The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-15 00:00:00

ti7have ~.---------_______ i„ ..,,, . ........ . ti„. ,,, ,,,. . ~,,I,een dav,toleultel by forethought, and that every- latter top;c, for the . purpose of showing how far I differ ! f l u i, t , h:as n ot beef afraid, my y nable ahem to achieve decisive from an opinion which seems t extensively enter 'lords it is a truism that every- , tamed throughout the country(.) be f ve t r h y at word " routine" klie t e , h e as be en e t en done to enable them to achieve success. , is applied reproachfully to the p er formance of the duties of 'Po - t • is ue ell att he answe r to these allegations ? Has any , the subordinate departmen.s of h t v h e e r state--duties discharged gentlemen who labour in toyeee w ar 8 e4 lPted to the criticismCof my noble friend I most usefully for the country 4iti ' that t 'll Ys" ? 1118 any single Minister vouture(.l the public service with great assiduity iatphduvoeloyeionfadtehrainte. t i e ttndertei.expMition to the Crimea ' was not an expo- I remuneration. and at the same time 1 4 ° li tiat p erf 'er in ignorance, without re .ration, and ; centives to publicity an i e, plopulraorseftuowilpportthem-if the I 1 to the perform lt:wiedge of °f .the Year--(hear)-undei taken without ; word "routine" is p ie et e wlee ee 04 , the difficulties you were going to encounter, . ance of those duties, ' I P sa of the routine of his wheel, direction, the se d e p s a r n t d . g e ,lt of p re ' the resources of our enemy, and the , for a manufacturer to complain lef tb r a e nt would be jest as reasonable ter G'lteep r ation you should make? 94 th VI LT S here ra c e tL e tabl e b 4 addressed a few observations works precisely ge galle ' because it always turns preciselyin the in the same manner. and without it Ce e e Earl of Z. at in so low a tone that they did not ments routine is the very' essence and soul, . , O sa f m a e ll k. 4 410 i o t the resultof • •wisdom Th e ea was U the proceeded-The expedition to the fusion in the space of an 11not, however, say hour. Iwi the machine of the state would be thrown into utter con getti 'nitr e re. abilit ,or oyes g . , , th e y deede th keiewcastle) opposite a few days since ac- 'sometimes paid to the claims of mere seniority in the f iht that under all circumstances, too much attention has not been „se b, ° idea to ' °ad n uat at the time of the Crimean expedition public . offices. I do not mean to say that promotion may too little regard to Siege ; they relief upon taking the I not occasionally hay . e been given with I.4eb'tll;elateseilt iwereefisa . eY surprise, b u t th e id ea o f having to : the claims of superior merit • and I am not prepared to Niev te l'el an ' e r withouthuts and warm clothing before ; saY that the Gover mount won' 1.1 not do well to set aside, rare et ettsee I :. 34 idea that the noble duke admitted I but with adiberal prov•sion men who, although qualified 14 e4 ' • ellt• Til 18 Mi nd or the mind of her Majesty's Go- I for the duties of public provision, in ordinary times, are Iteeg, t eeer e \vi e , eani , a thing was said bY an eminent officer unfitted by age or infirmity to meet the requirements of a ‘e e l - a loen er e also thought thelace miht be taken in great 4 elt ec 'el'ice' but(Hear, hoar.) It is essentially emergency, and interfere with the advancement of who, from thefirst da y 's firine, came younger and abler persons. th '''' allci len that th en, f als o tit . e work would be one of great dif- p nt of re n , Iv ‘ aat it would be a work of time. Well, par men e . v r ell of them y necessary that you shout( have " roetine" in the public de , 1 • but then you ought to have oe . . t t il h e e tr a? t p tl l e i t e a e n r ; tlf foresight and miscalculation on the ruling minds. My noble friend lays down the doctrine th e f r tngh t °lent, and not from other circumstances, -and it is a doctrine which can liar lly be con tra• for the public service that ye, heirs haye .e f i a eexposed to hardships against which dieted-that it is important k nelt log s j eer Protected. (Hear, hear.) Th h I public t w ine th olust r e ased by ignorance; and upon the Go-thefranklyconfess that I apeointments should he made solely with a view to eY s' public interest. But I must . titee e . at th e t e st the responsibility. To what was it thiekconsiderab le misconception prevails out of doors '''it l' e ll? e e r e ° °Ps were worn out by suffering and over tae e t eit ieee uY, because the amount of work was so doubt, in a despotic . country, upon the question . of the selection of public officers. No . a despot or his minister, has 4 4 ' a ceordr e °ald not be spared from the trenches; be- the power of selecting fora public department the men ( ft th e , tt e i we e would urgoyne, if y 44 little la ng John B he may think beat qualified for the performance of its du tiesnecessity Or'hear ° Work • fth advance to the possession 0 em, ties, without . any reference to the ' is e t e etice • Bat the the various members of his Govern country would le 'era e p ° f the f, noble earl says, " Yon take meet. But to apply that principle in this , with impossible in itself, and would be at variance the - Peilir'eeted 1 telegraph or the railway, or other be t tlitet !ell." ir „."Y the aid' of science • uee ' ill le inte ar b in the Crimean principles of our constitution ;and . the dinister of the day e o ,,f lee ,s e xae ,e_ ear.) Sir John Burgoyne havewasvery from first must choose his associates from within a narrow com pass. The whole of our constitutional system, to thtud th" e ln o et ,7,tuation, if the railway would ,. 014 of ',,l , laye I ,_ uer last. His answer was, Yes ;it last, hangs on mutual confidence. The Crown appoints a confidence, and in whom it be „titter. ; e te r been of infinite advantage, but was not . Minister in whom it has con er• - ` to o qe letitia when the noble earl takes credit for Neves th a t the people have confidence ; that Minister must 4 ~..;', 84 . ° ann modern • • h t .lie - rail invention, h© sure y at •oe• waY a 1 ought be supported by a body of colleagues, e _ and those colleagues must be members of one or other House of Parliament. e, seet, , was a , ~mongst them, for the construction r r tese to , end wh :e.o 'understood in October last as i 1 Thera are some officers who must be members of your 4.2' 4 ole uncle r e t •' i t was not thought of till Apri, lam your lord,hips' house, and there are others who must e '"lte• ale and Ido not find there have been members of the House of . Co . mmons ; but the choice of the oa r t toe, , r , n 8 raised to to torte, have f aeti „ the substantive port ions of the Minister for associates is limited to the members of the two that •it is • 't o!tlisina no • 0 I the suffering and privation amongst houses. lt is even far more limited than, lime - ,71elp moat,„ t been denied and that they wereowing ed to thos . e . mem . . e' ret 43 414 4t * (Hear.) But' the noble lord opposite to t 'rep r e) exhim in political o . piniens, and hers of the two houses who concur with who are willing to co-operate he k tee t o b Pressed his surprise that censureshould with him in official life. Now, he cannot include among downe ee Place, e cast for not employing the right men h„ ite e ,. • I those men the . membere even of his own party who are pre fer t et el an _ ti,t of Personal the noble lord woul have come vented by their devotion to more . profitable avocations ti ilt la il 7, a nd o case--all fit men employed in from undertaking the engrossing duties of a Minister of the 44 4 B ih g l e '' %er vi „ °l 3' employed because of their fitness e e ? such t , at r , e. But he did not show your lordships , a .' lo a & tiers we a n Was engaged • an •i I can only sae, if Crown. And I must say, without meaning the slightest_ ul disrespect to the present constitution of the House of C doubt that without intending to raise the slightest mons, or . ii tem I lat 4t ther . i '' ' 4 . 4. re they 71i71 their' business in anything eQ`ect a , - "efl tn ~' n the department, the corn- on all sides of that house are to be found men perfectlyhew:a ,'" ta,: d eef e "' cal de t trans port there had been utter peble of discharging the dutie . s of d n e st i e t r e s fo o r f m t Cr I must say that sinee the p Bill there - tleb 4+tt le i, tii,„ . Par tnents, . tok, 4 h e xt .. 'ed 3,,it ' a nd, what wasstall wo , se. everythingf merly was for a has been an alteration in the character of its composition which makes it more difficult than it or ° j ht re tat th at it the rules and regulations of routine toits l lg to slip b e n ° roan could undertake to do that which Minister to select his colleagues from among members. h ,'''w h e eatieae; the the public service. I am not now 'iltOet te - "ue performance ' Mr. So-and-so, and ber of control of individuals, which Previously to the Reform Bill therewere a very great nu.m boron ha under the a ) , ee . r en e his rmance of known, g as ' • rotten boroughs," and there can be no h i _ 4 w o, pitch 1 ._ duty ; but there is one depart e° k it 11 of the ill refer. In doing so Ido not mean to te w seil:rei ee ,.' noble d w o e u re bt but that those rotten boroughs, whatever may have ,-, duke (Newcastle) opposite, or of P• ~ th eerd th On the contrary ,I bel eve from all I been h tteir imperfections, or however irreconcileable thee 'es er e iat of ~ , , , may a . e been with the spirit of our constitution, afforded tf r ii 4 44 as non Lem members of the late Goverh- an ordinary avenue to Parliament for young men not ll e ' ofeewith such ° who devoted himself more enerete- known to the public, but who were desirous of' qua s lif a yizi! tl e .st th ° th art ~'.l u nremitting application to the duties themselves by early training for official. life-notaattractive re L ' h es r ee e eani e Z i a: l a the! noble duke. (Cries of " Hear.") inunerative profession, hut as a profession highly Iv, eV by throe . must be permitted to regret the a rr e 0 noble for persona possessed of independent fortune. But that 'tli o e , ep aee .„ duke in accepting the conduct avenue to the House of Commons, that nursery of young e 4o 4:ra tee la t s Bo T u ni : l t at a i ne l nt do i not concu i r l with thtehenolabtlee statesmen, has been in a great degree who destroyedby atrheetißeow fOrm Bill. Look at the character of es the men Ily en of those who k a 4 le n eZe-( a a l l e w ll, o r has d a one M so ev l e i r ttle re to wi s n u g pport the s o! more Thos p are men, no doubt, k eetl eee e t o ae07810)-that it was commendable in the ate returned ability, but they are men, in general, of matnre ag ea e t . le •he 4,, e , of nee r an office which required a practical tr 4 4 ,1 4 .1 4,41 affairs. (Hear.) And in spite of ) 'lth 'lite' en ergY of They . are professional men, or merchants-men of gr h Itei l , ' aqb o lellt Milit the noble duke, Ido net believe great sense and capactty in many instances-but men who did not devote their attention exclusively to public i t c o aff I f th - e ffß e . r tlinat e avY knowledge to enable him to con-Libido ' i t 'do true in officers of his department, and to keep and who had not from their youth been trained 0 1, I 8 athe discharge of their public duty. But nettle •.. ti t 4 tik 8 civil . b • ss And I must here observe that the instances P are t4 O qofii you lan, was to undertake military con et N ee 9es t ol Whether it was not necessary that the du- very few in which a man who entered Parliament for the first at a mature age raised himself there to any very h d position. I may be told that many of these tit ' L lot ', l)s trati e na „ 9 " li atelY under him, and connected with • 4 rl , ' v 'th •- ° f w should be filled bpersons eon tt eth Indite, ar, y dsmisatrlegrmbsoreoughsstillremain but I think it will be ad tie 'lee, 0 p o e te rY affairs? (Hear hear.) Now let us 111 i :tad that, among the voters . t ro ts vi a we ethe ul of the Ordnance-office. lam not now boroughs, there prevails of independence, ' even in those smaller a certain degree lli (41 r• m e j faillt ror not the original constitution of the which, although it will not prevent them from supporting the w ell ~.