The Sun. — London, England, 1842-04-20 00:00:00

PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. and A. Stilwell, surgeons, Hillingdon-end, Uxbridge—J. Jacquier and C. Moulin, machine manufacturers, Crispin street, Spitalfields—P. Bond and R. Blezard, wool carders, Manchester—'W. Renton, R. Renton, and A. Renton, tailors, Sheffield—G. King and R. Stevens, plumbers, Bampton, Ox tirdshire—J. Wedgwood, P. Wedgwood, and. J. Wedgwood, jun., earthenware manuf ac t urers , Etruria, Staffordshire (so far as regards J. Wedgwood)—W. Newton and M. Berry, patent agents, Chancery-lane, Holborn—W. Hewett and W. Blath wayt, surgeons, East Ilsley, Berkshire—R. Burns and R. Hughes, lath cleavers, Liverpool—J. .11awbey and A. A. King, Mount-row, Liverpool-road, Islington—J. Tyas and R. Sykes, corn millers, Mirfi-ld, Yorkshire—R. F. Watkinson and W. Haigh, wollen cloth merchants, Huddersfield, York shire—J. Buckland and A. Marshall, linen drapers, Yeovil, Somersetshire—J. and R. Farmer, linen drapers, Nottingham —H. Wooddill, J. Lawson, and J. Graham, milliners, Liver pool—R. Coling and T. Rolls, mercers, Chipping Norton, Ox tordshire—G. R. Moss and H. Levy, clothiers, High-street, Shadvvell—C. Wheeler and J. F. L. Dupin, auctioneers, Lea denhall-street—J. and A. B. Metherell, wheelwrights, Paign ton, Devonshire—Rr. Hopkins, Re. Hopkins, and T. Hopkins, civil engineers, Abercarne, Monmouthshire—NV. Barnard and S. Veall, brewers, Boston, Lincolnshire,-J. B. Blundell and E. B. Drury, cigar manufacturers, Lincoln—S. H. Ainger and 11. Wood, Philpot-lane, London. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of April 19.) Soo:Luc—Since our last report importers of West India Sugar have manifested firmness, and have obtained fully former rates for both brown and yellow deseriptions ; grocers as well as refiners have been anxious to do business, but the scanty and indifferent show has prevented the execution of several orders and the purchases were only 5'60 hhds and trcs ; at auction 3 lihds Trinidad (dabs) went at 45s per cwt. The wind continuing adverse still prevent arrivals, and the market was scantily supplied with British Plan tation Sugar. To-day the grocers were desirous to operate, and .several inquiries existed from the refiners ; the principal part of sh e Sugar offering found ready purchasers at prices fully equal to, and i n some cases rather above those of Friday. A public sale of 16 - 4 casks 103 barrels Tobago were offered, the whole of which found buyers at very full rates, and the biddi ngs were brisk ; fine strqns ye ll ow ttched 68s to 695, good 65's to 07s 6d, middling bas to 648 6d, low 61s ed per cwt. Itertaren. To-day Refined Sugar was in good request by the heune trade; Standard Lumps fetched SI s 6d. Treacle met with a flee sale, common at 275, and other sorts at 28s to 325. Of Bas tards some large parcels were taken at 45s to 593 for common to lane quality. Pieces met with a fair sale at the rates quoted. In bonded crushed Sugar several sales were made at 28s ed per cwt, at which rate the market is Srm. MAua rrma—Thia afternoon the large public sale of 6,209 bags was well attended ; the trade were anxious to operate, and the svtle sold with briskness Sugar at and under 65s went 6d to Is, and 'good and fine yellow sorts 6d per cwt above Friday's rates— finelsellow fetched 67s to 67s tad, good 66s to 66s fid, mid 65s to 65s ed, low 63s to 64s 6d, common grey 61s Gd to 63s 6(1, very low brown 42s to 445, raid 48s to 50s, good mid 538 to 55s Gd, fine 59s per cwt. EAST INDlA—lmporters of Bengal have been desirous to sell, .and have submitted to &reductio n on former rates of is to Is (id for white, and Is per cwt for brown sorts. Manilla is not offered on lower terms. Siam has bean in better request, but at low rates. This at afternoon s—mi 1.373 d bags Bengal were o ffered at public sale, and sold full rate bright yelS brown at 45s to 55s for mid to flow at 64s 6d to 668 6d, damp ue, ForteioN—lmporters of yellow fravannah are firm at 19a fid to 21s for mid to good, 91s 6d if asked for fine quality ; , white, how ever, has been taken more freely, prices ruling l ow. COPFEE.