( Hear.) But it will be idle to expect success unless you convince the aristocracy that you are determined to insist upon an extension of the suffrage ; that is a step you ought to take independently of this League, and you ought each to commence that agitation, for without it, you can not be ultimately successful. I came here to cheer you on ; to tell you that you have scared and frightened your enemies already; that those who pretended not to fear the dangots of the coming winter have began to take precautions. You will hear of a flight in October to places which are consi dered more secure, for they cannot contemplate the approach of winter without apprehension.—(Cheers.) I agree with my Hon. Friend, that the greatest political advantages can be gained without violence and force. If the country has lost its energy, if it has fallen into caducity and decay, I cannot hope for a good result ; but I trust that it is not so, for I see in the exer:ions of this Conference a revival of the energies of our population, and I think we may hope for better times.— ( Cheers.) You have a time before you ; don't part as if you were going, like children, to play, but separate like men going to exert yourselves for the good of your country. It is the middle, backed by the working-classes, that have always achieved the greatest political advantages. The middle class must hold out the right hand of fellowship to the opera tives; they must not say, " assist me that I may vote," but, `• assist me that we may both vote."—(Cheers.) That is the plan. I have seen it successful elsewhere, and I hope to see it sue cessful here. I return you my best thanks for what you have done ; I conjure you to arise for your country ; take care that your country has justice and fair play.; and when she has jus- tice and fair play, she will be ready to meet the world in arms and arts.—( The Hight lion. and Learned Gentleman sat down amid most enthusiastic cheers. ) . . . . Mr. ItAwsoN proposed the following resolution without comment :—" That this Conference begs most gratefully to acknowledge the services of those Members of both Houses of the Legislature, who have with such patriotic determination advocated the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws, and especially tenders its warmest thanks to the llon. C. P. Villiers, for his unflinching and able advocacy of this cause in the house of Commons." Mr. G. THOMPSON, in seconding the resolution, observed, with regard to the proposal for joining with any other body, that their course was plain ; justice to those who had supplied the funds ; wisdom suggesting that they should keep in their ranks men of various opinions; prudence suggesting that they should not allow those to leave them who, though on moral and religious grounds, they were anxious for the repeal of the Corn-laws, did not see that in this question was to be found the gem of that great politicaKreformation for which they struggled. 'The minister in his gospel, the deacon in his vestry, the Sab• bath-school teacher in his form, and often the honest Tory— these were reasons for confining the operations of the League to its orig.nal object. If they desired to take the back-bone out of the oligarchical monster who now trampled them in the dust—if they desired to break down a haughty aristocracy, they must deprive them of the power of making their broad acres of insensate earth the means of tyrannizing over the people of this country.—( Loud cheers.) He was proud to second this motion. Mr. Villiers was a pattern to his class. His was not the aristocracy which derived its lustre from birth alone ; his was the aristocracy of virtue and intellect, which cast around him a halo infinitely lighter than that which attended Lords and Dukes, who were aristocrats by birth, and became so without their own consent ; his was the aristocracy of vir tue and mind ; that was the aristoerocy for hint (Mr. 'Thomp son) ; and let the aristocracy of pedigree, and the aristocracy of birth, and the aristocracy of wealth perish for ever from the face of this country.—( Loud and continued cheers.) The resolution was put, and carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN then put the Address of the Conference to the meeting, which was adopted unanimously. Col. THOMPSON rose to propose the next resolution. He would not have come in at the time he (lid if he had known that he should have caused such an interruption.—( The Gal lant Colonel entered when Mr. O'Connell was speak ' ing.) Be came in consequence of the loop-holes by which he viewed the proceedings in the great world from a report which stated that the trade of Manchester was improving. Now he did not know whether that was true or not, but he would ask them, supposing it true to the utmost extent, what the value and worth of such a circumstance was? Suppose he had his pocket-handkerchief in his pocket. but on coming; up last week he lost two or three, was that any evidence that he was as well off as before? When a man I was suffering from distress, or suffering with a rope round his neck, and a doctor was called in, what would they say to that doctor, if he said "Don't take the rope away, he is getting better, and will come round himself?"