The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-26 00:00:00

THE SUN LO N DON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 26 1855. 4 e.e, right t -r-""5"''...... * . ..•a.ar....... w .1•• 41 sari g e ntleman gentleman was going to b move n, _a , n t y h ra o, otion. He ili, cha ;: . 4,1,r.ed his place to him ee , . t ,_ e h w s _ e ight he was i h d the hot , .„ diei n ,,:,,Lng his duty by so doing; ba h Isoti ',."Y to nailerstand that he take d h not wit; adrawn hi s seere's,t,_bitl,t that he should taae erw t a e d fi e rs n taoPPor t ,auity oration of %Sp e a !,entide of bringin it f r the gee . (atter.) He had certainly attendee I yesterday th e nvting tilled by the noble lord at t i se head of Sited jai er nrcent, and if the right hon ii g r e a n e tle man hail in- Area n e i n i to a meeting of the a t ,e ' r, he should it alio Y have thought it his duty to 'nave attended hi mself ( Laughter.) He should enleav our to restrict 4, tru s t s before. the house, and light(l that he should be able to threw Roe .e 'le the y in e t be s g u in bj : c i t th the origin of tno war. leli t e ea e i l l t e t sin Turke y y were a population increasing in UhrhPartlintelligence. The Seltan. was a mild and bane tie eii 41 ", anxious to give their rights to all leis subjects. r Petriti ed n° il t nt t ;_en to say that acts iat tyranny viere not pe - te! er e ,„__, ea _ provinees but he denied th: A the central 11 ? at tc` e ". 'Ad anythin;to do with them. He believed ta„„, einam object of Russia i.n the war wi th Turkey was Tur r a; an . en(l to this prosperity amongst the. Christians iri fei.t oes f' 'ail in this opinion he. was contu:rn .al b th -, ma ni- Ilea tei : i c the late Ernpertez, and the ciretular y s . of Count -chit ar ' °( Le• 'ln the ultinardum presenter'. by Prince :3U . L egee 4 ;., l ,' was srated that Russia desired that the privi as tti"e Greek Christians in Tnrk shcral.l be the sa . me legsti e o l enjoyed by the memb rs of all the foreign Ile n ,.°.s in Tiirkey. After that ultimatum Prince . Isel'clcti kft Con'tantinople, and the Sult . .n t. is to 1. 11 4,,'"aatt guaranteeing to thi? Greek . Christians eageb,i‘O'''liglous privileges and =mum. • ' ll e Gra' ll. • when he heard of this, wrote ti a es letter to stilt t , `',w, Vizier, stating that this Zrman was a direct in- Polei.,-°44sia. H e did not want the roligeons, but the t le the Privileees- for the Greek churches. He came ilea Lets -I,_4l_o.lificati`ns • ' h Turkey had suggested in the ' e .4 4 " rI ' Vienna,t °‘‘ )fie when C.,unt Neseelrode, said that Ikltleint'rlpretftiaon t upon that note by Tarkey was the . i , ll , tti - A s the interprPutation of Russia ; there w-as no power 'e t i • - pe, not excepting e Prussia, which did not declare a t 1 1 0%: Tt u w ill ' a e i Y a. - reed to' she would forfeit :her iedepende t,„ oethis rejection that the war , broke out. He i, 1 11, 0 7:1 consider hew far they were !ikely to . . obtain , Pitt i V k r - the Weeks commensurate witli the Privileg,s 'gilt * tt ssia insist 1 they should have, anti how far the tli,, t tuts gave them the 'se privileges. It hail been said * Nil aehWar w ascommenced without sufflci out objects, bu "Rat 1 - 9' crie fairly say that unless there, had been some the to,,Nect at stake Russia would have gone to war. If t. a:Acatians had been slight, would Russia have got e t . , 44 t - Ra t ° insist upon her interpretation of the . note ? a bad ag e t ime, he must say tlrat he thought if this ceun -40 have -- the first assumed a dignified tone, Russia might 'se e Le 'tone to w (Hear.) He attributed the war to St -,Thtain and ambiguous t,ne of her Majesty's Govern ratiT"lhlo At sail due respect to the right hon. gentle . man rat e. 4141 Mr. Gladstone), he attributed that tone in a tlme to him (Hear hear.) He now came to the at e itili_istakes which had been committed. In the first 4 ' co at wa s atated that no territor . ial diminution . of Enssia, e : the vietoSated. This was a premium to Russia to Ca1:1 y i I Y sii, ; r ' and reve ted the WestertrPowers from reaping - 'ris i'e - tve ben P fit fro n 't. He would now go to the con- IN ' ee' at /l ea:a I had heard that the first two points 0 4,.;, small importance • he totally differed from that f?- el tsiti,, (l ° n tbe first htt another capital mistake had been s' e • r e a ; ,," . The proposition in the first protocol emanated eliej 4t ra, ivho was desirous to mix up the . three te ler l'aliti te of . Serv . , Wallachia. and Moldavia to; h et ,ia a, / , ' ‘',oY did Austria la wish to mix them up, together . . 'kite. --"/ eeen d' y p from the other prince , eteeinllt A usTria ne w t i - sh e e e d to have the right of interfer- L l' dr e ti r ' la ' Prin Go -tschalcoff sawthrough the scheme. ~,, o it:siiee-ecati ti l ß e e st eh An ce st e r e in t should have a protectorate over 1 lexercise her influence over the t s i A l ta%;atteilnilatieenwof Tu ( rkey. Although Prince Gortscha aq7 ilia , o a r . a did not appear that the British plenipoten eh, , o e , o po '', t . he even . knew whether there was any '4 l Aoff , Atllation at all in the province. Prince Gort ,gthm he v 0 Cy cleveily avoided the difficulty by prop i.ss e(l. la the Vestion should be settled after the treaty wa l.' lead"' ( r.Layard) was astonished that Vile noble lord t 'qe p o rt_ef the constitutional party in this country should ' riv etl; 'fig name t otocol like this, athich would de ,,,kta,a-e thhabitanto a f pr the principalitios of the right (if NiaST il li g their own e in e ternal affairs, and would altogether ia 14 , 1.111 -rtritegprosperit and civiEsation of the Christians ' 4 ge ke '• The Servians Y entered a protest against this at lle,,s:ent. The e a Yaaid theydread ed Austriaeven more than t 'we r ' a — would up arms if Austrie bad a three 1b or ititerference in their affairs. He would ask what ti ;kl i a i :, 11 , 4 !Ile conduct or the Porte with respect to the prin e: etta Whit The Porte hail strictly abided by e th ve e r a i g n r t e er. eecl whi_ she hLd made The Borth had n 11 4 .4 , the Pri c' is. IT • ii It was Russia who had 14 ) 1 1 4'' f' .ehe.ekr?? the n r . , l itA l o i f e Sp . e!ki ato the Porte on their ,t4.4l,,,,;..rbiltirtkelyte;)les,(issu cued thetl.• I n t' of protectorate. In l the 'r l ights of the Principali ki',,' tva e , a , a respected had invaded them. The ti i 'l^-ea e . the ease in. Wallac,nia and Moldavia in 1812. g. 0 i ra n e na Ttttehhd ee deal hadbeen ate. Ea r ., Qat the right of interference was_ granted to anti b e 'D e an Pow ers, the interference of this was e n t t h ry e togkti, etili bitted. to At - atria. The next point . t i i tiil l e e lli !retea.:tefthe Iv l) .as anube. It . was . said that Russia had b i the on this point, but, as far as . e 4 .„, pad r e in _no they t ni m y er a i m t IN ~la.,,,,,r ib_ _, made, for . toe concessions nestw h e e a_ ets pointiho au te a 'Lie p„. .‘ , l by previous treat A ies oft: 'f t"l"e•terance of Russia. 1;41'; hu e ce rirtesy a/J: allowing Riisseatomiafkehethwe flirisei tile! taad e 11 , would. ask any dipl o matist course a skilful (111310- let, th e first. offer? 0 , ,, th .a r rinee Glortschakoff uric would tO'al at the the -first offer, A t ia then made 0 fi' , rlig h,...,• rpfuse d t a d o so. • Of and c 1 g : r u e b a t t e, li d s i , l t y r i p :• v i s a e s ' vas ex - t,tt the ')ll,Cfeele.,;;hlT generally did, and Countßuol proposed / 41 11 be i• as !ari, tiaidparticulairnlyt h th e a g t u t it h e e a T g u re tk e, i i s w h , it fl h e t e h t e s tj, 4 l or ,, l eaded. Upon this , point i11' 1 44 o`,. o,, p(mit, e (Lord btael y % ) a : v ad ery th ( e iiffi rig e h ni t t li t o e n i . e g ee en r ; it, t eitsti'r• Gladstone) that it d % thousand ways to escape t k q ro ' I ll• Russia would fin a emd with respect to the Nt tilti o q do u b ts had been expr te,as . t i. °l the words of the noble . lord upon a former oc lh t ell 1 'lit it was never quite clear that the meaning e °Q " , l ' ( 4 La yard) and others had put upon . them was i l „,V.itiZ l t 4r n . e.--13 Y e meant with . respect to the objects of the 1ir , ,,, 11, q, 4 1‘.1 the destruction of S b sto of and the Rus t 't la t ''tle t '",,'e would quote a des e p . t a dch p . of the Duke of ''''''' ' t 1 Raglan upon this point. The Duke ''t ‘ l ': l ' • ()r` Lord Raglan, say ths tihY 'utilisee altil Government were of opinion tha It " o ll : )l l;a 4Y hi e acitt e h tiking Sebastopol would be increased no hope of a safe lad LlPsedlili,.,fleetele4se,e tt ntit h t er h e at w f a o e rtress was reduced and the r r '' F - 11 . a'• 11 I, llo,,i r ,°Yee• thatit was most importan w t e t r h e a i t n t s h u e_ eol e e tir a .. ! , 0 prevent . 1 1 1.11 t ai:t ( t i llik ilti e , B 4l be undertaken u l n t l w es a s e i th t e h r e e refore, clear e traa (i rd, I f this was the meaning of the words of the l es - 1 ' lie e eaMe to the next point—theheloisiangtofbetehee tiloe'-',Prioo ,would say that if the straits a i les e l) , l i e with 5 41-enschikeff woula have appeared ( t Constan d have been sl i t he i h t , ll , a ti t d at a n t r fi q 4 et ria • o i nl f ethteestraeittsanhtaidaenpoitebvieeeneicr.ose.d he be t-114Z T ar Port e • Asa e g n reat cone f e t s h si e on e " r t , ey ° summon the fleets o lie ru e key for in danger. The right hon.would gentleman western ß ussi Russia ' 4.Bll tali,, " r 1-Wort said that by bringing fleets /4 44 4° 411e a '-i• insult had been offered toßuasia i tv ) h e i e e r h . , I tat I h t l i tnle + el ' tlie war • (No, no ) He Pir• LaYalt ; hail ' 4 tk - "(1 t i : 4)(41 that ' the urgument was ttoat this 11:at r,:fyob44:,,i,aentleecoluasriaiteiosn. of war. Suppose, however,that on 14 e ' ' l ii 4 ' he right to a the allied fleets, would wa t r it m a ni p re 11% Pelli4, If thereith respect made w declaration of war ? (Rear.) I% ,4 teas it was on the n par . had been %P e lee' la " Now for the fourth point, if it _ liee decd et would have been held up as a °I 1' ''' tile st . 8. anY con". t of Turkey and able prqte",sia, that she had conceded the rights . greatcon o c f es a 11 :1t o t? The e r T ra te• Di..l she concede a_,n_yt_b_iyag pro fa iris rate over was no treaty which gave Russia ''' Ili f l ce r Tu rkeY. By tre Ay apo4 enresentatio th li her ambassador, even it was on ly allowed her 0* 1 1 1. th n .a ". ) Itit t_ 1.,, auropeannotothe A i t e ar e ', a nettans in general, but in favourf tigl it. Th s a., Conatantinople and those who ministered ill atla die ordY admitted this it, .co Dean power., had never r -', itu e • eg the right of protectorateto the four th e ' Zlie ca r ed knew well that the Greeks would apply to that for the Greeks. She knew well . Aterat 101_.3 Protectorate would work in her favour in 41 ,i 4 l i tte d i , C Leai r e d . She wanted to have all the powers t ioit, s t 4 uerent the con ways, for she knew well upon lies. It, Ithierati‘l of each of the four powers upon any q !"4: : ' fi lter a 4 . l4 .ieht arise, the Porte would have to sacrifice 4 i i l er ta.;";tB Perplexity to meet them, and that in this ‘S ti llte - "rte would be undermined, and ever y man.th ),,,,tlettli;woold be sacrificed who would govern with or twelve t its'‘a.a Rt . " moderation , Within the last ten c .. Itb miri, t ,at change had taken place in Turkey,aa o t m i e t te ll % tllovlans could be left alone the time might to e li 4 e°ll lkl be able to assume that positioniethe e E h as m t ti %ea -er9 liberal minded man Must desire t ite e n_ k se ~ py. fr , 'esa ° ' th wear, hear ) He would now call the . a h _ t c , thli 4 na e t h hQ uee ' to the concessions which Russia ad 10, 41 i„ the e loss and gain of the different powers . con . - L" of , y," nog • • had been the gain and 4 t i t - ierk v botiatiens. What i .e ri,a.rY •It was said she perhaps might be ble to ‘Se f Sh 6 o 4 , t _ bank of the Danube. But what numberwoenfldnishene 14: 1 1 ar ee r ed already lost an immense t 4 , 1!, Stl , l l l, ,rt of her fleet—her finances had been ember- It 1 . ,la ei ';be had been obliged to have recoe . rse to loan. t. ' ee5 () , 1 .;:,', 1 have confirmed to her Circassia and s other y e lk il-r but hitherto had not been admitted . to belong tg:l:l'd -u w here she hard usrrpe an authority. What I'ti% bee 4 e T Greeks invaded Thessaly and i But what bad been the con- i I l ri :l Y tief e e re l t o w e :, l4 . Proneu e ncedan act of brigandage, am 'lieu ref' s a f ,..' to retire. act of wanton aggres ,eeed " 1 - es Turkey was concerned ? Turkey hat kite artpi i jail indemnity for that She had loss ca st ' )4 Wa na d been the gains and losses of Turkey. e 4 h v g3 44 had Russia lost and gained ? p t „ It u p e , _ men and She had given up the gua 7 tkr 114 tt'."'er of embarrassed her finances, but Pia t 'e lea 4 4 att.,_ not suffered. , th e Leetes,t.:4l° Protectorate • but she gained an extended i ki `titterili'ver Servia, and the power of interfering . d and ahe,eoreis„llL4ies--she gained the right to Circa' lie ‘'ll mi ght Prestige in the East and in Centre Europe, ll ie, 4 \ gre a g t at ..,e fatal to the interests of this country, and RAI4) What"eP towards the ruin of Tu . rimy..? Wee had e h a a rd ON ed had France and England gained 7 "'Li kpq l'e'llet,/,3'clrious battle or two, and met . with a gluii %t t he ~iPee ; we had shown the indomitable h i ss-co i n a 44bii,, e(i ill b o 3 , -;gber qualities of our troops, an toe, We k at ',Lie military reputation of our men.what But• and .ti, ei llie, e , ' We had shown to the world corruption lacat con within -that we have mismanaged a great rt . ' Vllv,.4444,Lltitutional government is not so good as it might ah at t , ranee eained anything ? She had gained ' l( :et,l, o e , t,t, tie,,ltig e jala was with Austria. (Hear.) And she had lost SP4tiot, all, What had she gained ? She hat gained the tt iri llie p,.