The Sun. — London, England, 1849-07-21 00:00:00

re them .upo n sad to impress ads of firma" ugh the House, which appeare d would, if tru e, would crests late time would, earnestly urg e . avoid 5 11 t themselves 1a refully, confl ned ad set out. and f is cal point Main that large without any i n. bound to do so; !ame convince, ru.ted that th id the Pat i "b e i e would not tendie g tt fn influeu_, derived iN", ed duty App a. and not the yea r pt. rven per — h „ e st tion of 1 0 ,,, f quarter9r4 51;r:tofu' 11:1 At the el e bt id he tiO tiv te tir i b ° . spen , 4 As be r e e wished add tbio v low Ani, Au cloti a fixe d ero ie stateP3 L aotian tkefield P7O eti uppos though ^elience ti rt e$ mpool • S th tilts et `', o i tors in t 0 France , r t ici duty Iroduce ' t o ould, at t he gro fi ro nt time 1 ,0 he had 0 )rice or A t b' er tlau 0 14 ) 11 :tv e v , c tbs t hori , t o d sin ce t ar the celc 0 . o the q ll3 • 3tid , Which was immediately to touch the national heart, to ote fain the national support, to vanquish a Ministry, and to conquer a Parliament, talked that evening of " shams" and "dodges," Alas! that they were come to a period when in a Par liament which they still held to be a classical assembly ouch terms as " shams" and ' , dodges" should be employed. But he w ante d to know what in the whole history of poli tical agitation i n thi s country coul d b e mere os t en t a ti ous i n its commencement, more violent in its assurances, more lame and impotent in its achievements, more lacking in earnest ness, in reality, and in consistency, than the agitation for financial reform.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") The part y) Memb er a f ter having read to them (the Conservative re art Y) that le c t ure, h a d gone on t o as k if it was possible they could come forward at the present day, and seek to 4 44 Zse a duty on corn, which would amount to at least .. - t ee - e 7A OI - a year? But why should not the public pay iry.ooo/. a year more for their bread after the experience t eeY had had of the blessings of a free-trade policy—after thenang saved in their domestic expenditure, bY the repeal of . corn-lea's, no less a sum than 2,000,00 - 01. a week ? kneel', hear.) It was very well for Hon. Gentlemen op- Poeite to talkbut those Gentlemen should not forget the bitter disappointment which the people of this i c nnt rY had expe r i ence d in consequence of the credit they !_ad formerl y g i ven to the statements of adroit politicalta.c -I,cia denied ns and s uccessful ag i tators.—( H ear, h ear .) H e tne charge of th e H on. Gentleman, t h at th e partywith r lion t he (Mr. Disraeli) h a d the h o nour to act had held one i n b liguage in that House and another out of doors. He s "" e Y had done nothing of the kind—that they had do nething inconsistent with the general tenor of their public the It was true that they had moved an amendment icaddress at the o encement of the session. But when e had been calle e d m u m on to declare that the affairs of this ittiontitary were in a prospe p rous condition ; that our foreign Wee conducted conducted in a manner which commanded the Lof lic confidence, he thought they were perfectly justified in e cing to join in any such declaration; and if Hon. Gentle -"en oPposite had been sincere and earnest in their repeated attacks upon the Government, they would have supported the Inten d ment which had been moved upon that occasion. Saki, (thethe Hon. Gentleman had said that out of doors they 1 e C onservative party) had held out to the farmers that Il e ci e th ing but a recurrence to the system of protection would i'meetil their fortunes ; and yet in the teeth of that declare tt'll they had brought forward a motion for an inquiry into , e burdens upon real property. But he (Mr. Disraeli) con- Teeesteteatit i hat he could see no inconsistency in that. Nothing Y made him regret that he had submitted that motion !0 the Rous e • and he still believed that the proposal he had ttid b efore them was founded upon a principle which the °ll se would ulti mate l y t hi n k i t r i g ht to a d op t. Th e lion. Gentleman reminded them that they had also brought for- Ward a motion calling upon the House to take into its con sideration the state of the nation. They had no doubt done nand when he considered wh o w ere th e ge n tlem e n wh o 4 ‘ °PPOSite to them—when he remembered that the name Of Ireland was never mentioned in that House without denounce at lea s t fi ve - an d-t wenty gent l emen to r i se up and uenounee the conduct of the Ministry towards that country when he remembered that another batch of Hon. Members told them that unless financial reform was instantly conceded r Meg would withd raw f rom he r M a jesty's Governmentt s he 84 1 3 1 )0 n—when he remembered that there was another sec t n of the House ready on every occasion to declare that the fo reign policy of this country was undeserving of the public c onfidence—when he remembered that during all that time the finances of the country were in a most deplorable con dition, and that agricultural distress existed to an extent Unparalleled, perhaps, in this country, he knew no period in our history in which a party could be more ejustified than at present in calling upon the House to inquire into the state of the nation—(Hear, hear)—although the House had not con sented to that inquiry. But let them mark the consistency of the language used that evening by the Hon. Member for the West Riding. The Hon. Gentleman had said at one time that the Protectionist Members professed a great principle, but that they shrunk from its application. Ten minutes afterwards, however, the Hon. Gentleman had said that the Protectionist party could never expect to succeed in Requiring the confidence of the more intelligent portion of , the people of this country, because of their adherence to that v erY principle of protection which he had previously charged t hem with - having . abandoned. The Hon. Member had under taken to gi ve t h em a l esson i n po li t i ca l ag i tation; b ut h e Nr. Disraeli) should be ashamed to come forward with such inconsistencies at the humblest meeting, to say nothing of tthe liouse of Commons, a classical assembly, although ad ressed in the language of " shams" and " dodges."—(Hear, ci ar•) But he should proceed to consider the subject imme bnnelY under discussion. A clumsy attempt had been made tile a r c i ec : . n. Gentleman opposite to convert that into a corn. law t hat debate. But let them see how that question had been l X that the His Right Hon. Friend (Mr..Herries) finding toor ,ei st atels e , v enu e of the country was in a highly unsatisfac hatnhde that it was necessary in some way or other should be 1 • Public coffers, had suggested that a tax tax Wool levied on the importation of foreign corn, which sßigh't'llne believed' be paid by the foreign producer. - -on- Friend had, however, at the same time, ad mitted,_ that if it could he proved that the tax would fall in u e ' e T es w aa a r y on the British consumer his whole proposal would clearlyneVer 13e i : 1 3; d iall to the ground. Now, he (Mr. Disraeli) had _, a.question discussed more temperately, more b ad been and with. more severity of logic than that question IN a , bY his Right Honourable Friend.—(Hear, hear.) R on. ' n ritout was unquestionably a masterly one, watever bee ar entlemen might think of the conclusion at which he been rived. But how had his Right Honourable Friend 0143, met?t, The first person who had addressed them in Each ° nis Right Hon. Friend was the Chancellor of the th.„equer, in whose speech he (Mr. Disraeli) confessed zec a e ' s n_e did not find a single argument which it could be h ad !arY for him to answer. The Right Hon. Gentleman ~,,..oeneade a few desultory observations, and then seemed co — ' 4l % sto leave it to the successful free-trade agitators to Right forward and state their views upon that subject. His lan , o Ron. Friend, he should observe, had brought that al ,", s `!_ ri n before the House not as a pure theory—for he hed o ilr eb that although at the commencement of the month re teu r narY this year the duty on foreign corn had been And what he price had not been affected by that removal. the easel OW, W hY, A was he the answer that had been given to him? ea se N . Usual answer, that that was an excentional (Mr. I.israeli) could not understand how ree lernber colild be considered an exceptional one, when lie ( Plan e " o e f ." that during that time millions on millions of corn had been imported into till: country from fevoreeri:tiPa unopfotrltiaetiwoonrldeilowTehde them m erience they had acquired by that q ( 1 1 e l ' t ' r ehresa Pay ) that they could make a portion of the taxes of this country.— th at ' O . He would tell the agitators that in discussing Ri g h l : Lot he would have none of their stale tricks. His on t b 4 . 101 1- Friend had shown that the removal of the duty h ad ~Zign corn had not affected its price ; and after he th e ° own that he was perfeetly justified, and especially in ip._ P r esent state of the finances of this country, in bring 4:n u under the consideration of the House. was it that, with that vast amount of importation, and bring after the duty was taken off, the foreigner still demanded the i :`,9 l e price? His Right Hon. Friend had given the then ;eimal as well as the practical explanation of the fact. He teiliowed that the fo re i gner h a d 2 5 per cent. profit, and that wi e t r h e o wae a mar g i n , perm i tt i ng of a tax upon the foreigner, ti_e lit interferin g w i t h or enhancing the supply. He e 4 4 ed the question in a clear and logical manner before the use- If that were so, the remedy he proposed would be sjeillated to relieve the people of England, b filling the odiequer, without imposing any new contribution on the eject. Who could deny that, with an exhausted Exche (l.llee—a gentleman who had had much practical experience in the management of the Imperial Exchequer, feeling that he had a proposition which would meet that deficiency, sup ported by the arguments of practical men—who could say that he was not justified in making that suggestion?— (Year, hear.) He would be glad to know what Hon. Gen tleman in that House would justify the tone in which it had been received ? He was satisfied that the people out of doors Would think very differently of his Right Hon. Friend's sug gestion—they would not be led away from the point at i ssue, which was purely a fiscal point connected with n ational feelings of the most interesting character. No thing was more gratifying to the people of England than t o replenish the Exchequer at the cost of the foreigner.— (Rear.) Th e propos i t i on was one to re d uce t h e surp l us pofiB,of the foreigner—(Hear, hear)—and he had no doubt i t would soon become a popular one. Considering the state of their finances, and believing that they were not likely soon oimprove, improve, he thought Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the V e use were bound to leave upon record their opieion upon tthe present state of the finances, and their best means of re ec'?isolting their exhausted Exchequer. —( Hear, hear. ) They of %„.d ne it with sincerity, and without regarding the taunt! lions without taking lessons from the Hon. Gentleman's plia to v e ° f talent below the gangway, trusting with confidence ? Z . l i lipirrt of the people of England.