—( Laughter.) Well, what they were told about the improvement in trade was quite as bad. Because trade was a little better than it was three months ago, was that an argument against repeal? Ile thought he had come there rather slightly charged, but he bad heard the word made use of in that assembly, and that word was in demnification. Why should they not ask for indemnification ? Their case was harder than his (Col. T.'s), and his was hard. He had never been engaged in commerce. He had no claim to I i be called an industrious man. lie inherited the proceeds of • I successful commerce, and he believed that half that was taken . benefit. of the wisdom which originated your decision, more es pecially as,l believe you have rather postponed than rejected what I proposed—(Cheers)—it is merely a question of clock. —( Cheers. ) The time may come when it will be actually necessary for you to take your stand by that— ( Loud cheers.) I hope to read in the newspapers of your forming associations everywhere; never do I like to read of your attempting to disturb other meetings, or that you pre vent the expression of the free mind of Englishmen ; I am sure you will set the example of fair play to everyone; and as the Government is menacing every public meeting by turning their constables looze upon them, I do hope that you will never en courage that bad Government by first disturbing any meeting Dot exactly in accordance with your own sentiments, and then complaining that your own meetings are not allowed to take place. I can't conceive worse policy than that, and if a bad example be set by others, do you set a good one to them (Cheers. ) Let us look now at the history of this session, and see if we can comprehend our present position. You have, re collect, aParliament of elms legislators, a Landlord Parliament, and a Parliament of those who, if not immediately landlords, represent their own money, which they iniquitously and wickedly give out to obtain a seat. And when I heard my :Von. Friend tell you to appeal to the constituencies, I thought it was like the play of Hamlet, with that character omitted ; for though you shall speak to the constituencies, and may convince them that they ought to vote for John or Thomas, doors comes the giver of gifts with 6,0001. or his 12,000/. and away go the less powerful arguments before the golden bribe. No man can deny that briber• did not exist in nine-tenths of the co.itested Look at Nottingham and Harwich. There wan't. a town in fact where bribery did not prevail at the last election, and where the longest purse did not carry the day. The extent to which bribery was carried is so notorious that Illy Hon. Friends have only to affirm it on one side of the House to have it echoed by Peel and Stanley on the other. Some one has gone so far as to call the House of Commons a gang of bribers—what becomes then of public opinion in your narrow constituencies? Public opinion ceases to operate on those who are depraved enough to take bribes, and though large bribes have been given of -Wl., 501., and 1001. at a time, yet there are found wretches who, when they can't get 1 001. will take 305., or if they can't get that will take an attorney's fee, 6s. Sd. —( Cheers and laughter, and a Voice, " flow will you remedy it?") Do you ask me for my remedy? My remedy is that every Englishman should have a vote, and should be protected by the ballot.—( Loud cheers.) lam one of the Sturgite Chartists, and I am an opponent of the Feargusite Chartists, because the Sturgites allow to others the liberty they want themselves, and that's what the Feargusites won't do.--( Cheers.) It's a maxim in politics, as well as in religion, that he who would not do to others as he would wish others to do unto him, can be neither a friend to liberty nor a Christian. Don't let any one say to me that the Feargusites cannot be reasoned with ; I say that they are open to reason, and you should endeavour to convince them that your object and theirs are one. Tell them that the Anti-Corn-law Conference is the advanced guard in the cause of liberty ; that it wants to strike down that odious monster, monopoly ; that it wants to do away with class kgislation ; and then let the Anti-Corn-law Conference suc ceed, and you'll have extended suffrage six weeks afterwards. —( Hear, hear.) And though, as a body, the Anti-Corn-law Conference cannot take up this question, and may feel a deli cacy and qualms of conscience on the matter, yet there can be no delicacy and no qualm to prevent every individual member from working for the suffrage. —(Cheers. ) You've no chance of carrying your vanguard if you have not a good firm battalion coining after to join and to assist you. You have the two now, and they will work well together.—(Cheers.) The Feargusite is mad who says he won't have cheap bread, and the Anti-Corn law man is not wise who says he will not oppose class legisla tion.