--Since Ws day week a fair business has been trans acted in West India Coffee considering the short suppl y, and full rates have been paid for clean kinds. This afternoon there was htle desire manifested to:purchase Coffee at the 9d duty, a n d the market exhibited a dull aspect ; and those descrip_ tions admissible at ed per lb met with less d emand. The public !sales consisted of 2,180 bags Ifavannah, 762 bags Ceylon, and 30° bales Mocha. Ilavannali all taken in considerably above what buyers were disposed to pay, viz., at 50s to 70s for fine to fine fine ord. Ceylon went Is to 2s under the rates of the p , Jlic sale of last week, and a part only sold, good ord pale at ;75s 6d to 775, fine ord pale 7.-ls to 795, floe ord green 82s to 635, Triage , 335. Mocha went at steady rates ; good yellowish clean garbled at 104 s to 105 i Gd, mid 90s to 975 ed, low ord 61s to 66s per cwt Tcs.--The market for all deseriptions of Tea has hero in a (lull state during the past week. and prices have further declined. To day there way rather more demand for the lower dereriptionz of ~~ ~;~~~ ~1 v~-• i r .t.• ' -- ;________7::: MI FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. DUCHY OP CORNWALL, APRIL 16, 1842. His Royal Highnes Prince Albert of Saxe Coburg and Gotha has been this day appointed Lord Warden of the Stan naries and Chief Steward of the Duchy in the counties of Corn wall and Devon. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, Aran. 18. The Queen has been pleased, on the nomination of Lord Forester, to appoint George Raymond, Esq., one of her Ma eity's Hon. Corps of Gentlemen-at. Arms, vice Sams, retired. CROWN-OFFICE, APRIL 19. 3IEMBER RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. Burghs of Inverbervie, Montrose, Aberbrothwick, Brechin, and Forfar-Joseph Hume, of Bryanstone-square, London, Esq., in the room of Patrick Chalmers, Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. • WHITEHALL, APRIL 12. The Lord Chancellor has appointed James Frederick Sy monds, of Hereford, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. WILLIAM HUME KING, HENRY KING, and DAVID KING, coach builders, Old-street-road, Middlesex. WILLIAM WALLIS and JOHN WALLIS, corn and coal merchants, Wragby, Lincolnshire. BANKRUPTS. JOSEPH SIMPSON, licensed victualler, Coal-harbour lane, Camberwell, to surrender April 29, and May 31, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, Birchin-lane, official assignee ; Thompson and Hewitt. Bucklersbury. JOHN HILTON, currier, Tipton, Staffordshire, May 3 and 31, at eleven, at the Swan Inn,Wolverhampton. Austin, Threadneedle-street, London ; Shaw, Dudley. WILLIAM WEBBER, tailor, Lincoln, April 28, and May 31, at twelve, at the City Arms Inn, Lincoln. Dawes and Sons, Angel-court, Throgmorton-street, London ; Moore, Lincoln. RUSSELL BOWLBY, scrivener, BishopsWearmouth, May 10 and 31, at twelve, at the Bridge Hotel, Bishop-Wear month. Fisher and Bird, King-street, Cheapside, London ; Snowball, South Shields. SIMON WOODS, licensed victualler, Lower Thames street, April 23, at one, and May 31, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry ; Mardian and Prichard, Newgate-street. JAMES BEAGLEY, victualler, High-street, Camden town, April 29, at one, and May 31, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Parnell and Co., Church -street, Spitalfields. EDWARD SMITH, woollen warehouseman, Lawrence lane, City, April 28, at twelve, and May 31, at eleven, at the smart or Bankrupt cy. G room, off i c i al ' assignee, Abchurch lane,' Lombard-street ; Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple; Sutton, Manchester, SAMUEL SMITH, cutlery manufacturer, Sheffield, April 29 and May 31, at twelve, at the Town-hall, Sheffield. Wilson, Southampton -street, Bloomsbury-square, London; Wilson and Younge, Sheffield. GEORGE HORATIO ST. CLAIR, pawnbroker, Bir mingham, April 29, at eleven, and May 31, at two, at the Waterloo-rooms, Birmingham. Chaplin, Gray's Inn.square, London; Harrison, Birmingham. ELISH A OLDHAM and THOMAS OLDHAM, builders, Chaiford, Cheltenham, April 27 and May 31, at e l even , at t h e Royal George Hotel, Stroud. Paris, Stroud ; Shearman and Evans, Gray's Inn, London. JOHN DEAN, cotton spinner, Habergham Eaves, Lan cashire, May 5 and 31, at two, 'at the Court-house, Burnley. Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple, London ; Buck and Eastwood, Burnley. ALFRED BOUGLINVAL and JOSEPH FARRING TON, Manufacturing chemists, Stratford, Essex, April 26, at half-past one, and May 31, at twelve, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Green, official assignee, Aldermanbury ; Ashurat, Cheapside. ANGELO PONTECORBOLI, oil and Italian warehouse man, Broad -street, Golden-square, April 26, at one, and May at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Gibson, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Reed and Shaw, Friday-street, Cheapside. JOHN ATKINSON, builder, Goole, Yorkshire, April 26, at eleven, at the Swan Hotel, Askern, mid May 31, at eleven, at the Guildhall, Doncaster. Galsworthy and Nichols, Cook's court, Lincoln's Inn, London; Wilson, Goole. PHILIP BUTLER, butcher, Leamington Priors, Warwick shire, at May 2 and 31, at twelve, at the Lansdowne Hotel, Leamington Priors. Hall, New Boswell-court, Lincoln's Inn, London; Patterson, Hanbury, and Chinery, Leamington Priors. ROBERT JONES, grocer, Shrewsbury, May 3, and 31, at eleven, at the Guildhall, Shrewsbury. Cuvelje, Skilbeck, and Hall, Chancery-lane, London. PalM, Shrewsbury. EDWARD SPENCE, innkeeper, Knottingley, York shire' April 26, at the Swan Hotel, Askern. an d M ay 31, at . the Guildhall, Doncaster. Bettye, Fisher, anti Sudlow, Chancery-lane, London ; Stewart, Horbury. Wakefield. WILLIAM WILKINSON, dealer in toys, Manchester, May 3, and May 31, at twelve, at the Commissioners' Rooms, Man chester, Slater and Heelis, Manchester ; Milne , Parry, Milne and Morris, Temple, London. JAMES REED, cloth dresser, Leeds, April 30, at twelve, and May 31, at ten, at the Commissioners'. rooms, Leeds. Robinson and Barlow, Essex-street, Strand, London ; Ward and Son, Leeds. THOMAS WORSLEY, boiler, Stockport, May 2 and 31, at ten, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester. Ab bott and Arney, Charlotte-street, Bedford-square, London ; Bennetts, Manchester. JOSIAH GRIMSHAW, draper, Rawcliffe, Yorkshire, April 26, at the Swan Hotel, Askern, and May 31, at eleven, at the Town-hall, Doncaster. Capes and Stuart, Field- court, Gray's-inn, London ; Shearburn, Snaith. JOSEPH HURLEY, plumber, Woburn, Bedfordshire, May 2 and 31, at eleven, at the Swan Hotel, Bedford. Haines, Tavistock-place, Tavistock-square, London ; Day, Woburn. DIVIDENDS. At the Court of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. R. Collinson and W. Brown, upholsterers, Oxford-street, May 10, at eleven-J. Appleton, corn dealer, Walnut-tree walk Lambeth, May 10, at half-p as t e l even -W. A mos, sponge merchant, Walbrook, May 12, at one-W. Biddle, fishmonger, Holborn-hill, May 12, at two-T. P. Dunn, wool merchant, Cainscroset, Gloucestershire. July 11, at eleven.: In the Country. J. T, Watson, shipwright, Gainsboraugh, Lincolnshire, May 14, at one, at the George Inn, Kin stop-upon-Hull-J, Earle, stenemaeon. Kingston-upon-Hull, May. 13, at twel ve , a t she eorge Inn, Kingston-uponsHull-E. Bumpstead, grocer, Halesworth, Suffolk, May 12, at eleven, at the King's Head Inn, Beccles-E. Walker, fellmonger, Market Rasen, Lincoln shire, May 12, at one, at the White,Hart Hotel, Market Rasen --W. N. Buckley, linen merchant, Manchester, May 14, at ten, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester-J. M. Sperling, scrivener, Halstead, Essex, May 11, at twelve, at the Three Cups Inn, Colchester--J. Kershaw, machine maker, Manches ter, May 11, at e l even , at the C ommissioners'-rooms, Man chester-W. Burton, tanner, Chilvers Coton, W arw i c k s hi re , May 11, at t wo , a t the Newdegate's Arms Inn, Nuneaton-T. Wright, coach maker, Birmingham, _May 14, at three, at th e Waterloo- r o oms , Birmingham-T. Hampson, broker, Liver pool, May 14, at one, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool-T. and W. Reeves, coach builders, Whistones, Worcestershire, .May 16, at twelve, at the Unicorn Inn, Worcester-J. Mor rish, maltster, Keynsham, Somersetshire, May 13, at twelve, at the Commercial-rooms, Bristol-Jn. Nield, Js. Nield, Jn. Nield, jun., and J. Holt, cotton spinners, Charlesworth, Derbyshire, May 12, at eleven, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester.- T. Bickerton, linen draper, Newton, Montgomeryshire, May 12, at eleven, at the Commissioners'-rooms, Manchester-G. A. Rayner, draper, Halesworth, Suffolk, May 12, at half-pasttwo at the King's Head Inn, Beccles-S. Stocks, sen., and S. Stocks jun., bleachers, Heaton Norris, Lancashire, May 21, at two, al the Commissioners' -rooms, Manchester. CERTIFICATES-Mav 10. R. W. Forge, fish salesman, Billingsgate -V. and J. Hare house agents, Taunton, Soinersetshire-J. Cockburn, mer chant, New Broad -street, City-E. Halliley, cloth manufac turer, Leeds-J. Channing, victualler, North Petherton, Lan cashire-J. B. Partridge, dealer in Birmingham wares, Bir mingham-J. D. Caporn, linen draper, Bedford-R. Richard son, cowkeeper, Woburn-building s-H. Smith, wi ne merc h ant, Doncaster-J. H. Robber& and S. Day, paper makers, Ta verham, Norfolk. Congou ; sales of good ordinary for cash were made at Is Sid, low common Is 9d to Is 9l d, and Company's Is gid to Is 10d per lb; the trade, however. were not disposed to purchase largely, in conse quence of public sales being czpseted to be shortly declared. The deliveries of Tea last week amounted to 375,000 lbs. MOLASIIIIIL—For West India the demand has been good at 11111 rates ; Demerara of fair quality but of old import has fetched 24b ; St. Vincent's ordinary 24s per cwt; Barbadoes were taken in 3s above the value. Bengal Syrup at 22s to 23s per cwt. Foreign Molasses at Se to gs 6d per cwt. Honey of good and fine quality 49s to 68s per cwt. Cocos.-For West India Cocoa full rates bare been paid ; nidad at 38s to 408 for common, and 41s to 428 for middling red. Prices are on the advance for Foreign. SPICES.—This afternoon Pepper was in less request, but prices were sustained; 1,186 bags Malabar are declared for la's to-mor row, and 5,341 bags various sorts for 28th April. The Cinnamon sales declared for the 25th consist of 1,000 bales, the principal part Ceylon. RUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLAND& —The transactions in West India Rum have been upon a small scale only since our last report, but prices have been sustained, and proof Leewards are not pro. curable under 2s 5d per gallon. East India Rum at rather lower rates; proof at the high duty at Is sd, and at the low daty at Is Sd to Is 9d per gallon; with certificate bought in at 2s Id to 2s 2d for various strengths, being equal to is 9d per gallon proof. Brandy firm, Cognac first brands of the vintage of 1836, hhds at 5s 7d, puns 5s sd; 1837, hhds 51 3d, puns 5s Id ; 1838, hhds 55 Id, puns 4s I Id; do 1839, hiads 4s fid, puns 4s 4d ; do 1840, hhds 3s li d, puns 3s 8d per gallon. Geneva common Is lldto 24 per gallon. British Corn at 9s 8d per gallon, cash. To-day the market was firm for Rum. Proof Leewards at 2s sd, Calcutta at the high duty of is 5%cl to Is ad, and at the low dut y 1 s 8d to 2s per gallon. Rica—For Bengal Rice the demand has been good, rather above former prices; middling white fetched I Os, good yellow Ss to Ss 6cl; fine Rs 6d to 9s; fls to 10s for low middling, and 108 6d to Ils for good and fine white; and at Ils to lls 6d for good middling white. Carolini, first sort at 30s, second sort at 28s, and other kinds at 25s to 27. Patna at 14s to 19s per cwt. TALLOW.—There has been less demand for Russian Tallow. Holders have been more desirous to realise, and prices have given way 3d per cwt. On the spot 46s to 46s 5d have been the rates accepted for P Y Candle. For the delivery the last three months of the year, at 48s per cwt. South American, fine quality at 42s 6d to 435, good 41s 6d to 42s 3d, middling 40s to 41s, low and grease 36s to 395. Archangel at 42s 6d per cwt. Town Tallow at 45s 6cl net cash. To-day the market exhibited a dull aspect, and prices are looking down. At 463 there were sellers of P Y Candle on the spot, and at 49s for delivery in the last three months of the year. For public sale on Friday 350 casks South American are declared. On.s.—For Southern Oil prices have declined 15s to 20s per tun ; 190 tuns at Public Sale found purchasers at 291 to 22/ per tun for common to fine pale quality. Cod oil advanced 30s per tun; 301 to 301 5s have been paid for several parcels. Brown Seal Oil at 28/ to 291. Pale Seal at 381 103 to 391, yellow and straw colour 301 to 361. Sperm at 81/ to 831 for fine British. For Palm prices are declining. 250 casks nearly all taken in at 31/ per tun for good quality. For Cocoa-nut Oil 40s is the value of the best. Olive, prices are moving upwards. Gallipoli at 61/, Spanish at 55/, and Barbary at 521 to 53/ per tun. Linseed Oil on the spot at 32s gd to 335, and for delivery at 33s 3d to 338 6d per cwt. Rape Oil is cheaper, Pale selling at 47i 3d to 47s 6d, and Brown at 47s per cwt. ELECTION COMMITTEE. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday, WAKEFIELD. After Mr. Cockburn had concluded his address for the sitting Member, Mr. Wortley was heard in reply, after which the Committee-room was cleared. When it was again opened, the Chairman announced that the Committee had come to the following resolution :-- " Res - olved, that at the period of the last election for the borough of Wakefield, Joieph Houldsworth, Esq., was the pro per returning officer, to whom the precept for the holding the said election ought to have been directed, and that he was there fore incapable of representing that borough in Parliament." The Committee then proceeded to hear evidence as to the striking votes from Mr. Houldsworth's poll, so as to give Mr. Lascelles a majority. Dlr. Cock:Bumf objected to the validity of the notice. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF Q UEENS BENCH, diprii 12. FOUNTAIN V. BOODLE. This was an action of libel tried before Lord Denman, in which a verdict was entered against the defendant. The plaintiff is a governess, and had been engaged by the defendant to attend her family, which she continued to do for a year. She then became ill, and was dismissed with a very short notice. The defendant recommended her to her sister-in-law, and also to a Mr. Steward, to both of whose families she gave in3truction. But, on a subsequent occasion, she gave it under her hand that the plaintiff was " incompetent, ill-natured. and ill-tempered," and on this charge the action was brought. Proof of a contrary description was, however, given at the trial ; but Mr. Kelly, who defended the case, contended that falsehood was no proof of mala fides, and that until malice had been proved, there was no evidence to go to the Jury. Lord Denman, however, con sidered that there was evidence to go to the Jury, and a verdict was given for the defendant. Mr. KELLY now applied to the Court to set aside the ver dict, on the ground of their being no evidence of malice. Mr. Justice PATTESOK said that the Court had no doubt that the case, if it could be left to the Jury at all, was properly left, for on the assumption that there was some malice, it lay on the defendant to prove that there was not. As to whether there ought to be a new trial, the Court would take further time to consider. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. ASSAULTING THE POLICE.—Mr. William Clarke, a young man of fashionable appearance, and who carries on an exten sive business as a herald chaser and embosser, living in James street, Golder-square, with his wife, a delicate, pretty-looking woman, were placed at the bar, charged with committing a vio lent assault upon four police-constables in the execution of their duty. It appeared that some altercation occurred between the male defendant and police-constable No. 181, of the C division, about two yesterday morning, opposite to the residence of the former, and a scuffle ensuing, the defendant's family who had been aroused by the contention commenced a melee amongst the complainant and three other police-con stables who came to his assistance. The female defendant in her energetic defence of her better half, actually for a time keeping at bay three of the police, left evident marks of a brass-candlestick on their heads and faces of what she would do on the part of her lord and master. Mr. Marznr—lt is a foolish affair altogether • but the as sault upon the police is proved, an d th ere f ore I shall fine Wm. Clark 305., or 14 days imprisonment ; and his wife 10s., or 10 days' imprisonment.—The fines were immediately paid. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—Sir Robert Peel last night devoted a large part of a poor speech to a lame attempt to wriggle out of the gross inconsistency of his present measures with his tbrmer declaration that it would be most unwise to resort to the machinery of an Income tax to raise three per cent.