•3 ' fos Y • But it is the office on which the a mem'bei of the most influential family in their neighbour- Itti;r w erkie su pplies of war munitions, and upon hood, induces them to resist any attempt to impose upon mere stranger. The result is, that the number of 'lt er l eeie e "g e pf which depends the whole question of h 1 , th e i .9 . et ie . ablafaet or i, _ , iv conducted or not. Well, the P t ttit - Itto r : °f the Ordnance (Lord Raglan) was . away . r em son a inelified by previous training for the duties of Go vsernmsent is smaller at present than it was before the paossse ee.tetee, , and it was found necessary to appoint a in; of the Reform Bill. I state this merely for the purpose oecorrecting those exaggerated representations of the riot '4llll4s Th e pal of the Ordnance to perform part of the character of an evil of which so many persons are now co _ r i ti; 11 1 -, tn n iT e e of Surveyor -General is vacant, and, I as . ' d uty, " Pre of Co Y. Then sent time there is no p the plaining, and in some respects complaining very justly. I the relile t elo eo pr,4 l there is the Clerk of Ordnance, am s erson perform till per ectly certain of this, that if there be in either tin the House i l, 3 1 1 43, the eative of the departmi7.House of Parliament any man who shows ability and an can explain and enforce his heek lie, ma the mouthpiece of the i ,l aptitude for business-who views-whatever may be his birth or his orizin, or le ' hi e th a t eee connected with military stor e s.' By n nister who ex aptitude . there is no Minister, whether Whig. Tory, his count. xlen"- will not accept his aid, and lit gel a 0 ti ere "tee been filled in former times ? Beemy or Radical . , who . speedily the Crown if he should hey els ete. be General command of the army (Lord Hai.- * th"'n, by ,`,eneral Peel, General Cox, and other_ a which devolves mi- welcome him into the service of think fit to undertake the thanklessduty ) 1 1 , 4 of t p t l, P t the of whom was . Colonel Dunne. InY l it s ' e rlt ° s ' u ° commencement of the present war the on a servant of the Crown. (Hear,. hear . , .But so strong hary of th tliPl te e elat e a Ordnance was never held by any but is the feeling in the country against placing inexperienced men in high office e that when, a few years ago, I availed, D. Yo b oft re At the commencement of this great war, 1"t ' - Put • - s ho u ld necessarily be doubly active, whom myself le l a 4, lata of the services of several gentlemen of great . ability, previous official training, I was r e, e ver r that responsible situation? Why, you ls p P el a i . e w-° ills e e e e liectable gentleman-an Irishman,. I be- told I had only raised a " squad of raw recruits." I say i 1 De lot 'l ' tint ee otly seen occasion to change his form 441 of. that no minister, be he who be may, can put his finger on h art nis tm erk „ 43 far as I know, when he had been what he may considerthe tei - " e tll• ti; e " wo Ne Ordnance, if he had been told to life, and another most competent men for public ! say to one you must go here," and to 1 i t4 1 4 e ' t 'ollu ° ; l B4, l ` hame found it very difficult to go "you mast go. there ". H e must make his selections from 1 in l a i,.. It ti ,"% ti,`'''' .- -.(he r 1 lachter)-and who cer th '-'' slipe aql -'''l ' oo a th and ilitar matters. his political adherents ~ he must make his selections from Batt h e al it aq r i c l i a quke the about 11 _ 1 those only among eyen his own adherents who are in these po ll • 'te for War y was not sition to take'offi . ce, and who h aye qualified for is ;Xepot' f e e : tile ere.(thaee : ° ' ; w, es iteMinister l a th r e more necessary desirous its dutiee. I make to.statement because lam e ie Th - ; .-nt of the m eta re e i tar not a . m eat - 'oist .-0 r , - lo the 3: assistan . t and adViser? And of correcting the exag e l r s a s te:l e opinions which are In of mister le the una ue 'e htstory of this countr the entertained with regard to the exaggerated of a minister, and • e te e a Wit r . e Il e , ° office the person to represent y ' the possibility of a minister's carrying nut his own wishes. "til l roes of -' i s a use of Commons'the commence- 1 say _it is . • eel k Pea, ci vil . at the duty of a minister, with regard to Yth• ''y a • !'. it haze dan fillin g a position which, even every without to lite seal talltarald artment in Parliament or out of Parliament, to r. .3' rn:„ always been - held essential ahead select, partiality or fear or favour, the individual t ell ° l Ene e oftes nB " th --n • (tdear. Ido not wish to say of e e e 'At e ' e nder ; gentleman who' was removed from 8 whose services he can secure, and who, in his ju•lgnene, is fitted for any particular off ce. That is the prin r e i r o p c l i e .. eilt eee t n e ron eB ° '• de pot ecret ee _ tisa P which le which 1 am afraid, without citing instances which is laid down by my noble friend ; and e . in the Colonial Department he e etai e gent e 'illit 1 Y re ° '• the War Minister in the House -followed either 'ade e h' e rati e `'L ?l e tr . ,:s i t say that I know nothing in the P would be invidious, has not been always ent or by any Govern by her Majesty's present Government 'Nit could abi lity__T el , -4 gentleman no doubt of very (Hear, and - laughter.) But 'ta th 411 aff • rso( ler 1, - Ku oa r nothing in his antecedents I asked why we bring forward ths motion now; and it h 0 'se 411.8 in - ' l4l Pee l• c ' to explain :we are anent that has preceded . them. there was this Oa k G see th e Hoe u lady qualified lle glee veselltat' "Se of Commons, or to so a t s thewere all d ed those privations en ur h 1 ,4 h geti , r.) T lve of the W a r Minister in that great suffering-there is said, "True, there was this great neglect-there P 4 wer e '0 p w ' eelect the have been by our My noble •N I e 0 0t Int 0 ,,, se cases because we . the present, Government." le par' ',eta Out Put e i t ",‘ any instances in which the rig friend ht late, and not under troops-but recollect all that took lace under the tethlsri, of P a i. ue right plces' I will not go to de-the present re , -e eted e et a nd r iatnent-I will . fi m self to those time 'with the exception of my noble friend, firm with the the Minister of War undoubtedly stands clear , pa Att, e4 with th to th e ease of con i ne y en inireediately H r y and a laugh.) But the noble earl tii r s te e 'l fr isf ,, t he ut e le G e ° , v ertlinent gen l t l em ilshow that in old partners. ( ~e a , Government may vet truly be styled a new le glit°-` the --8 " importance -ant will • all de- opposite says, you e elit e Pla te . Prin e to e. you have . sign y within the last three months.' 'lit e . w ith ''' 'thd that of selecting the right men .for things have been done much in consequence of the do not consider what wonderful Earl GRANVILLE -Very ,elee'ids y on a view solely 3t You have not made your appoint leeii.itee shoeed and alone, as my noble friend measures_ it'd of War. Or e 4 3' e o ° f th e nave done, to the exigencies and the ttle that among which were taken by the noble duke the late •L The Earl of DERBY continued -Settle e ik ee. eoh . y ee brpublic service. (Hear.) But it is said le IN Yo t ug th e in g forward this question now? You yourselves. (Laughter.) Government; taiile " at ' en ' voice of l . o u are between • the late and the present matter he cannot 4, 1, Wyk e e fro m a a pub lc meeting , y that view of the .. , I draw no distinctione whatever her Majesty's Ministers ought to I t 'ere b I tali... Of st„ . , a public , meeting, and followingear noble earl concurs In . I) 9eieletib o l , of a`,, "new ; ' and the noble for tho laches of the last three toil , o e6. r ugh , e „ . , h er combination of Lord Derby, be held responsible not o o l avoid acknowledging that i ok e et e ol e e one t h e et e " 1 • Layer]." Now, lam ht Government alone; thee present a ! bear and a laugh.) tNiwithi him' . (He 5 ' t r. LaYard may have thoug imt : r o e t : r dealin with the late n are one and the same. There months, but . for those of last two years. You r ud ce, ar, the late advisers of the Crown N. 'Mese ' 8 c'f theMy acquamsacrifices made in the case have, no doubt, been rim. I belie eoe s e e slightst possible character. Unen tel e ef 4 , ve , have never had an communication with of fact no radical change e'l we. ',Mit, he has constituter] himself the represents- thrown . overboard ; but, in point of .s e 101 l i g whi ch . individual Ministerase.mTeheerwe.have been some few Jonases li lt k i ,la th e .is very powerful in the country, .effected.n' what ( ear.) Well has e ' , te e oee n i _ , main ; ' 3 a just feeling • but I think that nitration has been in either the construction or the pelicy 0: 4,, te:iki,_°o_ into an intemperance' of language, andon which takenir came down to this house upon the very y t e t, e 'le i •eil t tpl u i . hasty and sweeping charges which he 1` 4 4 , 1 t b e il o le loodl bstantiate. I cannot, help considering, place within the I:st few days? The Minister at which he a it a°4 t 4 him self, with the • l 'Ye vehemence has moved this evening, and said, Why, eeyarnoble friend gave notice of thrs resolutions I meant to pro ere, ae e ,, h ie _ ea ,wi impu . al the day teter:l ee . right, lathe racter, to the pursuit of that which . are to come on for &sens e et! she et i ell u e e has suffered himself to be led into . which these resolutions pose a measure of greatadministrative reform on . tie' ee, en guac'e d • •and intima- 8 - 1 • i n I was going to give a notice to that effect this very •ut t , jt h ,Were not . ,an into expressions . sm . upon very unfortunate, no e ar ef nie tio o. borne out by facts, and which could evening." (Laughter.) ie do e ? for e e (Rear, hear.) With all my respect,which he was te reed r• La, .. . ointed ; but, in the difficult positio t n in ue his doubt, that the noble baron lt sh w o a u s ld . h . avebeen thus diaap te e h , ree _ yards abilities, Ido not hold myself, great mem att'''alit resolte'e noble friend, nor any of those who concur Pplaced, he thought it advisable to pas .po te ' '' tat °f th at "le, responsible for any act, or word, or au of my noble it 4 t tle p es t). ~, gentleman nor is there the slightest con- pronounced your decision upon the resoluticee re of administrative reform until your . lordships had. 1. h e ers nn. "Y noble friendand Mr. L ard or any of A lt e ok , a 3vh, . aY . friend. But began upon her Majesty's Ministers Of Js lity,' l4 earl 'Re opinions Mr. La and represents. But as this. The pressure. there is another House of Parliament as well OePobe' qev ere ° PPosite and the other members of her so large a stock le e ltli ~,e fe e e Mont. were ta say that those demonstrations bead of the Government, not having quite to grow a little inconvenient ; and the noble lord at the fe'te''.lst h i n n g which We witness in every quarter, and ofpatience as the t measure day to which the announcement of the 'Os 11 ' i Tl a 've reached the Ministers themselves, have the . grea therefore, Minister of War, could not wait for 1 41 4 o h s b i ro on the words of myself or of my noble of the noble lord, his collehgu , te e 04 t e u h t f anticipates the statement 44 *la tie of a dministrative reform was postponed. He,. . e t 44 car t° conf,,,, g forward these resolutions, lam not Of Ihk Ch bee „,- noblelords opposite reform. (Hear, hear.) I speak with all administrative ''' - '''' B that hi t ltelth disregard of our views if they think that wewhich D ell t h , r g ods .. R eate , gard or with neglect on thein ' men 6f (a laugh)-but I must ne e eet 'alled e ' 1 Public feeling, which has . led - dcations respect of what has occurrediLanother place, h, lo t 15 riv ate eenaracter, engaged in the discharge of im- ushered in in a manner el e o t e a eY p art ties,_ and who ordinarily shrink from of administrative reform were be permitted to observe that I think these great measures I Jlli ee abeee o lti Public discussions-which has led thesehowever, to be a Hear,and lac liter.) It turned out,. . ti:„ t4 ,l„ l4t o th: i te r a time their usual avocations, and to ( which bears somewhat the appearance of a coup d'etat. de te rra-(renewe d 13.0 eh: eo e , e 2Oce re Tamil of a public contest. I cannot look coup elsewhere the art of a certain political character l As "'ry at any such feeling prevailing throughout terre on l a ughter) -rivalling those' coups de h o 'orf • I can • I rd-P Ma 'est 's b which her.l 3' (hearhi or th e nuot think that it is safe for your o On Friday last, of course by mere . ✓a sh' h ear t l , _Rouse of Commons, or for an parties amused. a (Laughter.) house of Parha gears ' 5 kJoris er • . inthis country- accident, gentleman got up in the other . lie subjects were so recently ' e est „_ , i ) e .. eto .