--(Cheers.) Thus, then, we may understand each other, and we shall go on far better for the co-operation, full co-operation, to the extent of the six points. That full co-operation is essentially necessary to your success.—( Cheers. ) Just let us look what a " class Parliament " has been doing.— (" Ugh.") lam glad W hear that sound ; I like it ; I wish to convey to him that emitted it, that it gives an honest sound. —(Cheers.) What has this Parliament done? It is like its own sliding, slippery scale—sliding from every thing honest— slippery enough. Their new scale produces no beneficial re from him was in consequence of the Corn-laws. He was a loiter as a landlord.—(Cheers.) He had five children —where could he place one to make 100/. or 200/.? The earth had been stopped, and there was no place for his young foxe3.— (Cheers and laughter.) If ho felt that, how much must they (the delegates) feel it every day, and every hour? The land lords said they had clay ;lands, and they must have money to cultivate them. How ridiculous would it be for the manufac turers to say, " We have a lot of old spinning-jennies, and we want to work them ; you must givens money."—(Cheers.) One point he would mention, and that was, they had made the Minister believe that there was distress ; and he (Col. Thomp son) was much mistaken if, during the coming winter, rougher faces would not double that conviction upon him. 'hen they (the Conference) came again, and come they must (Hear, hear, and cheers) another point that they would have to convince the Minister of was, that the Corn-laws were the cause of that distress, as he had not found that out yet. Therefore, when they visited him again, they must be prepared with their reasons, and have counsellers ready primed with powerful arguments, to show that these prohibitions starved somebody—every body except those who, like himself and fellows, had some means of living through the existence of evil. He (Col. Thompson) had said' his say, and he would read the resolution which had been put into his hands, which followed in the same track as the last resolution, as it conveyed the thanks of the Conference to an individual high in station and fortune, and one who took his stank upon justice and upon right : " That this Conference would beg respectfully to tender to the Right lion. the Earl of Radnor the expression of their sense of tee obligation which his country owes him for his firmness in again pressing the claims of industry and corn merce upon a reluctant and hostile Parliament, and of their cordial sympathy with the views which have prompted him to move the second reading of his Bill for the repeal of the Corn laws in the House of Lords on Thursday next." Mr. EDWARDS, of Lambeth, briefly seconded the resolution, which was carried unanimously. Mr. Xsl4 DOW N rose to propose the next resolution :-- "Resolved, That the cordial thanks of this Conference be given to Colonel Thompson for his able and earnest efforts in the Anti-Corn-law agitation, in which he was the pioneer ; and the Conference expresses its hopes of seeing him again in the House of Commons, contending there against the in fatuated landlord majority."—(l.oud cheers.) Mr. LEWIS seconded the motion without comment. The resolution was than put and carried with three cheers, the meeting standing. Colonel THOMPSON in a few words returned thanks. He said he had now received the reward of all his labours, and he sincerely thanked them in return. Mr. RICARDO then, without observation, proposed the fol lowing resolution, which being seconded by Mr. WILLIAMS, was carried unanimously :-- " That this Conference cannot separate without stating their earnest conviction that the success which will accompany their future exertion must chiefly depend upon the generous support which they have received from the conductors of the public Press ; and the sincere acknowledgments of this Conference are hereby given to the editors of those London and provincial newspapers whose exertions and co-operation have already afforded to the cause of repeal so much valuable assistance." Mr. GEORGE DA NI ELS proposed the follow ing resolution : " That this Conference anticipates an early call for renewed exertions, and they would emphatically renew the expression of their confidence in the wisdom and discretion of the Executive Council of the National Anti-Corn-law League, and their hope that they will again call the Deputies together whenever circum stances appear to render that step desirable." This resolution was carried unanimously. Mr. WHITEHEAD then proposed the following That the punctuality, amenity, discretion, and dignity, with which the President of this Conference has discharged his arduous duties, have essentially contributed to the efficiency and good order of its proceedings, and that the best thanks of the conference be given to P. A. Taylor, Esq., for his conduct in the chair, which has redounded to the credit, and done honour to the choice of the body which elected him to preside over its de liberations." The resolution was received with great cheering, and the meeting standing. The Rev. Mr. SQUIRE, in seconding the resolution, said that the Chairman had displayed suariter in mode, frrtiter in re. The CHAIRMAN then rose, and was received with loud cheers. He spoke as follows :—Gentlemen, I feel most deeply indebted to you for the very kind and handsome way in which you have ben pleased to express your approbation of my ser vices as your chairman. I can assure you that to me it was a labour of love.