—(Loud cheers.) ,vhatevyerefSßOßNE did not rise to question the policy or t r° Peiet u the suggestion of the Right Hon. Gentleman. !ion, he ~ pther Hon. Members might think of the discus it, At Qua not regret that the time had been occupied with there. present it had met its natural fate, and he believed le w as at that moment no question before the House. tee was at not, therefore, interfere with the Speaker leaving it'"e chair t o his duty tT into Committee of Supply, if he did not feel saulli,djeterti:B,o_t::rioci. the attention of the House to an important of th e i t L as 7 a n n ie r ie he had given notice—namely, the entrance ps into Transylvania. —( Roars of laughter hadMr- COB Hear.") a il, wherh r rose to order. He put it to the Hon. Gen at hea r t, b e Was not injuring the they both air. ostiollNrtngie t, Kit forward in that ways --(Cries of OG` said he was in the hands of the House. The spEAxiir," and laughter, and " Chair, chair.") was, that reason that had Mr he do nowamid the only question now before him ler. BR/ Girr leave the chair. Member for Sta f only inferm't anxious to find out what was the induced the Right Hon. Gentleman the t oic i tuld toeellor of t'henE B:eing some ord to bring forward the question, and he Ohara6 Exchequer and having been formerly a Chancellor of antedgulterrYlybciasln' 'I tn. He remi d d probability of his being a x hequer once more, he had determined a large , at a question of finance without being re end that t"Lhentitnofo'? haveprtiheee oefffeecotrnoPfn e the House that they obtained 'ee from almost every part of the world, sltioie oe eve. e melt it -.a auLy walla the turyozeLqumaelmtobetrhwef dimi n ishing competition and supply, and o l i i f nu b n e t toof duty y e it ewxategnptrorpoaisseedd to in levy.that e c l e cl of had het fixed du°tryWthsekperfii 9u Th: iignailthehadco r s n a said wouldth that not i f have ey beenh a d With re market; but he denied that such was the case. , gard to his Hon. Lad been most Friend (Mr. Cobden), he thought be root', for all the unfairly attacked upon the question of eco reforms durin resistance that had been offered to financial Member for theßguck pjesent. session had come from the Hon. advised the Houmg amshire and his side of the House. He few se and the Governmentleaders to distrust the pro ease of Sir Robert Peel , because, referring to the Rouse that 'they had all others he need not remind the that would probably be th abandoned their professions, and Thickinghanmhire.. ni. e case with the Hon. Member for West Riding had provedille9n. Friend the Member for the cial reform and financial e ineself the sincere friend of Mien thing was more essential not y, because he knew that no of the country- He did not e well-being and future welfare the discussion that night,earL the bringing forward of that they were fully determined itt would show the country of free trade so that no political o maintain the principles alter them. party would ever be able to Mr. WODEHOUSE said the question clearly before the House by the Right rie had been put so Member for Stamford, that it was quite unne: Gentleman the to detain it by any lengthened observations. echsseary for him question as being pro tanto an addition to the viewed the savour of protection. He reminded the House tll i a r f uments ill Lord (Lord J. Russell) himself had on a formeroc the.joNoble Posed a fixed duty on corn, but they had then declarednr°' de termination to accept of no compromise. 14 `'s e Vf aa on .1:91?ghly convinced that the proposition of his Right Hon r t. riend was one which was calculated materially to benefii he finances of the country, and he had no doubt would be extremely popular in the country. thMr• VILLIERS was afraid the House had not attended to Every important admission made by the Hon. Gentleman. er, one knew that there was not a more honest or a more rConsistent Member of the Protectionist party than the Member z2_ ,_ Norfolk, and he said he would not have the shabbiness-- rooclelcoie would not have the manliness—to avow that he nor lee upon the imposition of a fixed duty as neither more iszle __l . than a protection to agriculture.-to remunerate the 94. - 119", thorn INA a Ncblo Ltid is another LIM"' one who must be much respected by the Protectionist party, Lord Winchilsea—who once said that if ever a fixed duty was proposed, he trusted in God the people would rise as one man to resist it. Sir W. JOLLIFFE said the Hon. Member for Wolver hampton and his friends had throughout treated the ques tion as one of protection; but it was not so. So far from it, that it was a suggestion which ought to receive the support of all the financial reformers in the House. They saw an. empty Exchequer, and they suggested a means of replenish ing it in a manner which he was certain the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would willingly adopt, but that he was prevented by the friends sitting behind him. He be seeched the Chancellor of the Exchequer not to hearken so wholly to the merchant and manufacturing class, who were described by Adam Smith as eminently qualified to t4ke care of their own interests, but who were at the same time very liable to beguile the simple country gentlemen. He ought to take advice from that class of which he was so great an ornament. He confessed that he had been much astonished last night to hear the Premier say boldly that nothing could ever be done with the national debt but pay the interest of it. It was a declaration likely to make a serious impression upon the monetary world. The revolu tions on the Continent had all been preceded by deficiencies in the Exchequer, and large additions to the debt of the country. The Right Hon. Gentleman ougt to take warning in time. Mr. ROEBUCK—They had now arrived at the 20th July, and he trusted they would be allowed to transact some of the vast accumulation of business which appeared on the paper. They had passed the greater part of the night in a discussion more worthy of a debating club than of that House. They had no proposition with which a Govern ment could deal—no question before the House upon which a private Member could give an opinion. A Right Hon. Gentleman who had grown grey in the service, had half angrily given a notice, which he had not the courage to follow up, and forsooth he made a suggestion to the Chancel lor of the Exchequer. Nothing so idle had ever before occurred —nothing so disrespectful to a House of Parliament was ever before proposed. To put an end to it he moved that the House do now adjourn. The SPEAKER trusted the House would support him in keeping speakers to the question before the House which was the question of adjlurnment.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BANKES did not think the Hon. Member for Sheffield would promote the transaction of public business by adopt ing such a course. He trusted he would withdraw his motion, and, although anxious to answer his speech, if the motion was withdrawn, he would not trespass on the time of the House. The motion for adjournment was withdrawn, and the House went into a Committee of Ways and Means, when the usual votes for making good the supplies out of the Consoli dated Fund were agreed to and reported. Mr. B. OSBORNE gave notice that on the bringing up of the report on Supply, to-morrow (this day); he would call the attention of the House to the advance of the Russian troops into Hungary. RAILWAYS ABANDONMENT BILL. The amendments to this Bill were cowhiered, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time on Tuesday, at Twelve o'clock. -- NEW FOREST AND WALTHAM BILL. Upon the motion that this Bill be read a second time, LOrd DUNCAN believed, he said, that this Bill would give very general satisfaction. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow (this day). GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH BILL. This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted on Monday, at twelve o'clock. NUISANCES REMOVAL BILL. This Bill was re-committed. ENCLOSURE ACT BILL. The Enclosure Act (Extension of Powers) Bill went through the Committee, some verbal alterations having been made in the clauses. THE SIJN, LONDON, between Austria and Sardinia was accepted. The success of that mediation, although he had but little hope that great success would arise, he had always heartily desired, but he thought it just as unlikely th a t success wou ld ar i s e from that mediation, as, that whe n t wo part i es i n pr i va t e life were struggling in a court of law, and one of them bad gained the cause, had got a verdict, and judgment was entered up, he would agree that the whole matter in dispute should be re ferred to mediation, the cause being over. Therefore, though he had great confidence in his Noble Friend opposite, yet he at the time told him he had but little hope from the negotia tions that were going on, because the matter was over. And he also said that Austria was prepared to fight, but he hoped it would not be necessary. Ile little knew the Sardinian councils, however, when he hoped so. Charles Albert broke the armistice, rushed headlong into the Austrian dominions, was defeated, abdicated the Crown, and was now living in retirement in Lisbon. He was much to be blamed for the former parts of his conduct, but he was also much to be pitied for the latest, because he was driven on by the worst possible councillors and advisers, the ultra-Liberals and Red Republican party of Paris, Turin, and Genoa, and he paid the penalty. Negotiations were begun, and still con tinued, and if common fame spoke true, with less chance of leading to a pacification now than there was four months ago. Wiese were some natures sanguine almost to excess, whom no failure could cure of very extravagant hopes, and who, grasping at all possible means, even while sinking catching at every straw, took comfort at every trifling change; and because everything was not as it was twenty four hours before, thought they were saved. Now, looking at what was taking place in Hungary, Transylvania, and Croatia, he believed there was some in Turin who had hopes that by allowing these negotiations to drag on, Austria might be foiled in her plans of aggrandizement, as they fancisd, although nothing was further from the thoughts of Austria than any views of aggrandizement. The Noble and Learned Lord then briefly alluded to the cor respondence between the British Government and the Courts of Austria and Slrdinia, in which the former was threatened with war, in case of any attack on Sardinia, while the latter was merely advised to refrain from invading the Austrian dominions. He then proceeded to the French intervention in Rome, and asked, in the words of his motion, whether we had received the full explanation which we had a right to expect of a movement which put in jeopardy the existing distribution of power in Europe. He found in the heart of the Peninsula, in the centre, and in its capital, not a Roman, nor an Austrian, nor an Italian army, but a great French army, something like forty or fifty thousand men, and one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon. In the first instance a small expedition went from Marseilles to Civita Vecchia, and some explanation was given of that, more or less satisfactory, but still an explanation. But could any person imagine that that expedition would stop there ? Nor did it, for it was speedily reinforced, and marched into Rome. Then arose naturally the question, of what they intended to do at Rome? what was to be done with the Eternal City when the French had taken possession of it? He did not know what questions had been put by the Government of this country to the French Government, or what answers had been given to them, but certainly the latter could not have been allowed to march from forty to fifty thousand men to Rome without giving some explana tion as to their intention. As to the conduct of the French army before the walls of Rome, he begged to express his en tire admiration.