„ are Conservative principle. indifferent to, inert and professed e r ‘ a e fo ' r ee s t eei t o ne g_ard, or to appear to he We at the head of her Majesty . attachment 's Government and a prodigious ti e u a fh t ,, 4 °rh e nB , O l public feeline. (Hear, hear.) of his Administration; but . he devotion to the service great to the noble viseo . unt e s' IN evessin' ,and perhaps we h b ave forborne too long, `c't• t 5 r• pr e i our opinion with regard to the conduct of course of the teeloll;eibarraus"° been led to do so by an earned desire stated he bad been a little disappointed in the tatee that "he could not, at the same time, help saying O hara eo de r i_ 3 her Uajesty'a Government and more es- Majesty p s late ' * e etg th e ent seemed to be little better than her last three months by the circumstance that the resent Go progress of '. • viscount And after an exhortation to the noble ft e i eret,4 "rtutiatel been b thoseclose. Rather advisers." negotiations which e , re e _ ras e the Government Y, Fought to a sir learli nsulerablevernm t ak ‘Etti,e h ave e in such a critical state . of• thqove let b e i e e, Perhaps, exposed ourselves to the len to do something to retrieve his character, he concluded tbot in me° e apathetic and indifferent, and we seem " Arise, awake, or be for ever fallen," with this sublime adju , ation to the dang • conclusion Dreae a gitati " l ent there 14% l et , _on ,),,,,. partyls no hopefor th e :M u , s and that by ( Great He heard and was abashed 1 and up he sprung leughter.) To proceed with the quotation- I tele e ,`,' ll th e Ab of doors they must produce that iin ttletei t rlvey ee 'Tovernme n t which would be more leti-found b whom they dread, t "%se burolleh the two houses of the Legislature. ‘''l Vie ' Ph ° h6ll Upon the wing ; as when men, wont to watch, t. on,. , tight r the same opinions with me, think of the moment, 4. 10 11 5 th e , not by oe ,, „ el , t laughter)-and upon the spur and t i s l ay th P e °Ple of ..• •eice el encoueage e g . ,th rowth -(renewe•l laug Reuse and bestir themselves ere well awake" o tee. t s ee - opinions so dangerous to the institu- wit ou House of the house, touched by this t t ;"erit, '' 4 3r Th a t I• (Hear, hear.) But when I say that, ' tion for the adjournment -(ereat Id perhaps rather say " Reed" , I 'h - t notice to the of Commons, upon a m re e , arml concur in all the views, in all the sea- ' magic wand-I shoe ele •l a n all t it %t ele.. t t e lt he expressions which have been put laughter)-the sleeping beautyrouses herself from the slum she been len e i s ttqt wh.talrailar character Heer, ant a laugh.) I buried, dreaming i °ow e' ef a . great meeting in the Cit or at other hers in which for seven times seven years . had herself all the time as to arrangements should have `ltri e (I PPevi te t I have said to excite ' the' laughter Of noble how it was poesibie that ancient %e m ote eepr • I say thee Ido not concur inartillery from the Commander all the sen- continued to separate the and puzzling ti el'eet ' i 4 : r e ellel eß Z l ''.'' tho 4e meetin s. But I look upon in-Chief. (Renewed laughter.) For seven times seven - ee r - 'seti ete a e -e as indications of a g deep-rooted feeling of years that has been the waking dream, the perpetual e oree l i loleut i t thehe head of' her Majesty's mismahrtgement of her Majesty's puzzle of the noble viscount at v or another, in the 1 , 441 t:„ 1. 4 . 6,1 a . e ,‘,`" l e,ar, beer.) In metters of what may be i Government. But, some how -4s t' -' t he purel y mercantile character mercantile men course of these seven times seven years it never oc deeae•lsfeetorii public busiiresa has been conducted most curred to h im to reduce the phantom of his imagination at te with 4 , , Y, and that much more might have been the in. to a reality. (Laughter.) Animated, however,. by ‘lii ' t t ? ' 4l fle lll9ell mnaller expenditure But I must say, spiration of his Parliamentary Mentor, it suddenly struck qo e lifeeeioatthae, that I believe many persons, in their the noble viscount, that if they oughtn tto be separated, tet e e pra eet, at the mismanagement of her Majesty's elee eb eor iele . nave been led.l . 'there was no reason why they should.henot now be coi•e to wrong and exagge- biped ; and, acting upon the idea, IN% tile 14 " ls with the causes of the evils 1 place,Ordnance° Depart he tge h,, , , , , ar e eo nox. respect t o and. proposed to band over the • th e R YBt4 l ,, 'Loon the Sill Vs. to . re + ne t te t • . not the ' The' liner len- ; ment to the Minister of War, and to place artillery the _ men but I under the control of the Corral-I:lender-in-Chief. (Hear, till o sprunc , up in his 4igliwklle that i 3 te 1 : 11 42 3'. e t • lg t t a gO l •n• l 3 s ltersions attribute 1 a laugh.) With respect to the proposition itself, I shall ''thar,-""eaci;" evil to the n a onopOly of ()veil' office of j merely observe that I consider it to be my duty to re tt o," te t v that e molument by the aristocracy ; w hil e , until it is before us in detail before I make any remark e % 4t ti Lt is adl owing to an adherence to routine, i with re ference to it. Certain I am, however, that e til e Until is is got rid of there ORM be no hope for I Mini s t er o f War can have no objection to the respite 1 1 ' ‘191.3 I wieh to eat a few MI6 spoil the i. has 00403 with respect to the cievelophient of the plans . THE SUN - , LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 15, 1855. cient state. The noble earl is not quite correct, however, in stating that the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance was left without the powers which the Master-General possessed. I am certain that he was appointed under the impression that he would have precisely the same powers which Lord Raglan had, and, if any of his powers should prove defi cient, that they should be made up by the assistance which the Government would render him. The noble earl also commented upon the appointment of Mr. Monsell to the office of Clerk to the Ordnance, and remarked upon the circumstance of his change of religion, as if that had any thing whatever to do with his suitableness for the office. I cannot see what it has to do with it, and, for myself, I should just as much consider that it fitted a person for the post as that it disqualified him. Now, with reference to myself, I wish to say that neither in this house nor any where else will I accept any praise for'assiduity and labour. Assiduity and labour are the duty of every man who under takes an office in the Government; and I do nothing but my duty in bestowing every portion of my time to the exe cution of my duty; and if the noble earl can substantiate that in the performance of those duties I stood in the way of others wh could have executed there much better and that, in fact, I was a badadministrator of the office which I held, then I say that no labour or assiduity elhich I be stowed should be viewed as a makeweight for any defi ciency of which I might have been guilty. (Hear, hear ) The noble earl said that we ought never to have under taken the expedition to the Crimea, if, having undertaken it, we had not taken precautions to render our proceedings effective. That opinion of the impolicy of going to the Crimea is one, however, which has arisen out of the cir cumstances of the case, and not from any feeling which was formed at the time. I appeal to your lordships whe ther, when Parliament met in December, we heard any thing of the impolicy of t ha.taexpeilition to the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) What was the attack which the noble earl made upon us then ? It was that we had not from the commencement of the war formed our plan, and that the Crimea was an after thought, taken up at Varna when the siege of Silistria was raised. That it was which formed one of the principal points of his accusation against the Government at that time; and it is only now, when it is thought that the expedition may not be attended with success, that the noble earl and others becomeso wise after the fact. (Hear, hear.) It is not fair, then, for the noble earl, after his organs of the press spoke of impeaching the Government for not undertaking it before, to turn round upon us now, and to state that the expedition was im politic because it had not been attended with success. If the noble earl can substantiate that when the expedition was undertaken there was no providence, no means for accomplishing the object, in view, he would establish a case against the Government. But is that so? The noble earl said that in my evidence before the committee I stated that we expected to take Sebastopol by a coup de main, and that I did not contemplate a siege. The noble earl is ' not correct in his version of my evidence. What I said was, that I expected to be in possession of Sebastopol long before it would be necessary for the army to go into win ter quarters. So far from not contemplating a siege and not making provisions for it, two effective and complete battering trains were sent out, and were in Lord Raglan's possession when he undertook the expedition ; and from the very first every effort was made to provitie the army with the means of carrying on a siege. (Hear.) The noble lord says , that we made no provision for the com forts of the men that we sent out no huts and no warm clothing. Undoubtedly, the huts were not ordered until after it became evident that the place would not be taken except by a long siege • but I must contradict t he statement that no w arm c l o thing was provided for the army. So early as the month of August a large quantity of woollen clothing of every description, addi tional warm clothing, both under and upper, extra great coats to go over the ordinary greatcoats, and a variety of things of that description to an enormous amount, were sent out—a large portion of them before we heard of the re sult of the siege. But if the noble earl means that we did not send out in the middle of summer that large quantity of sheepskins and furs which we sent out subsequently, un doubtedly the noble earl is correct. It is incorrect and most unfair towards me to represent that I have ever al lowed to drop from me in conversation, much less in any speech in Parliament, or in any public capacity, one word derogatory to the character of any officer in that army. (Hear.) I'have never thrown discredit upon any officer, least of all upon my noble and gallant friend whoholds the chief command in the Crimea. The noble earl says the Government is to blame for not making the railway sooner, and to support the charge he refers to the answer of Sir John Burgoyne, given before the Seb asto p ol Committee, to what I must trm a silly question—whether it would not have, been a great advantage to have had the railway in October. Of course, Sir John Burgoyne said it would. It would have been a great advantage if we bad found a railway already there. It would have been a great advan tage if we had had a railway all the way, and other things equally impossible would as certainly have been advanta geous. Remember where this railway is applicable. From Balaklava to Sebastopol. And what was the intention when the troops landed at Old Fort? It was agreed by the generals and by the Government that Sebastopol should be attacked on the north side, and it was only after the Battle of the Alma that Lord Raglan and General St. Arnaud determined on the flank march which led to Balaklava, and subsequently to our laying siege to the south side of Sebastopol. Is not this a specimen of how accusations are cast upon those who have the management of the war? (Hear.) And when the noble earl says the railway might as well have been sent in