—(Cheers.) So deeply am I interested in this question, and so satisfied am I that the prosperity, the happi ness, and the very existence of millions depend upon these abo minable laws being repealed, that. I sat here pleased to be in any way instrumental in contributing, as far as my power would permit, my endeavours to put them down ; and if 1 live (which I believe I shall) fur the time to arrive when we shall see the accomplishment of this great work, 1 shall feel satisfied that in my sphere I could have in no way rendered myself more ser viceable to my country, or have conferred a greater advantage on my children, than by taking the part—the humble part—l have taken in this contest. 1 return you my sincere thanks.— (Cheers.) This Conference is now dissolved. sults, it is a topic to talk on in the House, and to obtain party cheers for the Minister. I wish you had heard one of their yells when they heard him dole out this precious scheme ; but they do not love him a bit too much.—( Cheers. ) This, then, is the first step of the new Government, which autho rises robbery on the poor, combined with an attempt at de cision. It is mockery and insult, added to robbery and injus tice ; that's your sliding-scale Corn -law.--( Cheers.) fhe second step was the tariff, announcing good principles, forcing the enemy to be convicted out of his own lips, to take up our arguments on which to support his measures ; making him stand convicted before the English people, of knowing the good things, but refusing to do them—of knowing what was right, and refusing to practise it.—( Cheers. ) They convinces! you that they knew what was right, and for base and sordid interests practised what was wrong. But what goad has the tariff done? By its left hand free trade, lame and limping, one leg after the other—(Laughter)—it has done positively injury to particular trades ; it has aug mented the number of unemployed ; it has given fashionable people cheap shoes and boots, whilst it has turned the poor shoemaker into the workhouse. Never has a more insulting measure gene through any Parliament.—(Cheers. now come to the third great measure. The Whigs, having die too much—having abolishes! too many taxes—the only good thing I ever knew them to do—having reduced the rate of postage, thus enabling the poor man to correspond on the same terms with the Duke, Peel must have a remedy to this great iniquity, and he brought it forth in the shape of an In come-tax. Look at the gross injustice of this measure, taxing a clerk's income as if it were real property—taxing the attor ney's clerk of 1501. a-year, wh o i s l ia bl e , if he cut his finger, or have the toothache, to lose his employment, at as high, nay a higher, rate than the Duke of Richmond. There is another dis graceful characteristic of this measure. An Englishman used to boast that his house was his castle, and how often have I heard it said and sung, that 3 on mustn't enter his castle. What has become of the castle now ? The real castle is safe enough, be cause a nobleman inhabits it ; but the cottage, which was poetically called" a castle," is no longer a place of security for the hard-working man, but is constantly open to the inroads of the tax-collector. There is one good in this measure. " The toad, ugly and venomous, has a jewel in its head." When the Income-tax comes into operation, there's the toad, and [ would place it in a market town, and show it as the result of class legislation. Brave and generous people of England, are you to submit to a system like this? 'lliere is the entire session for you now. I've given it you as it is. There is a tail to it to be sure ; a constitution is to be destroyed in New foundland—there's a bonne bouche for Lord Stanley. That's the entire text of the session. A Corn-law equally potential to crush and starve with the last ; a Tariff showing that the men know how to do right, but are determined to do wrong; then an Income-tax to crown and bless the whole. Why, if you were to consider, a priori, how to get bad results from a Parliament, you would begin by making them demoralise the town and boroughs of the kingdom ; by getting a class of wealthy men who are ready to traffic in the consciences of others, you would get a great briber with an immensity of money, and send him round to buy up the souls of the people. In the Harwich case a man came with tears in his eyes and asked " Sir, would you deprive me and my family of 7001. ?" blame that man, but I barns the wretch more who gave it him. ( Hear, hear.) if you had to form a Parliament of wickedness you would take those, or some such materials, and you would have an agitator in every district who would complain that the landed interest was going to be Robbed. I remember Mr. Cobbett used to tell of a man in France who had done some, thing very bad, and who, when they were flogging hiss, ca ll e d out " they're assassinating me, they're assassinating me ;" so would the landed aristocracy call out, "you're assassinatin g me, you want cheap bread, and you'i c robbing me." Yes ! if you had a mind to have a slippery Corn-law, the provisions of a T ar iff such as I have described, and above all, that climax of in justice and wickedness—the Income•tax, you would jug have THE BANKRUPT CANC.