—(Hear, hear.) Whether or not it was con sistent with the opinions of the French Republic to have sent them there—whether or not it was in conformity with the views expressed by the different statesmen of France since the 24th of February, 1848, when the French revolution took place—an event, unhappily for the people of Rome, for the peace of Europe, and, above all, unhappily for the welfare of France herself—whether or not, he said, it was consistent with the opinions expressed by the statesmen of France since that event, to send an army to Rome to crush the Roman Republic, formed after the model of France— (Cries of " Hear, bear")—he would not stop to inquire. Suffice it for him that they were invited by the Pope, as he says himself in his allocution, to go there, not, howeyer, severally and alone, but in conjunction with Austria, Spain, and Naples—(Hear, hear)—and the severest criti cism he should pass upon the French expedition to the Roman states was, that in going as they did, alone, it looked very much like stealing a march on the other powers, and getting a footing established in Rome before them. Tbat now being done, all his unfavourable impression as to the French occupation of Rome had vanished, and he now had much satisfaction in stating that no Government, no com manders, could have acted more admirably than the French army had done before Rome. They might have bombarded the city, but well did the French commander, and well did the French soldiers know, that if such were done, the destruction of property would be immense, and that the sacrifice of the lives of innocent parties would be equally extensive, They felt also, both commander and soldiers felt that they had not been sent there to operate against the Roman people, but against those who tyrannised over that people.—( Hear, bear.) It was the Mazzinis and the Garribaldis—no doubt a man of great military talents, a man of great bravery, but a professed conspirator, whose life had been spent in originating conspiracies —he it was, and Mazzini—a man not of the same:consequence, but more distinguished than most men in his way—and the several thousand followers who flocked to their standard—revolu tionists from all parts of the world— that the French army was sent, and not against the people of Rome. That being the case, much caution was required on the part of General Oudinot to carry on the contest so as not to inflict upon the Roman people the chastisement intended for their oppressors, as well as spare those monuments of art with which Rome so much abounds from spoliation and destruction. What they were to do now that they had got possession of Rome was a different question. Their difficulties, he conceived, instead of being over, were hardly begun, and that was one of the reasons which would induce him to suggest to hie Noble Friends opposite, the propriety of instituting a general con • gress for having those difficulties discussed and overcome. The course or these observations now led him to refer to Austria. There was no doubt but that the intention of Austria was to restora the Pope to the possession of his full spiritual and temporal functions. Now, his opinion was, that it would net do to say, that the Pope ought to be restored to his spiritual, but not to his temporal func tions. That was a somewhat superficial view of the case, for he did not believe it possible that the Pope could exer cise his spiritual functions either among his own people, or as regarded the Roman Catholic Church throughout the world, in a proper manner should he be deprived of his tern. poral authority. Prom the earlies times it had been found that as the temporal authority of the Pope increased his spiritual powers did so in the same manner, but independent of that, was it possible:to suppose that un less the Pope had sufficient to keep bins independent of other powers, those powers would not exert an influence over their spiritual head, and by some means or other re,- duce him to dependence upon either one or the other cf them ? He had stated at the outset that he should last of all call attention to that part of the subject having reference to the relations of this country with the southern parts of Italy; and he had set out by reading an extract from a dispatch from the Government of this country to that of Naples, dated December 16, 1847, and whick expressed an earnest desire to draw closer the bonds of friendship which existed between our old ally of Naples and this couutry. But on the 10th of January following there broke out a rebellion in Sicily, and then a change came over the spirit of the dream. There was no longer the same desire to draw closer the bonds of friend ship which existed between Naples and this country; but, on the contrary, there commenced an exhiei tion of diplomacy which he most sincerely regretted should ever have taken place. He could not ima gine a more speculative and extraordinary spirit than that which ran through almost the whole of 'the diplomatic correspondence whien had taken place since then bAween this country and the Neapolitan Government. A consider able portion of that correspondents seemed to have been carried on; by vice-admirals and the captains of the ships of t :s s e o ros withthey ou t outrages, a gotse sailors, o r t so and , the sud gi the line. B u t w h a t was a s i ngu l ar fact attac hi ng to a ll there, that no matt er w h a t i nstruct i ons t h ey set out w i t h , so na a g pg w leo.s a itn t o e ar r ts s i ,off vice -admirals, Sicily expeditions they, .and a became h transformed into some sort o f an i mal hideous to behold—political speculative captains—lea ners towar d rebellion s mp the established G overnment of that country, betseeen which against and this it was so soon b e f ore w i shed to draw the bonds of friendship closer. He regretted the absence from Naples at th e t i me o f M r. Temple, who was the representative cf this Court at that Court, and he trusted that it was ill health alone that excused his absence, but the Noble Lord who assumed office in his stead acted as if he had been seated in the Foreign-office himself—giving orders, suggesting terms of mediation with the greatest self-importance; but, certainly, in such a man ner as was anything but creditable to this country. Even Si: William Parker, the Admiral on the station—certainly a most able and ingenious officer—fell into the same error. In one of his dispatches, writing as to the rebellion in Sicily, he says, " I gave general orders to captains of ships to afford protection to individuals of either side who were flying." It was well known what side they did protect, and he went on to say, that he should await anxiously at Naples until he saw what effect the rebellion in Sicily woull have there. But what had he to do with the effect the rebellion would produce at Naples? What had the Admiral of a fleet to do wiih such matters? But, further on, he went on to explain, that should the rebellion extend itself, it might lead to the Neapolitans rising in insurrection.. Then came Captain Codrington, no doubt an able and gallant officer, but who, in his dispatches from the scene of disorder, became so speculative as to discuss the result of the elections which were about to take place in Calabria, and the probability of their being hostile to the Government, as well as the pos sibility of the Calabrians rising in rebellion. In respect to those documents, he had to state that, in the blue book laid on the table, all the correspondence was not produced—the documents produced were culled from the Foreign-office, and he had a right to say that if there was so much to find fault with in what was produced, there would be more faults to find had the whole been laid on the table. lie then came to the visit of the Earl of Minto to Naples. The Noble Earl went there at the invitation of Lord Na pier. They were repealers in that country, and they wanted a native independent Parliament, as the Irish people did at College-green; and he totally disagreed with his Noble Friend when he stated that the Sicilians suffered under a tyranny of 30 years' duration. lie should say, in reply to that, that when the Duke of Genoa was chosen King by the Neapolitans, on the 24th April, all were agreed that he should be their sovereign, and this was totally in opposition to the belief that the English people wished to have the two crowns on the head of King Ferdinand; and, should the Grand Duke of Genoa be offered the crown, he considered that there should be no hesitation on the part of this country to oppose such an offer-(Hear)—with which he did not by any means agree—( Laughter)—for, while he admired the three orders of the Constitution in this country—that is, the sovereign power, the aristocracy, and the democracy—he did not wish to see such a feeling r f revolution to prevail among the Sicilians against their sovereign as was now well known, and to which the best statesmen of the present day were strongly opposed.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then read several extracts in proof of his arguments, and contended that the rights of the Neapolitans were grossly infringed on by the Sicilians and others, To a person of true British gallantry facts gave the very reverse of the reason for doing the things which they had done. They had fleets in those seas, and captains were sent out, and with sealed orders, to enforce an armistice, not be tween two foreign contending nations, but between a legiti- mate Sovereign, their dear and ancient ally, and his rebel lious subjects, whom he had defeated at the cast, as they said, of 3,000 of their best troops. If those sealed orders, to be acted upon in the alternative of the armistice net being embraced by the Sicilians, were not an intervention—an armed interference in the affairs of that kingdom, he knew not what could be called so. But still it was denied that it was ; and what were the facts? From the 11th of Septem ber till the 29th of March that armistice was maintained by force of arms. The Sicilians, their Lordships would remember, had hired two steam-vessels, the Vectis and the Bombay, the former of which proceeded to Sicily with arms and men ; but the second was stopped. He had promised not to trouble the House with any papers on this subject, but he must refer to them very briefly, for the pur poses of showing the indignation with which the Sicilians re garded their interference. There was but one course to take in foreign affairs, and that was to abstain altogether from in terfering in them to the extent ofsiding forcibly with either party. Let them entertain their own views and make their own suggestions on the subject, but not inflict them on other nations. There was another form of their interference in DRAINAGE OF LANDS BILL. The Drainage of Lands Bill was read a second time, to be committed on Monday. PAVILION (BRIGHTON) BILL. The House then went into Committee on the Royal Pa vilion (Brighton) Bill. The clauses up to 8 were agreed to without observation. On clause 9 being read, which provided that no stamp duty be paid on the purchase, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that it be omitted. He could not recognise such a principle, which was against the general law of the land. Captain PECHELL said such conduct was very far from fair. An agreement for the purchase of the property had been entered into by the people of Brighton, of which this clause formed a part. They thought that, in dealing with the Woods and Forests, they were dealing with honest and sincere people; and his opinion of the Noble Lord at the head of that office was such, that if the Chancellor of the Ex chequer succeeded in striking out the clause, the Noble Lord would pay the money out of his own pocket. Lord A. lIERVEY thought such a course as that taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman was not to be justified, and he trusted his lion. Colleague would divide the House upon the question. After a short conversation, The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again to-morrow (this day). The New Zealand Land Conveyances Bill was read a third time and passed. THE COLLECTION OF RATES (DUBLIN) BILL. This Bill went through Committee. DUBLIN IMPROVEMENT BILL. Mr. REYNOLDS moved a proviso upon clause 132. Sir W. SOMERVILLE opposed it., The proviso was then withdrawn. Amendments were agreed to, and the Bill was reported. ATTACHAIENTS, COURT OF RECORD (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. The House then adjourned at Half-past Two o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 20. Their Lordships assembled at Five o'clock. ADMIRALTY JURISDICTION (COLONIES) BILL. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL this Bill was read a third time and pa-sed. LUNATIC ASYLUMS BILL. This Bill wa% read a second time. SUMMARY CONVICTIONS BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. INDICTABLE OFFENCES BILL. This 8.11 passed through Committee. R 0 ME. The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from Manchester (as we understooki) against any interference with the liberties of the Korean p..ople.