The Sun. — London, England, 1842-05-27 00:00:00

THE DISTRESS IN THE DIA.NU rACTURING DISTRICTS• THE QUEEN'S LETTER. TO: HIS GRACE THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY, ,FOR. A. COLLECTION IN AID OF THE SUBSCRIPTIONS ENTERED INTO FOR THE RELIEF OF THE WORKING CLASSES IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. Victoria R. Most Reverend Father in God, our right trusty and right entirely beloved Councillor, we greet you well. 11 hereas, in some districts in England and Scotland, many of the working classes have suffered , and con tinue to 'suffer, severe distress; and whereas many of our subjects have entered into voluntary subscriptions for their relief, and have at the same time humbly prayed us to issue our Royal letters directed to the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lord Arch bishop of York, authorising them to promote contri butions within their several provinces for the same benevolent purpose : We, taking the premises into our Royal consideration, and being always ready to give the best encouragement and countenance to such humane and charitable undertakings, are graciously pleased to condescend to their request ; and we do hereby direct these our letters be communicated by you to the several suffragan Bishops within your province, expressly requiring them to take care that publication be made hereof on such Sunday in the present or in the ensuing month, and in such places, within their respective dioceses, as the said Bishops .hall appoint; and that upon this occasion the ministers in each parish do effectually excite the parishioners to a liberal contribution, which shall be collected the week following at their respective dwell ings by the churchwardens or overseers of the poor in each parish ; and the ministers of the several parishes are to cause the sum so collected to be paid imme diately into the hands of the Bank of England, to be accounted for by them, and applied to the carrying on and promoting the above-mentioned good designs. And so we bid you very heartily farewell. Given at our Court at Saint James's, the 11th day of May 1842, in the fifth year of our reign. . . By her Majesty's command, J. R. G. GRAHAM. To the Most Reverend Father in God, - _ our Right Trusty and Right Entirely Beloved Councillor, William Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of aH England, and Metropolitan. London House, Ma y 20, 1842. Reverend Brother,—ln obedience to the commands of her Majesty, I require you to read from the desk in your church or chapel the Queen's Letter, a copy of which I have caused to be transmitted to you, on such Sunday before the Ist day of July next as you may judge most convenient, immediately after the Morning or Evening Prayers. You are also desired to cause the Queen's Letter to be read in like manner in every place of worship be longing to the Established Church in your parish (if there be any besides the parish church), and to com municate this letter to the minister or ministers thereof. The accompanying statement will supply authen tic information in regard to the distress which pre vails in the places therein mentioned, and which unhappily extends to many other populous districts similarly circumstanced. I trust, therefore, that you will feel it your duty, as a minister of Christ, to give full effect to her Ma jesty's gracious intentions, by earnest exhortation from the pulpit, and to make known and enforce, as widely and strongly as possible, the claims of the sufferers on the charity of their Christian brethren. The amount collected is to be paid, within three weeks after the collection, into the Bank of England, or its branches in the country ; or by Post-office orders addressed to and made payable to the cashiers of the Bank of England, London. From your affectionate brother, C. J. LONDON. THE STATEMENT.—STOCKPORT. Stockport, in Cheshire, is one of the principal seats of the cotton manufacture, and a large portion of its population is dependent on that manufacture for support. During the last three years many failures among the mill-owners have occurred, but distress among the working people did not assume a very aggravated form until within the last eight months; since that time a large number of the manufacturing workmen, accustomed to constant industry, have been reduced by the stoppage of mills to want of employment, and to a dependence on legal or voluntary alms. Their privations have been borne, by a population not ac customed to such dependence, with fortitude and re signation, and the virtues which they have exhibited under such severe trials, not less than the sufferings which they have endured, and are still enduring, entitle them to the sympathy and consideration of their fell ow countrymen. Mr. Waddington, the Secretary of the Relief Fund in Stockport, states in the Official Report upon the distress in that town, that the great majority of the distressed families have no visible means of support ; that for some weeks they had subsisted by credit; that when that had filled their next resource was to sell their furniture, their wearing apparel, their bed and bedding, and in many instances women had been com pelled even to part with their marriage rings . ; and that their dwellings were found literally stripped of every ar ticle of comfort. Ile subsequently proceeds to state, in reference to the district of which he acted as visitor, " The greater proportion of the inhabitants of that district were in as lamentable a state of destitution as it is possible to imagine ; I am convinced that the Relief Fund has been the cause of saving hundreds in the borough from a premature grave." BURNLEY. Severe distress likewise prevails extensively at Burnley in Lancashire, and in the neighbouring dis trict, owing to the same causes as the distress at Stockport. In this district less efficient assistance appears to have been afforded to the settled poor from the poor-rates, and moreover many destitute persons who had migrated thither from other parts of the country have been deterred from applying for parochial relief, by the fear of removal in consequence of thus becoming chargeable. The funds provided by the law for the relief of or dinary destitution in England, however ample they may be, can scarcely be expected to suffice in the de pressed state of Stockport and Burnley, inasmuch as the resources of the rate-payers themselves are dimi nished in nearly the same proportion in which the de mands of the working-classes upon those resources are increased. __ _ PAISLEY. Since the month of July in last year the labouring population of Paisley has been suffering from distress, caused by the stagnation of trade, and the consequent failure of a large number of firms in that borough. This distress continued with great severity through out the winter, and the spring has not brought that increased demand for goods which might have been .::petted. - Some of the more skilful weavers have indeed pre cured employment, but a large portion of the popula tion still remain dependent on charity. AS many as 12,000 persons have been maintained for several months from the contributions collected in England and Scotland, and even in India. The poor-law of Scotland, as now administered, confers no effectual right to relief upon men who are able to Work, or upon their families ; at present, therefore, the legal provision: for the relief of the destitute in Scotland is not applicable to This class of persons, and even if it had been so applicable, the pres Sure of so large a number of men without work must soon haVe absorbed a considerable proportion of the property in the borough. The subscriptions raised in this county, in the county of Renfrew, the city of Edinburgh, and parts of Scotland, are all expended. Thus no legal mode of effectu a lly relie v ing thi s mass of destitution exists, and the charitable feelings of those connected with the place have been taxed to the utmost. It may be added that these sufferings have for the most part fallen on a class of workmen whose general earnings. ',yen in prosperous times, are insufficient to allow of any provision for future difficulties, and that thr.s have been borne with patience and fortitude. Was, 1842. The Archbishops of Canterbury and York, the Bishops of London, Chester, and Ripon, Lords Stanley and Russell, Sir R. 11. Inglis, B:c., are members of tile Manufacturers' Relief Committee. We are also happy to announce that the following contribu tions have been already received : -- Iler Majest' the Queen, 500/. ; the Queen DoWager, 300/. ; Sir Robert Peel. Bart., 2001. i Sir James Graham , 1001 . ; the Duke of Buccleuch, 200/. ; Sir Edward Knatch hull, 100 i. ; the Earl of Aberdeen, 100/. ; Lord Stan ley, 100/. ; the Right Hon. Henry Goulburn, 501. ; Loril Fitzgerald and Vesci, 100/. ; Henry of Hadding - Um,' 100/. ; Lord Lyndhurst, 100/. ; the Earl of Ripon, 100/. ; Sir henry Hirdinge, 501. ; Earl Howe, 100/.; Lord John Russell, 50/. ; Sir T. D. Acland, Bart., M.P., 50/. ; Rear-Admiral Bowles u 20/. • Alderman Lucas, 201. ss. ; Benjamin B. Cabbell:Esq., 50/. CORN AVERAGES. c; F.NERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN, For the Week .ended May 2C. 16-12. made up from the Returns of the Intpeetor. ,, ii the different Cities and Towns in Englanil and t.v,les. pc.r Imperial Quarter. Wheat r4t.. SM. Oats ......... 19s. '. 1.1 Beans lls 7,1„, U.l" (tr... ...... 25i. 11 th I Rya ...3s. 4,' I Nage .314. 4.1. AVERAGES OF TUX LAST SIX IVIEKS. 1,t, , ,,,k ending WOVAT. a.krariv.l OATS. 1 AVE. lIIIANS. 1 , ...?.A . 311. --- -o-....-- -.--..-- -.-.._..........._._, , ----- TX 7... ...... 39 10 '26 n 'l9 6 ..--.. 4 :".2 6 SO 11 - 31 5 e 2 a; 1 27 3 19 3 1 32 il nil 9 31 2 .29 ..... Ma, 6 6) 8 .27 4 19 h :t1 3 at 8 20 1 7 13 • 20 32 4 53 7 31 4 IMPKRIAL aC4O6IIOATZ AVIILACts OF TH Y ttli WETK Wheat......... GOs. sd. 1 Gaff .......***l3',t. Vd:I S P::::::::::21:: I'd': 26a. 10d, 1 Rye tlarlity. . DUTIES ON FOREIGN CORN. . _ J 126. Od. Oats ..... 