the month of October as in the month of April, I beg he will recollect that I sent for Sir M. Peto at the end of November, and that the rail way was sent out in the beginning of December. (Cheers.) The noble earl who brought forward his motion condemned the Govern ment for not being in a position to move the army at once when it landed at Varna. The provision for laud trans port requires a considerable time, and I am convinced if, at the commencement of the war, it had been proposed to the House of Commons to organise the transport corps which I had the honour of providing through the instru mentality of that gallant officer ColonelM`Murdo' it would have been laughed at as an extravaga nt and absurd, though perhaps it would have been the wisest and molt judicious, step that could have been taken. (Hear, hear.) When the army moved to Yana, on the special requisi tion of Omer Pacha, at the very earliest possible moment, before all the troops had arrived at Scutari from England, it is an undoubted fact that there were not sufficient ani mals to enable the army to advance from Varn a to Si listria.' The noble earl does net maintain that the army • should have remained at Scutari, but approves the order to move from Scutari to Varna. That advance to Varna was made with a double object—to give a moral as well as a material assistance to Oozier Pacha, and I have no hesi tation in saying that i t was one of the main causes of rais ing the siege of Silistria, although up to army hail not become a m oveable army. (Cheers.at time the ) Go vernments may have neglected to put the s i g ht men in the right places, but no Government would recognise for one moment the principle that any one but the best men should be appointed, and every one would admit that the Go vernment which had appointed unfit men to high office had grossly neglected its duty. The noble earl who opened the debate has laid the blame upon the Reform Act, in havine effected a change in t h e composition of the House of b Commons. I think that complaint its to a certain extent correct, but not in the particular point alluded to. A system has grown up of lat years which has acted most prejudicially providing men fit for holding office. The greatest part of our mercantile men refuse for two causes to undert o ake offices of State ; the first is that they are unwilliiic, to abandon their private career andaleprive their fa the the large and honourable gains they acquire ; and_ in regard t o rt second is that they are reluctant to leave duties and avo cations that are agreeable to them, seeing ten dency there is to heap obloquy upon every man of se eve a Fy e side of the house and of every party who may a rt K o the discharge of public duties. There are numbers who are perfectly qualified to take a part in the conduct of pub lic affairs, and I shall rejoice, whenever a general electiou shall occur, to sea a large increase in the number the growingof such men sent into the House of Commons. But there is a growing practice among constituencies not to look among men whom they know to be of proved qua lifications and character, but to look up to clubs and co teries in London, to recommend them men who are parti sans of one body or another, and who sit and give a silent vote for their party, instead of doing honour to the con stituency which returns them. As long as constituencies pursue this course, and apply one party to the Carlton Club and another to the Reform Club for members,L so long shall we have men of mediocrity prepared to give silent and tacit votes instead of men whose minds are pre pared for the performance of great public duties, and from whom a Minister might select the officers of his Govern ment. From that body alone the high political officers must be selected. My lords, I hope that these discussions will not lead men to think that we are a beaten nation— cleeers)---that we are incapable of the great deeds by which our forefathers have distinguished themselves ; that our bravery is the same, and the quality of our soldiers is improved, but that in other respects we have deteriorated. My lord-, I believe nothing of the kind. (Hear.) It may be said that we began the siege of Sebastopol in Septem ber, but, looking at the position of the allied forces and of the enemy, is it so unfavourable to us, and so:fa vourable to him? (Hear, hear.) We have placed a pressare on the internal organisation of Russia that is beginning to tell. Russia is suffering severely from the drain of men, and the feelings of the people towards the Sovereign power are undergoing a change. Is it not true that we have sopped the direct commerce of Russia? that we have swept from the sea every ship that she possessed? that her great vessels of war are either sunk at Sebastopol or lucked up or rotting in the harbours of Cronstadt and Helsingfors ? We have effected a lodgment on her shores, and by God's blessing we may soon be in a position to dictate such a peace as will be alike honourable to this country and will insure the attainment of those great objects for which the war was undertaken. (Hear.) the g r p T a h t : n r eh e w a e p s pie : G ur u e r The Marquis of CLANRICARDE (who was greeted with a general cry of " Question 1") said that if by any misfortune these resolutions were carried that night the most injurious effect would be produced abroad ; and he therefore trusted that their lordships would reject them by a large majority. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY believed that the present resolutions were brought forward with the view of testing the strength of parties in that house, and had no doubt that those who supported them did so with a desire to change the Government. Under these circumstances, while he wished it to be distinctly understood that he did not rise as the advocate or one of the retainers of the noble lord who held the office of Premier, at the same time he felt that, the honour and dignity of the Crown and the de termination of the country to maintain its position as a great empire being now concerned, it would have been a dereliction of duty on his part to remain on the cross s ud on l adt under rue their and r duty great t r t arty yiydfs forward struggles t aw : n et .htuit re g l (ti g i l eb e ea s yfa f tn o hd r benches. If their lordships would not show to the world r t sf h ue aware, a e r m ef disturbed r e o xi t b ha i en t exhibition public of dangerous party power in a momentous crisis of our history, they would be e : o ole v ei le end r d adm, n i nhe a m ai t ai r r pv e i :Da: also e to w uai d uss h tg c i o c ib n h u t eon, amid meet ingsstateth; a a t u s d ve w re as b i e t in l g ik h e e ly ld th in at fa t v h o e u v r i o e f w a s d p m a in t greatth coun try.at n er g e r u m e noble earl (Lord Ellenborough) and his fr • ends that night would at all satisfy the feeling out o f doors friends ques tion? Could the noble lords opposite produce a on this Government whose talent, ability, and experience would hold out, to the country the hope that its affairs would be better conducted in the present emergency than they were at present? Hehim self wished to see well-considered ref all the administrative departments of the into State, having confidence in th e a bilit y o f the noble but, not earl . opposite and his supporters t o carr y ou t t h ose reforms a satisfac tory manner, he w o uld o pp ose the resentli P The Marquis of LANSDOWNE__ motion. I rose for the purpose of making some observations more than once within the last half hour, but most glad. was Ito g ive way to the noble mar quis, whom, I hope, I friend, may bePe althou g h I cannot rmittecr to call my noble him claim any political relations with. I was glad also to • give way to my noble friend the noble duke on the bench below me, much more able, and much more entitled than myself to • give explanations upon the parti • cular acts connected with the depa rtments over which he for so • MO t ime Folded, and for overi Vie w hlQb of the Government upon the subject of military reform. (A. laugh.) I cannot, however, give her Alajesty's Minis ters mush credit for the zeal which they have for the last few days exhibited in connection with the subject, inas much as I think they have been much quickened into action by the hints which they lately received. (Hear, hear.) I have a great respect for the deference which they have shown to public opinion, but I trust that they will carry that deference to a somewhat mare considerable ex tent than was manifested by the announcement of the noble viscount at the head of the Government in the other House of Parliament. I entertain some doubts with respect to the wisdom and the prudence of making such a change with regard to the Ordnance Department as is pro posed, more especially unless the machinery which is to be called into action with that change is well arranged. I hail the proposition, however, as an evidence of increased activity upon the part of her Majesty's Ministers, and of deference to the well-expressed feelings of growing dis satisfaction and discontent which prevail throughout the country. (Hear, hear.) But, at the same time, I must say that in my opinion that increased defererce to public opinion and that increased activity upon the part of the Government have not been a little stimulated, not only by what has occurred out of doors, but by the hint which the resolutions of my noble friend :near me con vey. (Hear, hear.) One word more before I sit down. The noble earl opposite has referred to the probable effect of the adoption of these resolutions upon the Government. Ht: says he thinks that nothing can be more unsatisfactory than constant changes of government, and says that fre quent alterations df policy are a great evil to the country. I am of the same opinion ; but I must add, that I wish. the noble earl and those who act with him had taken, at the close of the year 1852, similar views upon that subject to which they now give expression.• (Hear, and a laugh.) I am sure they will do those who sit upon this side of the house the justice to consider that, however agreeable the position which her Majesty's ministers, as a general rule, occupy, may be, the recent position of affairs renders the task of endeavouring to discharge the various functions of the public service one which any man would desire to be spared. I beg to say—although I cannot deny that the motion under which the present government has conducted the operations connected with the war—l beg to say, and I do so with the utmost sincerity, that I should very much regret that the consequence of the success of the motion should be the imposition upon noble lords sitting upon this side of the house of the responsibility of administering the affairs of the country at a moment so critical as the pre sent. Ido not admit, however, that the position of affairs now is precisely the same as it was when I myself, from a sense of public duty, was called upon to decline that re sponsibility of forming a government with which her Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust me. In the first place, there were then negotiations pending of the utmost delicacy and perplexity; and to interfere with the pro gress of these negotiations by any change of Government might have been productive of the most serious conse quences. On public grounds, therefore, a complete change in the administration at the time of which I speak would undoubtedly involve much inconvenience, and would be exceedingly dangerous to the country. It also happened that the noble viscount now at the head of the Govern ment enjoyed at that time the advantage of great prestige throughout the country, and he, of all men, was then deemed to be the best qualified of any of our statesmen to conduct the public affairs with vigour, firmness, decision, and energy. That feeling prevailed to such an extent that I am perfectly confident that no admi nistration could be formed in February last of which the noble viscount was not a member, which would not be ac cused of having kept oat of office that man in the country who was the most competent to be at the, head of affairs. I hope it is not being disrespectful