__ _ _ CONINION6 LNCLOSUIiE BILL. On the motion of tho Earl of CARLISLE, this Bill was read a second time. FOREIGN POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. Lord BROUGHAM rose to move the following reso lutions (ot which his Lordship had given notice) on the subject of the foreign pulley of this country. " 1. That it is right and was the duty ot the Govern ment to ri quire and obtain from foreign powers satisfac tory explanations of those recent movements in the Italian States which tend to unsettle the existing distri bution of territory and to endanger the general peace. "2. That it is inconsi.tent with the general interests and duty of this country to interfere in the concerns of foreign nations, as between their Governments and their subjects. ." 3. That this House regrets to observe in the con duct of the G oeernni , nt, particularly as shown by laid allies s r t e o P w a i r w li ra am w en e t, ar a e w b a o n u t nd of by fr t ie re n a d t l y y towards the feeling and by mutual acts of goodwill." The Noble and Learned Lord then said that whosoever wou ld wish to undertake the discus s i on o f any di ffi cult and deli cats question touching the foreign policy of the country ought, above all things, to free himself from every feeling of national prejudice which might disturb his judgment, for when the mind laboured under such, expressions were apt to be used which might, whether they were well or ill under stood, give umbrage elsewhere, and might endanger the peace as well as the policy of the highest interests of this country. It gave him great satisfaction—seeing that he ielould unavoidably have to express some difference of opinion with his Noble Friends opposite—to be able to commence what he had to state by expressing his entire approval of such sentiments as those he was about to cite in their better language than his own, when they say, and instruct their Envoy at the Court of the Two Si cilies to say, "that they give the strongest assura - ce to that 'Court of the earnest desire of the British Govern ment to draw, if that were possible, still closer the bonds of friendship which had so long united the Courts of Great Britain and the King of the Two Sicilies," audit was the more grateful to him to join in those sentiments—better ex pressed than he could have expressed them—because he should have occasion, in the course of the remarks he was about to make, and which were wrung from him by accusations made against the Neapolitan authorities, the Neapolitan ministers, and the Neapolitan troops, and, in the true spirit of the passage which he had just read, to defend those parties from the attacks that had been made upon them, he thought most injuriously, most in considerately, and most unjustly.—(Hear, hear.) That dis patch was dated on the 16th December, 1847, but, somehow or other, events had happened soon after which made it hardly possible to suppose that the same hands which wrote that passage wrote the subsequent instructions, or that the same agents who were called i pn to obey the orders in that passage, and to represent those feelings of old attachment, to draw which closer was said to be impossible—that the same hands who gave the instructions, and the same agents to whom they were conveyed, could on the lath Jan. have taken a course entirelyand so diametrically opposite to such instruc tions. It would giva him great satisfaction if, having begun to touch on the southern parts of Italy, he could proceed at once thither in the progress in which he was about to ask *h... toa~~ulll P Lou • bu t h. found, by what had taken place elsewhere within the last few weeks, that it was neces sary, however reluctant he might be, to go back to the north of the Peninsula, and recur to a question often agi tated in that House—he alluded to the Sardinian Monarchy, and the still unconcluded negotiation between that power and Austria, to the still unremoved fleets of the Sardinian Monarchy from the Adriatic, to the still beleaguering o f our ancient ally and friend Austria in that part of Europe, and to the prevention by such beleaguering —of which, whether accidentally or not, Sardinia was the occasion, and the cause of its continuance—of her employ • ing her undivided resources in crushing rebellion in other of her 'provinces; but, taken altogether, it was impossible he could address himself to our foreign policy without re ferring to the northern parts of the Peninsula. It was in the beginning of the session that he had occasion to foretel the speedy discomfiture of the then Sardinian Monarch by the victorious troops of Marshal Radetzky, and, after a temporary success, he was repulsed and driven back, corn_ pelled to pass the Ticino, and forced to resort for pro tection. to the walls of his own capital, and only not followed to that capital by his victorious pursuers because they mercifully abstained from using their victory against him, and preferred to redeem their pledge and maintain their arrangements' of the Treaty of Vienna, to doing that which the rights of war gave them—to enlarging their territory and taking security against a repeti tion of the offence. The best friends of the arrangement of the treaty of Vienna, the stoutest champion of that distri bution of territory, even my Noble Friend near me, who, by his able negotiations, completed the work of eur more illustrious victories, he himself could not have objected, nor dreamt of objecting, to Marshal Radetzky following Charles Albert across the Ticino, and exacting from him, according to the undeniable rights of war, and according to the strictest rules of the law of nations, ample security against a similar Outrage and aggression for the future.—( Hear, hear.) He acted a more humane and a more merciful part. He (Lord Brougham) only lamented, and he thought it was an error, that he should have so far stopped short of what he had a right to do. He would not have had him take a single acre of land to increase the territory of the conqueror or diminish that of the vanquished ; but he would have had him show at least that it was not from fear of resistance but from mag nanimity he had resolved to stop.—(Hear, hear.) Then it talkas said, " Oh, but we s h all have peace," and mediation was e (1 01 and offered, dan the mediation of this country SATURDAY foreign affairs, which was scarcely less objectionable, and that was an intermeddling in negotiations pending between foreign countries. They should not have likings here and die likings there; but he found most clearly that in every letter that was written, in every act that was done, a rooted preju dice against Austria, our alliance with which country in our best times since 1688, had been the very corner.stone of their foreign policy. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the resolutions which stood in his name. • The Earl of CARLISLE said he certainly should have felt great hesitation in presenting himself to their Lord ships' notice after so powerful an orator and accomplished a debater as his Noble and Learned Friend who had just sat down, had it not been for the sober and temperate tone by which the speech of his Noble and Learned Friend had been distinguished. But while he gladly paid this compliment to his speech, he could by no means extend it to the re solutions to which it served as a preface. Those re solutions seemed an attempt to gather together and sum up all the scattered and desultory taunts and insinuations which had been heaped on the Government during the present session, front all classes of politi cians. On the one hand, the Government were accused of being too willing to show sympathy with re volutionary opinions, and on the other, with not showing themselves sufficiently anxious to respect the independence of even the most democratic institutions—at one time they were too French, at another too Italian. The resolutions stated that the Government of this country was bound to require and obtain satisfactory explanations of the recent movements in the Italian states. Now, supposing that it were the duty of the Government to require satisfactory explanation of these matters, how were they to obtain them? —Meat., hear.) it was just as much as to say that it was the duty of a good Christian to pray for and obtain from Providence a continuance of good weather. Suppose the assurances we obtained were not satisfactory — sup p o se they were unsatisfactory—what would it be the duty of the Government to do? The second resolution stated that it was inconsistent with the general interests of the country to interfere in the concerns of foreign nations as between the Government and its subjects. To that he cordially subscribed; but he held that it would be a most imprudent thing to lay it down as a principle that under no circumstances would this country be justified in interfering —(Hear, hear)—for there might be cases in which such _ in terference might be dictated, not only by considerations of national policy, but by the dictates of humanity. Examples of such interference might be found in the proudest times of our history. The resolution of his Noble and Learned Friend was opposed to the very principle on which the Dutch Go vernment interfered at the time of our revolution, when their interference led to the establishment of the Protestant Government of this country, and seated the present family on the throne. The 3d resolution expressed regret to observe in the conduct of the Government a want of that friendly feeling towards allies to whom we were bound by treaty and mutual acts of goodwill. To begin with that city which must ever hold the first place in the consideration of man kind, he must observe, in reference to Rome, that the ruler of the Roman states addressed a formal .requisition to us through his representative at Paris, to hear part and co-ope rate with other Powers in endeavouring to compose the dif ferences which had taken place beiweeoaimself and his subjects, and for the re-establishment of his dominion over them. Her Majesty's Government, though unaffectedly sympathising with the misfortunes of the Holy Father and the afflictions of the Roman dominions, thought it their duty to abstain from taking part in the conferences opened at Gaeta, or the proceedings which emanated from them; for they very properly felt some delicacy in putting themselves on the same level with the organs of the Catholic powers of Europe, who were accessible to views and inguences in which they could have no share, and, therefore, though they could not cease to watch what was taking place on so important and interesting a field of action, and were ready at all times to offer such advice as might be useful or advantageous, yet they thought it behoved them not to interfere in that con ference; for they felt that, should they lead to any overt acts, nothing could be more distasteful to the English people than the interference of the British nation for the purpose of imposing the dominion of the Pope on any com munity whatever. At the same time, her Majesty's Govern ment did not think it becoming in them to adopt any impor tunate or obstructive course towards those powers who had charged themselves with the office of interfering for the pur pose of settling, if possible, this long protracted controversy ; nor did they conceal their opinions. His Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign-office stated to our ambassador in Paris, on the 28th of January, the importance that he at tached to the maintenance of peace, and deprecating any at tempt to settle the differences between the Pope and his subjects by an armed force. Again, on the 9th of March, he stated that the Government did not see, from the recent oc currences in Rome, any, reason to give up the hope that an amicable arrangement might be effected by the interposition of friendly powers, without the employment of a military force. This was the advice the Government tendered; nor did they think it necessary to make any formal protest either when the French landed at Civita Vecchia, or when they afterwards proceeded to the siege of Rome I or when Austria beseiged Bologna and blocaded Ancona; or when the Neapolitans invaded the southern territories of the Pope, or when Spain disembarked her troops at Gaeta. For his own part he confessed that he had not viewed the subsequent proceedings without regret, nor could he view without ad miration the display of that valour which once again seemed to have become the attribute of the Roman name. And here he must observe that his Noble and Learned Friend had much exaggerated the number of foreign adventurers engaged in the conflict. It was due to the French nation, and to those able men who directed her councils, to state that the most ample assurances had been received and were still received from the Government of that nation as to their future dispositions and intentions. They unequivocally dis claimed all idea of extension of territory, and all notions of conquest.