7s. ocl.l ae. sarley l oe. rd. Rye SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPT;Rti OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—The organs of the party in power are going fairly into opposition. The Post declares that the principles on which Sir Robert Peel has prepared his tariff are, " in their essence, utterly unsound,' and that "in operation they will, we fear, prove de structive to an extent yet uniinagined." The Times is accusing Sir James Graham of conspiracy with the Poor-law Commissioners. The Britannia abuses the Income-tax, and .most of the rest keep ominous si lence on that matter. May we take the freedom to ask what single point in the policy of this Govern ment those who helped it into power are now pre pared to advocate ? We really do not know one po sition from which their batteries were turned on the Whigs, which has not been contemptuously aban cloned by their own men in office. Surely this is a remarkable attitude for a party to take towards( the country—an attitude in which their own press — which, in the long run, represents pretty accurately the prevalent feelings of parties—is compelled to desert them. The party in power are therefore openly deserted by those sections of followers who alone addressed the public mind with any great efficacy in their favour. Assuredly these were the Anti-Free- Trade and the Anti-New-Poor-Law sections. These are both openly in opposition ; and without wishing to exaggerate their power, we really should like to know with what materials the Ministerialists mean to replacer their loss. The dire neces • sity of continuing to address themselves to their old sets of readers has forced their leading organs into open warfare with their leading measures. This has not been without sweet, reluctant, amorous de lay, and repeated warnings. We are entitled to assume that twogreat sections of adherents are becom ing opponents. In the face of such symptoms Parlia mentary majorities are a vain boast. Parlia mentary majorities must represent moral forces some where. After • all that can be attributed to cor ruption or• to intimidation, no such majority as the present ever was brought together without vo luntary agents. Now, when those agents are alie nated ; when those motives are disappointed on which all the adherents of Toryism, who are free to act for themselves, have acted—what is left to support the power of the party of the present Administration,be yond the mere fact of possession, and the mere adhe rence of personal interests ? How long can these keep a ministerial majority together, in the face of the whole independent opinion of its constituency ? How soon will the personal discontents, which always arise in a party, the ruffled self-importance of those who as pire to parts which are not allotted them, the fermenting vanity of illustrious obscures, who are kept in the back-ground—how soon will all these rally round the revolt-flag of " earnest and decided" Toryism ? Very soon; if experience of the past give warrant to anti cipate the future. In this " certainly proximate" event, where will the Ministerial party recruit itself? Where will it find the means to put down the threatened revolt of its own janissaries ? Where will it enlist zeal to combat the zeal it has driven from its side ? STANDARD.—It appears, by the votes of the House of Commons, that Lord Ashley will this night move for leave to bring in a Bill " to make regula • tions respecting the age and sex of persons permitted to work in mines and collieries." The country will rejoice to know that the Noble author of the mining investigation is resolved thus to follow up his work; and that he will follow it up with vigour and ability none can doubt. We do not remember any exposition that has pro duced so powerful an effect as the Mining Report; even the disclosures of the factory system were less impres sive, because they came out gradually, and not, as it were, by surprise, like the exhibition of the hor rors of the mine. The Noble champion of the sufferers in both departments of oppression and mi sery has at present the public mind more de cidedly and more strongly with him than upon any former occasion, and he is not the man to, neglect such a glorious opportunity. He will do his part, but the country must do something more than feel and think—it must act, if Lord Ashley is to be successful. The terms of the Noble Lord's motion are limited to restraints upon the employment of in fants and females ; and so far the motion, if it succeed, will do great good ; but something more will still be wanting. 'Some general law is required, that the means of moral and religious instruction shall be provided for the people in proportion to their num bers, wherever multitudes are collected in a narrow space. Suoh a law was unnecessary while the popu lation was universally agricultural. The parish church and the parish school were then sufficient ; but sufficient these were no longer when masses came to be collected in mines and factories. New states of society demand new institutions. Our wiser ances tors felt this, and not only varied accommodations to meet the wants of particular localities, but even enacted what are called anomalous codes of laws and erected anomalous Courts of Justice with the same object. These anomalies, as we call them, are, however, the truest uniformity ; for nothing is so really anomalous as a straight rule applied to an un dulating surface. We throw out these hints, not so much with a direct reference to Lord Ashley's mo tion, as to the arguments with which we expect to see it resisted. The millowners are the opponents from whom we anticipate resistance, for they see that if hu manity is introduced into the mine, it cannot be long excluded from the factory. LAW INTELLIGENCE. ROLLS' COURT, May 26. CLARK V. TONGS. This cause, which relates to tithes, occupied the Court the entire day, ar. d is likely to do so for several days. We shall give a brief sketch of it at the close of the hearing. BAIL COURT, May 26. CATES V. BENNETT. This was an action to recover twenty-one guineas, the price of a mare sold by the plaintiff, who keeps livery stables in New-road, Sloane-street, to the defendant, who is a wine-merchant living in Rathbone-place. The de fendant pleaded that he made no promise. Mr. JONES stated the case. The defendant was introduced to the plaintiff at his stables in October last, and asked to look at the horses, and saw a mare, which he said I ! should like to purchase for his son, whom he expeded from India. He then desired to have the mare saddled, and said that if he liked her he should purchase her in three or four days. He rode the mare away, and did not return her till the present month, in a bad condition, when he offered the defendant 4/. 4s. A servant, in the employ of Mr. Cates, proved that Mr. Bennett said if ho liked the horse, after three or four days, he would purchase her, and that the horse was not returned. Other witnesses were produced. who proved that Mr. Bennett promised to send the money to Mr. Cates, or to Mr. Francis, a friend of his, and that ha liked the mare very much. Mr. Bateman gave similar testimony, and further, that Mr. Cates ofTered to take back the mare on Monday, and give 251. for her, if in the same condition as when he sold her. Mr. DIESIGER addressed the Jury for the defendant, and said that the nature of the bargain was that the de fendant was to have the option of purchasing the mare at the price of 20 guineas, orhiring her till May-day for four guineas. Several witnesses were examined for the defence. His LORDSHIP summed up, and the Jury returned a verdict for the plaintiff to the amount of 20 guineas. EECT lON COMMITTEES. LYME REGIS. The Committee, on assembling yesterday, pro ceeded to hear the conclusion of Mr. Austin's summing up, in support of the vote of James Bridle, and finally decided that the vote was a bad one ; it was accordingly struck off. The sitting Member is now in a minority of one. The next vote taken was that of - Kennicott ; the examination was of the same nature as that of the two preceding votes, namely, an inquiry • into the fact of the parties being indebted to Mr. Hillman, by accom modations, or money advanced a considerable time pre vious to the election, and consequently being unable to give an unbiassed vote. The evidence had not concluded at the adjournment, at four o'clock. DUTCH PAPERS. TH F. HAGUE, MAY 24 —The Committee of Rotterdam for receiving donations for the sufferers at Hamburgh, announces in the Rotterdam Courant that it has already been able to place 25,000 florins at the disposal of the Senate at Hamburgh. ARNHEI.3I, MAY 23.—We learn that his Majesty King William Frederick, Count of Nas3att, was to leave Berlin yes terday, and to arrive at the Loo, about the 29th. The new church is to be consecrated on the sth of next month 'n the presence of its founder. A letter from West Prussia, of the 12th of May, says, that some hands of Russian soldiers had deserted with their arms and baggage into the Prussian territory. They were imme diately arrested, and given tip to the Russian authorities. HANOVF.II, MAY 6.—His Royal Highness the Crown Prince of Hanover will probably return to this oily by the 27th, which is his birthday. His intended marriage with the Princess Mary of Saxe Altenburg, will not be officially announced till the expiration of the mourning (June 20). STUTGA RD, MAY 19.—The first Chamber of the Estates of Wertemburg has adopted the proposal of the Second Chamber, to reduce the interest of the public. debt: It can hardly be doubted that the Government will sanction this measure, since it would effect a saving of 90,000 florins per annum. The Austrian Observer announces that her Royal High ness, the Archduchess Sophia, contort of the Arch Duke Francis Charles, was happily delivered of a Prince on the 15th of this month, Who was baptized on the following day, with the usual ceremony, by the names of Louis Anthony Joseph Victor. DUTCH FUNDS....AMSTICRDAId, Mier 24. g% per Cent 1 1,gtL per cent. . ....... 101 1141,4 A Aa i i e n ttl e u( ct Syndic, 3 44i per ......... ...... , 377 7 ..4z Cilmttom'erdclitatloCompany, 4X, per t e t ...... ls2it 15:it,, Ditto (1835 anti 1837) 5 pct. cen ito% 99 G 9 Loan lgri, 5 percent. . Exchange on London, Tw One o m m o o n n t th h_ 1212 oS . Hamburgh, One month ps 81 1 4 Two months 35 43% Dutch Papers, May 25. . Lady Townshend Farquhar, accompanied by the Hon. Mr. Hamilton and family, Sir Charles Dalrymple, Dr. Roscoe, Mr. Pearson Thompson, &c., formed part of the large number of passengers who left London on Sunday last by the regular steam-ship Antwerpen, Capt. Jackson. This packet arrived at Antwerp nearly an hour before the Wilberforce, which started with her, and she returned here or. Wednesday =ening, after a passage of nineteen hours. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, ,llay 2G. The Lunn CHANCELLOIt took his seat on the Woolsack shortly before Five o'Clock. , THE COPYRIGHT BILL The LORI) CHANCELLOR presented three peti tion; on this subject, from the booksellers, the printers, and the literary writers of Great Britain and Ireland. SUNDAY TRAFFIC ON CANALS. . HATHERTON. presented a petition on a subject to which he had bufore brought the attention of the House, namely, the Sunday navigation of the canals. The boatmen on canals were the only class of people• in the country who had no Sabbatic rest. The boat men of all the canals in the country had petitioned against the Sunday traffic. Several boat-owners, also, had petitioned for the same purpose, and had disconti nued working their boats on Sundays without dimi nution of their profits. The Directors of some Companies had also petitioned, and had done all that lay in their power to put an end to the Sunday navigation, but without the assistance of an Act of Par liament they could not enforce the suppression. Lord WHAIINCLIFFE said that the attention of the Government had been directed to the subject, but it was not intended to introduce any measure this session. Lord HAMERTON expressed hiS satisfaction that it was intended to bring i►► a Bill on the subject ; he thought it better that such a measure should originate with the Government, than any individual Member of their Lordships' House. THE TARIFF. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM presented several peti tions from places in the county of Bucks, praying the house to modify the proposed tariff. THE CUSTOMS DUTIES (DRAWBACK) BILL. This Bill went through Committee. THE BEGGING LETTER. Lord KINNAIRD rose in pursuance of a notice which he gave on Tuesday last, to• move fOr a copy of the Queen's begging letter. He could not but express his surprise that, on that occasion, her Majesty's Minis ters should pretend not to know anything about it. The letter was signed by one of the Ministers ; and, besides that, it was quite notorious that such a letter had been issued. He must say that it convinced him of the fact, that the Government was carried on by only one indivi dual in the country—certainly one of great talent, and one from whom he expected a great deal ; but he really seemed to think that lie treated the other members of the Government as mere cyphers. The speeches of that individual were very liberal ; but he (Lord Kinnaird) must say he thought that the tariff was a precious piece of hutnbug.—(Laughter.) If one indi vidual could carry on the Government, it really could not be such a difficult thing to conduct a Government as some people imagined. A Premier - and half•a-dozen clerks might do it. The Noble Lord was here inter rupted by The LORD CHANCELLOR, who said the Confer. once from the Commons, on the subject of an Inclosure Bill, was at the bar. - The Earl of Devon, the Bishop of Norwich, and other Lords were then appointed to conduct the Conference with the Commons. Lord KINNAIRD then resumed. He read a letter from the district of Lancashire, from which it appeared that many of the labouring* population were living on the trifling pittance of lid. a day. He had many letters in his possession which he had received on this subject. All of them confirmed the statement made in the letter he had read to their Lordships. When he had brought the subject under the consideration of their Lordships last session, the Noble Duke (Wellington) treated the subject with some levity. The state ments which he had read would show how much that levity was called for. He should conclude by moving that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that a copy of her letter addressed to the Arch bishop of Canterbury, for the purpose of calling on the clergy to assist in collecting subscriptions for the relief of the suffering poor, be laid on the table of the House. The Duke of WELLINGTON said that there could be no objection to the production of the letter. The Noble Lord had said truly, that he (the Duke of Wellington) had suggested to the Noble Lord that he should ascertain that such a letter had been written before-he moved for its production. He (the Duke of Wellington) ought to take to himself some shame, as a Member of her Majesty's Privy Council, in not being aware that this letter had been written. But he begged to inform the Noble Lord that. he was present when the subject was discussed in the Privy Council, but he had been out of town, and when he answered the Noble Lord he was not aware that the letter had been sent. He had attended divine service last Sunday in the Chapel Royal, or he would have known it. He had been to a distant part of the Metropolis on Monday, and he conversed with the clergyman of a parish, and certainly, if he had received the letter at that time, 'he would have informed hire of it. He would say, that he had never mentioned the distress of the country with levity. The Noble Lord,' at the time to which he had alluded, said, that Parliament ought not to -be prorogued, and that those who advised her Majesty to prorogue Parliament took on themelves serious re sponsibility. He (the Duke of Wellington) on that occasion said he did not think that there was any reason to believe that there was likely to be a scarcity of corn, and that if Parliament sat fur twelve months it would not give the people the means of purchasing corn. As he said before, there could be no objection to this letter being produced. Lord KINNAIRD explained that he wanted to know why the letter should be issued just at this particular time. He did nut think that it would do any permanent good. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought it would be very unfortunate if it should be imagined that this letter had been issued as mere matters of form, and not upon mature deliberation. The very circumstance of making this a common proceeding was to de stroy its efficacy. All Governments should consider well before adopting this. course, because an objection would apply to it which applied to Parliamentary grants, viz., that it had a tendency to prevent local efforts and individual exertions, which, after all, were the best means of alleviating the distress.—(Hear, hear.) Ile trusted that the in vitation to come forward to relieve the distress of a lung suffering peopie would not bo confined to the Established Church alone, but would be extended to all places of worship. Ile thought the measure had been considered, and that it was one well calculated to meet the exigencies of the times ; under those circumstances, therefore, he must express his approval of the course proposed.—(Hear, hear.) Earl RIPON said, it was not until the distress through out the country became general that her Majesty's Ministers took upon themselves to advise her Majesty to make this appeal to the people. On Tuesday night, however, he certainly was not aware that the letter had been sent ; in the parish church which he attended on Sunday last, it certainly was not read, and that was the history of the ignorance which had been imputed to the Government not being exactly aware of the precise time when their advice had been carried out. This cer tainly was nut an appeal which ought to be often made, bat it was one which he was sure would, on the present occasion, be honourably responded to. Earl MINTO said, on a former occasion, when the country was in great distress, the Government had ordered a great quantity of bonded corn to be released. He wished to ask the Noble Duke opposite if such a course had been adopted now ? The Duke of WELLINGTON said be was not aware that such a course had been pursued. The Duke of RICHMOND wished to know what good it would do, if such a course were adopted ? The people wanted money and not corn ; give them money and they would soon get bread. The only effect of such a course would be to reduce the agriculturists of this country to the same state of distress as the manufacturers were at present in. —(Hear.) Earl MINTO said he must say that he thought the cheapening of food would considerably tend to alleviate the distresses of the people. Earl FITZWILLIAM apprehended that whatever exertions might be made, the sum which would be raised by this letter, would be perfectly trifling compared with what would be required fur the object in view. —(Hear.) They should inquire whether this letter was the result of prudence and inquiry, as his Noble Friend (the Mar quis of Lansdowne) was inclined to think. He should like to ask her Majesty's Government what proportion the sum to be raised by this letter would bear to the average wages received by the operatives of thiS country ? He should like to know what would be the annual wages of the operatives in - one of our large manufacturing towns alone ? He should think it could be certainly not less than 1,000,000/. of money. He doubted whether they would not be trifling, with the distress of the people, by proposing such a measure as this. Did Noble Lords believe that this distress was temporary ? Did they believe that it arose from-the fluctuations in the ma nufactures of the country, or (lid they believe, as he did, that it was merely an exhibition of the permanent declension of the manufacturers of this country ? (Hear.) lie should like to hear the opinion of her Majesty's Government upon that matter. If their opi nion were that the distress be of a permanent charac ter,. he thought it should only be considered as a step to some other more permanent mode of administering relief.—(Hear.) Lord WHARNCLIFFE believed that the distress in the manufacturing districts arose in a great measure, but not totEtlly, from the state of America. When this letter was agreed upon it was not expected that very much relief would be the result, but still it would induce persons who had it in their power to come forward, and o it might for a short time be the means of alleviatin g a portion of the distress. He hoped that the time was not far distant when the present distress would cease. _ The Bishop of LONDON said, that in 1826, when great distress existed in the manufacturing districts, the same measure was resorted to, in connexion with the public subscription, and the result was such as to place at the disposal of a number of Noble Lords and Gentle men a large sum—not so large, perhaps, as to wholly alleviate the distress, but still it was sufficient to render great assistance. They succeeded in obtaining an amount of 150,0001. or 160,0001., which was not wholly expended at thu time • but part had been reserved, to be applied to the Mid : of the distressed people, from time to time, as distress should arise. He could bear testimony to the exemplary patience with which the poor people of Spitalfields bore their sufferings. He thought, that if the Government wanted a jUstification of their proceeding, it was to be found in that of 1826. The question was then put, and agreed to. COPYRIGHT BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR wished to call the at tention of their Lordships to the Copyright Bill. He wished shortly to *state the :reasons wby he supported ,this Bill. He anticipated that there would