°l. the Danube, the right of interfering in Servi n a ti,stfi'.e3,, gletpalities, a right which gave her power i he r l IIR, a , , e r etained her position at home. She had lost ' e tl . l 1 Att - Ri r t i Wa S BMA allowing us to fight her battles for 4 ti,:, %tit • a could carry on conferences at Vienna,. but %}" h 5. ha i l rv e to keep out of the war. The difficulties of el•tie a h been fort by the noble lord, but those dif eev4,ieeeexistea wo years, and they existedwlun ~e ( te,:( le .l that u treaty of the 2.1 of December. That treaty . `is 41 10 4 1 ln ease the re-establishment of the general t 4 , 411 , 't not he conceded in the course of last year the k 4 0% 4 ! f \ er " o l l3 4 ._ deliberate without delay upon effectnal t reat y th4t I ' n ing the object of the alliance. But it was anti 3'. ( ei there was a secret article attached . to that . A t O t a i 1,,,,. ?a1..) Austria then entered into is hostile eimbi l'es4t.ri'tLat Russia. Now, he wanted to know how long Ils k i!.tet ti i'° go on playiag in this manner ? It was P.re a. 111 wi t h e r this country should be placed l e sucia ,e see hote _ gard to Austria. She had done us iminee.. thotinstio.'ecup ttion of the Principalities, because by 9aat il k " Sri she she had enabled Russia to * . li ttil ea ' 'rho ri ht hon. gentleman Cdr. Gladstone ..hill a tp. m .. .., g pour her troops into ) kll,`'ll I),,in ..gturicent super•tructure on the sand. 'Whit t htt 414 hae el l'al insent in favour of peac?? Why, th,t4ittio, gradualry made concessions until she came to that ber, t ' be tl4l . and therefore we ought not to press her fur that ty °ught to make her some concessions. Now Russia t t to '" th e pr',.laking preposterous demands. She deman. d Ce he i et ußces sh I 1 1 pll d from Turkey. It was tilt t o gad left t he e VrinC e ip e a x lit e ie e s, but she never had any ks) there. (Cheers, And yet we were asked to I give up our rights in exchange for the renunciation of her : their capital. We might possibly have been obliged to preposterous demands. She had incorporated prov:nces have afforded them militeryassista into her vast empire in spite of us, and he would ask, if , defend the heart of England were to retire in dishonour and disgrace;whet her :Austria - •• 1 his vain ;eel , ''achy nit. assistance to enable -them to the whole of Germany woula not at once fall un:ler the able army to co-operate with the ti •o ope of England , actual domi e i e n of Russia? (No, no.) An hon. g entle- I Fran ce , a n d Serdini•t' in whatever operations they may be man said " No, no." He was sure the noble lord at the called upon to perform'. Now, then, the Russian Govern head of the Government would not say " No , no." Had meat has been obli e seal to keep a very considerable army ou we succeeded in inducing any of the minor states of Ger - the frontiers of Galicia , in order to watch the p roceedings many to take part again4.Ressia? No. And why? Be- of Austria. Austria hen therefore kept upon her frontier cause they were afraid of Russia. If we were to fail in our a large Prussian force which_ t might otherwise have been expedition, and withdraw our troops from Sebastopol, the directed to other points -_ I is, therefore, untrue to say be sacrificed in the East, and her that the position of A ustr i a has been of no advantage of honour of England would prestige would be gone, like that of ruined Venice' or de- the allies. With regard to the negotiations, would it serted Genoa. The right hon. gentleman admitted that as have been polite an(lri ht for Egf and France to we had proceeded the dements of Russia had diminished. have refused the good offices right of England to obtain if That surely was a reason for proceeding still further. He possible the assent of ' r e ussia to those terms of hail listened with great interest to the peroratem of that peace which had been s right hon. gentleman, but really he must say that the gen- Governments? If we had 1.1 justly so refused, we a OD . tlemen of that school to which the right hon. ge aleruan have exposed ourselves to the severe censure of this settled between b the three belonged see:ned t o f an cy th a t the bonne gloated iu war, house and the disapprobation of the country. and wished to snake war for war's sake. He was surprised indeed be blamed • ' to think that the right hon. gentleman, after aittiog so negetiatione w e ha il ' if, trustine to the c hance l s Ve of mig th h e t short a time near the hon. 11191131er for Manchester, shook! width are requisite for the vigorous prosecution of the war, abstained from taking those measures have already becorae so mu At contaminated—(laughter)— but this has not been the case. Althorn:e we have been read he could not help Considering such contamination a negotiating at Vienna, we have omitted 'nothing that we groat misfortune to the country. (near.) He thought could possibly have dime ' to prosec ute the war if no nego this war might have afforded a glor i ous o pp ortun i t y of tiations had be en taking place- We hive adopted every doing a great good. England m i g ht have sustained her ureaeure which wis in our opinion calculated to place our ancient reputation and maintained the dbaracter which was army and navy in a fit state fur operations in the cemp tiger displayed by Cromwell when , on being in v ok e d o n behalf which is about to open, and what has oeen the result? We of the BLa tole, ha sail, " You are a miserable people, hut have in the B a lti c e fl ee t which as scan as the ice disap you are of the same religion as ourselves ; you shall not be pears is rule ty to blockade time Russian fleetin its own ports, oppressed ; England will defend you." An hon. member as was ikine last, year. We have in the Black Sea a fleet near him said, "That is whet Russia does in Turkey.' capable of any service which they may be called to p er- Now, he hail never known Russia interfere when there form ; and we have an army—of late exposed to lament was a real case of oppression, hut she generally interfered able sufferings, but whose sufferiugs are no v. over, and when the Greeks were gaining too inneh intelligence. who are now in a state of perfect efficiency. The health of He would state to the house what, in his opinion, might that army is 0, , ,d ; its equipments are complete ; the be done on this subject. It was admitted that the ileclara. ceuuni Es t,riat arrangements are good ; the hospital ;sta tion of war had put an end to all treaties. Now, why re. blishinents are excell ent ; and there is nothing omitted viva those treaties? Why not say to Russia, "The treaties to renter that army fit to undertake any service which it are at an end—we will pat an end to all this protectorate may be called to perform. Again,, the French army has —no protectorate is required either in the principalities or been reinforced ; we have the Sardinian contingent fight in Servia" ! The inhabitants of those provinces did not ins side by side with our troops ; and we have a' dread the Porte, but they did dread Russia and Austria. lar g e Turkish army in the Crimea. Altogether We With regard to the Christians, the Porte could pot and have something like 20),000 men - there ; we have, would not dare t . interfere with them. He would abolish in short, done everything which it was humanly all protectorates. But if it should be thought necessary to possible to do to carry on the war, in addition to the nego• have some mission at Constantinople to hold cornmunicae tiations in which we have been engaged. I deny altogether tion with the Porte, why not authorise the representative that the language we have held has been ambiguous at all. of smile liberal Government like Sardinia to submit to the Much criticisinhas been lavished on the conditions in re- Sultan any act of oppression ? for when an act of .oppres- gird to which we have been negotiating. P rkassing to the third and most material point, I must rma on the man sion was brought under his notice, it was very speedily re- roar in which my right hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone) was dressed. tocols whi (H ch e ar.had ) There not been car was one ri e g d out, ood proanpo sdathat l in t oss p t he ro h pleased to treat that question. He said you have come t o e propose,' for the union of the principalities. Now if that an agreement, either actual or prospective, on three of the Points, and now you are quarrelling about one half o f t he lead been carried into effect, Russia would have ,been obliged fourth point. That is a very convenient method of clispos to remain on the defensive — she would not have dared to cross the frontiers, and Turkey would have been enabled ing of the matter. (Hear, hear.) But supposing the re to husband her resources, and might have been enabled maiming half of the fourth point had been the posses s ion of to extend her commercial enterprise. (Hear ; hear.) He St. Petersburg—(hear)—supposing it had involved some great diminte ion of the territory of Russia — (hear) — my now refer to what had fallen from the noble lord right hon. friend might have said the same thing. But it (Lord John Russell.) The noble lord said that Bornarsund is not merearithmeticalcalculations but far higherinterests endangered the northern powers, but there was not a word the we have to consider. Why, the third point contains two about that fortress in the protocols. He gave a touching portions. The one was to attach more closely the existence description of the corruption taking place in Germany , but (,f the Turkish empire to the balance of power in Europe. we were going to lighten the bonds. Nay, more, the noble lord said something about Polish nationality, and held out My right hon. friend might have treated that matter with hopes that he was going to put himself at the head of the comparative lightness. The T urkish empire has ever since the treaty of 1811. been recognised as a portion of the movemept for administrative reform. Were these the views of the Government ? If so, they 'should have his Europeah balance; but do you preserve the country from vote. But he should like to have an assurance that all agg ression by saying that it forms part of the European sys tem ? That is, indeed, an admission °fa, principle, but in this was not to end in such a disruption of the calm as point of actual value it affords littlesecurity to thecountry they had lately seen, and in the noble lord again addressing to which it refers. The secend part of the third point is them from a remote corner of the house. They hail the what is really valuable. That was, that the preponderance same thing last year; the noble lord made warlike speeches, ' of Russia the Black Sea should. he made to cease. It but in the dissolution of the Government it appeared that half of it was for war, and s oul for peace. Let there be was th :t., preponderance which was the great source of either war or peace ; we could not have half of one and danger to Turkey. and it is the cessation of that