—(Hear, hear.) They professed themselves willing to retire at the earliest moment compatible with their own honour from the scene of the past conflict, and exhibited a general disposition to concur with the other parties who had been engaged in these conferences to effect, if possible, a reconcilement of the differences which had prevailed be tween the Pope and his subjects. And should these efforts lead to a happy issue, as he trusted they might, the Govern. ment, at least, would not take shame to themselves, but would rather congratulate themselves, when France was engaged in a mighty struggle, in not having added to her embarrassments by any representations as to her conduct in this affair. Had they pursued a contrary course they might certainly have laid upon the table of their Loriships House a more plausible or specious dispatch, and have gained ap plause by the pith and pungency of their remarks on the nature find character of the French expedition. But they thought such an advantage would have been dearly pur chased at such a price. From Rime his Noble and Learned Friend had transferred them to the territory of the King of the Two Sicilies, and in this part he regretted to observe a bit terness of tone from which the rest of his speech was free. Our relations—to use the mildest term—with the inhabi tants of Sicily would have induced us to use our best endea vours to stanch her wounds and ameliorate her condition, even if we had not received a formal invitation from both parties in those fatal differences to interpose our mediation. His Noble and Learned Friend was severe on the Lord Privy Seal for having compared the case of the Sicilies to the case of those who rose against James 11., and yet in the present session they had been told, not in any Ministerial document or dispatch—not from the lips of any of her Majesty's Go vernment, but by one of the chief ornaments of the Members opposite, with that nervous pith which distinguished all that fell from him, that the Sicilians had as clear a right against their Sovereign as the English barons had when they rose against King John, or as the English had when they rose, under the name of Orange, against James 11., The Go vernment were induced to interfere, with the view of pro moting amicable relations between the King of the Two Sici lies and his Sicilian subjects. We laid great stress upon the importance of placing the two Crowns upon one head, but when we found that that was not possible we were desirous of placing the Sicilian Crown on the head of the son of the King of Naples. We, however, found that the pre valent opinion of Naples itsglf was at that time that Sicily could not be recovered. Such was the opinion of Prince Cariati and Count Ferretti. We were told by our ambassa dor at Paris that there was a party in that capital that would rejoice to see a republic at Sicily, as the most unexpected triumph of their principles. When we were told that there was no hope of mutual confidence, we did not think that any grounds could warrant us in exercising a forcible inter ference between the contending parties. Instructions were given to Sir W.Parker to abstain from any political inter ference. He thought he was correct in stating that on the first attack upon Palermo it was not the Sicilians but the Neapolitans that were conveyed away in safety by the ships of her Majesty. The instructions issued were to afford safety to the distressed of all countries. He found that when Pa lermo was evacuated by the troops of the King of the Two Sicilies, during the retreat of the troops the Te Deum was celebrated with all the pomp of the Romish Church, and the greatest demonstrations were made to exhibit their feelings of satisfaction at the circumstance. As he had no wish to rip up old sores, he would say nothing as to what took place at Messina. Our admiral did think Himself called upon not to refuse to associate the forces of her Majesty with those of the French Republic in suspending the proceedings that took place upon that ill-fated strand. The British Government might certainly have said that he had received certain orders ; why did he not observe them ? He ( Lord Carlisle) should be sorry to belong to any party that could be capable of so heartless a disavowal. Non interference, no doubt, was an important principle upon which to act, but there might be an occasion, whether as regarded nations or individuals, when it would be most unjustifiable for a superior strength to stand quietly by while they saw the greatest suffering and wrong inflicted, and yet not stir a finger to prevent it; such conduct he could not designate by any other language than baseness to man and treachery to Heaven. At a recent period the representative of his Sicilian Majesty addressed his Noble Friend the Se cretary for Foreign Affairs in expressions of great courtesy and thanks, and said that this was but a just homage which he paid to the wisdom of the Cabinet of St. James's. If that power had been treated with the harshness, in justice, and bad faith which had been attributed to the British Governinent, they could scarcely have been ad dreeeed in such honourable terms as he .had referred to, and have been subsequently courted for their good offices.—(Hear, hear.) He felt it was proved beyond a matter of doubt that the Secretary for Foreign Affairs could never have been actuated by any . wish or disposition to act unfairly by Austria. But if Austria could have been injured by the non production of the dispatch alluded to by the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, surely she had a represen tative here, and devoted friends in both Houses of Parlia ment, who would have had it in their power at once by a suggestion to have supplied the deficiency. The fact was, that much greater exigencies had superseded all thought upon that subject. Stress had been laid on the different language used by the Court of Austria in 1847, and to the Court of Turin more recently. He would not attempt to claim for his colleagues the gift of prescience or omnisci ence, but there was certainly a belief then entertained that it was much more likely Austria would attack Turin than that Piedmont would attack Austria. His Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had been made the object of attack from every quarter; he had certainly been attacked everywhere more than in his own presence.— (Har, hear.) The countless labours of his office, and the success that had attended his efforts in preserving his country from war, ought to have been sufficient to have screened him from such attacks. We have passed a year and a half that was wholly without precedent or parallel. Paris had been swept with cannon three times, and in military occupation—the Emperor of Vienna had been obliged to fly—Berlin perpetually in a state of siege— Pesth and Prague bombarded and stormed—Milan lost and won—Messina battered—Venice still holding out—Bologna attacked—Ancona blockaded—and Rome, with its Pope flying from it a fugitive and an exile, and sustaining a siege from perhaps a nation that was best acquainted with the science of war, on her old Aurelian walls. In the midst of these stirring events his Noble Friend had given whole nights and days to the labours of his office with the view of averting the calamities of war and of maintaining, as far as he could, the peace of the world. Though it might have happened that his Noble Friend had been sometimes obliged to run counter to some favoured, view of a distinguished statesman, or to wound the sensibilities of men whom he would gladly have respected, yet the country must, however, acknowledge, after the lapse of these eighteen months, that he had not only succeeded in maintaining peace with every other power in the world—that he had not only preserved order and freedom within our own waters, but he belialwd that his cautious wers still doing much to prevent Ovoid- EVENING, JULY 21, break of what might be called a universal war. In the midst of an agitated world this country was in a state of pro found peace, unvexed by sedition at home, and untouched by the convulsions that were raging around her; her good offices being continually invited and treated with the greatest respect, and her arbitration solicited upon the last resort. Not au account reaches us which did not tell us of our ministers, our consuls--above all, our naval officers giving an inviolable asylum to the destitute and friendless of every clime. In the midst of jealousies and discord all around us, we were opening our ports and inviting the commerce of the world. In this position the Noble and Learned Lord opposite came forward with illogical and unmeaning resolu tions.—( Hear, hear.) We are content, however, to meet them. We will point to Europe and to England as it now is, and are willing to abide the result.—(Hear, hear.) Lord HEYTESBURY, who was scarcely audible in the gallery, entered into a minute history of the events connected with the Sicilian Constitution of 1812, during the time Lord William Bentinck was commander-in-chief in that country, but the indistinct tone in which his Lordship addressed the House rendered the greater part of his observations almost wholly inaudible. He denied that the paper which he had drawn up, and which was circulated in Sicily previous to the meeting of the third and last. Parliament, was, as had been asserted, a guarantee by the British Government of the Con stitution which then existed. From the moment the two houses concurred in an address to the King to appoint a cornmissionto revive the Constituti on , the responsibilit y o f this country ceased. The Noble Lord was nearly inaudible throughout his speech. The Earl of MINTO, who was also almost inaudible, was understood to say that the Noble and Learned Lord who had introduced that motion, had been mistaken in saying that constitutional and representative form of govertment was established for the first time in Sicily in 1811. nie should endeavour to justify Lord W. Bentinck from the reproach which had been oast upon him. That Noble Lord had come over here expressly to get instructions as to how he ought to act, and on obtaining them he had returned to that country, and had acted on his return in assisting to revise the old Constitution of that country, which had been placed on a basis of constitutional government nearly similar to our own, in the time of Frederick 11., only about eighty years after our own Magna Chute had been signed by King John. It would be seen;then, that the constitutional and re presentative form of government had been for a long time established in Sicily. The Noble Earl then went, into a detailed account of the political history of Sicily, fr om the period alluded to down to the time of Napoleon, but he was so imperfectly heard, that but a portion of a sen tence here and there could be caught in the gallery. He contended that England had pledged herself to maintain the rights and privileges of the Sicilian people, as secured to them by the Constitution of 1812 ; and that the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily were as distinct as England and Scotland formerly were. And, in fact, Ferdinand 111. of Sicily was Ferdinand IV. of Naples. There was an expectation create - 1 that on the 12th January, 1848, considerable concessions would be made to the people in Sicily, and something like a Parliamentary: Government would he established. These concessions had, however, never been made. It was at that juncture he was invited to go to Naples, having previously refused to take any part in the affairs of Sicily or Naples. It was evident to any one that knew anything of that coun try that a long time would not elapse before a revolution would take place there. He gave it as his opinion that there might be two Legislatures for the different kingdoms to ma sage their local affairs, and an Imperial Legislature to manage the affairs of both. During his negotiations he stated his ex treme desire to secure if possible the union of the two countries. He stated to the Government of the King of Naples at the same time, that he insisted, as one of the conditions, that he could not regard the Sicilians as being in insurrection against the lawful sovereign, and that if he were to treat it as a question of law he could not admit but that the Sici lians had a perfect right to the Constitution:of 1812—a Con stitution that was still existing by law, and which the Nea politan Government had admitted was not abrogated, but only suspended. He could not get the Sicilian Government to acquiesce in this arrangement. The confidential decrees which he brought with him, and which he was not to dis close except under particular circumstances, he found had preceded his arrival, and had been circulated over the coun try. These had been unanimously rejected by the people, who determined upon standing by the letter of the Constitu tion of 1812. He refused to land until he was assured that the people were willing to acknowledge the Royal authority. One of the modifications which he proposed was that the King when not present should be represented by the Vice roy, who should be a member of the Royal Family. Invited as England had been by the Government and the people of Sicily to interfere in the affairs of that country, we were bound to acknowledge the old engagements which had been admitted by Lord Liverpool, Lord Castlereagh, and other members of different Governments in this country.—(Hear.) . . The Earl of ABERDEEN said he would not detain their Lordships with any inquiries into the history and nature of the Sicilian Constitution. Whatever might be the merits or demerits of that Constitution, the question for their Lord. ships was, bad the people of this country any obligation which compelled them to set up that Constitution, and which released them from those duties of good faith and justice by which they should be governed.—(Hear, hear.) He might first call their Lordships' attention to the position of this country as compared with that which it occupied hitherto.—( Hear, hear.) In the convulsions which befel Europe, if they interfered at all, they ought to have in terfered in a manner materially to support the cause of peace, of order, and of freedom, and thus to have deserved the blessings of mankind; but was that the course which they pursued? No; and what was the result of their in terference? Why, they had failed in every instance in their interference in the disputes of 'other countries; and by neglecting the proper discharge of their duties, they bad made themselves the objects of animadversion of other Governments, and of suspicion to their subjects. The policy of this country hitherto might have been selfish, arrogant, and unjust, but he thought England had never before been remarkable for duplicity—(Hear, hear)—and most cer tainly they had been so in their conduct towards the King of Naples. He ap , ealed to any candid man, after having turned over the volumes on their Lordahips' table on this subject, whether what he stated was not correct, and whether there was not a strain of unfriend liness and unfairness towards the Neapolitan Government ? In the first instance, the unfriendliness, the gratuitous un friendliness towards that Government appeared to be re markable. In the papers which were laid before the House last year, relative to the correspondence with Austria, Naples was only incidentally mentioned, and then only in connexion with all kinds of abuses which were said to exist in the Roman States, and it was stated, in reference those al leged abuses, that it was not surprising that men who suffered under them shouldl take up any scheme, however wild, to redress themselves—(Hear)—and at that very time Naples was in open revolt, aria Europe was convulsed. Why, was it pos sible to mistake what could have been the feelings of un friendliness of this Government in saying those things?— (Hear.) That dispatch to Vienna, at that time in a state of revolt, of open revolt, was, he thought, quite sufficient to account for the feelings of the Court of Naples. The Noble Earl opposite said he was invited to go to Naples in order to endeavour to settle matters. Now, he must say. in passing, that the Noble Earl's mission throughout had been attended with failure in every instance ; and, as regarded Naples, it had been characterised by partiality, and hostility to the Government to which he went.—(Elear, hear.) The Noble Earl said that he had great unwillingness to go there, but that he was pressed by the King. Now, they all knew that the old woman of Syracuse submitted to the tyranny of Dionysius lest the Devil might follow—(Loud cheers and laughter)—and perhaps the King of Naples had some thing of the kind in his mind when he sent for the Noble Earl.--illear, hear, and laughter.) But the whole course of the transaction had been characterised by unfriendliness and partiality as regarded this country. Why, after the capture of Messina by the King's troops, the affair was at an end, the revolt was put down, this country interfered, and interrupted the pacific arrangements which must have followed; and that interference he considered a hostile act towards Naples. It was true that interference was justified on the ground of humanity, but if it was on thatgroand, at all events their humanity was secondhand; for if the French had not been humane, they would not have been so. That was clear from the dispatch of Lord Napier, wherein he stated that the unexpected and spontaneous resolutions em braced by the French Admiral had placed the agents of this country in a momentary perplexity, , from which they could mot easily get out; but that, though the act was scarcely reconcilable with the principles laid down by the Foreign-office, yet, considering the double relations with France and Sicily, they had thought fit to follow the French Admiral's example, and interfere in staying hostilities in conjunction with him. If th e N eapo lit ans h a d b een d e f ea t e d, and the Sicilians successful, no such armistice would have been imposed by this country. Then, again, when the Sici lians invited the Duke of Genoa to become King of Sicily a British steamer was sent to convey those who were to proffer the Crown to him, and was that a friendly act? Certainly not. It was true he had the good sense to refuse it, but the fact that the Government of th e country too k up the matter and sent the invitation to him without giving the Court or Government of Naples any time fur consideration, showed its unfriendliness towards the latter power. In like manner when the Sicilian envoys came to this country they were received at the Foreign-office by the head of that de partment—had the affairs talked over, and considered, while the Neapolitan Minister was given audience to at the same time, and he must say that it could not have given that Minister any very favourable idea of the feelings of the Government of this country towards his Sovereign at seeing those parties so received woo were in open rebellion against him.—(Hear, hear.) lie then came to the dispatch which had been laid on the table of the House respecting the Italian question, so far,as Sardinia and Austria were concerned. Those dis patches; he must say, were curious in their way. He moved for them in March last, and now, when they were produced four months after that, he found that they did not contain anything in reference to the late war between Austria and Sardinia, but were all of dates prior to the French revolu tion.—(Hear, hear.) He had heard it said that the Noble Lord, the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, was a bit of a wag, and he certainly could not have laid those dispatches on the table with a grave face. They comprised documents relating to the death of the late Pope, the dispute between Modena and Tuscany, and some other matters, but as to Charles Albert crossing the Ticino they said nothing whatever. How ever, they must take them as they found them. One of them a dispatch from Mr. Abercromby, dated August 1847, did refer to a threat said to be held by Austria against Sardinia, that should the Sardinian Monarch esta blish, as he proposed, a civic guard, that a portion of his territories would be occupied by Austrian troops, but had Austria ever made such a threat ? It had been contradicted, not only by the Cabinet of Vienna, but by the Sardinian Minister; and it showed a spirit of unfairness towards Austria to have laid such a dispatch, saying such threat was made, on the table of that House without the contradiction along with it, that contradiction being in the hands of the Foreign Secretary previous to the production of the disp a t c h. Had this country remonstrated with the King of Sardinia, he firmly believed that he would never have entered into a war with Austria. This country was, in a manner, bound to do so, for in entering into that war he was breaking his treaties as much with thin country as with Austria. At the same time that war was going on the Noble Earl opposite was at Rome performing various antics—(Laughter)—to the great delight of pa-ties there, who lauded him to the skies, and shouted the independence of Italy, in other words, the expulsion of Austria.—(Hear, hear.) He did not know how this country had acted during the last outbreak with Sardinia when the Sardinian Monarch was defeated on the plains of Novara, but he had heard it announced that the English Government had instructed the Sardinian Go vernment not to be in a hurry in concluding the, treaty of peace consequent upon the armistice entered into after the defeat at Novara. If that was not the case the Noble Mar quis opposite could refute it. Had_ the war with Sardinia been concluded, as it ought to haVe been, and wh ich it w l u re would- have been had this country properly interferedo,stthdeeye have been spared the circumstance which li_1) rn usisan .n that war been ended the Austrian namely, a terven. t g i r o e n t te i d n as ltu h s a t r ha ving as taken had place, B army would have been sufficientient to quell the rebellion in that should portionun of the Austriandomini ons without the aid of Russi a . g s r a a y nt w t it h h er resp respect to passports, that it was foreignersa passport, because there was no t strict neutrality in such a case, for it was in c nest ons equence of the number of foreigners going to Rom e , t h at trulylie to th e great difficulty arose. But though' the French army should consist of $O,OOO Men izz support tf lofts, he did sot • 1849, see wby any feeling of danger should be felt by the people of England. The Marquis of LANSDQWNEsaid that his Noble Friend (Lord Brougham) spoke of his first motion in quite a dif ferent language from his present resolution, for he did not mean to justify anything with respect to the interference of France with Rome; but he should say that he did not con sider that he was called on to give any opinion, but at the same time he should say that it was the policy of the Go vernment of England not to oppose the Government of France, which weighs much on the States of Europe, and he should, therefore, avoid any opposition to that Govern ment, and particularly when their interference in the case of Rome was for the restoration of the Pope, which was the wish of this country, on certain conditions, and that in op position to the wish of the Austrians. He should at the same time inform their Lordships, that the wish of the English Government in behalf of the Pope was in the light of a temporal Sovereign, and not as the head of the Roman Catholic Church.