- -'--- A.de deputation of gentle men connected with the grocery, oil, wine, and spirit trades had a long interview with Sir J. Graham yesterday morning, at the Home-office, on the subject of the Bankruptcy Bill now before Parliament. The Deputation consisted of the following gentlemen :-...Mr. Price, chairman, Alr. W. Hawes, Mr Nicholson, Mr. Warner, Mr. Gasicot, Mr. V. Morris, Alr• John Travers, Mr. H. Clarke, Alr. Curtis, solicitor, and Alr• Wright, honorary secretary. The deputation was acc om p a nied h Mr. G. Lyall, 11. P , Mr. Masterman, MX., and Air. B. Hawes, ALP. . iii:REctinDsitlßE ASSIZES.—The assizes for this county will commence on Wednesday next ; and at present the calendar contains the names of thirteen per sons, of which one is for rape, one for forging, and the others for felony, &c. Thursday, ~while Mrs. Gething, of Newport, Mon mouth, and her two daughters, were bathing at Souther down, Glamorgan, the latter got out of their depth, were carried away by the tide, and drowned in the pre sence of their frantic parent.—Bath Journal. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. HOME ClRCUlT—Guildford, Izqus7l. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Justice COLTMAN). Th')nias Hollands rag indicted for feloniously cutting ants wounding Anne Skinner with intent to maim and disable her. or to do her some grievous bodily harm. It appeared from the evidence that, on the 18th of July, the prisoner and the presecutrix were at the Bell public-house, Godstone, and the former, who was very much intoxicated, bad an altercation with the woman, and struck her with a pipe that he was smoking. After this the prisoner was proved to have borrowed a clasp knife of one of his companions, and almost im mediately he opened it, and plunged the blade in the neck of the prosecutrix. The prisoner, in his defence, said he was co drunk at the time of the occurrence, that he did not know what had hap pened. The jury returned a verdict of guilty. Mr. Justice COLTMAN said that the use of the knife had of late years became so prevalent, that the Judges were determined to endeavour to put a stop to it by inflicting the severest pu nishment found by the law in all cases where parties were con victed of the offence. The prisoner was then ordered to be transported for fifteen years. Mary Bryant was indicted for for feloniously intermarrying with Peter Wimble, her husband William Bryant being alive. Mr. Knapp conducted the prosecution. The prisoner it appeared was married to her first husband in 1834, and after living with him a short time, they separated, and in 1842 the prisoner married a second time. There was a doubt whether the prisoner was sufficiently aware of the fact of her husband being in existence at the time she contracted the second marriage, and the jury, therefore, returned a verdict of acquittal. _ _ _ On . the Civil Side, Lord Abinger was engaged the whole of the day in trying a case of disputed right of way, the details of which were not of the slightest interest. OXFORD ClRCUlT—Shrewsbury, July 29. CROWN COURT.—(Before Lord Chief Justice l'itina L.) MANSLAUGHTER.—Lvtac Cooper was indicted for the man slaughter of his brother, James Cooper, at Wellington, on the 22d of May last. Mr. Johnson Neale prosecuted ; Mr. Yardley defended the prisoner. . . . . It appeared that until the day on which the melancholy oc currence, which formed the subject of this prosecution, took place, the prisoner and his deceased brother had always lived upon terms of the most perfect friendship, and had never even been known to have had a quarrel, or indeed an altercation of any kind, though they had always resided under the same roof. On the night of the 22d of \lay, the deceased had been drink ing with some friends in Wellington, and the prisoner, ac companied by a man of the name of Machin, had gone out in search of him for the purpose of bringing him home. They met him in New-street, and 7equested him to return with them, which he attempted to do, but being exceedingly drunk, he could only walk with difficulty ; the prisoner, therefore, and Machin supported him between them, and had conveyed him some distance, when they came to a liquor-shop, which the de ceased expressed a wish to enter. The prisoner objected mad endeavoured to induce him to go home, upon which the de ceased became extremely violent, and catching bold of the prisoner by the 'collar, and at the same time placing his leg behind him, threw him violently to the ground, falling heavily by his side. The prisoner lost the control of his temper upon this provocation, and