prepon derance that would afford to Turkey the greatest security. half of the other. Last year we commenced war with a chvided Cabinet. Were we to carry it on under similar So long as Russia has iu Sebastopol a large fleet ready at any moment to sally forth. an i to carry with it large ar urcuinstances? (No, no.) An honourable member said tides, it is perfectly evident that Turkey is exposed to a " Last year the house could not get up the standing danger, and that the existence of that fortress peace party in the Government. They abstains i from and of the fleet which it shelters is a at mnding menace to all declarations of their opinion ; and the house had her. It is obvious that the greatest security that Turkey ),e declarations similar to those of the noble lord now n ‘,: could have, would be the reduction of the naval prepon from t one members of the present Government who derance of Russia. But I understand that my right hon. were sus cted of being in favour of peace. The re friend said, it would be humiliating to Russia to reduce stilt of th .se half-and-half measures had been a certain that preponderance. If Russia he sincere in her declare amount of disgrace. It was owing to them that the expedi tion to the Crimea had been put off until the last moment, Lions that she has no intention to invade Turkey, or to make any attack at all on her independence or her intee aed the troops were sent to Malta in the expectation that they would have to be brought back. He was in the great- pity, I say it is no humiliation to her to make that reduce. est difficulty:ls to whatcourse to take in the division which time, (Cheers.) But it is said there would be danger to was to close this debate. As as independent member he Russia by the dimunition of her naval power. Turkey might brings large fleet frem the Bosphorus or from the knew not which way to turn. That was the feeling of t the country ti e dig not know whom to trust. He has ex- Mediterranean, and threaten the Russian forces. This is pected that th right hon. gentleman would bring on a the first time I ever heard of security being required by definite motion, but he had been deceived. He did not the wolf from the lamb. (Laughter.) Then, on the other attribute that to the right bon. gentleman, upon whom ho hand, we are told that the best security would ba the believed great pressure had been exercised. It seemed to opening of the straits to all powers, and the ability of the Sultan to call on his allies wheneverho was threatened with him that the only way out of the difficulty was to support the arnewiment of the hon. member for Kidderminster danger. But if you open the straits you expose the Sultan (Mr. Lo + e), which seemed to him to cub ely the general to the pm esence of the fleets of all nations in front of hie feeling of the house. The feeline of distrust wi n ger ning so very palace, and to the reatest possible danger, and that much ground in the country that there was (teg of its it a condition to which no independent sovereign would producing the most fatal remits. He entreated hon. mem- submit. Then it is said the Sultan would always havo the eery on beth sides to express themselves definitely, and let power of calling for the assistance of his allies whenever be the country know what they meant. Never, perhape, had was threatened with danger. " Thank you for nothing," I e i r s e r m ef o er ck re e c r l y to to ; b s, u y. t t w b i4l man possessed more power thsn did the noble lord (Lord 'any man a ß n u t s o si l a l . me T t h b e at tr i e t at i y s n o o f t l.B a l m l Palmerstou) when he acceded to office. How had he treated the country ? Had it been creditable to that if Russia is threatening Turkey, and if an expedition is august assembly, had it been creditable to a man who was preparing at Sebastopol, any treatyisto deprive the Sultan at the head of li great nation, which he might have led to of the power of calling to his aid the fleetf any nation that may be ready to assist him whenever e daer t n i l l ' a ! l e :- honour and glory ? Ho would not recall the scenes h• h heti again and agaiti been enacted in that house; th.eywweicr pending over him? But we are contemplating too peinful. These were great times and be called up ue rangement not a period like the presen;ereie cen i t s e a m r - - tne noble lord to show himself worthy to hold the reinseot plating a period when peace shall have reduced the navies Government--worthy of the position in which he was of England and France to ordinary peace establishments placed, and of the confidence which the country had re- (Hear, hear.) But if it should be the system of Russia to posed in him. The • country would willingly go to great maintain a standing army and fleet of enormous propo • expense in support of the war, for they believed it to be lions after the armies anti fleets of England and France r just, and that great results must come out of it They shall have been withdrawn, the Sultan would be at apy time threatened with danger ; and this is the state of were not afraid. They were not disheartened. They were not tick of the war, but they were sick of those who had things we are providing against. (Hear, hear.) It is the conduct of the war. (Cheers.) all very well to say—" When the Sultan is in danger let him call you to his assistance." That argument implies Lord PALTERS ro g—Sir, the hon, member who has that there is to be aggression on the part of Russia. (Hear.) just sat down has truly said that this is a groat country, I remember some years ago, when all the armies of the that we are at present in a great emergency, and that the country will follow any leader who Will lead it to honour continent were swelled to an enormous amount, and when e and glory. In spite of what has been said by the-hon. all Europe felt that such large forces could not be brought into the presence of each other without the danger of Zon member, and by any of those in this house or out of it who diet, a proposal was made that France, Austria. and Prussia heve found fault with the Government, I venture to affirm ie that those who are entrusted with the conduct of affairs should disarm. This was agreed to by those three Powers; means but when it was proposed to Russia, that Power sal I will, as far as human power may afford them the i "We think a general reduction of establishments a very lead the country through the struggle with honour ant glory. I cannot say that I think the motion of the right ;cod thing; but it ,does not apply to ltussi.e; we have only 800,000 men, which is our regular peace establish hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) is, s one which is altogether inent—(laughter)—aud therefore we will have nothing to befitting the greatness of the occasion, and the magnitude do with carrying this project into execution." That which of the subject. I could perfectly understand a great party appear° I to us, to France, awl to Austria, the best socnrity should think the power ought to be transferred to them, against dauger to Turkey from Russia was to call on and that those in whose hands it is placed are not Russia to renounce that local means of attack which equal to the task which has devolved upon them, and should created at all times danger to Turkey, whom she pretended call upon this house to pronounce by its verdict the trans - she had no deeire to.inj lire. (Hear, hear.) For her own far of power from those who hold it t o tleose who wish to defence a fleet in the Black Sea had been proved to be possess it. But if that war . the course which the part , wholly unnec..ssary. For the defeuce of her coasts and opposite was prepared to take, I roust say that the mole her ports sny amount of naval power that she hes must to which they have resorted for taking the opinion of the be unevailieg, and must retire from the presence of I house is, I think, one which is li tiug to the subject. I the fleets of England and France. Against Turkey hardly like to descend to these verbal criticisms; but, if she needs no defence, anti as respects England and you want to find fault with the Government, you should France her fleet is unav iling. and, therefore, there is no find forth with something they have done. You should se y pretence why she should not drnit her power in the Black that you dis oeprove of certain con Wet. But whet is it Ile (Hear.) The hon. gentleman who spoke last, and regard to which the house ,is now called u p on to express s others, have extended their view to a wider range. They its dissatisfaction? Its dissatisfactien is invoked upon have imagined that any of those four points fall short of " ambiguous language sod uncertain conduct." But, sir, what d for the future security of Tuetey. I think could I deny that our lang ua g e has been ambi g uous. I deny a(,thl. i ; mq n ~, lisi be snore inexpedient for a Government than that our conduct has bee n uncertain. (Ministerial cheers.) u to hold out expectations beyond what they see their way If the party opposite are prepared to call down upon us t o ac c o mp li s h , We a o the censure of the house, they ought to have laid down Black Sea; we trust we shall be successful in that operation better grounds than those stated in this reselution. How and we think that success will lead to obtaining those cons ever, I pass by that, and accept the challenge they have ilitions which, in conjunction with France, we think we have given us. I heard the speech of my right honourable a right to demand. I think our duty is to confine ourselves friend who spoke last ni g ht (Ar. Gladstone) with to that ite.which we see our way—to that in which wo are admiration no doubt, but also with considerable now engaged—and in spite of all the mischances that have pain ; because it appeared to me that taking the whole of happened I think we have turned the poiut, and, with re his speech, especially the .concluding portion of it, his sped, to the Government with whom we are contending, opinions were averse to the war, elvers° to the expe d !ravine refused the fair conditions which were offered it, tion to the Crimea, adverse to the terms of peace upon we are now in a situation to feel confident that we can which we have proposed to conclude the war, yet my right carry on the operationsof the war with that fair prospect of hon. friend was a party to till these thins. I regret that success whi • eh England anti France are and must be bound any circumstances should, since be quitted the Government, Cr attain. (Cheers.) If it were otherwise, it would not have so entirely altered the opinion of toy right hon. friend. be simply disappointment in a particular object ; it would It appears that there are those who think we have not been be, in fact, the abdication of a proud position, and we sufficiently vigorous in the prosecution of the war, and should sink to the condition of a second-rate power. these who wish to drive the country to peace upon terms (Cheers.) No man can be insensible to the calamities which I think were not consistent with the honour, dignity, st-hick war entails; but I say there are things worse than and interests of the country. With regard to the subject war. (Cheers.) I say dishonour to a country is worse of the war, I think it is unnecessary to go into details. .is than war ; the physical evils which would come upon a justice and necessity have been admitted by all but a small country worsted in an arduous conflict would be far greater number of the members of th R house. The necessity arose than any which the temporary calamities of the war could not merely from the events upon which the rupture took indict ; and therefore I say that that party, be they whom, place. Fora long period of time it has been the standing they may, who would induce this country to abandon the policy of RuFnia to endeavour to weaken anti crumble down, contest in which it is engaged, and to make a peace on in ant ultimately to appropriate, Turkey as her own posses sufficient grounds, which are neither satisfactory to the sion. It has been openly avowed of late that that was the honour of the country now, nor as a security for the future policy of Peter, Catherine, Alexander, awl Nicholas. It —I say that that party, if their opinions prevai l ed , would was the settled policy Of Russia which b ro k e out u p on a exercise the most fatal effects on the best interests of the particular occasion