—(Hear, hear.) With re gard to the resolutions of the Noble and Learned Lord, he never heard a proposition more completely aiming at the destruction of all those principles of foreign policy upon which it had hitherto been the custom of this country to act. The Noble Earl opposite had charged it upon the Government that by the exercise of proper means the war in Lombardy might have been put a atop to, and if the meaning intended by the Noble Earl to be conveyed to the House was, that everything had not been done by the Government which could possibly have tended to effect that object, he would give it his unqualified contradiction. The Noble Earl appeared to suppose that better or more suc cessful means could be resorted to than pointing out to foreign countries how they were likely to be effected by the events that were passing within them, so as at once to appeal to their interests. The dispatches of Mr. Abercrombie were sufficient of themselves to show the conciliatory spirit in which Lord Palmerston had conducted these negotiations, and if more were still required by the Noble Earl, he should be glad if he would point him out the easy rule he ap peared to possess, of bringing kings to reason. The Noble Earl, too, not content with having blamed the Government for not exerting itself as it might have done for the pacification of Italy, had gone on so far as to charge them with having manifested a feeling positively against Austria. Upon examination, he was sure that that charge would be found to possess no basis in truth. His earnest hops for the benefit of Austria was that she might get out of the difficulties in which she was involved. It was a remarkable thing that in the midst of the most convulsed state of nations, who were bent, as it were, upon a war frolic, England was atpeace tit all and o a it was but f that day they had received the ratificatio n w; treaty peace in the north of Europe between the Danes and tre tt on the question of Schleswig •Holstein, and thus En rm gl a a n n s d stood amidst all the convulsions that shook Eur ope dignity of peace—clarum et venerabile nomen.—(Clrsi.3 the Lord STANLEY felt very painfully the impossibility of doing justice to a subject of such great importance as that now before their Lordships, yet he was unwilling to give a silent vote on the question contained in the resolutions under their Lordships' consideration —resolutions which were sustained by fact, and which were deserving of the deepest consideration which their Lordships could bestow upon them. Of the three resolutions brought forward by his Noble Friend, he should pass over one, that was the one referring to the inconsistency of the Government of this country in interfering in the affairs of foreign States. The Noble Earl who had just sat down quoted that resolution, but he stopped at the passage, that "it was inconsistent in the Government to interfere in the affairs of foreign States:" whereas the resolution ran, " as refers to the relations between the governors and the governed of those States." Now he (Lord Stanley) thought that the principle of non-interference should have been observed.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then referred to the second resolution, which referred to the right of Parliament to have full information on the subject of Bri tish interference in the affairs of Italy; and proceeded to inquire of her Majesty's Government whether they bad any declaration from the French Government that the French troops should be withdrawn as soon as the Pope was restored. Lord LANSDOWNE—We have had such declaration. Lord STANLEY—Then that was the first time that they had been made acquainted with such declaration. Lord LANSDOWNE—We have had such information, though not so satisfactory and explicit as could be desired. Lord STANLEY—There stands the difference. You have had declarations, but annexed to them were certain condi tions, and what those conditions were they were lent to sur mise. The Noble Lord then referred to the conditions on which he understood the Pope was to be restored to his tem poral as well as his ecclesiastical power, and amused the House with some remarks on the manner in which the Pope was expelled his dominions. The Noble Lord referred to various instances in which rumours were raised as to Austrian interference in Italy, which had all turned out to be false. The language of Austria had always been, " We do not wish to extend our dominions, we will hold what we have, but as to the interference with the dominions of any other state or Government we utterly repudiate. The whole of the proceed ings on the part of this country exhibited a jealousy towards Austria totally unjustifiable, and in no case was there the slightest ground for such jealousy. He agreed with his Hon. Friend (the Earl of Aberdeen) that this country had not taken all the steps it could, and ought to have dune, in order to prevent the invasion of the Austrian dominions by Charles Albert. The Noble Marquis said they told the King of Sardinia that it would be dangerous for him to take such a step; but that was not enough, they ought to have said, " If you do so it is in violation of treaties which you ly come bound to observe, and if you do so we protest against an act which is a violation of treaties, and a most unprinci pled act on your part ;" but it was said why blame Charles Albert, while so much sympathy is evinced for the King of Naples, who made an invasion upon Austria as bad as that of Charles Albert, but the cases were different. The one was goaded on by ambition and personal aggrandise ment—the other at the instigation of parties whose wishes he could not controul. The whole course of proceedings of this country towards the King of the Two Sicilies was long before the advent of the Noble Earl at Naples, most unfriendly and unjust. In order to show the actings of this country towards Naples, after the removal of the Earl of Minto to the kingdom of Naples, the Noble Lord read extracts from the dispatch of that Noble Earl, showing that while at the outset he indicated to the Sici lians they should not neglect the terms he was instrumental in causing the King to submit to them, he, in the course of one short week, after such terms were submitted, turned round and advocated the cause of Sicilian independenc7. He realty felt that it was impossible for him at that hour of the morning to go through the long list of objections to the course pursued by the Government, or to expose the gross misrepresentations of the policy pursued by the Neapolitan Government in these transactions; suffice it to say, from the first to the last the whole of our interference was an inter ference in favour of the revolted subjects of the King of Sicilv.—(Hear, hear.) They interfered in defiance of the laws or - nations, and had thus caused a vast and unnecessary loss of life, and after all this monstrous and foolish interfer ence, Palermo surrendered without a contest. The feeling of the people was manifested, in defiance of the reports of our consuls, to be in favour of the restoration of Legitimate au thority. At another time he should be prepared to go more into detail ; but in the meantime he believed that in the papers before their Lordships there was ample evidence to enable their Lordships to decide that the double dealing and pattering of her Majesty's Government in these matters did not meet with the approbation of the more manly feeling of the House of Lords.—(Loud cheers.) Lord BROUGHANI said he had already occupied their Lordships' attention at such length in making his opening statement, that it would be unpardonable at that hour, and after tea hours' debate, to detain them from the divi sion, and he should therefore leave the question as it stood for their decision. Their Lordships then divided. For the resolutions— Contents—Present - 5l Proxies 45 —96 Non-contents—Present Proxies —lOB Majority for Government .. l2 Their Lordships then adjourned at Half-past Four o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House rf COMMONS./ FRIDAY, JULY 20. POOR-LAW UNION CHARGES ACT AMENDMENT BILL. (IN THE COMMITTEE.) Clause (And be it enacted, That it shall be lawful for the guardians of any union, or for the select vestry, guardians, directors, managers or overseers of the poor of auy parish not in union in England or Wales, and they are hereby autho rised to pay out of the moneys in their hands for the relief of the poor in such union or parish respectively, the cost of or attending the education of the children of parents receiving relief out of the workhouse, or of children partly or wholly maintained by means of a poor-rate out of the workhouse, within such union or parish, and also to make contracts for any period not exceeding one year, with any schoolmaster, for the education of such children, and to pay the amount so contracted to be paid out of the said moneys, subject, how ever, in respect of all such payments as aforesaid, to the rules and regulations which may from time to time be made by tile Poor-law Board in respect of the schools at which such children shall be placed, and the maximum amount to be allowed for such payments in respect of each child, whether by contract or otherwise • and all payments so made shall be charged to the common eund of the union, or to the parish where the same is not in union.") Motion made, and Question put, " That the clause be read a second time." The Com mittee divided : MINORITY-AYES, 13. Adair, Hugh E. Gwyn, Howel Pilkington, JiMOS Berkeley, Henry F. Haste, Alexander _ ___ Cholmeley, Sir M. Headhim, Thomas Colebrooke, Sir T. Hervey, Lord A. Frewen, C. 11. Gibson, T. M. Kershaw, James Wood, W. I'. Pearson, Charles Pechell,Captain MAJORITY—NOES, 54. Anderson, Arthur Foley, John H. Pryse, Pryse Armstrong, R. B. Fuller, A. E. Rich. Henry Barrington, Viscount Goddard, A. L. Romlliy, Sir John Bellew, R. M. Graham, Sir J. Shell, R. L. Boyle, Colonel Grenfell, C. P. Simeon, John Brotherton, J. Grey, Sir George Somerville. Sir W. Brown, 11. Halsey, T. P. Spooner, Richard Buller, Sir J. T. Ileyworth, L. Stafford, A. Burrell, Sir C. Ilobhouse, Sir John Thompson, Colonel Carew, W. P. Law, C. E. Tufnell, H. Carter, J. B. Lewis, G. C. Vane, Lord 11. Clay, Sir W. M'Cullagh, W. T. Villiers, Viscoun. Coles, Henry B. March,' Earl of Watkins, Colonel Denison, Edmund Miles, William Willoughby, Sir H. Dickson, Samuel Monsell, William Wood, Sir Charles Drummond, Henry Nichol', John 'Wrightson, W. B. Duncan, George Paget, Lord A. SILIAZI. Ebriugton, Lord Patten, W. Baines, M. T. Ferguson, Sir It. Power, Dr. Hayter, W. o. The sale announced to take place next week at No. 6, K enn i ng t on - gar d en Terrace, by Messrs. Robins,vlenrclu, as A most recherché collection of articles of taste and vertu, well as some exceedingly fine warble groups, figures, and busts, picturesof considerable merit, and valuable plate, the property celebrated gentl ema n well known for his know ledge and taste a aste in the tine arts. T he p rivate vi ew , we un derstand, takes place this day. T ile Crry. E LECT ION...—.A meeting of gentl emen favourable to the election of the Lord Mayor, as one of the Representa ti v es of the City, was yest er d ay held at the Mansion House, for the puipose of organisingnce of oppositioncommittees in the various wards; and, from the absence by the Conservatives, and the general feeling expressed in his favour, little doubt can be entertained of his Lordship' s election. THE CITY ELEctioN.