when they rose a struggle took place, during which the deceased received a blow upon his right eye, which' felled him to the pavement, and the back of his head falling upon the kerb-stone, a wound was inflicted causing con cussion of the brain, and terminating shortly after the exist ence of the unfortunate man. After striking his brother, the prisoner expressed the greatest contrition for his hasty con duct, and was the first to call in a medical Irian, but the de ceased, after lingering for a week in a state of insensibility, expired. hlr. YA Rm. EY addressed the Jury for the prisoner, and sug gested that the untimely fate of the deceased might hare arisen from his having slipped backwards, and struck his head against the ground, and that the inflammation was increased, if not produced by the quantity of drink which the unfortunate man had taken. The Jury adopted the suggestion of the Learned Counsel, and acquitted the prisoner. 3IIDLAND ClRCUlT—Leicester, July 30. Mr. Baron Parke arrived in this town late on Thursday evening, and immediately proceeded to the town and county halls and opened the commissions. The business of the assizes commenced on Friday with nine causes and upwards of thirty prisoners, several of whom are charged with the perpetration of crimes of a disgustingly revolting character. MURDER - Charlotte Barnacle and Sarah Barnes were charged on the Coroner's inquisition with the wilful murder of an elderly woman of the name of Waring. Mr. Hildvard and Mr. Miller conducted the prosecution, and Mr. Mellor and Mr. Macauley the defence. The prisoners were persons of rather prepossessing exterior, but for some time before the commission of the crime laid to their charge, they had been leading dissolute lives. It appeared that the prisoner Barnes was living at the time of the murder with her father and mother in Oxford street, Leicester, the deceased occupying the garret, and she bad been living there for about a month. On the Saturday preceding the day of the murder, Barnacle came to lodge in the house of Barnes, fattier of the other prisoner, Barnacle sleeping with deceased. On Wednesday, the 6th of April, Mrs. Waring had been out at wsrk during the day, and on her return home went straight to her roosts, where she partook of some tea, having taken the water from Barnes's tea kettle. Shortly after she had drank her tea, the old lady came out of her room, stating that she had taken a cup or two of tea and some bread and butter, at the same time complaining that she felt so ill she did not know what to do. Deceased returned to her room, continued to grow worse, and early on Thursday morning died. Both Barnes and his wife, who had taken water to make tea front the same kettle that Waring had filled her pot from were taken seriously ill. It also came out in evidence, that for a day or two previous to this me lancholy occurrence, Mary Barnes had been making vari ous inquiries as to " what sort of stuff" poison was. And when asked her reason for making the inquiry, she replied, " Because we have heen speaking about Catherine Smith (a girl who had poisoned herself some short time before)." The witness, detailing the conversation, said she thought it was like flour, and as much as would lie on a shilling would poison any one, &e. It also transpires, that shortly before the time in question, Barnes, while talking to another person, said, " I have got something, but durst not tell you what." Upon being pressed to tell, she said, " I dare not hardly, it is jalap, and Barnacle has put it into the tea-kettle." That Barnacle came up and said to Barnes, " Come on !" to which Barnes replied, " She durst not, as she knew they had tasted some thing." Barnacle said, " Oh, conic on ; I'know they hav'nt." Barnes said, " I am sure I durst not go, as they will taste it ;" when Barnacle replied, " Oa, it, came on, or stop here whilst I fetch some work." The same person who gave this testimony further deposed that Barnes told her Bar nacle had bought some jalap and put it into the teakettle or tea pot. The two prisoners were indentifled as the two young per sons who had gone into some chemists' shops on the Wednesday to purchase arsenic, and were refused to be supplied. At lust they went to Mr. Lockyer, in the Market-place. Mr. Lockyer was not present when the prisoners entered the shop. Whenhe did come in he heard Barnacle asking for a pennyworth of arsenic. Whereupon he jokingly said, " Are you going to poison yourselves ?" The answer was, " Not likely." He then seriously asked them what it was wanted for ? To which Bar • naele replied, " For bugs and fleas." They were then supplied with half an ounce, labelled " poison." From the evidence of the surgeon who scads a post ruortem examination of the body of the poor woman, he found appear ances that denoted the presence of arsenic. The teapot of the' decease was analysed, and found to be impregnated with poison, as was also the kettle of the 13arneses. The case occupied a large portion of the time of the Court, but these were the principal facts. The great difficulty in the case was the absence of all