in a manner that rendered further pas country. (Cheers.) But I say the house is called on to siveness impossible, and drove this country into a war for night to pronounce its opinion on two great and important ' a just and necessary cause. I fully agree with the hon. mem questions. First of all, on the existence of the Ministry. her who has just sat down that the nation feels that be- That, perhaps, would be a matter of very slight impor ing in the war we are hound to carry it on with energy " tance if this was a sugar bill, the imposition of a new tax, anti vigour, and to conclude it by a peace which shall or anything of that kind, and it would be one on which not only be honourable to the country, bat shall accom- Parliament might decide simply on personal grounds. But plish the purposes for which the war was commenced. That there is a far greater question at issue than that ; and purpose is the protection and defence of Turkey, not merely that is the policy of the country, the conditions on which from any sympathy which we may feel with her as an in we are to stand among the nations of the world, our alli dependent state, but because the balance of power in Eu ances with foreign Governments, I could almost say the rope—an expression which involves the great interests of future reputation, the honour, and the deep interests of the civilised world—is concerned in preventing the colon- the nation. (Cheers.) The obvious object of the motion sal power of Russia from extending over those wide and of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) is that this house important territories. We have been told that the war sheuld pronounce the present Government incompetent. has been calamitous. We are ready to admit, in beginning Well,,who is to succeed us? (A laugh.) We are told we have suddenly on a peace establishment a war with a great an not shown ad ministrativeability, and thht we arena united tagonist after forty years of peace, that it would not but among ourselves. I deny both the one and the other. he expected that in the administration of the different de (clronical laughter from the Opposition, answered by counter partments there should be mistakes and mischances, which ers.) Is it in the opposite ranks that we are to look for occasioned great evils. Bat it has been said that we made that perfection and unanimity which is to characterise a a great mistake in going to the CriMea. I contend that Government equal to the present emergency (a laugh)? was precisely the expedition which we ought to here un- The Usher of the Black Rod here advanced to the table dertaken if we meant to bring the war to a speedy and and summoned the house to attend at the bar of the House successful termination. It is said, " Yon ought to have of Lords, Al t l o s hear the royal assent given by commission to se nt your army to Bessarabia. Yon ought to have h eld out certain On the return . of the Speaker, your hand to Austria and gone into the field side b y side with your Austrian allies." If we had gone to Be ssarabia—if Lord PALMERSTON resumed : I think I have some reason to complain of the impatience of the other house in go ne into the interior of Russia, they would ha ve been your armies had e ntere d the pri nci p alities and - not - waiting for the censure which the right hon. gentleman fighting far away from thei r comm unications, from opposite is deals one of inflicting, but in prematurely admi their basis of o p eration, from their sup p lies and nistering the Red' ( A 'engin) I was proCeeding to say rein f orce ments, and there was no point which, when th a ethe question which the right - hon. gentleman h as ac hieved, woad have produced any conclusive result, or brought forward is an invitation to this house to declare led to any decisive issue of the contest. We went to the that the present Government does not possess its confidence, Crimea and to Sebastopol, because it was in the Black Sea and is unworthy of its support, and the natural inference that the danger to Turkey principally lay ; because, if we is that some other party is entitled petferably to the confi had succeeded in Viking, Sebastopol and capturing the fleet, dance of the house and the country. One reproach against we should have given Turkey security from the impend those who now form the Government is a supposed want ing danger. That being the blow which, when struck, of unity of opinion anti a supposed disinclination to ad would best accomplish the purpose of protecting Turkey, ministrative reform. Now I ask the house whether they see on the benches opposite greater u nit y of o p i nion than arid would,' on the oth er hand, deprive Russia of those .raeacs of aggression which were most to be apprehended, they see on this side? Why. if we take domestic affair.- , that wee the place to which' o ur troo p s could most maven - 1 ask whether the opinion of the would-be Government tageously have been sent. It is said that we put ourselves upon a matter of the very highest importance , namely , that tco much in the hands of Austria, that we trusted to no - which relates to the mode in which the people are to be gotiatione, aud by that means (lid not prosecute the war educated, is to be taken'tom the right hen. gentleman with sufficient vigour. That is totally un founded. I think the member for Oxfordshire •? (Cries of " oh, oh," from it was sound policy for this country to accept to the ut the Opposition, and cheers front the Ministerial benches.) most the good offi c es of Austria. It was good p olic y to en If we are to judge them by our information, by their fo deavour, as far as possible, to get Austria to our side—in reign policy; I would ask whether the foreign policy of a th rm e_ s fie a l n d d if fig w b e t c w ou it l l t i l— m, and if she was not prepared to take that would-be Government, especially upon the matters eva have riccomptislied. , now in hand, is to be inferred from the speech of the and iu policy concurring with France and England. That honourable and learned member for Enniskillen, or from . Let not a l t t a h ll as ev: : n , t ts stuoihteadvethheer pfroileinetyllyo,f that of the noble lord the member for Lynn—whe- Austria to declare h, rself an active ally , but we have had them it is to be war with vigour or peace at any price? her good offices.neutratity(Loud cheers.) Again, with respect to administrative it was not long ago that the head of that Wthe the douse se a t imagineleast t . li et that the n o e f ut h r e a r . City has not been a powerful tnilttrydiversion in favour capacity, party had a commission to form an Administration, of the operations o f engaging s with TurkeyEtnogldaene'el b ar e l y d on tr all no ci b u l e e st e i a o r n l, of pu p t e ti r n so g na t l he good of his individual toed by anti allowed the ntal direction, the 1 feelings, greatly to his own credit, confessed that he had ambition, or Russian armies to advance to not in the pasty that belonged to him the elements out of wards Turkey in that been obliged to keep an - z principalities e ran T e u e. . ks f w i o n o s s t h d e e a h d h a, a v o t f e l army on the frontier to protect I which he could form a Government, suited to the exigencies the times. (Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition, and cheers fr an the Ministerialists.) What has happened since then to enable those gentlemen to present themselves with more confidence oefore the country, and to offer to take charge of the great interests of England ? I leave the house and the country to determine that question of pre ference between them and us. This at least I will admit in their favour, that, judging from the speeches of the right hon. gentleman 'the member for Buckinghamshire and the hon. and learned member for Enniskillen, I think, not- • withstanding the very different opinion expressed by the noble lord the member for Lynn, that if this house and the country were to transfer the conduct .(if public affairs to their hands, we have a pledge that to the best of their ability they a oultl carry on the war with as much vigour as we have done, and for the same objects for which we are contending. .1 see no difference in that respect between their proposition and the course which we are determined to pursue, anti therefore the appeal which they make to the house to transfer the conduct of the Government from us to them is not founded upon any censure of our policy, but simply upon th e asser ti on th a t th e y could with more capacity than us carr y on th e same s y s tem policy of which they app ro Y e ; f or i u f ac t th e i r reso lutiou—setting aside "the ambiguous language and uncertain conduct" — is a vote of approbation of the Government. (A laugh.) But there is another alternative open to the house. I allude to the right hon. geutletuam the member for Oxford Uni versity, and those who are going to vote with him for the amendment. of the hon. baronet his colleague in the repre sentatiou of the Univ ers ity. Th a t i s a party who resin diate the notion o f a pp rov i ng peace a t a ny price, but a patty that, at all events, would be ready to accept peace upon conditions which, I think, and which the people think, dishommrabla. t) the country, and clangorous to the fature interests of Europe. (Loud cheers.) I venture to say, without any disrespect to those geetlemen— some of whom I have good reason to hold in the highest . respect, and whose t a l en t s are we ll k no wn to the house and the cenn try —that i a Government were now formed of their party, I think not one of them would 'o ) re-elected to sit in this house. (Cheers and laughter.) I say, then, the choice lies between the two sides of the house, and I contend that we have dome nothing to forfeit that good opinion which the hon. member for Aylesbury was pleased to say was formed of the present Government when first constituted. We were supported by the good opinion of the country because it was thought we were going to pro secute with vigour that war which the country • has una nimously declared to be just and necessary. We have adopted every possible means for that purpose ; and I con fidently expect that the result will show we have not been undeserving of that , confidence with which the country hailed our advent, and that we shall be able to realise the jest expectations which the nation has formed. The fate of war and of battles is in the hands of a higher Power. It is not for men to command success ; they can only do everything in their power to obtain it. That we have done. In a cause which we consider to be just, necessary,. anti honourable, we confidently place our trust in a higher Power. If wo succeed we shall have the satisfaction of re flecting that our success has been brought about by the perseverance with which, without proclaiming from day to day the different steps we have taken, we have laboured to achieve it ; while if, on the other hand, we should fail —a contingency which I will not permit myself to antici pate—we shall at least have the consciousness of feeling that our failure was not owing to any want of diligence or exertion on our part. I am persuaded that, whatever may be the decision of this night as to the relative merits of parties here—whatever may ba the decision of this house as to where rite power of the executive Government shall reside—l am confident that the country is in earnest in the war in which we are engaged, and that the people of England will g i ve th e i r support to any Government that will honestly and with energy execute the will of the British nation, while they never will sanction any Mi nistry which will abandon its allies and desert that policy which has !seen pursued up to this moment in deference, not merely to the principles of justice, and to 's sense of the national interests and honour, but in accordance with the will and feeliurs of the country. Therefore, so far as the best interests of the country are , coucerned, I look with comparative indifference to the re sult of this motion. I feel that, in whatever hands the Government may be placed, the will of the people must and shall be obeyed. (Cheers.) That will is, that Eng land, having engaged in a just and necessary war, in con cert with our great ally and neighbour, France, it must and shall succeed • and I am confident that, although it may be the duty Of the Government to exhaust the means of