to the noble viscount to say that the prestige to which I have referred has since considerably diminished, and that the warmth and fervour of that admiration which the country entertained for him have fallen down, if nut to zero, at all events to a tempera ture much lower than that at which they some time since stood. (Hear, and a laugh.) I am not sure that if the country was now to lose his services it would be inclined to regard that loss as irreparable, or that without hisaid it would be impossible that the business of the public service could be efficiently conducted. (Hear, and laughter.) But the noble earl opposite says, " we do not mind the effect of those resolutions so far as the Government is concerned, but just consider the effect which they are calculated to produce upon foreign countries." The noble earl seems to imagine that the consequence of the success of my noble friend's motion will be that foreign nations will be brought to look upon England as possessing no great resources for the prosecution of the war ; that encouragement will be afforded to the peace party in France ; that that country would be rendered indisposed to continue her alliance with us, and that Russia would gain confidence when she be came aware of how we ourselves were inclined to disparage the means at our disposal. Ido not exactly know what the noble earl supposes the consequences would be in the case of Austria, but Prussia he appeared to think would avail herself of passing of these resolutions to take a course inconsistent with our interests. The noble earl has abstained, however, from pointing ont a single word in these resolutions which could make the impression or bear out the views which he has represented to the house. France, my lords, we recognise with the highest gratification as our ally. The perfect understanding which sarbsiats between her and this country we hold to be fraught with advantages, not alone to us, but to the future interests of other nations. The noble earl com mitted a great mistake when he says that by these resoln tions we seek to disparage the resources of England. We do not do that, my lords ; we seek to disparage only the manner in which those resources have been husbanded and applied. (Hear, hear.) We draw a distinction between England and her Majesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) And if, by disparaging the conduct of the latter, we can incite them to the display of fresh energy and activity in the future conduct of the war, we need not for a moment ap prehend that the consequence will be that our friendly re lations with any great power will thereby be in the smallest degree interfered. (Hear, hear.) It is my lords, because I hold that—as the noble lord had said--the greater por tion of these resolutions consists of truisms which cannot be controverted—truisms which it is aosolutely necessary to place upon record upon the solemn declaration of the parliament of this country—embodying our determination to prosecute the war with all the energy in our power and to adhere to our alliance with France—it is, I repeat, be cause I hold that these resolutions give expression to those sentiments, and because they declare your lordships' opinions, ann unced in this house, to be in conformity with the just feelings of your fellow-subjects, that I give my support to the motion which has been made by my noble friend. Whether he succeeds or does not, in carry ing these resolutions, I rejoice that while we, the members of the great Conservative party, are anxious to maintain the institutions of this country, we do not set at nought, the manifestation of public feeling, but that, while de sirous of co-operating with that feeling to the fullest extent to which we can go, we do not seek to implicate ourselves in the extravagances into which it is sometimes betrayed. (Cheers ) The Duke of NEWCASTLE, who at the commence ment of his speech was very imperfectly heard, in con sequence of the noise occasioned by a number of peers' quitting the house, said, —mot appears to me that the rea sons which have been assigned by the noble earl who last addressed the house for supporting these resolu tions are so unsound that they will fail in inducing many of your lordships who usually act with the noble earl from giving the resolutions that assent which he is prepared to give to them. The noble earl said that, al though he must admit the resolutions did, in some sense,, bear the construction of a vote of censure upon the Go vernment, be would feel deep regret if they should have the effect of displacing the 'Government from office. Now, I must contend that, if thee() are the opinions of the noble earl, he ought not to support the resolutions. If the two noble earls opposite believe conscientiously that, by the displacement of the present Government from office, and by themselves assuming—by the grace and favour of the Sovereign—the management of pablio affairs, they would be able to conduct the war with increased energy, and so to promoto the public welfare, I think they would be per fectly justified in bringing forward and supporting these resolutions • but I must say that if the mot ion is brou g ht forward, not ' with the view of displacing the Government, but of rendering what some noble lord asserts to be a weak Government still weaker, it is not a course worthy of the Peers of England at a moment like the present. Unless the object is to displace the Government, I see no patriotic grounds for supporting the resolutions. The noble earl expressed some surprise that the two members of her Ma jesty's Government who have spoken did not enter into any detailed defence of the conduct of the war • but I think it must have been evident to the noble earl that those noble lords did not enter into such a defence because no case had been set up on the other side which it was necessary for them to answer. Accustomed as I have been, not merely since I have had a seat in this house, but for many years previously, to listen with the greatest interest to the speeches of my noble friend who brought forward those resolutions, I must say that I never heard any speech of his which seemed to me so deficient in strength as that to which I listened this evening. It appeared to me to be entirely defective with regard to all those great attributes which distinguish his speeches. The noble earl did not bring forward in his usual concise and consecutive order such facts es he is accustomed to place before the house, nor did he state to the house those clear and logical deductions which on former occasions he has ad duced from the facts he has brought forward. Having listened attentively to the noble earl, and to my noble and gallant friend who spoke at considerable length, I must say that, with the exception of the anecdotes which my noble friend narrated, and one of which I may observe was utterly and entirely inaccurate—(a laugh)—l am un able to fix upon anything tangible in their speeches. Nor do I think the noble earl who last spoke has materially improved the case as it was left by his predecessors. The noble earl has occupied the greater part of his speech in referring to the doctrines of that association which has yet to be formed, and of which he has professed himself in somewhat hesitating terms a disciple, though certainly to a more limited extent than the noble earl who brought forward the reselutians ; but, beyond this, he seems to me to have confined himself to one single point—the policy of the expedition to the Crimea. I had hoped that I might have been spared the necessity of alluding to any matter personal to myself, but a noble earl opposite stated, cer tainly in terms of very great courtesy and kindness, that he could not agree in approving what has been called my "commendable ambition" in taking upon myself the ma nagement of the War Department. I will not on this occasion go over that painful ground, but I may remind the noble earl and the house that in the month of February I commented upon those very words, and I stated expli citly to the house—and my statement has never been con troverted—the precise circumstances under which I as sumed the office. The noble earl has laid considerable stress upon the point that the management of the war was placed in fny hands, I being a civilian,—as if it had not been, I may say, a c onstitutional doctrine in this country that the management of the War Department should be in the hands of- a civilian. At any rate, that has been the invariable practice. While the Commander-in-Chief of the army is of course a military man, the Secretary of State has invariably been a civilian. But the noble earl maintained, this being the case, that I ought to have had the assistance of competent military men. Now, no one has more readily exp ressed concurrence in that sen timent, both in this house and elsewhere, than myself. It must be remembered, however, that we have to consider not merely who shall occupy military offices in this country, but who shall command your army in the Crimea. lam sure my noble friend the Commander-in-Chief will bear me out when I say that for a long time I hesitated to con cur in the recommendation that my deeply-lamented friend Sir G. Cathcart should be appointed to a command in the Crimea. And why? Because I felt it of the utmost possible importance to me that I should have the advice and assis tance of such a man at home. At the same time, as it was the greatest possible object that Lord Raglan should have hi s aid in the Crimea in the command of a division, I felt it to he my duty, upon a balance of arguments, to place him at Lord Raglan's disposal. The noble earl went on to say that tha °ammo Dopartwout was loft in a most WA- „ proxies ... - 71 . 115 Not content, present proxies -181 Majority against the resolutions... 110 The house then adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. acts, I am glad to say, I myself bear an humble share of Go vernment responsibility with him—(cheers) —and, I will add, glad am Ito be responsible with him. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the noble earl who introduced these resolutions, and the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) who supported him, appeared to take different views of the subject of administra tive reform. The latter noble earl disclaimed founding his support of the reso'utions upon that sentiment which is abroad with respect to the administration of public affairs, and which he thought it expedient, far the sake of the present and future Governments, to resist. When he found it as serted in the resolutions, not directly, but by insinuation, that men were selected in this country for public employment with regard to other considerations than the public service, he must be allowed t. ask what it meant ? Did it mean a charge ? If such a charge were brought against any Govern ment, no scruple with regard to men or principles ought to deter any one from distinctly stating who the men were. (Hear.) The noble earl, however, abstained from all particu lar mention of men in the cow se of his resolutions, although he had not done so in the course of his speech. Throughout the whole of the motion the noble lord had, in reference to the motives which induced him to make it, alluded to one man, and that man was Lord Palmerston. (A lau,gh.) The noble earl had referred to some observations made by the late Duke of Wellington with respect to Lord Palmerston, in which the duke was represented as having said that he would not fire large guns at small birds, and he (the noble marquis) might say that Lord Palmerston did not think it worth while, upon a recent occasion, to fire eff his powder at a great bird, although he possibly might have hit his man. (Laughter.) The reason why our army in the Crimea was now in a perfect state of efficiency was, because there had been sufficient time to revive it. From the period of the revo lution down to the present time, in every war in which we had been engaged, the first year, was unsuccessful, and often unsuccessful to a degree infinitely greater than it had been in the case of the present war. The noble marquis then refer red to the expedition which was sent