ap parent motive for the deed, unless it was on account of the fact that Barnacle, on the previous Sunday, had brought a man into the room, for which she was scolded very much by de ceased. The Learned Judge ( Mr. Justice PATTEsoN) having summed up, the Jury returned a verdict of Guilty of administering the arsenic, but not with intent to kill, whereupon the Judge told them that was no verdict at all, they must either find them guilty of murder, of manslaughter, or not guilty. After con sulting a short time further together, they returned a verdict of Guilty of manslaughter, and they were sentenced to be transported for life. William Vann was indicted for cutting and maiming his wife with intent to kill. The prisoner, who has long been afflicted with paralysis, had, for sonic time before the commission of the offence with which he was charged, been jealous of his wife. It appeared that on the evening befure the morning of the day when the act was committed, the prosecutrix had gone out, and did not return until long after her husband had gone to bed. It further transpired that she had more money in her possession than he thought could be fairly accounted for, and high words arose between them, with some violence on his part, whereupon his wife quitted the bed-room, and laid herself down in what is termed the house-place. About four in the morning she went up stairs to complete dressing herself, when her hus band offered to assist her in buttoning her gown, and while pretending so to do, he drew her down on the bed and cut her throat with the razor, and afterwards severely wounded him self. The woman got away as well as she was able, and gave an alarm ; he was taken into custody. The prisoner was found guilty, and sentence of death re corded against him. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. 111,11VSION HOUSE. A man who has been known sometimes by the name of Henry Knott, and sometimes by the name of Henry 11 oft, was brought before the Lohn Mavolt, charged with having de frauded, or rather rubbed, several respectable tradesmen, of property. The prisoner had taken the house No. 62, in Sun-street, Bi shopgate, and pretended to open an extensive business as a ge. neral and commercial agent, as his cards indicated, but the only business he transacted was that of ordering goods, which were to be raid for upon delivery, reeseiving them at one door, hum bugging the bearers of them, sending them out at another door, and turning them into money as soon as possible. Various cases were gone into, at the end of which— The Loan MAYOR said—lt will be necessary for you to pre pare yourself, for you stand in a very serious situation. Prisoner—l know lamin a serious situation, but there is a strong prejudice against me for the acts of other persons. All that I have done has been in the regular way of trade.—(Laugh ter.) —The prisoner was then remanded till Friday next. MAR YLEBONE. Yesterday afternoon the Court was much crowded, in conse quence of its having been the day appointed for the further ex amination of George Raymond Kelly, the self-styled naval officer, who, on :Monday last, was brought before Mr. Haw linson, on the charge of having, by false representations, obtained property of west-end tradesmen to a considerable amount. Some particulars were given on the former occasion. Evidence was now tendered showing that on the 22d of Fe bruary the prisoner obtained 41 on the pair of pistols from Messrs. Beattie and Nottey, pawnbrokers, Portman -square, and that they also, on the 12th of March, advaneed to him 201. upon the guns. The guns and pistols were produced, and identified by Mr. Bishop as being his. The third charge was preferred by Mr. George Bowron, bookseller and stationer, 213, Oxford-street, who stated 'that on the 12th of March the prisoner called at his shop, and . ri n ß g ak t e h r a - Baker-street, tr i e t e i fo h r t the approval sentat osfevheisn father; he selected, from a great many which were shown to him, a dres sing-case, (Mr. Bowron) took it thither himself, and gave it to the female servant, who, after going into the prisoner's evening, sing i ease tod desiring apartment, came down, saying that Mr. Kelly (the pr one ) er) requested that the article might be left fll onday morn ing, as his father had not arrived ; the request was complied with, and on the morning i n quest i on he (Mr. Bowron) again went to the house, when he saw the landlady, woo, on finding that he had parted with his goods, d her regret, and the expresse , said she had no doubt that prisoner was a complete swindler. It further appeared that the guns and dressing-case were ob tained on the same day, and that in the everting thereof the prisoner quitted the house in Bakwhich he had been. Balzer-street living. Phelps, the constable, produced two keys taken from the prisoner, and Mr. Bowron identified them as belonging to the dressing-case of which he had been swindled. Mr. Joseph Sofilaw, of the London-bridge Howe Hotel, stated that on the 22d June, the prisoner came to his establish ment and engaged a bed-room in the name of Mason, sayin t