be no •op position to . this Bill in their Lordships' H ouse . H e had I ?resented petitions from some of the most eminent literary men, publishers of the metropolis, and from some of the first stationers, all praying the House to pass this Bill. He thought, therefore, he was confirmed in the opinion he had formed, but he confessed he had greatly been disappointed, for he found that it was to be op posed from a quarter he did not anticipate. He passed to the Act of 1709, when the Copyright Bill was passed, upon which this question mainly rested. The object of that Bill was to promote literature, but unfortunately some expressions were allowed to remain in the Bill which caused it to be construed otherwise. In thirty years after the passing of this Bill the question came under the consideration of the Courts. A person of the name of Millar, purchased the copyright of " Thompson's Seasons." Subsequently a person of the name of Taylor, published an edition of the work, and Millar brought an action against him. The question was most elaborately argued in the Court of Queen's Bench, and the Judges, with Lord Mansfield at their head, de livered their judgment, that by the law of the land an author had a perpetual interest in his copyright. (Hear. ) He found then, by the judgment of the Court of Queen's Bench, that copyright was a common law right, or in other words that an author had a perpetual right in his copy. An action was subsequently brought by Heckert against Donaldson, which came before their Lordships' House. Eleven Judges from the Court of Queen's Bench were summoned—Lord Mansfield was not summoned, as it came before their Lordships in consequerce of a writ of error from his judgment. They were asked whether :here was a common law right vested in the author ? that was answered in 'the affirmative by a majority of eight to three ; the other question put to them was, whether the statute of Anne took away the common law right, or merely added additional benefits ; the Judges, by a majority of six to five, decided that it did take away the common law right. The law of the country was then, that the copy was the property of the author for perpetuity, but that the right was abridged by an Act of Parliament—which was in tended for a very different purpose,—to a period of 14 years. Sir S. Romilly said that the Bill was not one calculated to encourage literature, but that it tended rather to protect the crude productions of youth than the more mature productions of age and experience. The 54th Geo. 111. extended the copyright to the life of the author. The 13111 fir which they asked now was not to restore the common law right, but only to extend the period for seven years more. He appealed now to the justice of their Lordships ; on that broad footing he placed it; he did not appeal to their sympathies on behalf of men who had exerted their talents in their behalf, tett on their justice only he relied. Seven years was all they asked. Were they to be outdone in liberality by other countries? The law of France gave the copyri g ht to t h e aut h or d ur i ng lif e , an d al lowed it to the widow for twenty years afterwards. Another country, distinguished in many respects for its literary pro ductions—he meant Prussia—was still more liberal in its law ; it gave thirty years after the death of the author. Russia gave twenty-five years after the death of the author, and ten years more under partic u l ar c i rcumstances . Th e on ly country in which the law was the same as in England was Austria, and that country—it was a strange fact—had produced fewer works of genius and literary merit, compared with its size and popu lation, than any other civilised country in the world. If they went to Spain, where the literature was so charming, they would find that the copyright was perpetual ; so it was in Den mark, in Norway, and in S we d en . 'file more encouragement they gave to the productions of genius, the more likely they were to have them increased. But they were met with the argument, " Would you encourage me nopoly?" He did not understand such monopoly as this. If a man possessed a house it was a monopoly, and that was the kind of monopoly that an author's right in his book constituted. If it were monopoly it would have all its advantages, but none of its evils. The law at present was precisely the same thing as a law would be which gave to a rabble the power of rushing into a house directly the owner died, destroying his property, and turning out his wife and family ; and who would say that it would be unjust to repeal such a law as that? Another ob jection which had been raised to this proposed alteration in the law was, that it would raise the price of books ; he (the Lord Chancellor) did not believe that such would be the case ; he did not think it would have any effect of the kind, but that it would rather tend to lower the price of books. Nothing was a greater monopoly than the Bible, and yet how cheap were copies of the Bible. He had said before he did not like to anticipate arguments. He had touched upon these lightly. and there were many others that he might go into. He thought this was a measure of justice.—( Hear, hear.) He had attempted to present to their Lordships the correct view of the subject, and of the law on the subject. Lord BROUGHAM had not been changed in the opinion he had formed on this subject by what had fallen from the Noble and Learned Lord. He went to the full length of all the sentiments of veneration and respect to the authors of this country as the Noble and Learned Lord did himself. What increased his anxiety was the latter part of his Noble and Learned Friend's observation, for he found that they were called upon to give their consent to a measure which prospec tively would alter the law on this subject, but which weuldretro spectively alter the law of their rights, and many other rights. If they rejected or altered this Bill, and the result of that alte• ration was its rejection elsewhere, then let them introduce a measure to satisfy both. To those parts of the Bill which con sulted the interests of literary men he had no objection what ever, on the contrary, he thought they were most salutary. That it was the opinion of the Queen's Bench, that at common law of this country there existed a law of copy right, be had no doubt. A question was brought before the House, and the majority were of opi nion that copyright at common law had ceased to exist. That was the law of the land as declared by the highest authority. If seventy years and a majority of the Judges were not sufficient to settle a dry point of law, then it was in vain to talk of rights and privileges at all, because, upon higher ground none could rest, or show a. more unimpeachable title. His Noble Friend then referred to the Act of the 54th George 111., which he thought was introduced in favour of authors; and he stated the opinion of Sir Samuel Romilly on that Act; that Act, arose, however, out of a complaint made by the University of Oxford, that copies of the works published were not sent to them, and that the Act of Anne was not suffi ciently Stringent to make publishers deliver the copies of their works . to the Universities ; an Act to enforce this was passed, and as a kind of compensation to the publishers the Act of 54 Geo. 111. was passed. -At that time, however, great com plaints were made that they were compelled to send eleven copies of their works to the libraries, and they stated that the Act of George 111. did not nearly compensate them for the , burden thus imposed upon them. It was, generally speaking, quite unimportant what became of the copyright after four or ' five years, and certainly one never looked beyond fourteen years. But, they might ask, " Would you not, as a publisher, give i an author more for a valuable work, if the copyright which would be vested in you were perpetual, instead of only of fourteen years duration ?" The answer they would receive would be universally, " No, we would give no more for it." Of that part of the Act which related to protection from pi racy, he highly approved. The great evils under which the publisher and the author now laboured, were—lst, The great defect of the law with regard to valuable works; and, 2d, The piracies which were made, both by printers at home and abroad. By way of example of the present state of the law, look at a most useful work, which had been publishing during the last twenty-five years, " The Encyclopaedia Edinensis," edited by Sir David Brewster, than which no work ever presented a com pilation of what was more useful, or exhibited more genius. If ever there were a book which ought to be encouraged, it was this. But such was the state of the law, that neither the authors themselves had any right in their copy, nor had the owners and publishers any legal redress against a pirate. Of course, the size of the work protected itself; no one would think of publishing twenty-five quarto volumes in a piratical way. But any single treatise—the valuable treatises of Pro fessor Stewart, of Professor Mayfair, the papers of M. Arago, &c.