by William 111. over to Ireland under the Duke of Sehomberg, and to the seven years' war, the circumstances attending which bore out his assertion with 1 egard to the hardships suffered during the first year. According to the noble earl (the Earl of Ellenborough) nei ther with a reform Parliament nor.with an unreformed Par ment could any Government of this country hope to carry on the affairs of the nation. He did not doubt the desire of the noble lord to find out the best persons for the best places ; but, with the fairest intentions, it was a popular error to sup pose there existed in this country a reservoir out of which talent could be drawn at any time. Until noble lords opposite could point out the persons who had been appointed from un fair motives, or from any other motive than fitness for their employment, he should continue to think that his noble friend had been actuated in making all their appointments by con siderations for the public good. Another reason why he ob jected to the proposed resolutions was, that they were likely to create an impression in Europe that we were a defeated country. That he wholly denied, and no circumstances had arisen to justify the terms, " general dissatisfaction," used in the resolutions. The result of the war to the present time had, in fact, been to reduce Russia as a naval power to a most con temptible position—to render it, in fact, a nonentity as such, and very greatly to destroy and ruin its trade. Was it not fair, in considering the results of a war, to take into account the losses of the enemy ? If it was, it might be melancholy satis faction for us to know that the loss which Russia had sustained was threefold that of the allies. If we had suffered from want of clothing, transports, &c., Russ a had suffered tenfold more,. He (the noble marquis) held in his hand a paper containing statistics of the very highest authority. The name of the writer he would not state ; but it appeared from the paper , referred to, that, a few days before the death of the Emperor Nicholas, a return was made up, stating that 177,000 Rus siar s had died durin g the present war up to that date ; and by a supplemental return, made some days afterwards, it ap peared that 70,000 more were added to the above list, making a total loss of 247,000 men. The noble earl condemned in general terms the conduct of the war—and the proposed re solutions were thus condemnatory of the French Government ; for he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) could assert that no step had been taken in this War, or expedition planned, that had not been, if not suggested, yet cordially concurred in, by our invaluable ally. He (the Marquis of Lansdowne) could not find out from the speech of the noble earl opposite whether or not he condemned Lord Raglan ; but as nothing was said about it he presumed he did not wish to condemn him, He (the noble marquis) was glad of it, for to Lord Raglan we principally owed the warm attachment and cordial alliance which had sprung up, and through the most trying circum stances continued to exist between ourselves and our allies. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that he should, in re ply, only address himself to two observations which had been made in the course of the discussion—the one by the noble marquis who hadjust sat down, the other by the noble duke op posite (the Duke of Newcastle). He could not allow the noble marquis to say that these resolutions were to the effect that this country was a defeated country. He wholly denied that such was the case. The troops of this country had obtained the greatest glory by their conduct at the battles of Alma and In kerman, and by the magnificent attack of the cavalry at Bala klava. But what he (the Earl of Ellenborough)did say was, that they had been deprived of the advantages of victory by the man ner in which the Government was carrying on the war, and that, as it was now conducted, it was impossible for the troops to gain a decisive success. With reference to what had fallen from the noble duke opposite, to the effect that the house originally made no objection to the expedition to Se bastopol, he (the Earl of Ellenborough) must say that such was not the true facts of the case. That expedition was not known until the sth of August, when they were all out of town. He wrote, however, to the noble earl the President of the Council, and stated fully the nature of his objections to the expedition; and the noble earl told him that he had cir culated his letter among his colleagues. (Hear, hear.) The Government was therefore perfectly aware of his opinions, and the only regret which ho felt was, that he had not returned to town to enforce them more strongly upon the Government. After a few words in explanation from the Duke of NEW CASTLE, which were inaudible in the gallery, Their lordships then divided, when the numbers were Content, present ROUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were real a third time and passed : —Banff, Macduff, and Turriff Rail way,Commercial-road, Cork and Yuughall Railway, Fibre Company, Leomin ster and Ledbury-road, Limerick and Castleconnel way, Manchester Improvement, Renfrew Police and Improvement, South %Vales Railway (Conolidation), Swansea Docks, and Waterford and Limerick Railway. The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Cr.mford and High Peak Railway ; Kingston-upon-Hull. Hussle, and Ferri'lly-road ;_New town and Oswestry Railway, St. Helen's Improvement, Ayr Harbour, and Weston super Mare Gas. PETITIONS. Petitions wera presented by Sir Joshua Walrus ley from Protestant Dissenters of Leicester, for the , abolition of church rates ' • by Mr. Grogan, from a parish in Dublin, against the Maynooth grant : by Lord New port, two petitions from Shropshire, for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. Hadfield, 16 petitions from Chesterfield and other places in favour of the abolition of church rates ; by Mr, Cobden, several petitions from Doncaster, and other places in Yorkshire, for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. A. Pellatt, seven petitions frcin Essex with the same prayer. THE BOARD OF HEALTH. Lord R. GROSVENOR asked the President of the Board of Health whether forms 'were issued to the legally qualified medical practitioners of the metropolis last year, inviting them to fill them up, in order to exhibit the result of the various methods adopted by them for the treatment of cholera ; whether, when those forms were returned, the Medical Council of the Board of Health refused to take cogni sance of any of them, or of any returns of a like nature made by the legally qualified medical officers of any hospital, and, if so, for what reason ? And, if any cor respondence had taken place between the General Board of • Health and any persona complaining of omissions in the report issued by the board, as to the results of cholera treatment ; and, if So, whether he had any objection to lay it upon the table of the house ? Sir B. HALL said after he accepted office he appointed a medical council to assist him. They met for the first time on the 6th September, and forms were sent round to all qualified medical practitioners, but afterwards he was informed that some of them had not sent full reports as to those who followed the homoeopathic system. He could have no objection whatever to lay the returns on the table. BURIAL GROUNDS AT GRANTHAM. Lord W. GRAHAM asked the Secretary iTState for the Home Department on what grounds he had re fused to comply with the request of the parishioners of Grantham, that the right of interment in existing vaults in the parish church should be continued to the proprie tors of the said vaults, the representation for closing the burial ground not having yet been taken into considera tion by the Privy Council ? Sir G. GREY said until the representation of the Secretary of State was taken into consideration by the Council no steps could be taken in such matters. With regard to Grantham, he did not think himself "notified in departing from the recommendation of the medical inspectors. THE VIENNA NEGOTIATIONS. Mr. M. GIBSON wished to know if the noble lord at the head of the Government intended to name any day for discussing the papers laid on the table relative to the Vienna negotiations 7 Mr. LA YARD said before the question was answered he wished to suggest to the noble lord that lie should bring forward his resolutions on Friday or Monday. Lord PALMERSTON said the Government had several' measures of importance in progress. There were the remaining votes of supply, and two or three bills of pressing urgency, and he thought it very unreason able that gentlemen who could give notice for any day of their motions should expect Government to put off their measures. He was sure his right honourable friend (Mr. Gibson) cOuld have no difficulty in doing so, and as for the honourable member for Aylesbury, (Mr. Layard) he must remind him that he offered him a day—(hear)—and an offer once refused could not be re newed. But at the same time the forms of the house did give hon. members a fair opportunity of bringing such motions forward: Mr. DISRAELI apprehended it would be really im possible for the right hon. gentleman (Mr: Gibson) to bring forward his motion for an address to her Majesty unless the Government gave a day for that purpose. tiono _ Now he (Mr. Disraeli) begged to call the attention n i the house to the circumstance that he ba d find any precedent, when Dated, and the table, that the M pa in p i e s rs ter notice to bring before the ho papers, and the conduct now wished to ask the no not d termi 4negobeiaetniollasid upon the hahimeetehlfe shAdjectnnotf given gifotbiaotiodnida ;noatndfeheel bound to do so ? P b f l e tuhs l e ord ne Lord PA LMERS TONo fhon. wishe dthe said he had no wish to thro w of a very pressing nature, an otions or to take the sense of d th i e f atonybrille f d o i r re, :v e a n r t d i n m house on any matter s wou ld be in the po wer of any hon. member who had • o t q uestions to b r ing forward to do so. :P r imp- rtato answer those questions off-hand impossiblewas ie, n but be could OMIUTO Um' right witlitAt 14 -g - - - - hon. gentleman, that as far as was compatible with the forms of public service, there was nothing but willing ness—he might say a debire—that the sense of Parlia ment should be obtained at an early day upon matters of such gre . at importance. Mr. DISRAELI—Then the noble lord does not pro pose to name any day himself ? Lord PALMERSTON—No. ----- REFORM OF CORPORATION OF LONDON. In reply to a question from Mr. LABOITCHERE, Sir G. GREY stated it was the intention of her Ma jesty's Government to introduce a bill for the reform of the Corporation of the City of London at an early day. SANITARY CONDITION OF THE - METROPOLIS. Lord EBRINGTON, having no desire to impede the public business, postponed his motion relative to the sani tary condition of the metropolis, and to the urgency of enabling the Metropolitan Commissioners of Sewers to turn to account the two months remaining available for the exec of preventive and palliative works before the hot weather rendered imminent the outbreak and spread of epidemic di"orders. CUSTOMS DUTY BILL. After a few words from Mr. M6IIEGOR and Mr. HEYWORTEL alainst the bill, the third reading was agreed to without a division. DISTILLA rioN OF SPIRITS FROM MALT. In answer to a question from Mr. GROGAN, • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated it was his intention shortly after Whitsuntide.to intro duce a bill for the permi,sion of 'distillation froth malt in bend, and to extend to sugar the same regulation as matt, the change to commence from October next. METROPOLIS LOCAL MANAGEMENT BILL. On the order of the day for the house going into com mittee on this bill, _-_• . Sir B. HALL said it was not his intention by this bill to interfere with the principle of Hothouse's Act, or in any nianner to modify it. Amongst the alterations he proposed, was that of altering the amount of qualifi cation for vestrymen in the metropolitan districts. Under Hobhouse's Act the qualification was 401. in the metropolitan districts, but he found that in some of the districts there were few 401. houses, in com parison with others of a less value, and be proposed that in such parishes where the 401. houses formed an insig nificant portion of the rateable houses the qualification for vestrymen should be reduced to 251., and he further proposed that the necessity of residence should be abolished, because he thought it a hardship that mer chants and others who were largely rated in one parish and resided in another should be prevented, because they did not sleep on the premises, from taking part in its local government. This bill had only been denounced at one pub lic meeting in the metropolis at which there were not more than 30 rate-payers present, which he looked upon as significant of the bill being received with satisfaction in the metropolis. • • Lord EBRINGTON moved, as an amendment; that -the farther consideration of the bill be deferred till the house hid decided upon the principles of the bill an nounced by the President of the Board of Health for the modification of the act commonly known as Hobhonse's Act, which act was proposed to be incorporated in the Metropolitan Bill. Hia lordship at great length en tered into the objections he lid to the details of the measure, which he said were in union with the opinions of his constituents. Mr. LABOUCHERE was opposed to re-discussing this bill after the house had once approved of the prin ciple, and hoped the house would be allo wed to go into committee on the bill. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY thought the bill, as it was at present, rather unintelligible. After a somewhat desultory discussion, Lord Ebring ton withdrew his motion. - Mr. MACKINNON then moved that the bill be referred to a select committee, and the motion was seconded by Mr. PILLATT. _ Sir G. GREY opposed the motion, considering that no grounds had been stated for referring the bill to a select committee. _ Sir G. Pechell and Mr. Williams likewise opposed the motion, which was supported, in a modified manner, by Mr. M. Chambers and Lord Ebrington, and, upon a division, negatived by 131 to 8. The house: then went into committee upon the bill, a few of the clauses of which bad been gone through, when the Chairman was ordered to report progress. The Jurisdiction of the Stannary Court Amendment Bill was read a second time. _ _ The Barial-grounds (Scotland) Bill passed through committee. The Infants',Marriage Bill was read a third time and passed. Other hills passed through committee. Mr. KENDALL obtained leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of the payment of poor s rate on the royalties of mines in England and Wales ; and the, Lnrd Advocate a bill to consolidate and amend the lima relating to bankruptcy in Scotland. The house then adjourned. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. (From the Times of this day.) LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S MOTION. The intentions announced last night by Lord Ellenborough were in all respects meritorious—to restore to Parliament that influence which it ought to possess over the public opinion of this country ; to place the House of Lords in the front of the battle for the rights of merit and for adminis trative reform ; to assure the Crown of the fearless deter.; mination of Parliament to give its active support to the war, while it lays bare the causes that have hitherto increased our sacrifices and impaired our success. These 'c ere objecti worthy of a great orator, a great crisis, and a great displas of political excitement. Never was the House of Lords more crowded, never did a snore brilliant audience throng the gal+. leries or besiege the bar, never was public curiosity morii excited ; yet, in spite of all these announcements, of a these preparations, and of the tiptoe avidity of the public? we are constrained to add that the -debate in no degree realised these expectations, and the largo majority which nei gatived Lord Ellenborough's resolutions expre.sed the opinioq of all who listened impartially to the debate, and of all, w# believe, who will read the r ,pert with. suniCar impartiality this morning. The most brilliant audience in Britain was indeed, kept for above an hour suspended between platV, tudes which no one could contest, and paradoxes which no one could believe ; and we suspect that most of those present retired with the melancholy conviction that, although the country may be sorely in want of ,a powerful War Minis ter, that heaven-born statesman is not to be found in the accomplished orator who had commenced the discussion. Nor was Lord Derby more fortunate. Brilliant as usual, his speech failed to convince his warmest admirers that he was sincere in desiring the Administrative Reform which he affected to advocate, and he must have borne his friend's de feat with more even than his ordinary resignation. Lord Ellenborough, with characteristic military tactics, be gan the action by throwing out his light troops, and succeeded by a small anecdote in raising a faint laugh. But this petty advantage was not favourable to his career, and in discussing the wars of empires - we can forget the - fate of small birdi The true gist of the speech was confined to two points -th'e strategical operations of the war as projected and executed by the late Government in the last campaign, and the seled tion of men 'for the public service, and especially for the military service of the country, without interest or favour, but . by the sole test of merit. On this last point we need not say that we cordially agree with Lord El lenborough, and that he has the country to back him ; but the application he made of the principle led him, as we shall presently see, to a most extraordinary paradox. We gather from 'Lord Ellenborough's remarks on the last campaign that he would have preferred, if possible, that the English and French armies should have been engaged in dis tinct operations, in order to avoid the evils of a divided coni mand. Ho approves, however, the gradual advance of the forces, the lines at Gallipoli, and the landing at Varna, but from that point his course of operations would have been wholly different. He appears to think that one portion of the allied forces ought to have been employed in Asia to co operate with the Turkish army of Kars, and that the re mainder should have co-operated with the Turks and Auii trians in the Principalities, so as to drive the Russians from the Pruth to the Dnieper. There have, no doubt, been many defects of military judgment and administrative ability in the conduct of the past campaign, but, all things considered, no blunders have been committed at all approaching to the ab surdity of these suggestions.. The position of the allied armies has been most trying during a winter in the Crimea within six miles of the sea ; what would it have been in the mountainous, regions of Armenia, cut off by rocks and snow from the coast, and buried in that wild region which Xenophon crossed by a march still cited as a miracle in military history The Government are sometimes accused of not knowing what they under took when they invaded the Crimea, but that reproach is, at least, ill-founded in the mouths of men who would have despatched an army into Mingrelia and Imeritia. Again, Lord Ellenborough advocates a campaign in the valley of the Danube, the Principalities, and the plains of Bessarabia—a country already exhausted by the passage of armies, infected with pestilence, scorched by heat in summer, and swept by the severest cold in winter L--where we must have encountered as we advanced two or three fold our own numbers in the ranks of the enemy. Both these plans appear to us so ex travagant, and so evidently fatal to the troops which might have been engaged in them, that they materially shake what ever confidence we might have been disposed to place in Lord Ellenborough's judgment and sagacity; and we are confident that the difficulties we have already had to surmount in our operations would have been immeasurably increased if these , schemes had been adopted. Lord Ellenborough, on the con trary, omits the one main point of distancefrom; in climates and countries we know little of, where even food and habitations are scarce, and the means of inland communi cation wholly deficient. What, then, have we in all cases to rely upon ? Our maritime superiority, which gives us the command of the sea ; our innumerable transports,which bring France and England into contact with Russia, and enable us to main tain our armies, to reinforce our troops, and 'even to plant ournes railroads and telegraphs on th e soil of the Murk Cfiersosed it to It is the peninsular form of the Crimea which h e to carry on the war there with a secure Rime bas° character of the attacks of the maritime Powers, and whice fenxciappboelemsttihers. Lord Ellenborough loses sight of the . m o r atbat the conquest of the war, and hence he does the attainment ject he recommends us to pursue, d in Sebastopol no other opera. fleet unattacked-and uninjure the Crimea would go far to the aptetarwinehimvereasent of wi e t v h ei t • ttempted. ular as they un however, sing These strategical views, y he °t ß h u e s r sti b ii . doubtedly are, were not h. tion could with safety havethbee en Adopting the popular cry for fi p e p d o s supportiti on t f t a 0 - Lord Ellenborough's spere akd portion of vouritism and r ou i t i i i n oh e, the experience of the last few months those p „,„ '"rinciPlehsewmouth of every man not pledged by interest the advancement of merit ho placed a g n a t v i c c a h l is a t n i q i u n al ein:o the existing system. We give Lord Ellenbo udic't for something of that sprrit which enabled Lord. rough credit t the best instruments for the boldest l• Chatham to set ec Po icy, b or — prej and to triump over obstacles in war which baffled the con stancy and the courage even of his illustrious son. But, while Lord Ellenborough gave utterance to these honourable and patriotic sentiments, we were not prepared to hear him wind up his harangue by a direct appeal to the personal merits of his hereditary auditors. The merit to which the country looks for the work of administrative reform is th e those who raise their own fortune s and personal merit of confer own names—the merit of those w h o a lustre on their do not often inherit them. There • make peerages, but who assembly who cannot inv o k e the fame is scarcely a peer in that e an cestor, and reckon the honours ame of some illustrious servant of the realm. he bears f rom s ome eminent We neither f ciP thoso forget their past services 40; gru _ rani* • Alit is it pormilAs that Lad ( From the Morning Herald of this day.) The sole reason for the motion made by the Conservative party, is, the alarming nature of the crisis. Long since, deeply impressed with the necessity for administratiie reform, they felt the hour had at length arrived at which it could not be much longer delayed. Lord Derby admitted that recent de monstrations proved the existence of a deeply-seated dissatis faction and discontent amongst all classes. And unless this feeling be met in a fair and judicious manner the very foun dations of our constitution may receive a shock. This is the blow which the Conservative party would ward off from our distracted country. In vain did the Coalitionists endeavour to change the real question of debate, and to convert a cen sure upon the feeble policy of an incapable Government into an attack upon the united services. Again and again di both Lords Derby and Ellenborough commend most warmly, as•they have ever done, our gallant defenders and their noble allies the Fronch. The Mini-try by the greatest exertions contrived to defeat the motion, but the whole weight of the debate goes against L them, and the vigilance of our friends in the country will soon bring victory to the cause. (From the Morning Advertiser of this day.) The speech of Lord Ellenborough will prove a heavy blo and discouragement to the oligarchical system, out of which our disasters and dishonour have arisen. A great portion of it might have been spoken with much propriety at the meet ing at the London Tavern, on Saturday week, to inaugurate the Administrative