negotiation as far as they can be pursued with honour, the people will never give their support to any adminis tration that should, in expectation of the success of' those negotiations, abandon the performance of its duty in the preparations of the means for war. We have not shrunk from that duty. I defy any man to accuse us with j esti.) of such a dereliction of duty. I am persuaded that events at no distant period will show that, in claiming from this house and the country a vote of approbation of the man ner in which we have performed those great duties which devolved upon us, I sin not overstepping the limits of the facts, and that it, is without justice we have been accused of shrinking in any degree from those exertions which the country has expected at our hands. (Loud cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, if I were under any necessity of calling evidence to vindicate the propriety of the conduct which I have pursued and the j ustice of the course which I have taken, it would be the speech to which I have just great share of calamities which have befallen us in conse quence ? (Cheers.) Sir, it has been objected to the motion which I have placed in your hands that it is not in accord ance with the speech I have made. It has been said that the motion does not in an immiet tic'eable manner express the policy wo propose to follow, and which we am e _pre pared to recommend. Well, sir, having b een some time in this house, and having seen during that time much o f the conduct of its affairs, I have had much experience in the motions which have been drawn up in this house and loffered for its adoption ; and I,can truly say this, that I have bean called upon as a member of Parliament to give my opinion upon motions that were drawn up by men of unrivalled sagacity and experience in Parliament, and I never knew any motion which was not most critically re ceived, and in which great errors were not discovered by those who had previously resolved to vote against it (Hear.) lam prepared to maintain the propriety of the resolution, in every respect, which I have laid upon the table. -• I am prepared to Maintain not only its propriety but its frankness—(a laugh)—and precision. The hon. member for Kidderminiter, in a speech of great ingenuity, following in that respect some other member who preceded him, seemed not only to intimate, but, indeed, I believe, declared, that it was my duty to have expressed clearly the terms upon which we held a peace ought to be obtained, or the objects for which the war ought te be prosecuted. And no doubt there isa upon the sayer an amendment by the hon. member for Kidderminster, which, coming front him as it does, I have conned more than once, for he is a mar who does not write without thought—(a laugh)—but I am bound to say with respect to motions of that kind, that I see very grave objections which I cannot help think ing that, upon reflection, gentlemen of the talents and isigenuity of the honourable member for Kidderminster sill find not unworthy of their attention. Yen must feel that it is the last thing the House of Commons can do, in motions propoSed to be adopted by its mem- _ hors, in any way to interfere with the terms on which peace and war should be proclaimed. Therefore, being dissatisfied with the language and conduct of the Govern ment, especially with respect to recent negotiations and the conduct of affairs with reference to the great question of peace and war, all we could do was to ask the house, if we proved our case, to express an opinion that there was ambiguous language and uncertain conduct on the part of her Majesty's Ministers with reference to the great ques tion of peace or war, and at th i same time to show that there was no ambiguity in our language or uncertainty in our conduct, we publicly declare that we are still deter mined to support her Majesty with all our means in the same spirit as when we first addressed the Crown in an swer to her Majesty's gracious message announcing that war had been declared. I say then that the resolution I have moved is proper and loyal in its language, and per fectly adapted to meet the present contingency. If the noble lord disapproves of the resolution because it is a vote of want of confidence in the Government, why does not he simplify the question at issue, and allow one of his friends to propose a vote of confidence? What can be more in convenient than the position in which the leader of the house has now placed it ? If you negative my resolution, will the adoption of any of the amendments be equivalent to the expression of confidence in the Ministry ? If this motion is equivalent to a vote of want of confidence, , either the noble lord must meet it with a direct negative or he does not clear himself from what he represents as an attack on his position. Let me ask whether what has occurred within the last two nights has not justified the course we have taken ? Have we not had an ex pression.of feeling from the noble lord which a week ago no one would have anticipated, and which is wholly in consistent wi h the past conduct of the Government ? The noble limet has repeated to-night the commonplace ob- Starvation that while carrying on his negotiations be was also carrying on his war, but he never answered the obsor vstion I made yesterday on the subject. I say you cannot e wry on negotiations permanently while you are carrying on war, and at the same time carry on a war effectively ; for by so doing you depress the spirit of the people, and damp the ardour of your allies. (Cheers.) Then the noble lord has treated us to some remarks as to who may be the suc cessors of the present Government if it is displaced. Ido not know what the, gentlemen who sit below the gangway and were recently his colleagues may think of this esti mate of their electioneering prospects. (A laugh.) I ob serve by the public prints that some of these right hon. gentlemen attended the meeting at the noble lord's office, and there were paraded as his most distinguished follow ers. Could they be conscious when he addressed them in that animated style that the noble lord had calculated the duration of their career? that at this very time those use ful, though less celebrated members of the party who are supposed to be intimately acquainted with all the chances of our political existence, had in fact numbered these great lights of our assembly as dead men in their books. (Laughter ?) Btaf the noble lord has supposed that we may be the coming men. He thinks there may be some diffi culty in the arrangements from our divided opinions. He has particularly impressed on the house the inconvenience which her Majesty might experience in finding amongst her councillors my two right hon. friends who differ on the subject of education. But when I hear of a coming Government with divided opinions, what am I to think of the right hoe: gentlemen and noble lords before me ? They no doubt have no questions on which they are divided in opinion. The question of church rates is one on which the following of the noble lord is distinguished for its irre sistible numbers and - influence. (Laughter.) I believe that on the ballot they are all agreed. The division on the motion with respect to the conduct of the consular branch of the diplomatic service, showed what a powerful and united Government this is I Some of his followers in otfce, particularly the Secretary for the Admiralty, aro no doubt bound to the Government by every do once they have acceded to the views of the lion. gentleman with re spect to the necessity of army reform—(hear, and laughter) —but I think there never yet was a body of gentlemen less remarkable for their union of opinion than the gentlemen who now fill the offices of Cabinet Ministers. All that is required to show how admirably they agree is that the .noble lord the member for London, when he has recovered from the great exertions of his exhausted instructions should introduce a reforiu bill, or something of the kind, to show how compact is the alliance of their united bodies. (Divide, divide.) That cry of " divide" must allude to the division in the Government ; for I am not aware that I have trespassed upon the house an unusual time. Then the noble lord treated us with a stale taunt as to the in ability of Lord Derby to form a Government because he hail not political friends competent to form a Ministry. If 'that were the case I should leave the observation unnoticed, but inasmuch as there is no man in this house more cog • 1 nisaut that the statement he has made is—inadvertently, I of course--erronoous than the noble lord—(oh, oh)—he intim permit me to say that upon reflection he will see that ho has not the slightest foundation for the assertion. Lord Derby refused to form a Government because it was his opinion that England was in such a condition that the gra tification of individual ambition was no longer to be thought of, but that the formation of a strong Government was an object f,r which every sacrifice should be made.. Lord Derby and his friends might hive sat upon that bench or a similar ono in another place if they would have taken the Government without being a , sured of that com manding majority which they believed to be necessary to carry on the all tirsof this country The noble lord elected to carry on affairs with a very weak Government. The noble lord by suddenly avowing a policy utterly inconsistent with the instructions which he had given to his own diplo matic minister—the noble lord, by suddenly taking a course which we all know, from his own expressions, he could not a week ago have meditated—the noble lord, by his pledges to-night that he intends not only to prosecute the war, but to prosecute the war for objects which last Tuesday ho could not have anticipated, has clearly shown that this motion of mine has extorted these admissions from him. The noble lord, possibly, by these means, may defeat the motion, but this is only the first of many motions which he will have to Inset, now the policy of Government by this discussion has become mare exp'icit. The noble lord may rest assured that this is but the beginning of his Parliamentary campaign. He must knew that he will have now to marshal his forces, and to show that he has that strong Government which Lord Derby thought was so essential to the government of the country. An hon. gentleman has noticed the remarks which I made on the conduct of the recent plenipotentiary at Vienna. It was the hon. member for Kidderminster (Mr. Lowe), who, I think, said that these observations were not fair, and that had not the person been a minister of state or a member of this house they would not have been uttered. Well, sir, I will make this admission to the hon. member for Kiddermin ster. It is always more agreeable to me to make remarks of that kind upon those present than upon those absent. If the conferences at Vienna have been conducted in a man ner most pernicious to the public interests, and the pleni potentiary has committed the most gross errors, I am pre pared to assert that it is not merely the right but the duty of a member of Parliament to bring this conduct before the house, and to ask its opinion upon it. I say that in those observations upon the noble lord I merely did my duty. (Divide.) • I say that the noble lord at the commencement of these affairs committed a most gross error in acknow ledging the rights of Russia over the Christian subjects of Turkey, which right Count Nesselrode now tells us never did exist. I say that, by his false interpretation of the treaties, the noble lord was one of the principal causes of the war. Is it not a duty to bring these things before the house ? Am I to be stopped by the observation of the noble lord that he considers those remarks too strong? I say the noble lord by his fatal admission of the protectorate of Russia— Lord J. RUSSELL—I. never used the word " protec torate." (Cheers.) Mr.DISRAELI—I have the papers by me. I believe the word is " protection." (Cheersfrom the Opposition.) What difference is there between these words ? 