—might be dishonestly pirated, without any redress being allowed to the publisher. It would be most desirable that such a state of things should be put a stop to. He now came to the other part of the measure, which extended the copyright from twenty-eight to forty-two years. Suppose an author took his manuscript to the publisher, and wished to part with it, the question would be• on what terms he could dis pose of it • and the question wou ld b e between the present value of • twenty-eight and forty-two years. Suppose ,it would bring in a clear yearly gain of 1001., after paying e an v nl e i k r a y onl yne,:aple unhappily,n s e income,for t h bt e uh ta t t e h r e m awn oy o u f elvdfortysuppose p - po t ov u es • o er i yc t oe , aul f r o ds r — t pi h tr e odwu p acs u e r v po seur s yc e hu of stating the argument as strongly as possible against himself. Suppose, also, that the bookseller knew this—that the work was to succeed, how much more would the publisher give for forty-two years instead of twenty-eight ? for that was the question. He had taken the trouble to c.alcluvlaaste,otihniest.hinT,,hleitediffio!rie.neeltiviassefolrt. ,atthteenpupber. more,w awas s ' 2 ll d any,t something was yfaosrhad appointed , forty-two evidence s a e n e et i in s , : s u r i i gt a hn n e t : 7 .: teshneot ex amined. it cent., which was a low profit, 'ndee I; and if 0 -se took fifteen signed the petition his af w i : in s i r h t i ne e na r ed s cu s . es m b wm ei hi n tyt g e,e e t x ioi a ef tn ini : gr e su d oin : ys bu w t h - o th h a ad t was not the case in 1814, r p i e g r h cent., e ngave years. littlei t i it Noble and Learned Friend bad presented, had given evidence before that Committee; and they then,said that the addition of fourteen years cou ld not operate to the enc ouragement of mlitaenrarayndmeilnir. Murray, l individuals w ere M r. Long man of these and yet now they presented a petition in favour of this Bill. His Noble Friend had argued this dth is question ßut h i this wasa though it case,st stood as g as r i e t at wa a s lte left r a in i. tions had been made since. At that time authors were subject to Irish piracies, but an Act had been since passed to extend the copyright law all over the United Kingdom. It was, therefore, not correct to say that things remained in the same state as in the Act of 54 George 111. He should have less objection to extending the interest to seven years after the death of the author, than to extend the period fourteen years. The great proportion of works that were published were net interested in this question, because few works sur vived beyond the year of publication. He could not agree with his Noble and Learned Friend, that hooks would be -cheaper than at present under. the system of what he called monopoly. That was one of the most extraordinary proposi tions which he ever heard. His Noble Friend referred to the Bible in proof of hi 3 assertion-- That was an exception ; hut the reason was, that there was no desire for profit in the sale of the Bible; on the contrary, there were great bodies of the community who were interested in the circulation and dissemi nation of the Bible. Works like the Bible and others, which were very popular and had a great run, would, 'no doubt, under any system, be published at a cheap rate. But they might depend upon it that the extension of the period of copy right from twenty-eight to forty-two years, would have the effect of Preventing a great many valuable works from being published at a low eve. Now, upon the last point to which bringingwo uld his Noble and Learned Friend adverted, he thought that there could be no doubt—he meant the retrospective effect which be out those editions the law would have. The retrospective effect, he believed, which men had made preparations to prevent men, who had been waiting for the last two or three years, to bring out cheap editions of works in which the copyright was about to expire, from on a certain day, and had expended large rums of money to that effect, r n ta st i a n ne w e o s rk in s and if they were to be prevented from doing that, ruin a t al t l 0 . b r H i n e g k o n n e t w oe i to them might ensue. Was such a law as this ever heard of.' stepping in between a man's expended capital, which he had ex pended under the law, and the authors, arid saying to them, " Be ruined, because you have acted without your host in this House." There were poets of great transcendent talent, whose productions almost dazzled the imagination of common men, and to them this Bill might be of service ; and sorry was he to say anything which should tend to deprive them of any prot ec ti on which they ought or cou ld h ave ; h e l oo k e d upon the m as t h e conservators of public v i rtue ; h e wou ld go as far as any Man i n their praise; he wou ld l au d t h em , na y, h e could almost v enerate them, and them he would be proud to protect; but h e would turn for a moment f rom th ese men , to h him and me n lik e eim, who, by their in ventions, had added more to our stre ngt h than if he ha d a dd e d cu bits to our s tature, who had taught us to stem the waves, almost to chain the winds, making what w as f ormer ly but a saying to become a literal fact, that not an axe fell to break the silence of an Indian forest, that was not echoed by the anvils which had assisted to forge the shuttles of Lancashire and Warwick—he alluded to the Worcesters, the Newcombes, and last of all, greatest of all, Watt—what reward had they? No one thought to alter the law which concerned them ; but they had greater honours than any Courts could confer—imperish able renown. To Watt, a monument had been erected in memory of his genius and his talents, and proud was he (Lord Brougham) to have assisted in its erection. What other honours had they? Th e i r d ust w as allowed to mingle with the ashes of the great, but th e grea t less illustrious than them selves. But, be asked, what good had been done for them du- ring their lift-time? It was asked now to give more pecu. • niary profits to the author; and could he then shut his eyes to the state of the inventor, to whom the law said " Four teen years and no longer shall you derive any benefit from your great and important discoveries." To the inventor of the steam-engine, aid to the inventor of printing, if they were now alive, no more than fourteen years would be allowed to compensate for the expenses which they had incurred and the time which they hal employed in producing such mag&ficent results. Some time ago ho ( Lord Brougham) wished to im press upon their Lordships the necessity of allowing to inventors an extension of seven years to the right they then possessed, but, that was not allowed. Let there be some equality in the treatment of these great men, and let them not be too hasty in passing this measure on a mere statement, without comparing their position with that of other classes of the community. He ventured to say that no man 'X ould attempt to propose an extension of the term of patented rights. He apologised for having so long trespassed upon their Lordship? time. Doubtless, he had expressed that which would run counter to the feelings of many in that House, but he felt it to be his d u ty t o go into the subject as he had done. Lord L YTTELTON would have prefe-red a Bill founded on the basis of the present one, as first proposed to the House of Commons. The principle upon which he supported this gill was, that it was a compromise between the author and the public, and this he thought was the opinion of Mr. Sergeant Taltourd and Mr. Christie, and their supporters, amongst whom, he thought, he might rank the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack. He agreed with the Noble and Learned Lord (Brougham), when he said he did not see any difference in time, between patents and copyrights, but he thought the time given to each was not long enough. He did not think an extension of copyright would enhance the price of books, nor did he thinkperpetual copyright would have that effect : on these grounds he would support the Bill. The Bishop of LONDON said, for some time he was staggered by the argument of the Noble and Learned Lord I (Brougham) with respect to the analogy of copyright of in ventions and the copyright of literary works, but he considered this argument a fallacy, fur the invention was that which was of general and household use, and therefore the invention was amply remunerated in fourteen years. But a quarter of a century might elapse before the works of a literary man be came known and appreciated by the public. With regard to the argument of the Noble Lord with respect to copyright about to expire, and in which the publishers might have ex pended two or three thousand pounds on the work, this fact was a reason why the author should be further protected. This was one of the best reasons for an extension of the copy right, fir by this outlay it proved that the work was just be coming valuable. It was a just remuneration to the man who had devoted the whole of his life to the benefit of his species. It was, as the Noble Lord had said, for the great authors that this measure was sought. Lord COTTENgAM thought this question, like all others, should be discussed, not with respect to private or individual interests, but the interests of the public. In what way would the benefit of authors be best consulted? He thought it was the general opinion that the addition of 14 years to the ex sting period of protection, would be of service to the authors, and as he thought the interests of the public were so mixed up with the interests of the author, that what was good for one must be good for the other, he certainly should not oppose it ; he was not prepared to say that the extension of the period to 42 years would have the desired effect ; but as he did not see that it would effect the public interests, he should not offer any oppo sition. The Noble and Learned Lord then commented upon the various clauses of the Bill, and the 4th, 18th, and 25th, were clauses which he thought ought not to remain part of the Bill ; if they were struck out, he should be quite prepared to give it his support. Lord CAMPBELL would give this Bill his most cordial support; and he mustsay, notwithstanding the ingenious arguments of the Noble Lord who sat beside him (Lord Brougham), he did not think that the arguments made use of by his Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack had been answered. The. principle feature of the Bill was to allow an extension of the period of protection to authors, and that he thonght was a most desir able object. We had obtained considerable eminence in the paths of literature, but we could not claim any particular pre eminence over the French, nor was our judgment superior to theirs, in the amount of protection which authors should receive. He approved entirely of the principle of granting the extended copyright to those authors whose works were already published. He did not see why such men as Mr. Wordsworth or Mr. Campbell, for instance, should not be entitled to participate in its benefits. He did not see why the advantages of the pro longed term should not he extended to the works of the author of " Waverley." On the whole, he approved of the Bill, and he trusted that in all its main provisions it would receive the sanction of their Lordships. The Bill then went through Committee, with the under standing that the discussion on the clauses objected to should be taken on the bringing up of the Report. The House then resumed, and the Report was ordered to be brought up on Thursday next. The Turnpike Trusts (Ireland) Bill went through Committee. Their Lordships then Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 26. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. TYNE FISHERIES BILL. The Tyne Fisheries Bill was read a third time, and passed. . 