Reform movement. We do net suppose that the Administrative Reim Association will formally ex press a wish that Lord Ellenbgerx:igh should join their organi sation. Nor do we suppose it. -ely that he will forward his subscription with a request that his name may be enrolled as a member ; but still the association may, so faras all practica 1 purposes are concerned, regard him hereafter as one of thei body. They must feei-rat least they ought to feel—that they owe a debt of gratitude to the noble lord for his speech last night. Lord Ellenborough was very severe in his remarks on the House of Commons ; but no one can charge the noble lord with having carried his severity beyond the confines of justice. He affirmed that the House of Commons had lost the confi dence of the country. Who will deny the truth of the asser tion ? Poll the entire population of the kingdom, and you will not find one intelligent person who does not share the opinion of the House of Commons, which the noble lord so plainly and so forcibly expressed. The fact is one which can not be too 'deeply deplored. It is ominous, indeed, for, a country boasting of its representative institutions, when rose very men whom the people return to Parliament to forfeited e their views and give utterance to their feelings, all claim to the character of being the representahtai;:sf:fatheo.sea who sent them thither. That is the position which t w s fall l of at present. It is a truly f the 1101180 of slimming position. I peril. There must be a sweeping reform o Commons. ----- --- : - 7,a c rinburgh, Mr. Mr. James Wilson, the naturalist , . en t;fi e gentlemen, m Shaw, and other: that the parr, or Ramsbottatn, —r- ded in ota blialung .. the fresh water have just young migration to' the sea,. -"I V% needless (says salmogun7meeust remain two before their ~.._ re mark the great change which the Ayr adverti s er) .., t occasion in the laws of the salmon this discoverY in r ivers. -- . , —Efolloway's Ointment and Pill s binvesTis 3..itsprr i c op y of a Letter from Mr: George for Bad Le f Lifvers-lane, Braverfordwest.—" To Professor Philips, °- si r ,—l consider it my duty to make known Holloway. t h e benefi t- I derived from using your Ointment and Pills, after suffering very severely from a wound in my leg, for which I wa s under the treatment o: severa l me dical men for nine months without deriving any bene fit whatever. Al last I resorted to your remedies, which certainly did wonders, for after using them for a few weeks only, in accordance with your directions, my leg is completely cured."—Sold by all medicine vendors, and at Professor Holloway's establishments, 244, Strand, London, and 80, Maiden-lane, New York. [ADVERTIMENT.]—Among the numerous extraordinary cures without medicine effectedby Dußarry's delicious health restol ing Revalenta Arabic,. Food, the following are not the least remarkable :—Cure No. 47,121. " Hiss Jacobs, of Hazing 'Vicarage, Walthameross, Berta : a cure an _ Elizabeth extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits , d 'betk nervous fancies." Cure No. 48,314. Yeoman, Cateacre, near Liverpool : a cu re of ten years' dyspepsia and all tketiorrors of nervous irrilOdibgeileittyjo.n", Candure No. 3,906. ilhirteen years' cough i). Barry's excellent general debility have been removed by Du Revalenta. Arabica Food.—JAmEs Pox' , In canisters, lib. 2s. 9d.; 211. 4s. t o f Post-office., er. Barry bib. hltt:r; ilibr:e2rt2his.. The 121 b., t London ; at 182, Regeat-stree , . carriage free, on rt . p Du Barry & Co., 77, c _ t me, and 41, Strand Piccadilly ; 60, Graceehur t o rn hin ; 49, Bishopsgate-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 60 and ' - "upper Baker-street; 63 and 150, 55, Charing-cross; ~, 5 1 4 4 ,.. b-street, Camden-town; 18, Pall- Oxford-street ; 8 " , E9. 7 5: 132, New Bond-street ; 24, Ma ma]) ; 7, Pa ll-mall i c ol . g William-street, City; atl, Conduit. comb-street ; 13, ur.street ; 95, Farringdon-street ; 67, St. street; 21 qrkel ; 6, Edward-stzeit, Portman-square. ryas OhurGAP4m Ellenborough could confound the hereditary titles and station of the House of Peers with the achievements in which they tsok their origin ? Does it not savour of irony to remind th members of that House that genius and valour confer these distinctions, though they do not accompany them by heredi tary descent f The very charge brought against aristocratic institutions is, that they perpetuate this share of power, rank, and influ nce hi the State by the accident of birth and by the c' nof kinstnanship. The House of NUS consists, not the greatest men whom England pos sesses, but of descendants of the greatest men whom she has at any ' possessed. There, at least, the claims of family are , • e and indisputable, for they are the essence of an her .aristocracy. In their proper place, we do not di- services they may render to the State; but ' ich predominates in the House of Lords is rills. chi" .i .isurd when it overrules the whole public ad mi...bixation of tile country. Men who are to serve the State well must be chosen for something besides the abilities of their more to e a r r t a d t o h ri a grandfathers or the influence of their living relation s; an d could propo notsiti proposition essespelreocftedadi House of Peers with which h e conc l u d e d that cL is lr edepxaeapempc Ellenboroughhe a p . l l e to ° hee h whether doing the work o f th e atrouide of this day.) errors which he alle ges • The Earl Into his elaborate cr iticisms on the m ilitary management of th e to have been committed in the because, however able E th ae e u M bo o r ra ou i g ng , Nation, or only of the Tories, at l east did that wor k well. war it is not necessary now to enter, them to " let of this country teaches in themselves, they were only indirectlymcoindn.necTtehde practical h ti t c h al e real question which agitates the public sense of the people by gones be bygones," and rather to seek guarantees for the the c.numencement of such a war as that future than-toinflict - punishment for the past t . along are now engaged, were almost inevitable, after . period of peace. The public, recovered from a ment that the national arms should not have proved fi rs t astonish inlnwsbaitehs'waet so triumphantly successful as the national flatterers pro mised, have arrived at a conviction that there were radical defects in the system, which ought to be remedied by resolute men, relying on a gen erous su p por t f rom P ar li amen t and the people. Th e di sposition of the public mind is rather to look forward than t o return on the past—to seek a remedy rather than a revenge. That our affairs have been mismanaged is beyond a doubt--how are we to profit by experience, and preclude such mismanagement in future ? Lord Ellunborough was scarcely too severe on Lord Pal merston. " Public instructors" were not alone in their ex pectation that the noble viscount would have comprehended the grandeur of the opportunity offered him by an almost unanimous people, and that he would have wielded with a firm and vigorous hand the Dictatorship forced upon his ac ceptance. Yes, what every man in the nation saw to be the c nlv true solution of the great difficulty of the time, was pre cisely that which Lord Palmerston either could not, or would not, understand. He thought that he had done enough, when he offered offices to certain gentlemen whose position as pri vate individuals rendered acceptance impossible ; and, hav ing done this, he considered himself justified in falling back on his old Whig friends, and in forming an Administration upon scarcely any other principle than that o f family n. teCt co 101 l Whether it was that the Peers regarded Lord Palmerston as the temporary champion of their order, or that the Tories did not seriously desire to put out their full strength, a di.4_ sion showed_a_majority against Lord Ellenberough's motion. (From the Daily News of this clay.) The Peers have negatived Lord Elleuborongh's motion. Seventy-one votes were recorded for, and one hundred and eighty-one against it. We should be shy of affirming that all the " Contents" are in their hearts friendly to Administrative Reform; but we are thoroughly convinced that allthe " Non. contents" are sincerely opposed to it. Greatthings were expected of the noble earl. As he was pointedly reminded by his antagonists who followed him in debate, he seemed, after challenging the whole Ministerial array, cautiously to avoid engaging in any conflict of a personal nature. His inculpations of the Government were general, and he carefully abstained from specifically censuring any particular appointment, civil or military. This method was undoubtedly consonant with good tactics as regarded votes in a division, and we are not sure that upon the whole it was an error in judgment as regards the verdict of the country. We do not blame Lord Ellenborbugh, therefore, for not affording his opponents an opportunity, such as no doubt they counted on, of breaking up the discussion of the great con troversy into a number of personal altercations about the de gree of demerit of each of their'proteges, and the comparative ill-odour of their numerous jobs. The country has long ago made up its mind on the matter; and Lord Ellenborough did, in our opinion, much more wisely by keeping clear of all the dust and filth of individualreciimination, andboldly appealing for popular support by the manly and straightforward avowal of the great principle of Administrative Reform. "I am not a convert," exclaimed the noble Earl, " to that principle, be cause I have always maintained it ; and because I have always, when I had the power, applied it in practice." The fault of the speech, as a speech, manifestly arose from its having been too hastily fore-shortened in accordance with some suggestion or after-thought. Artistically judged, it may be said to have consisted of little more than an opening and a peroration, both excellent in their way, but each more suit able to an invective of two hours' duration than a menace of attack prolonged for five-and-forty minutes. In a word, people expected a tempest, and were consequently not very much moved by the picturesque, but harmless, threatening of a thunder-storm that passed off without bursting. It is perfectly clear that in the Upper House there is an instinctive unanimity in favour of maintaining things as they are. The contest there is solely one of party ; different shib boleths are used. by rival factions ; but to cheat the middle classes out of their rights is the ultimate, though unuttered, aim of both. (From the Morning Post of this day.) Lord Ellenborough might as well have moved a simple vot• of censure as the high-sounding res - dutions which drag their slow length along over half a column of paper. He might have done that, and he might have urged with fairness and candour his desire for another Change of Ministry, which should have given him an opportunity of indulging his gor geous dreams of conquered Asia—of changing the scene, with the rapidity of a pantomime, from the beleaguered walls of iebastopol to the plains of Georgia, and the splendour of an Asiatic campaign with - Russia. But candour and fairness do not seem to be favourite weapons with the War Minister who -ecommends himself with such earnestness and such persever- Irf his whole attack on the conduct of the war he slurs over the fact, that the Palmerston is not the Aber deen Ministry—that the spirit of Lord Aberdeen is not the spirit of Lord Palmerston—that Lord Panmure is not the Duke of Newcastle—that we have a new MiGiS try' not only distinct in many points from the old, but in the vigour and qualifications of. its. Head—in its , will and capacity to reform, absolutely cliff:trent. Lord Ellonborough inveighed against the doings of the Government, as if Govern ment existed on a principle of perpetuity, and were responsi ble alike for the economics of the --Earl of-Derby and for the weakness of Lord Aberdeen, in not counteracting their mis chief. The plain truth is, that no Minister is individually re sponsible for the effects of a forty years peace on the army of a constitutional and representative country. ance. ea r, do :rig' for .ia