1 say that in the treaties no protection whatever was granted to Russia. Is this quibbling between the words "protection" and " pro tectorate" to save the noble lord? I say that when Russia found the claims for which she had not the shadow of a basis were in this despatch acknowledged, sanctioned, and granted by the English Minister, her course was clear, (Cheers, and cries of "Divide, divide.") I say that when the Plenipotentiary went to Vienna he commenced the negotiations by another admission equally fatal to the in terests of this country. (Divide.) The noble lord says because I criticised the conduct of a Plenipotentibary6 en gaged the most awful service that a man could possibly gaged in, because I showed that he was utterly i ncompetent for that service, and by his conduct has achieved great disaster for his country, I have degraded th e debate—de graded the debate on a question of pe ace an d war mainly dependent upon the conduct of the noble lord. [ will not quarrel with that. I will leave it for the country to decide on this point whether I have done my duty or not. The noble lord says I have degraded the debate. At least I have tried to do this—to prevent the noble lord from de grading his country. (Cheers.) s The house then divided upon Mr. Disraeli's motion. The numbers wore— For the motion Against it,. listened—(cheers)—from the noble lord, who has politivey informed us that, in the fulfilment of his duty to carry on with effect the war in which this country is engaged, he warns us not to be dissuaded from the course which is before us by any hope or prospect of any negotiations. Is this the Minister who only on Monday last—(Opposition cheers)—evaded every inquiry—who to every question that was urged, I will not say shuffled, for that may not be a Parliamentary word, and I certainly do not wish to use it, though it rose to my lips in the beat of debate—(laughter)— but who certainly used every artifice of language—that the House of Commons should not obtain from him a sin e,•le expression which should give an indication of the po licy of the Government, or the resolution at which they had arrived on the great: question of peace or war. (Hear.) Is this the Minister who only on Monday last would not sanctien a motion that was to be brought forward by the hon. member for Manchester, that would have given an opportunity to the house to offer, after a proper discussion, an opinion upon the practical results of recent negotiations which be had placed upon the table ? Is this the - Minister who has declined over and over again t 4 move that address to his Sovereign which I say as a real Minister of the Crown, and as one pretending to lead this lions°, and the opinion of this country, he ought. in the first instance, most sedulously to have proposed ? Is this the Minister who for, I will not say weeks, but months, has been the object of suspicion and distrust of the country, because no one—(cheers)—could for a moment believe that there was any earnestness in the intention of the Govern ment to carry on the war ; and who deprecated in this house, in every instance, that inquiries, even inquiries - (hear, hear)—on the subject should be: made, lest they' should interfere with the course of delicate negotiation ? (Hear.) Is this the Minister who only on Monday last pre vented the discussion to which I have referred on the ground that negotiations might possibly be taking place even at that moment, or might occur at any moment, and who this night assured us that negotiations could not take place, althoagh his own colleague but a few days before had informed us that the brother Minister whom he had left at Vienna was perfectly authorised to pursue negotia tions. (Hear.) Sir, I say that what has occurred in this debate not merely on the part of the noble lord, but the speech which we have just listened to, has fully vindicated the course which I hive taken, and will justify the motion I have male in the eyes of the country. (Hear.) But only lest Monday night there was to be no discussion in the House of Commons on this great and absorbinesubject. Sir, I gave this notice, and there is not a shade of opinion in the house that does not immediately, in the form of an amendment, offer multiplied evidence that every person in this house, and every section of opinion, wish and feel it their duty to express their opinion definitely upon the subject. Those who believe that peace might have been obtained upon the conferences that wore hold—those who believe that the war has not been prosecuted with sufficient energy—those who, I was going to say, have confidence in the Government—but no amend ment of that kind has been proposed —(hear and laughter) but those who wish to have confidence in the Govern ment, all those representatives of opinion in this house have preferred amendments which are to be placed in the hands of Mr. Speaker. Every amendment that has been proposed is a just vindication of the resolution I have pro posed ; and, whatever may be the fate of that resolution, it has at least elicited this great good—that we have ob tained something definite at last from her Mejesty's Minis ters. (Hear.) The noble lord for some time pursued that course of observation from ancient habit which for a long period he has been in the custom of addressing the house on the subject of the existing war, merely to avoid any allusion to the future, scrupulously to shun any expression of his opinion, but carefully to enumerate all the more elaborate catalogue which he gives of the means which a parvenu is in the habit of taking to recommend timself to hie mistress. " I have a house in town, I have a house in the country, a fine gallery of pictures, a well-Stocked wine cellar"—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Ministerial benches, and counter cheers from the Opposition.) In that way the noble lord for some time has informed us of his Sardinian contingent to assist the army in the Crimea, a medical department which has been placed on the best footing, and those various other things which he has so often recounted. But the noble lord felt that the time was come when this was not sufficient ; he felt the time had come when he must speak explicitly respecting the intentions of the Government with regard to peace or war; anti the noble lord has at last made a declaration which he has refused on every other occasion to make. He has made declarations perfectly inconsistent with all the in timations that he favoured us with on Monday and on preceding nights. The noble lord now stands forward as a Crown Minister, who will be satisfied with nothing but that achievement, the obtaining of which was per fectly inconsistent with the negotiations which he has been carrying on during the last few months. (Hear, hear.) Then, sir, I am told that ambiguity of lan gu'tge and uncertainty of conduct are expressions which it woud be difficult for me to prove. (Hear, and laughter.) Why, the whole course of this debate has entirely esta blished the accuracy of these phrases. Not a member has risen, whatever views he may have taken, whatever policy he might recommend, united with the noble lord in the council, or .severed from former connection, who has not made use of these very words. Every remark and argu ment has only proved how accurately I selected important incidents of the past. " We have a fl ee t i n t h e Baltic, " nya the noble lord ;." we have a fleet i n th e Black Sea, language of her Mi jteaiwe have a medical department , we have a commis sar i a t store, we have many other estab lishments of which we may be proud." The noble lord reminds me always i n theca sty , s Ministers . I expressions eed nota gswhichoambiguouso ur described the raenvdi t d b e e nc l e than that whichagun their conduct as uncer n has recently passed under our eye and sounded in our ears. Whit language can be more opposite to that whi c h th e noble lorexpressed than that which the sa me no bl e l or d has just now uttered ? ( Hear. ) What conduct can b e more contrasted than that which the country had reason to believe he was pursuing only a week ago, and that w hi c h he now tells us is to be rule of his conduct ? (He ar , h ear. ) Why, Ambiguity not a o f gentleman lan guage,who 113.8 addressed you, s i r , has uncertainty of con d uct not proved ! failed to use these very expressions„ They are become " household words" among us. Now, let the house re member that when the first discussion began there were several accusations urged agaiust the Government that their councils were divided on the question of peace or war. That was felt to be a great calamity at that difficult period. We all knew that we were governed by men of great ability ; still there was more thin a suspicion that their sen timents were not in unison upon a subject of such magni tude. How were we mot then ? We were told that those suspicions were without foundation ; thatthose were impu tations which the imagination of faction a l one could make, What has not occurred since then to dem ons t rate the accu racy of our suspicions ? 'What light has not this de bate thrown upon the distracted councils of 12 months ago, when the Parliament of England was called on t 1 ' ecide upon this important question? And who can refus e to - attribute to that want of union in the councils of the Queen the feeble, uncertain, and ambiguous conduct of this war, and ,the 219 319 Majority --100 • The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheers by the Ministerial sid e o f th e h ouse . The SPEAKER then put Sir F. BARING'S motion, upon which, Mr. LOW moved his amendment. Mr. GIBSON (amid mingled cries of " Adjourn," " and " Agree") moved the 'adjournment of the debate until Mo day week. Lord GODERICH opposed the motion for adjournment, upon the ground that it would be most improper to separate for so long a period as a week while this subject was loft in a state of uncertainty. It behoved them, as guardians of tho public interests, to decide this important question before adjourning for their own pleasure and amusement. (Hear, hear.) Mr. R. PHILLIMORE supported the motion for the ad- Mr, of the debate. 'Lord PALMERSTON said that, although the house was late, yet, considering the importance of the subject before them, they had better proceed. He had no objection to the fist part f the amendment of his on. fiend tho member fo r r Kidderominster, which merely recited a l fact, but ob jected to the second portion of the amendment for the same reason as he had done to that of the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire, because it contained a principle of interference with the prerogative of the Crown, Sir J. GRALUId observed that be had voted agehiust the motion of the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucking hamshire because it implied a censure on the Government, and in his opinion it was not desirable to change the Govern ment at the present crisis. A decisive majority of 100 had pronounced" that such a change was inexpedient, but the great question raised by the hon. member for Kidderminster in his amendment was not yet fully debated. The noble lord had threatened him and those who sat near him with their consti tuents. He should be rejoiced at an opportunity of stating his views upon this question before his constituents, but such an opporttmity had not yet been afforded him. He hoped, therefore, that the first business after the recess would be to resume this debate, for it was impossible that due jus tice could be done to the question at that hour in ,the morn ing ; and if, therefore, they should go to a division, he should certainly vote in favour of the adjournment. If he understood the noble lord rightly, all negotiations were at an end. He had heard that to-night for the first time. The speech, too, of the noble lord (J. Russell) last night placed the state of our relations with Russia on a new footing, which appeared to him would-lead, if not to an inteiminable war, at least to the commencement of a war of 30 years' duration. (Cheers, and " Oh, oh !") Although ho was not satisfied with the declaration of hon. gentlemen opposite as to the policy they would recommend, yet the speech of the right hon. gentle manP (Mr. Disiaeli) laid downrinciPles which appeared to bitn to afford a prospect of a fairer settlement ro ehe t c h l a .i :i ,g t fr h o a i t n tahne flounced by her Majesty's Minister s . ( Opposition benches.) Too right hon. gentleman declared that "in his opinion there were only two modes in which war could be conducted with Russia—one was the revision of territorial arran g ements throughout Europe, and an attack on the cx tended frontier of Russia ; iu fact, a war of nationalities ; and he expressed an opinion in which he concurred, that war of that deseriptiou would be interminable, if not hope less The s'...c..md mode proposed by the right hon. gentlernaa was, that the war should be conducted on the principle of protection to Turkey, so that her independence and integrity should he preserved, and that that operation should b e effected without the invasion of the territory of Russia. He was prepared to defend the step taken by the Government, of which he was a member, in attacking the Crimea ; but with respect to the future policy of this country ho was con vinced that the view of the right hon. gentleman was one which, if steadily pursued, did not exclude the hope of peace, while the announcements of the Government, that the nego tiations had been abandoned and that the ground of war had been changed, was not a question of terms, but that terms being abandoned the war was to assume the position of a war of nationalities. (Cheers and cries of " Oh.") A more serious question than this was never raised iu the British Par liament, and full opportunity ought to be given for the dis cussion. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—A. very important question had been raised by the right hon. gentleman, but in the 'first place he must utterly and entirely deny what the right hon. gentle man had attributed to him. (Cheers.) What he said was, that the object of the war, beyond the immediate defence of Turkey from the aggression committed by Russia, was secu rity for Turkey for the future. (Cheers.) He said that the Government had endeavoured to obtain that security, but he had never gone beyond that declaration. He bad said no thing of nationalities. He said the plenipotentiaries of France and England were precluded at Vienna from entering upon the question of diminishing the territory of Russia, but never, either with regard to territory or to nationalities, had he given utterance to auy expressions which would justify the remarks of his right hon. friend. (Cheers.) He conceived that when security for Turkey was obtained we ought not to hesitate for a moment to make peace with Russia. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman had referred to what had fallen from the right hon. member for Buckinghamshire. He (Lord J. Russell) understood the right hon. gentleman opposite to say that we could not at the same time carry on negotiations and conduct a war, and he declared that the negotiations ought to be broken off' and that the war should continue.' That was his decision, and how from that state of things he was to evolve peace hereafter he knew not. (Cheers.) With regard to the question now before the house, there was one declaration included in all the propositions that had been brought forward—viz, that this house would continue to give every support to her Majesty in the prosecution of the war till her Majesty should be able to obtain a safe and honour able peace. He thought that, before they separated for the holidays, the house should agree to some declaration which would contain these words— (cheers)—that being a declara• tion in which all parties concurred. (Hear.) The motion of the right hon member for Manchester might be taken on an early day after the holydays. (Hear.) Mr. DISRAELI begged to congratulate the supporters of the•noble lord on the majority of that evening, but, at the same time, had to remind them that, no sooner was that ma jority obtained than the noble lord (Lord John Russell) had risen and recanted the speech which had called forth the ob servations of the right hon. the member for Carlisle. (Cheers and " No, no.") Only yesterday we had a picture drawn not of the power only, but of the policy of Russia, which equalled the spirited pencil of Dante. The house was affrighted as the noble lord drew his description of a power and active policy, which proved that he thought this kingdom was in danger from the engrossing power and systematic aggression of Rus sia ; but no sooner is the majority obtained—a majority which had expressed no confidence iu the Government—(oll, and laughter)—than the noble lord, when his attention was called to this remarkable statement, immediately rose and recanted the views which he had given. (" No, no.") It was another edition of the Sebastopol speech, which the noble lord recanted the same night in which it was delivered. (Hear.) And yet he was told the language of the Government was not ambiguous. (Cheers.) This was a motion which concerned the honour and interests of the country, and could not bo disposed of without discussion. He had told the noble lord that the last division would be only the beginning of a pro tracted discussion, and he repeated that to hurry to a deci sion now upon the important motion before them would be impolitic and indecent, although he felt the feeling of the house to be quite distinct that no more discussion could take Place at that moment. (Hear.) Mr. S. HERBERT thought the house had been perfectly right iu deciding at once upon the last resolution, which was one of great importance to be settled in declaring the opinion of the house as to in whose hands the Government should be intrusted. But now that it had decided a great question as between parties, it was called upon to decide upon a question affecting the country,—to dispose of, without discussing, two motions on which the meaning of words required to be mi nutely weighed. He was not now prepared to come io a decision upon those resolutions which related to a subject the most important which bad occurred since he had had the honour of a seat in that house. It would be indecent and destructive to their character to allow such -questions to be treated as mere postscript to a party debate. 'The noble lord had complained of having been misrepresented by his right :ion friend (Sir J. Graham), and sorely the accuracy of that complaint waS a matter of importance. Now that time oun try was called upon to enter upon a new Russian war, when ' time prospect of other interference was held out, he (Mr. Her bert) called upon the house to vindicate its privileges, and not to allow the convenience of a few days holidays to Fero with their duties at this important moment. He for ono would not consent to dispose of the matter until he knew the opinions of the Government upon this new Russian war. Mr. BARROW, though differing with the right hon. gen tleman upon the resolution, agreed with hiffi as to the im propriety of deciding without discussion, and equally as much to proceeding at that time. Mr. ROEBUCK inquired of the Speaker whether the house had not the power to revoke its decision as to the ad journment? _ The SPEAKER said, it had never been the practice for the house to revoke a decision formally adopted upon the same Lord PALMERSTON said, that at that hour of the morn ing he did not feel able to resist the feeling of the house for the adjournment of the debate. (Cheers.) The debate was then aijourned. • NEW WRIT. On the motion of Mr. HATTER, a new writ was moved for Bath, in lieu of Mr. Phinn, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. LIMIT ED LIABILITY. Mr. BOUVERIE obtained leave to bring in two bills re specting the law of partnership, and the bills were read a first time. The house adjourned at a quarter past 3 o'clock. Mr. Pugh paired with Mr. Ewart against Mr. Berkeley's motion on the ballot. Mr. Pugh paired with Mr. Milligan for Thursday and Friday. Mr. B. Coles paired. in favour of Mr. Disraeli's motion with Mr. Bagshawe against it. Mr. R. W. Grey's name was accidentally omitted from the list of members who attended the meeting at Lord Palmer ston's yesterday, May 25. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. ( Feont the Times of this day. ) It is said to be an ancient practice of the Court of Rome that on a certain festival of the Church a preaching friar mounts the pulpit for no other purpose than to impugn the faith, to distort the truth, to degrade what is right, to vindi cate what is wrong, and, in short, to defend the cause of the Enemy of Man. A similar ceremony was performed last night in the House of Lords, and the speaker who assumed the strange office of the Devil's Advocate was no other than Lord Grey. The Peers who followed, and answered with the feeling of statesmen and of Englishmen this interminable and extraordinary harangue, thought fit to pay Lord Grey a com pliment on the sincerity of his motives, as they could find no other pretext for the customary civilities of Parliamentary debate, but it requires an effort to join in even that faint compliment, for it is not easy to comprehend the sincerity of a man who wanders through a, labyrinth of sophisms until he finds himself arrayed on the side of the ene mies of his country. The wretched deserter who skulks on a stormy night from the pickets before Sebastopol until he is snapped up by a pulk of Cossacks is struck with dishonour from the roll of the British army, and incurs the punishment of death if he falls intothe hands of the Provost Marshal ; but that military offence may be more venial in ita motives and less injurious to the public service than the desertion of a British Peer, bearing a name once illustrious in the public service, possessing great powers of intellect and of oratory, but of so frail a judgment and so perverse a temper, that in the very crisis of a groat national contest he throws the whole weight of his authority and his example on the side of the enemy of his country. Lord Grey was entirely at liberty, as we all are, in the exercise of that freedom of debate which is the birthright of every Englishman, to criticise and con demn the policy of the Government, to dissent from all the principles on which the Minister of the Crown have acted, and to deprecate what he conceives to be the effects of this war. On these points we acknowledge the consistency with which ho has adhered to what he terms the cause of peace. But when he was driven by the necessity of his own logic to go further—not only to censure every act of the British Go vernment and its Allies, but to justify every act of the Czar —not only to impute to the men with whom he has hithertAo acted during his whole life a criminal blindness of policy and a disgraceful levity in action, but even to pronounce in the ha British House of Peers an elaborate defence of the c t e,. c c t o the good faith, the moderation, and the political cond " moral Nicholas of Russia, wo are astonished that h is own moral sense did not recoil from so monstrous a conclusion. We aro perfectly willing to take the argument roy has stated it. Be it so, that to prove this warasuL. judsttiand unnecessary each successive step of Russia has .been marked by candour, honesty, and the desire of peace , that Prince modest sa c i l s a im of friendship ; and that Princ e Mensehikoff's mission to ClonstantlGnoorptslec h w a a s k o t ff h e s at Vienna were fresh leaves of th e Russian olive branch, Is Lord the i ssue 'and to take the verdict on the s 3 Grey content ta try h facts, and, if they are dispr o v ed, to abandon the p aradox which has attempted to dress up in all the di g nit y of an o p inion ? To make out the appearance of a case he was compelled not only to misrepresent, but positively to invert every in cident in these transactions, and the moment these succes sive events are restored to their true form and meaning the w hole structure of falsehood and delusion crumbles i n t o th e dust. If this were all, and if Lord Grey's reputati on as a statesman were the only sacrifice required in expiation of these absurdities, the result would be indifferentto the world. h m aseorde at the difficult expense to be But we cannot conceal from ourselves the f ac t t h at, as far as u such a speech has any force at all, th a t f orce is used either atottaiprnoelodn,gotrhbeyweaarusbinyg peacerenderingto be peacerc of the honour of the Allies. Here, among the people of Eng land, we well know that so unnatural a speech wi • awaken of the no echo but in the indignation ll country. When the public so to what shifts the partisaus of poaccoat-any-p;iFe are driven ; , what utter indifference they profess to the Wei -1 taffy honol ar of England, and how ready they are to plead ' the cause even of our enemies, public opinion will do justice os t their clumsy and injati.leious attempts to I withdraw us fivm this contest. But abroad,' on the continent