—Last night a numerously attended and highly respectable meeti ng o f t h e e l ectors o f the City of Lo n d on was held in the large room of Ander ton's Hotel, Fleet-street, for the p urpose o f sec u r i ng t h e James election of Sir Duke, as one of th e Representative s o f the city of London, Resolutions to such an effect having been carried, th e M eeting separated. Letters from Malts, dated the 12th, state that a court-martial had taken place, to try Lieut. Richards, R.N , of her Majesty' s s hi p H owe, f or sen di ng a c h allenge to Lieut.. Woolridge, of the same ship. Lieutenant Richards was sentenced to be dismissed his ship, and placed at the bottom of tits list of litattnants. IRELAND. THE QUEISX'S VISIT. DUELIY, JULY 20.—Prince Albert has announced his in tention of being present at the grand banquet of " The Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland," which takes place in the Rotunda during the week of the cattle-show. The show will commence on the 7th of August. An extraordinary meeting of the Royal Dublin Society was held yesterday, for the purpose of adopting addresses to be presented to her Majesty and Prince Albert on the occa sionlLLYEss o r YIDS CRIEP ILLEO:S. of the royal Veit. ARMAGH, JULY 18.---The commission for this county was opened by Mr. Justice Perrin, at ten o'clock A.m. this day. Chief Baron Pigot has been rendered unable to come to this town by a severe attack of diarrhsea, which disabled him from performing his duties at Monaghan, in consequence of which some of the heaviest cases on the calendar bad to be post poned to next assizes. In consequence of his illness con:. tinning, the Learned Chief Baron took his departure fur Dub lin to-day. We are informed that Dr. Corrigan was expected in Monaghan last night in attendance on the Learned Judge.. It is doubtful whether the Chief Baron will be able to resume his duties at Downpatrick. If not, a commission will have to issue to one of the sergeants or Queen's counsel, to take his place as judge of assize. Judge Perrin has undertaken to discharge all the business, civil and criminal, for this county. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. 11'ENLOCK RACES.—FamAY. The Wenlock Races of 10 soya. each, 5 ft, and 3 only if de clared, with 50 added. Twice round and a distance. Mr. Minor's Miss Bunney, 3 yrs ... „. (Evans) 1 Mr. Giles's Gaffer Green, aged ... 2 Mr. Hughes's Rebecca, 4 yrs ... 3 The Abbey Stakes of 3 soya. each, with 30 added. One mile and a half. Mr. Wadlow's Gratis 4 yrs •• Sir W. W. Wynn's The Wind, 3 vrs SALISBURY RACEg.—Tlluaer4r. The Wiltshire Stakes of 25 soya. each, 15 ft, and only 5 if declared. Two miles. Mr. Elves na Golden Pippin, 3 yrs... ... (Thick) 0 1 Mr. W. Sadler's Antelope, 4 yrs 0 dr Sweepstakes of 30 soya. each, h ft, for three yrs old colts, est 91b; fillies, fst 61b. One mile and a half. Mr. Herbert's Letitia ... ... walked over. The County Gold Cup of 70 sovs. Two miles. Mr. Herbert's Radulphus ... walked over. The City Members' Plate of 50 says. each, added to a sweep stakes of 5 soya. each ; three years old, 7st 31b ; four, Bst 61b; five, Bst 131 b ; six :and aged, 9st 21b. Winners extra. One mile and three quarters. Mr. Herbert's Radulphus, 6 yrs ••• •.. ..• (Sly) 1 Mr. W. Sadler's Ambassadress, 3 yrs ... 2 The City Bowl, value 30 Boys., added to a sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each ; three years old, 9st 71b ; four, lOst 121 b ; five, list 61b ; six and age d, 1 I s t 101 b. G en tl emen riders— professionals allowed to ride by carrying 61b extra. Heats one mile. Mr. Sadler's Antelope, 4 yrs Major Pitt' s M ounseer, 3 yrs ... Mr. W. S a dl er ' s M ounta i n Dew, 5 . yrs Mr. J. Howlett's Luminous, 5 yrs Mr. Kennedy's Traitress, 3 yrs FArDAY. Sweepstakes of b 0 sou. each, h ft, for three years old. Mr. Herbert's Tel walked over. The Wilton Park Stakes, of 10 sovs. each, for two Ira old colts, Bst 71b; fillies, Bst 31b; winners extra. T.I.C. Mr. Jenkins's Miss Larkaway ••• ... (A. Day) 1 Mr. Dixon's Blarney ... ••• ••• ••• ... 2 Mr. W. Sadler's Giraffe .. 3 Queen's Plate of 100 guineas, for three yrs old, it 121 b ; four, 9st 61b ; five, lOst 61b ; six and aged, lOst 31b. Two miles. Mr. J. Pownev's The Hero, 6 yrs ... (A. Day) 1 Mr. Harrison r s Hippona, 4 yrs ... ••• ••• 2 County Members' Plate of 50 soya., added to a sweepstakes of 5 soya. each ; three yrs old, 7st 31b ; four, Bst 61b ; five, 9st 131 b; six and aged, 9st 21b; winners extra. One mile and three-quarters. Mr. Herbert's Radulphus, 6 yrs ... (Sly) 1 Major Pitt's Mounseer, 3 yrs . ••• 2 Mr. V. Sadler's Ambassadress, 3 yrs .. ••• 3 Mr. J. Mowlett's Diadem, 5 yrs ... 4 South-Western Railway Stakes of 25 sovs., added to sweep stakes of 5 sovs. each ; three yrs old, 9st 71b ; four, lOst 121 b; five, list 61b; six and aged, list 101 b. Gentlemen riders. Heats. One mile. Mr. J. Sadler's Lady Bangtail, 4 'Ts .. 4 4 1 1 Mr. Y. King' s R e d D oe , 4 yrs 2 1 2 2 Mr. W. Sadl er ' s M ounta i n Dew, 5 yrs . 1 2 3 dr Mr. W. Etwall's c b y Thistlewlaipper out of Mopes, 3 yrs •• ••• 0 3 dr Mr. J. Howlett's Luminous, S yrs ... 3 dr BETTING AT MANCIIESTER.—FEzDar. GOODWOOD STAICES.-10 to 1 agst Maid of Masham (taken freely), 11 to 1 agst Collingwood, 100 to 7 agst Maid of Lyme, 15 to 1 agst Plaudit, 15 to 1 agst Fernhill, 15 to 1 agst Hornpipe, 16 to 1 agst Syrup, 16 to 1 aget St. Antonio, 20 to 1 agst Remembrance, 20 to 1 agat Tophana. GOODWOOD Cur.-3 to 1 agst The Hero, 3to 1 aget Canezou, 4 to 1 agst Tadmore, 20 to 1 agst Black Eagle. ST. LXGER.-5 to 4 on Flying Dutchman, 10 to 1 eget Lady Superior, 10 to 1 agst Uriel, 10 to 1 agst Loup -garou, 20 to 1 agst Chatterer (t), '25 to 1 agat Volcano (t.) ... (Tasker) 1 1 ... 2 2 ... 0 1 0 ... 1 2 2 ... 3 3 dr ... 2 4 dr ... 4dr CRICKET. ELEVEN OF ENGLAND AGAINST TWENTY-TWO OF BULL. This match was resumei yesterday. The following is the score at the close of the second day's play:— ENGLAND—FIRST INNINGS. Chatterton—c Morgan. b Parker ... Hinkly—c Morgan, b Lambert Parr—c Lister, b Lsmbert F. Pilch—b Parker , , A. Mynn, Esq.—c Lead, b Parker N. Felix, Eaq.—b Parker ... Guy—c Morgan, b Parker . . S. W. Lindow, Eq.—b Taylor ... Clarke—c Potts, b Taylor ... J. W 3 nne, Esq. —c Abington, b Taylor Biekloy—uot out ••• ••• ••• ... 29 ... 14 ... 52 14 ... 49 ... 10 ••• 2 13 3, w 28 Total . lIULL-FIRST INNINGS. W. J. Lunn, Esq.—run out ... . J. B. l'a , ke.r, E.,l.—run out . Leml—b Bichley ••• ... ••• . W. Alar.hall, Esq.—c CbAtterton, b Bickley I'. Lake, Esq.—c Alynn, b Bickley . B 0, w 3 . Total ... NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. ~ 31 212 ... o ... 3 ... 2 ... 0 ... 0 ... 3 ... 7 A PPOI TMEN Lieutenants—H. P. Jones, to the Royal Sovereign ;G. A. Pidcock, J. W. Whyte, W. J. R. Card, and T. D. Rich, to the Queen. Alid:hipman—George liotinson, to the Hogue. Gunners—Edward Payne, to the Stromboli; John White, to the Imaum. The Commander-in-Chief at Portsmouth did not go to Portland yesterday morning. The Fire King proceeded, with Lieut. Cochran on board, taking down a variety of ensigns and flags of all sorts, to be used on the occasion of the laying the first stone of Portland Breakwater, by his Royal Highness Prince Albert, on Wed. nesday next. Admiral Sir Charles Ogle is at present staying for a few days with his friend Admiral Sir Bladen Capel. We are glad to see the gallant and esteemed Admiral, late our com msnder-in-chiet at Portsmouth, loeking in good health. He dined yesterday evening, with a large party, with Admiral Superintendent Prescott, at Portsmouth. The Childers, 12, Commander Pitman, sailed yesterday morning from Portsmouth for Chatham, to be paid off. The seamen of the royal yacht, as we already stated, will dine to-day, under canvas, on the lawn, at Osborne, when much fun and frolicking will take place. All hands dine on shore, excepting a few ship-keepers in each vessel. The Adventure naval transport, blaster-Commander Peter Wellington, arrived at Spithead on Thursday evening, from Rio, with condemned stores, &c., from the squadron. The Adventure has made both the passage out and also home in a splendid manner. She sailed from Portsmouth on the 25th March-, and arrived at the island of Cobsa, near Rio (where she landed her naval stores) in 51 days. She remained at Rio 11 days, sailed May 29, and arrived last evening, thus making the passage out and home, including 11 days stay at Rio, in 130 days. In her passage out, offßio, Rio, she experienced a tremendous hurricane, as it is called at Rio a " pampero," which lasted from the sth to the Bth of May, but the Adventure behaved like a good sea-boat, and su ff ered nothing from it , while in the severe egnatlie,relythediLaascsotedd,eanGdatnar b , u P t o a rt ug w u re es c e k7 t two-decker, Crescent,ecker,was Linnet, and Rifleman, were at Rio on the 28th of May, the latter vessel having arrived on the 25th, from England. The Hydra steamer towed the Adventure out o f Ri o, an d p ro ceeded on a cruise in search of some " reported " slaver. The Kestrel and Lizard were daily expected at Rio from Buenos . Ayres, the latter being on h er way to England. The Rale igh and Harpy were at Monte Video, all well. The American frigate Brandywine and brig Perry were also at Rio, with the Vasco de Gamma, dismasted, and a French store-ship, armed . en fl ute. A numb er o f A mer i can vessels were lying at Rio, with emigrants on board, bound round the horn to the gold diggings in California. One vessel has been wrecked in the above-mentioned gale, but all hands were saved. The affairs at Rio and at Monte Video, and at Pernam buco, remained in statu qno. Commander Wellington has brought home 17,000!. value in gold, and about 35,0001.. worth of bills of exchange ; the gold will be sent to London by Mr. Chambers, of the Hurd, to whom it is consigned. EXTRAORDLNART DESERTION OF NAVAL OFFICISS...-The second lieutenant of the Childers, Mr. George T. Graham (1846), and the master also of that ship, Mr. Andrew B. Elliott (1847), whilst the first lieutenant was at the hos pital, Hope, threw the commander was en shore at the Cape o f Good P e threw their commissions on the deck of the sloop and Gibson on the de serted her, leaving a midshipman of four Tes admiralrs'stapding only in charge, and were not heard of after. The station was obliged to appoint Lieutenant se cond master to officer the sh i p on her pas sageto England. The master waa ender arrest at the time he deserted. Thei r them on the ship's books. names have been stru ck off the list, and " r " placed against ACCIDEN T TO AN ABRONAUT.--DISCOTM or TUB ••-• - - T" ACCIDENT ' —All doubts regardi ng the fat e o f t h e h unfortunate in a balloon autwo wereonMondst Monday week to cross the Chan nel y set at rest by the discovery of the body. Some fishermen, it ap pears, found it on the Flathouso Sends, a shoal nearly in the centre of the British Channel, off Lavernock Point, about twelve miles south„of Cardiff. CAPE OP GOOD HOPE. —We hare journals from the Cape to the 28th of May, at which date it was in a very disturbed state, and an emeute was apprehended when the convict settlers arrived from England. Public meetings and demonstrations were still everywhere being got up to pro test against the measure, and the greatest anxiety was felt for the peace of the colony. Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Sthith, G.C.8., the Governor and Commander of the Forces. was at Cape Town. The naval Commander-in-Chiet t R ear- Admiral B. Reynolds, C. 8., lay in Simon's Bay, with. .t..h following force : —The Southampton, 50 guns, flag-ship; t lg e . Seringapatam, depot ship; the steam-transport D was stea gla the ma-lsloop iou G r e l l y .se e r 4 6 ec g t u e n d s. fro T m he St i u m rb r° o sloop Childers sailed from the station f 26th of May. d no ,. l. 2 E o ini e g u r e n e, c donorvetyt e , 4 , EDUCATION IN ENGLAND. f council of Education twecn the Hon. the Committee I , t i o ° o al Society, on the sub ject of the managementxce. has been laid before Paris. on the Romish kchools, o f Yr.'hiiles, M.P. This documeat extends over 40 pages• w ell-known ment, on the motion star in the southern hemis phere,Argus, suddenlya blazed forth, and, from a star of the has " rt i ma gnitude , now glares with the ball/lac/QC second or thi rd a first. ) reo $114.'