110LYWELL ROAD BILL. The Holywell Road Bill was read a third time, and passed. LEEDS IMPROVEMENT BILL. Mr. BECKETT presented a petition from Leeds, against the Leeds Improvement Bill. FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. SHAW presented a petition from the millers of Cork against certain clauses in the Fisheries (Ireland) Bill. INCOME-TAX. Mr. WALKER presented a petition from the attor neys of Londonderry, praying to be exempt from the operation of the Income-tax, CAPT. MANBY'S INVENTION. Sir C. NAPIER presented a petition from Captain Manby, who stated that he had invented a machine for the purpose of removing sand banks from the mouths of rivers and harbours. The petitioner wished fur a Select Committee to inquire into the merits of the invention. He (Sir C. Napier) would give notice at the proper time, of his intention to move that the petition be printed. SUNDAY TRAVELLING. Mr. PLUMPTItE presented a petition from Glasgow, praying that a clause be introduced into the Railways Bill, for the purpose of preventing Sunday travelling ; also a petition against any further grant to the College of Maynooth ; also a petition fur the exclusion of Roman Catholics from Parliament. POOR-LAW BILL. Mr. GIIIMSDITCH presented a petition from the Poor-law Guardians of the Chorley Union, Lancashire, praying for an alteration in the Poor-law Amendment Bill. Mr. LITTON presented a petition from the Irish Society against the Irish Drainage Bill, and praying that the petitioners might be heard at the bar ot the House by their counsel against the Bill ; also a petition from Longford against th National System of Education in Ireland. Mr. FERRAND presented a petition from the Poor law Guardians of the parish of Keithley, in the. West Riding of the county of York, agreed to by a majority of 10 to 3 against the Poor-law Amendment Act, as being wholly unfitted for the purposes for which it was passed ; the petitioners prayed the House, therefbre, that that Act might be repealed, or so far altered as that relief to the poor might be administered under the sanction of the rate-payers ; and that the Poor-law Commissioners might be relieved from the further administration of their functions. COMMUNICATION WITH BELGIUM. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from the English residents of Bruges, complaimmg that the corn= munieation betwern this country and Belgium was not sufficient fur tho purposes of trade►. Vessels only went four times a week from London to Bruges, and great in convenience arose from not having a daily communica tion, as there was with France. CATHOLIC GRIEVANCES. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from the Ca tholics of Stattl,rd, complaining of the religious grievances under which they laboured, especially in the Army and Navy, the poor-liouses, and the prisons. ' REPEAL OF THE UNION. The RIGHT HON. MEMBER also presented several pe titions for the repeal of the Legislative Union. CORN LAWS. The RIGHT 'ION. MEMBER also presented a petition from Dublin, praying for a total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. REFORM IN PARLIAMENT. The Motu HON. MEMBER also presented a petition from five leaseholders, praying for a further reform in Parliament. FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL. Lord BERNARD presented a petition from some place in Cork, in favour of this Bill. SUDBURY ELECTION. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from cer tain electors of -Sudbury, signed by three Dissenting Ministers, one Magistrate, and 152 electors, highly ap proving of the decision of the Commissioners appointed by the House, whereby they found that bribery had existed in the borough of Sudbury to a great ex tent. The petitioners stated that they regarded the suffrage as the right of -every Englishman, and they prayed for Universal Suffrage and the V o t e by Ballot. The lion. Member also presented a petition from an in dividual at Birmingham, praying for the dissolution of the present Parliament, and that one might be elected according to the ancient custom of the realm. TIIE TARIFF. Mr. GILL presented a petition from the rope spinnerS of Devonport, praying for an adequate protection against the introduction of foreign cordage. -4 BRIBERY - . Lord DUNCAN presented a petition from Rath, pray ing the House to adopt measures for the prevention of bribery at elebtions. POOR-LAWS. Mr. STUART WORTLEY presented a petition from the Guardians of the Dewsbury Union, praying for an alteration in the-law relating to Bastardy. LIVERPOOL AND MANCHESTER RAILWAY. Lord SANDON moved that ,the Select Committee on petitions for private Bills, to whom the petition of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway Company (presented on the 24th of May) was referred, have leave :m sit and proceed on Friday next. After a few words from Mr. Estcoort, Sir G. Strick land, Mr. Greene, and Mr. Labuuchere, the mo+.•ion was agreed to. CATHOLIC GRIEVANCES. Mr. WILLIAMS presented a petition ham the Roman Catholics of the City of Coventry, complaining of the grievances to which they are subjected. NOTICES OP MOTION. Sir C. NAPIER gave notice that to-morrow he wou'd Hanby b e p r i nte d move that the petition of Capt a i n with the Votes. CORK ELECTION PETITION, Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice, that on the motion being made for printing the proceedings in the Cork Election Petition, he should move in addition, that the petition itself be printed. POOR-LAW COMMISSION. Mr. FERRAND gave notice that on Tuesday next he should move that an humble address from the House be presented to the Poor-law Commissioners, praying that they might be graciously pleased to rescind an order issued by them to the guardians of a union in the West Riding , of Yorkshire. _ • SOUTHAMPTON ELECTION.' Mr. O. STANLEY gave notice that to-morrow, on the ;notion being made for issuing a new writ for the borough if Southampton, he should move the suspension of the writ Limit the House had instituted further inquiries into the proceedings at the election, which the Select Committee had been unable fully to investigate, in consequence of the refusal of W. Wrenn, one of the witnesses, to produce certain documents. • Mr. PARKER gave notice, that on Thursday next he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the clause which prevented the Ridge of the High Court of Admiralty from sitting in the House. Mr. FLEMING said that lie wished to call the atten tion of the House to a subject deeply affecting its privi leges. A petition had been presented to that House re specting the election for the borough of • Southampton, purporting to be signed by 171 electors, inhabitants of that borough. Out of that number of persons from 30 tof4o were not on the registry of the berough. He now gave notice that on Monday next he would p:esent a petition to the House on the subject, and that hid, would move that those persons who, not being eleci:;rs, had so signed the petition referred to, be bi. 1!)" before that House, punishment ouse, and subject e d to such t the House should inflict. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord STANLEY said, that an understanding had been entered into, that although the matters connected ►with the Ipswich Election, and also the Bridport case, were not strictly cases of privilege, yet as far as the Government were concerned, they would not bring forward any business which would interfere with the subject. In making that statement he did not mean that those cases should interfere with the Bills for making further provision for the Government of Newfoundland and New South Wales, of which he had given notice. Mr. O'CONNELL said it, was hard to make an objec tion to the introduction of any Bill, without the particu lars being communicated to those who were interested in it. ,He certainly should apprehend that the Noble Lord would show that the people of Newfoundland and New South Wales, who were to be affected by these Bills, should have some intimation of the Noble Lord's inten tion to bring their cases before the House. Lord STANLEY, said that he was unwilling to enter into a discussion of that question, but the real fact was, that at the present moment, in accord ance with the instructions given by the Noble Lord who had preceded him (Lord Stanley) in his present office, the functions of the Legislature of Newfoundland were suspended. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that the Noble Lord had stated nothing which would make it less interesting to the people connected with those Bills to watch their _ _ _ BOWRING said, that the Right Hon. Baronet had intimated his intention to bring on the tariff' this evening at a period which might suit the convenience of the Ilouse. He (1)r. Bowfin) would be glad to know at what precise hour the subject would be brought be fore the House. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that it was. the intention of his Right Hon. Friend to move, in the event of there being a period during the evening when no business was immediately before the House, that the Committee on the Customs Act should resume. He, therefore, could not mention any particular hour. However, he might state that it was the inten tion of Government to bring on the subject each evening when opportunity presented, and thus to go on with it, de die in diem. • ELECTION PETITIONS. Mr. O'CONNELL begged to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, at the head of the Government, whether it was in the contemplation of her Majesty's Government to brillg in any Bill in the course of the present session, with respect to the trial of controverted election petitions? Sir R. PEEL said, it certainly was his intention to bring in a Bill to continue for a certain time longer the present tribunals for the trial of controverted elections. When he saw the different compromises that were alleged to have taken place, he could not but entertain a conviction that more searching inquiries had been instituted by the Committees, as now consti tuted, than had ever taken place under the old system ; and he earnestly hoped the House would never consent to part with its right of adjudicating upon these matters. He could not say at present what modifications he should propose to make in the present law. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that whatever change might be made in the law, he did not think the trial of contro verted elections could be iii worse hands than it was at present. IPSWICH ELECTION. Mr. C. W. WYNN then moved that the Attorney- General be directed to prosecute such persons as should appear to him to be guilty of bribery, in respect of the last election for the borough of Ipswich, and for the town of Southampton. The Honourable Member said, what he proposed was not in the slightest degree connected with any Committee, nor had he any wish to give one party au advantage above the other. Both sides being parties, all parties in the country were equally concerned. It was equally their interest as well as their duty, to use every means in their power to enforce the laws already enacted ; or, if those were found deficient, to make such regulations as would prevent bribery at elections. He had - made it his business to look over the evidence taken before the Ipswich Committee, and he was of opinion that it afforded no grounds to take steps to destroy, or suspend, or alter the elective franchise in that borough. There was not sufficient to justify the House in bring ing in a Bill to take away the rights of those who were not mingled with the bribery that took place, though he was ready to support extreme measures, if it was proved that the practice of bribery was so extensive as to deprive the honest voters of all efficient power. ORMSBY ENCLOSURE BILL CONFERENCE. A Message from the House of Lords informed the House that their Lordships had agreed to a Conference on the amendments made by the House of Commons on the Ormsby Inclosure Bill. Sir G. CLERK, Mr. HUME, and other Members, were appointed to manage the Conference, and withdrew fir that purpose. On the return of the Members of the Conference, Mr. HUME informed the House that the Managers of the Conference, on the part of the House of Commons, had stated their reasons to the Managers of the House of Lords for differing with their Lordships, and had left the Bill and amendments with them. IPSWICH ELECTION. The debate ou the Ipswich case was then resumed, and Mr. WYNN said that he had already stated to the House the reasons which had induced him to come to the conclusion, that in instances where the existence of extensive bribery had been proved they ought not •to allow it to be passed over in silence. Ought those persons, either the bribers or the bribed, to be suffered to go to another election? Ought such disclosures to be attended with no conse- Ouences to those who had b een gu ilty of bribery ? n reading the evidence in the Ipswich case, it must be clear to every one that an extensive system of bri bery- had been carried on at the last. election. There might, perhaps, in the event of a prosecution being instituted, be some difficulty in bringing home the offence to particular individuals, but no one could rise from a perusal of that evidence without being convinced that an extensive system of bribery had been carried on both by one side and the other. The Commit tee had, by its very constitution, been precluded from going into the evidence of the bribery, as it affected the unsuccessful candidates. They must, therefore, further inquire and further inves tigate : he was finite aware of the difficulties that must attend a further investigation. The parties must consider -what would be the probable result ; if they established it on both sides, they might establish it to such an extent that each party would equally suffer by it. The punishment ought not to fall entirely on the constituents, but on those who wsre guilty of the crime of bribery. During the last 150 years the House had passed repeated acts against bribery ; and, she act of 1829, Penalties were inflicted on the voters who tniSk bribes. The House of Lords were now, for the first time, ready to co-operate with them ; and he did think they ought not to allow to pass unnoticed the pro ceedings which had been lately disclosed before the Election Committees. He did not wish to point out any particular course to the Attorney-General, but, it ap peared to him, that the house should not refrain • altogether from interfering in the subject. With rispect to' Ipswich, he did not think that the evi dence was of a nature. to connect the alleged bribery with the late sitting Members ; and formatsufficient rea son why ulterior proceedings ought not to, be taken in this case. The Right Hon. Gentleman went through diffe rent portions of the evidence, and said that as there was not sufficient in it to induce the House to adopt ulterior measures, he thought either that a supplemental inquiry ought to be instituted, or that the Attorney-General, who in this case outtlit to be lookel upon as the servant of the House, should be directed to prosecute such persons as appeared to be concerned In the bribery practised at the late election for the borough of Ipswich. The motion having been put, _ _ Sir - THOSIAS WILDE said that he found great difficulty in addressing the House in oppositi on to the proposition o f so distinguished a person as the Right Honourable Gentleman, but so strongly did he feel the difficulties in the way of the motion he had proposed, that, notwithstanding the hesi tation he had expressed, he should beg leave to obtrude upon the House. The House stood before the coun try in a peculiar position, and it would be expedient for i the House not to forget the circ ums t ances in which t'was placed in adopti ng any course which was proposed to it. He w as not aware.that direction s were ever given to an Attorney-General in the general terms now proposed ; and the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, whose experience was so extensive, allowed that the present form varied from that generally adopted. He had heard it said in the House, and he agreed in opinion, . that it ought only to b., on very strong occasions, that the House directed a prosecution, and, generally speaking, it operated to the prejudice of the defendant. But so far from that being the case in the present instance, he believed, on the con trary, that if the prosecution were ordered by the House, it would rather be advantageous Some experience occurred, even before these decisions took place, during the present session. The House, in a former session, had dire-ted a prosecution in the case of Hertford and St. Alban's. Whoever read the evidence in those cases—the speeches of Coun sel, and the summing up of the Learned Judge— would be satisfied that some peculiar circumstances, not arising out of the evidence, must have led to the conclu sion in those cases. There was no doubt that, 'at the present moment, there was a strong impression regarding bribery, and that any pros ecu ti on unattended by some general measure directed to the supp ress i on o f the evil would be considered as a prosecution. not for the pur poses of justice, but to boast of the existing system. In saying that, he could assure the House that no one felt more decidedly than he did, that nothing but the desire to maintain the ho nour of t h e House, h a d induced the Right Honourable Gentleman to adopt the course he had done ; but while he made that statement he felt . _ bound to ask whether any • Was t" , ' any good from the adoption of the proposition . bribery so limited, and supported by individuals Or influence, that the conviction of one or two would do lion lion. Member could as thing else but xeite sympathy for them on the sup%L r , that the prosecution had taken place, not for th_r_ , ? poses of justice, but to make show of hostility First of all he was convinced that there great difficulty in the propoition novvi:‘,o ma"' 1s The Committee had pres.nted no im.."'hfch with their names associated with certain evidence 1 0. • would enable the House to appreciate the certain:Qlg conviction. What means had the Attorney-Get:t.l,,, of calling them before him and examining them ;, P o : agents could he employ ; or what means had head I going into those quarters far information which 1 11 0 enable him to prosecute the inquiry with success lie was Attorney-General, he had cause to make jug" ir t h e of a 'similar ntittire, and when he c ame to sil t ug h evideece, he was satisfied there was not cri ? t he to sustain the prosecution. He was convinced th at ' Attorney-General would not have •tlie means of 0 : 10 inn the investigation which the Right Hen. Gru tle ml y sired ; his proposition was too general to nn L i be ergot,: ~ wit° al effect. But even if the investigation cow'. _, , ssfully, he would submit to the House, made suet,. n th be proper to direct such an inquiry thug it woula. general measur e been b rut moment, when rif e forward for the thought that nothing multi more part ose of suppri sssing tend to di T rivo , the . charactyr of that ,House Than the ce nt at the Pr e ' ligation of one particular rr:Se •ho t time.—(Hear, hear.) Any one who ,'"'d beenbeen House during the present session, must . I '"v e , 0 i iv oo s struck with the exhibition of certain feeling. lintoPPO'3 which, if quoted, would by no means tem „ ro pe' the sincerity of that House if it adopted t. 10 sition before it.—(Hear, hear, hear.) What net say , pened ? Every Committee which had shor• ri earnestness in * prosecuting its inquiry had charged with indulging in a vindictive kr t t p , o and had been held np as objects rather of censure _ vto of approbation.—(Hear, hear.) Every witness . 1 0 had avoided arswering questions which had r h ,,, put to him had been the object of syrnP a „, l o .i Everything which had opposed an obstacle to an had been hailed with cheers, and when an indi h e had rendered himself obnoxious to censure t, greatest anxiety was shown to save him from punish. ,c_ll,, and a few hours imprisonment was considered matte :li, He therefore trusted that the House would forbear he rectiug any prosecution in a general form , " also trusted the House would not direct any , r o d, sedition against individuals, until it had ad some measure for setting itself right in the P th is mind, for showing its sincerity, by putting a stop t 1 t he monstrous evil. The remedy would be found, not in `O, punishment of a few obscure individuals who had t:b o mitted bribery, but in the disgwee of those Vor furnished them with the means. (Cheers.) '0 reasons, p th r e o s s e ecutions.e e deemedconsidered p reseitt to order as an at_,ll,beffila moment for this country. He could not tut refine j a i the expression of a celebrated constitutional: writer , the sign of the approaching ruin of this coi4itry r o ot be when the constituencies should be found to be mare co 'll-011 than the representatives; and Although he was desirous to up to censure those who furnishd the means of bribe r y ' l 4 ,^ . he could not but recollect that sod. , had been the desire nifested on the part of a large portion of the constituency .0 ceive bribes, that he could not come to any other conf ies r , ) than that the constituency itself was most corrupt. — (" For these reasons he could not consent to the maim], ° , t o. considered that neither the public interest nor the cause 0 " Lice would be advanced by its adoption.