of Europe, and moreispecially In Russia, th e effect will b ' more injurious. Th e the poison be circu- • lated withou the antid o t e, an d t nation to which ye are o ?posed in art ns will read its own jiistificatien In'the language of a British Pe ? r. A ccor di ng to Lord Grey,lthisla has made all the eoneessi ow; that can be required .of her; Jo urge the limitation of her' n:sval forces is to insult her ; to demand Se unfounded suspiciaaomni'dna; to relay reled is l f age o x r our se lves , our rrdheism se curities for the inch Tendence of Europe is an offensive 44 oawand on s . the countrymen contrary , n Greytr a ase a, to 0 0. n makeconcessions othaveso slght doubt that they would reject with. universal scorn •so ignoble a proposition ; but he might also have foreseen that this lan guage is precisely that which is most likely to induce the R us sian Cabinet to persevere in .its pretensions, to reject the last chances of peace, and to fall back on the arguments of Prince Gortschakoff, endorsed a s they are by Lord Grey. The cause of the Allied Pow ers against Russia was briefly but forcibly stated by Lord C tarendon, who followed Lord Grey, and by all the other Peer, ; who addressed the House. Nothing could be more striking 'than the effect of the memo rable words quoted by Lord ic*VPciPli fi# g speech by the late Earl Grey, which seues/4 A r a. remonstrance from the ntotie.eacrneaanutlel.a, ;e e. F o o f re l i i g h: .rho6cretainoyw stated tombot h f a Russiao against nc e h ag o clearly and firmly his unabated: c unction of the designs These w hear d bein and of the necessity of adheting without modification to the against the iudepend e ace of Europe, of the error. mous preparations she bad mad. to execute those designs, the e l b o j o e i c u t i s ons we w h e ave ha i v ) e ursu u c u c i l fo r. l t y his de;e 7 n ar cied with our foreign relations a with tho negotiations them with pleasure from the Minister most conversant - broad- and- intelligible basis, on. : which we rejoice that Lord said t o b e s till i n p rogre ss ; but, taking our stand upon this Clarendon has placed the policy of the Government, it may fairly be asked what negotiations are at this moment possible, and whether even the concession at the Four Points, if it had been made by Russia, would really have provided against these dangers, and attained our object r To these questions we can only answer, that we prefer the chances of war to the chances of negotiation on such terms, and, that we shall be infinitely nearer a safe and lasting peace after one decisive engagement carry on and ons s u ccess e e that ss the e ri f n o c r i e p ig l a r l e o u n than upon th e acceptance of a string of preliminaries. That we believe t o b e the honest opinion of Parliament and of the th t e he G c o r v o e wa rnm an en d t the operations of th e war. teioncasnof PA BLIAMENTAI?Y DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS. —MAY 25. PROSECUTION OF THE WAR. Order read, for resuming adjourned debate on amendment proposed to be made to question (24th May), " That this house cannot adjourn for the recess w ithout expressing its dissatisfactionambiguous language an d uncerta i n conduct of her Majesty's Government, in reference to the great question of peace or war; and that, under these circum stances, this house feels it a duty to declare that it will con tinue to give every support to her Majesty in the rosecution. of the war, until her Majesty shall, in conjunctio n with her allies, obtain for this country a safe and honourable peace (Mr. Disraeli). And which amendment was, to leave out from the first word " house" to the word " feels," in order to insert the words "having seen with regret that the Con ferences of Vienna have not led to a termination of hostili ties :"—(Sir Francis Baring). Instead thereof—Questi on again proposed, " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the question." Debate resumed; question put. The house divided—Ayes, 219 ; Noes, 319. AYES.-219. Adderley, C. Forester, Col. Morgan, 0. Alexander, J. Forster, Sir G. Mowbray, J. Annesley, Earl of Franklyn, G. Mußings, J. Arbuthnott, Gcn. French, F. Mundy, W. . Archdall, M. Freshdeld, J. Naas, Lord Lrkwright, G. 'Frewen, C. Napier, J. Rogge. W. Fuller, A. Neeld, John Bailey, C. Galwey, Sir W. Neeld, joseph Balllie, H. - Galway, Viscount. Newark, Viscount Baldock, E. Gaskell, J. Ne*port, Viscount. Bankes, Et Hon G. George, J. Noel. G. Barrington, Viscount Gilpin, Col. H. North, Col. J'. Barrow, W. Gladstone, Capt. J. Northcote, Sir S. Bateson, Capt T. Goddard, A. Oakes, J. Beetive, Earl Gooch, Sir E. Ossuiston, Lerd Bennet, Capt P. Graham, Lord W. Packe. C. Bentinck.- G. - Greaves, E. Pakenham. POUT. Iteresford, Rt. Ha. W. Greenall, G. Pakington, Sir J. Bignold, Sir S. Grogan, Edward Palk. t 1... .. Blackburn, P. Guernsey, Lord Palmer, Robert Blake, M. J. Guinness, R. Parker..R. _ Boldero, Col. H. G. Gwyn, H. Peacocks, G. Booth, Sir Rt. Gore Hale, R. Peel, Gen Bowyer, G. Halford, Sir 11. Percy, J. Bramley-Moore, J. Hall, Gen. J. Portal, M. Bruce, C. Hamilton, Lord C. Renton, G. Back, L. W'. Ilanbury,Capt.Hon, C. Robertson, P. Kuck, G. Hayes, Sir E. Rushout, Col. G. • Buller, Sir J. Henley, J. Scott, F. Bunbury, Capt. W. Herbert, Sir T. Sevmer, H. Burral, Sir C. Hill, Lord A. E. Shirley, E. Burroughes. H. 115rsfall, T. Smitn. IV. Burrower, R. Hudson, G. Smith, Abel Butt, G. Hume, W. Sotheron, T. Butt, I. Jones, Adm. Spooner, R. Cabb,ll, B. Kelly. Sir F. Stafford, A. Cairns, H. Kendall. N. Stanhope, J. . Campbell, Sir A. Kennedy, T. Stanley, Lord Chandos,Stirling, Marquis of Rer, D. W. Chelsea. Viscount hint, J. . Stuart, W. Child. Smith Knatchball, W. Stunt, H. Christopher, Robt. A. Knight, F. Swift, R. Christie, Samuel Knightley, R. Thesiger, Sir F. Clinton, Lord C. P. P. Knox, Col. B. W. Tollemache, J. Clive, R. Knox, W. S. Trollope, Sir J. Cobnold. J. C. Lacon, Sir E. Tudway, R. Cocks, T. S. Laiuton, W. Tyler, Sir G. Colville, C. R. ' Lennox, Lord A. F. Tyrell, Sir J. Cottony, T. Lenn.A.Loi a Lt. vance, J. Corry, 11. T. L. Leslie, C. I'. Vansittart, G. Cotton, Major W. Idditell,ll. G. Vernon, O. Davies, D. A. S. Lind s ay, Col. J. Vernon, L. Thvies, J. L. li3burne,Earl Vivistn, J. E. Bering, sir E. Lockhart, W. Vyvy an, Sir R. Disraeli. B. Lowther, Col. V yae.' Col. !led, J. W. Lowther, Capt. Waddington. D. Waddington. 11. il n u tft k . 'Nos 11 , . Sir J. T. iLucas,u..lllll:t.oll. C. 'Walcott, Admiral luancombe,Hon. A. Lytton, Str O. Walpole, S. Dencombe, 0. Macartney, G. . Welhy. Sir G. Durico.nbe, lion.W. Macgregor, ans. Whiteside, J. nundas, ,;. Macgregor, John Whitipore. LI. D nine, C. 1. Mae kiannii, 1... Wigram, Loftus T: Int Pee.C. Madlock, Sir 7'. H. Wildanhi, T. E...rerton, W. . Magmfre, J. IVO% ./d. it. Egerton. K. C. M.IMS. H. Wyrielnain. Gen. El:We, Vi.. Mandeville. l'in. winelhani, /I. Farnham, E. 31 arch, Earl of wynn, Lieut.-Col. Farr,. .1. Minni.cl , , T. Wynn, Sir W. Fellow - e., Al. Max wen, J. Wynne. W. F.•rzti. , on, Sir .1". N eax. Sir ll ' 'Tor k„ E. Film r, Sir E. Mlles. 'V . TELLER/1 Fltzeerald, W. Michell, vr. Tavlor, e'ol. Follett, B. Mitchel', 7'. Joiliff , •,-Sir W. NOES-319. &eland, Sir T. Fitzroy, Hon. 11. O'Brien, C. Acton, J. fitzwi Ham. C. O'Brien, J. Adair, U. fitzwilliam, G. O'Connell, D. Adair, H. Foley, J. O'Flaherty, A. Alcock. T. Forster, C. Oliveira, B. Anderson, Sir J. Forster, J. Osborne, R. Antrobus, E. Fortescue, C. Otway, A. Atherton, W. Fox, W. Owen, Sir 3. ' Ba'nes. Rt. lion. M. Freestun, Col. Paget, Lord A. Ball, E. G ar dn e r. It. Feltner, RoundeU Biring, H. Gib , on, T. Palmerston, Vint. Baring, Sir F. Gladstone, W. Patten, J. Baring, T. Glyn, G . Paxton, Sir J. Barnes. T Goderich, Via. - Pechell, Sir G. Bass, T. Goodman. Sir (b. :) • , Peel, Sir R. Baxter, W. Gordon, A. Peels F. Beanmont, W. ' Gower, F. • Pellatt, A. Beckett, W. Grace, 0. Perry, Sir T. Bell, J. Graham. Sir J. Philipps, J. Bellew, T. Greene, John Phillimore, R. J. Berkeley Admiral Greene, Thomas Pilkington, J. Berkeley, 11. F. Greirson, S. Pollard-Urquhart, W . Berkeley. C. Grenfell, Chas. Portman, W. Bethell, Sir R. . Greville, Col. F. Powlett, Lord W. Biddulph, R. M. Grey, Sir G. Price, Sir R. Higgs, W. Grey, R Price, W. Bland, L. H. Grosvenor, Ld. R. Pritchard, J. Bonham-Carter, 3. Grosvenor, Earl Ramsden, Sir J. tiouverie, lion. E. P. Gurney, J. Reed, J. Bramston, T. W. Hadlield, G. Ricardo, J. Brand, H. B. W. Hall, Sir B. Ricardo, 0. Brocklehurat, J. Hankey, T. Ricardo, S. Brockman, B. D. Hanmer. Sir J. Rice, E. . Brotherton, J. Harcourt, G. Rich, U. Brown, li. Harcourt, Col. F. Robartes, T. Brown, W. Hardinge, Hon. C. Roebuck, J. Bruce, Lord E. 11 astie, Alex. Rumbold, C. Bruce, H. A. Rude, Archd. Russell, Lad J. 3ulkeley, Sir R. Headlam, T. Russell. F. C. Rorke, Sir T. Heard, J. Russell, F. W. Butler, C. Heathcote, Sir G. Sadleir, James Byng, G. Heathcote, G. Sadleir, John Cardwell, E. Heathcote, Sir W. Sawle, C. Castlerosse, Viscount H ene age, Geo. F. Scohell,ficholf leclda,pWt. G. Caulfield, Col. J. Herbert, H. Cavendish, C. Herbert, S. Scrape, G. Cavendish, G. Hervey, Lord A. Selliy,F. Cayley, E. Heywood, J. Scully, V. Challis, T. Higgins, G. 0. Seymour, Lord Chambers, M. Hlndley, C. Seymour, H. Chambers, T. Hogg, Sir J. W. Seymour, W. D. Chaplin, W. Horsman. E. Shaft*, R. Cheetham. J. Howard, C. Shea, Serjt. W. Clay. Sir W., Bt. Howard, Lord Shelburne, Earl Clifford,Col. IL M. Hutt, W. Shelley, Sir J. Clinton, Lord R. Ingham, It. Sheridan, B. Cobbett. J. M. Jackson, W. Smith, J. A. Cockburn, Sir A. J. E. Jermyn, Earl Smith, J. B. Clofiln, W. Johnstone, Sir J. Smith, M. Cogan, W. H. F. Keating, R. Smith, R. Jollier, R. P. Keating, H. S. smith, 4. 0 - _ Sir vv. Coote, Sir 'l. H. Keogh, W. Cowan. C. Kershaw, J. Cowper, W. F. King, P. Cranfor, E. H.J. Kinnaird , A. Crook, J. Kirk, W. Crossley. F. Currie, Raikes Stroll' E. Dalkeith, Earl Langston, J. H. Dalrymple, Viscount Lang ton, li. G. Dash.wood, S.r G. H. Layarcl, A. H. La Davie. Sir 11. B. F. Lee, W Deedes, W. Denison, E. B. Lindsay, W. Denison, J. E. Thornhill , W. Littletati E. 1.. Dent, J Tpmline, G. De Vera. S. Lockhart, A. E. Luce, ue e w m e ei o : , n IT ur, T. Sir c 1 C. . ,1 . . , ~ x liTTTSntool Stewart, tb rn i c e d .i c yo 3 117:S T. Denison, M . . TOwnshend, Capt. J. Lowe. R. Dillwyn, L. Traill, G. Divett, E. Mackie, J. Tynte, Col. C. Drurnitnrig , Via. - W. A. Uxbridge, Earl Mackinnon, Laing,u c s h ! r e , It t . I I 0 n ./ i ss S SBS Stanley,tteamipeffchleto,irJ nil : L o W a l 3 kr n a : .. a s a l T o i : 31•cann, J. Vane, Lord H. 31 31 a c ri T g ag l e g s a , rt lt '. BDir. J. Villiers,VWalter,lWarner vwwwliviv e a rn atirnimtelackin o ksottme n itar , nremisj C a: C my:as. J . el, . ~w.0ji11t5..... W. at Marjoribanks, D. Vivian, H. H. Marshall. W. Walmsley, Sir J. Duff,DD Duncan, Drummond,naomflake,jOs..,irvji s c J. I l c a . Duncan, 0. Martin, J. Duncombe, T. Mass.y, NV. Dv ndas, F. m i ngat ,,,,,, VilcOunt Matheson, A. Waterpark, Lord tint , 3 3 K i iid ath i. esoz, Sir J. Watson, W. MM M Nil m il n i o l !o ces' e n r k Ti .. M. V W \ ils . i e s o co u u n n t t 'wells, W. ERE E: E lli r ia illc e iti l oce r t i t : , : : gS n ji 7 BE ir ,. o S . n .,di . r un V 7 Moffatt, G. Emlyn, Via. Molesworth, Sir W. Wilkinson, W. 1. smonde, J. Evelyn, W. Ewart, W. Wise, A. F. , . art, J. Wood, Sir C. Felkien, M. F tFF, e ee, t i rrg t zg w r i ses c o t n 3, , ,,,. 1 1 s i : . sr 1 jr I . J, Wortley, J. 5. 3 4 : l° O ur r r r 4fit t z e s. y ni s D,G, T. ' S .. 111-Nl . l • ll: o lnw r ise t r l aeir : et , itil'g r l-:.1.1.;T. I) . WWYYvnanill'alni: W. Ferguson.o J. "itzGerald, J. O'Brien, P. TELLERS Ilayter. W. 3lulgrave, Earl of [A.DVERTISIMENTI—IioIIoway's fills ha% e an extra ordinary effect on Liver and Stomach Complaints. Mr. Charles Wilson, of 39, Princes-street, Glasgow, states iu a letter to Professor Holloway that he bad suffered for a long time from a disease of the liver and stomach, for which he could obtain no relief from the medical profes sion ; therefore, he determined on trying Holloway's Pills, at which time be was in a most wretched condi tion ; but, humanly speaking, these Pills have saved his life, as he is now restored to perfect health, to the sur prise of all who bad witnessed the state he was in.— Sold by all medicine vendors, and a t P rofessor Hollo way's ziy'den.ite sEsatab4likliaz:ln4so,rk.2 44, Strand, London, and RQ ase d lr of° g bt 108' = i/'