--(Cheers..) The SOLICITOR-GENERAL wad not r esist ,. po i motion on the grounds propounded by his Pon. and L e r ot Friend. He could net agree with him in. thinkitn:FLO: because brit ery had been extensively carried .on at the it election, therefore the House ought to take no 'l's down until some Legislative measure should have 'beer . .Pri f for that purpose. He thought it would be eroeNolib t . judged in the House to hold out the idea that persoolL' the be permitted to bribe with impunity, by saying !ies' House would not direct any prosecutions to be unitl' 'h He admitted, however, that extensive bribery ha' 4 4jte' -‘ carried on at the last election, but he did not ~,010 with his Hon. and Learned Friend in opinion tht js feeling of a majority of the Members of that House 'S t " favour of screer.ing those who had been guilty of corrupt nisi; tices. They might be satisfied that there was no POI Ile" was not deeply interested in putting down such a systeo of the' could not, therefore, agree that the majority of Members „i c e , House were not anxious to take steps to put down to the Pre` s eitli The question was, what was the best course to atlopt ? „oil/ regard to the motion of his Right Hon. Friend Ise c cr if felt very serious objections to it, and he doubted oru c n al ,6 would produce the effect he anticipated. The usual the was this: if a case were made out by a Committee 700 /louse, and it were proved before that Committee that indi s t to had been guilty of bribery, the House, if satisfied o' o cic charge, directed the Att orne y-G en e ra l to institute a Po' tion against those individuals. His Right nl' on. Friend p' 't posed that the Attorney-General should read over the evh.i 4 i.• before the Ipswich Comm i tt ee , an d if sa ti s fi e d w ith it, to tP 6e , tute a prosecution, But he did not know how the Attorney' neral could make such an investigation into this erid,e r a ' G ot he might read it, and form his judgment on it, but he cow send for witnesses, or take any steps fur proving the trustw er ,t6 ness of the evidence. The consequence would be either die co . must neglect the order of the House, or institute a prof: i a tion en evidence unworthy of credit ; and he considered 1 p s injudicious course for the House to institute a prosectiUncoi evidence that left a chance of the escape of the parties- ve er objections to the motion were—that it was contrary P' to dent, and that the AttOrney-Generd would have no mean oey discharge the duty which would be imposed uPot).' i t l ; could not, therefore, accede to the motion of his lug.. p i ae tice Friend, although he as strongly disapproved Of A his tihriee;ds arouo° bribery, and, although he, and he would . 041 -_ - ;,.,, ce for its sup' him L , or w d o j ul . d it b u e r s e s a z dy ix to th tl a ie t ir he best so t " pression. said had fallen from the Hon. and Learn a i! uch in what appeared to him that if the House complied with ,the motion the Right Hon.- Centleman opposite, they should .either e; it to the Attorney-General CO out those cases irt might think it advisable to prosecute parties, or they she° •,4et. rect the Solicitor to the Treasury to make further ill ( 1° 1 Now if they directed the Attorney-General to institute r eft ceedings against parties iu consequence of the evidence before Election Committees, those prosecutions might be f ' ore dlodi ileei..torY2l en e t Nhich successful, as it was admitted that the evidence so g iven a b l e cil , r l ; the Committees could not in many cases be relied on. f or House might thus find its credit diminished by having e t : v s menced proceedings against parties which would have led t o re result. In the next place, it appeared to him that if they o re to direct the Solicitor to the Treasury to determine win d pe. the parties who should be prosecuted, such a course ow u to g liable to the objection that the party in't itu the prosecutions might be suspected of partiality'arts. asmuch as he was himself the partisan of a particular P„ ct) Even without saying (and he did not feel inclined to ''' a L i sti that there would be any partiality in the exercise of that I , !";, f is if it should be found that a prosecution was directed aga" • or Liberal attorney or tradesman, and that a Tory attortielfhe. tradesman had been left out, it was obvious that, thoug h t i. thing might be d o ne by chance, th ere wou ld b e c h ar ges of P a l o ality, and that was sufficient ground that thi s p o wer shoul d no be given. He did nut agree that that House should stt r y admit that there was any favour existing in it towards briree) and corruption—that its Members were unfit persons to (P e t a prosecution in any case where they had hitherto directed prosecutions. If there were certain persons who st'P c „ s cor guilty of bribery, he was quite willing, as formerly, to v° be their prosecution. There was much danger in letting A t er seen that they were not willing to prosecute in such el' ot a There had been occasions in which that House had shown se t sd favour to parties examined before Election Committees. 00 would state one which struck him with surprise. fl ee )Lord J. Russell) was in the House when thellin. and LO T .," 0 . Member for Woodstock (Mr. Thesiger) gave no ti ce of 5„.70 . 3 tion respecting the case of a parti cu l ar i n di v id ua l, a vil' - f ed have o s before an Election Committee, who w as su pp ose d t o ha fused to answer several que s tions put t o hi m . Th e Chair l : 3 , e s,', of the Committee stated to the Hou s e th a t th e Corme"' t ill thought it desirable to have the witness retained in custoq u „ the following Monday (itbei ng th en F r id a y). Il e (L o rd J. 0 01 ;1 4 sell) bad concluded that the House would agree, as was o' in the opinion of the Committee thu s e x p resse d b y th e ir Cb s ' l ,, man. The lion. and Learned Gentl eman gave no ti c e oi" 1 t o occasion that he would move at the n ex t sitting of the Ire j, for the liberation of the witness. It occurred to him (Lord o f Russell) at the moment, to ask whether, by the neat sitting , the House the lien. and Learned Gentleman meant the 'O h s ' day following, and he would have done so, but that he tlnoiliS e j he would be considered as sus p ec ti ng th e Hon. and Learo4 Gentleman of unfairness. However at a late hour of night he (Lord John Russell) left the House, and he sa i l; quently found that at one o'clock in the morning a motion , r o t agreed to that the House should adjourn to Saturday instal l , Monday. The wit ness was accor di ng l y ordered on Sator'',4' to be liberated. N o thi ng h e t h oug h t could be °"l,-0 grossly partial than such conduct.—( Hear. )If (Lord J. tiussell) had b een th e Ch a i rman o f t h e C om mitte r . fie should have felt th a t th e H ouse was not prepared to supilloo the Committee a 7a i ns t any w it ness w h o h a d refuse d to g' evidence against 17ribery. He thought hi s lion. and Lear'! ° , o :, Friend was justified in saying that there had been a disposil;;,, in certain c ases t o screen w it nesses w h o re f use d to gi ve dente.—(Cheers and counter-cheers.) He participated the opinions of his Hen. and L earne d F r i en d w i t h regar d to t „ bc motion before the H on e, an d h e agree d w i t h hi m , a nd t `i - or Solicitor-General lik ew i se , i n th e h ope th at t h ere was o n be sides a desire to put an end to bribery.—( Cheers.) the• Mr. TIIESIGER said he W4S astonished at the course - i v differentist o l Lord subjectilad pursued—(Cheery)—on u h e e d e — r s) ( j e t r it s o ) n — t g o n i niga theoti o s n l upon ntes a t ti t n o t t a .i ce ; debate :maaLtdoeo most irregular advert Opposition tlnv h itthe e c hc l e i o e u e rt r sosek— circumstancese c f c h cr e . iaesnsi l;7 o n o o h n e former Lo rd t e h e o b u a g: 0 only to the . House—( f thought satisfact • witness who had been illegsllv detained in to duct with regard to, the motion he made for the release 0 , 1 • 6 p Lord not being in No o e O nn x : h p o i The 1• his place, and not having heard the expll. tion which he gave, it was necessary, rather for the satisfact:j, of the Nobl e Lord, and not for the House itself, to expiai° course he pursued on that occasion. The Noble Lord was taken in supposing that the Committee directed that ( 13 ", witness was to be detained in prison until Monday. 14. Committee custody'ony directed that the witness should be eputle,,Tbe to the of the Sergeant-at-Arms, and that it show",, reported to the house that the witness had been guilty of oi pressing certain &moments. he having been served by a iettrrt, - ,. to produce them; and not bringing them before the Commit t ,!y ; the matter was adjourned on the question respecting the lee l of the warrant, and he entertained a strong opini,:n on the sulle e ; He therefore th oug ht it hi s d u t y t o come d own to t h e 11 °`;; prepared with a no ti ce f or th e re l ease o f th e witness.—(ll:2.ol. He asked whether the usual adjournment of the House 'r o t Friday till Monday was to be moved. and his Right Hon. Fr i Sh the Chancellor of th e E xc h eq u e r told hi m i t was; upon vr" he (Mr. Thessiger) said, that it was his intention to prncie that the House should meet on Saturday. He intended t ° o so when the House was full, but his Ri g h t H on. F r iend t O , hire not to move the adjournment at th at t i me, as i t would `he terfere with a question he was anxious to bring before k v„i ( h i ite4:oguuas Loud O n T p o p t h i o a e s t e i t w i o t a o n s e t c h r h e e e r:y e rs a iF o m o f b f Member s'enidnethf intention t o a h f n e t d m h e ° h t i 1 4 , 1"; Friend the Member for Cirencester, told Many Members °n tbfit hN o t ttillull:beirr:.osiztididioearhtydah. having jontool i ngtu t ih, lebrea s ni - etn a Nmeand s ntnoenbo h tngglif i tie s ihuiuti i lloi n li Itfardy t attd e teie i rrw i or t pett i noalo o tulr n enhsil sdduoeetdreuohre.aeh.otioivra_p,mte;dbtioewm:,esoafeeosntlrhsdlagieilyn: therefore, eentr b rhfdeb a n. ; roia_ tj enu sn o ;idc u iti : r out, c. ei re tsasiueLjt e rg:ti : , this opportunity events, have n i mw i o a e o t rv d t di oi moving h gh t t' u v b s e me t toaht taken hi:a, but would, at all ve of at p i an ati s making tended thins charge hich he had to gite of his conduct, and which he misfit received from Hon. Members on that side of the He nce ` e. ( Hear, hear.) H e had not intended to , make any' observa t l;, on the motio n b e f ore the House, but having b een called I, l ',' t by the Noble L or d , h e must confess that • it struck bins would be very inconvenient Indeed for the House to direct r 11. tior /nog 'erg s})e 'llO 7 for a adj, he 50...... *djo th e I Cori c, Aatl • after Sider Np r Ivith Case. th e Leen Prop, to ate 'to i n , linen riot on case, ), URI an rHE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, M.Y.27, 1842 , Tee