—to the disgusting machinery of an unjust tax—for so the present Minister then described-- it a tax which nothing but urgent necessity or peril could make it necessary to establish ! It is no answer to the charge of inconsistency to pretend that circumstances have so altered since the previous declaration, as to make it inapplicable. Circumstances cannot alter first principles, and fair proportions. They cannot, as Lord J. Russell observed, render that which was unjust in 1833, just in 1842. They cannot render enormous machinery to effect insignificant objects wise now, which was unwise according to Sir R. Peel, nine years ago. It is ridiculous to answer (it was the only answer the Premier could give) that an Income-tax " would be more unjust with a surplus of 1,500,0001." The injustice could not depend upon the surplus ; but if it had, the proposals of 1833 to resort to an In come-tax, instead of the Malt-tax, &c., were founded precisely upon the same principle as Sir Robert pleads for enabling him to get rid of the Ca nadian timber duty. If an Income-tax was an unjust substitute in one case, it is so in the other. Lamely, however, as Sir Robert Peel has explained his change on the point of injustice —on that of un wisdom, he attempted no explanation or answer at all. He was right : it was impossible to attempt either with the slightest success. He had deliberately de clared it his opinion, that it was most unwise to erect the odious machinery of an Income-tax for bare three per cent. ; and that such a proceeding would create such an odium against that impost, "as might render it almost impracticable to resort to it in time of extreme necessity.' Time of extreme neces sity, according to Sir Robert Peel of nine years back, was the only time in which the odious machinery of an Income-tax could be eligible. Such necessity, however, could not be pleaded for a tax of three per cent., especially after reductions of taxes of eight or ten times that amount since the peace. Sir Robert Peel then remains branded by his past deliberate and impartial opinion, that it is unjust to make (or aggra vate) a deficiency in order to impose an Income-tax —that it is unwise to impose an Income-tax at all for a pitiful three per cent. What trick, what device, what starting hole, can save him from this open and apparent shame ? STANDARD.—It is well said, in the last number of the Edinburgh Review, "We could make shift to live under a debauchee or a tyrant ; but to be ruled by a busybody i s more th an human nature can bear. Now to this most intolerable of all political afflic tions the country was subjected from 1830 to 1841 ; and the farmers had more than their share of the common visitation. The proposed settlement of the Corn-laws will relieve them from this torment. Lord Stanhope and Lord Western insisted upon the pretence that the farmers were deceived at the late elections, endeavouring to make the pretence plausible by confounding the principle of protection with the terms of the Bill of 1828. We have already, upon more than one occasion, shown the, fallacy of the pretence, and the unfairness of confounding a principle with a table of figures. We have by reiterated quotations proved, that in every case where Sir Robert Peel committed him , self absolutely and without reserve to the principle of protection, he carefully guarded against being supposed to commit himself to the figures of any scale—proof as satisfactory as if it were more direct, that he al ways considered the figures of the scale such as might admit of change, and a clear warning to the country that he did so consider them; nay, more, that he considered the figures of the scale as not only admitting of, but in some measure re quiring, a modification • else why always so earnest l y press the caveat? The Right Hon. Baronet's de fence against the charge of delusion, last night, happily fell to the hands of a master. The speech of Lord Fitzgerald was a complete triumph. One is at a loss to say whether it was in the higher degree characterised by strength of reasoning, or by the expression of noble and gene rous feeling. Why does not Lord Fitzgerald speak more frequently ? His polished, but manly and inartificial eloquence, is that which best becomes and must ever most prevail in a British assembly and among the British people. Lords Fitzwilliam and Melbourne did their utmost to disparage the Bill, which they confessed themselves obliged to support by their votes. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 20, 1842 their Lordships to accede to the proposition of the No ble Viscount. They had last night rejected measures intended to stop the progress of the present Bill, and they had voted for the second reading of it ; but this proposition would call upon them to rescind that resolu tion, and to adopt a new principle for regulating the trade in corn, without having received fie - nil the Noble Lord a glimmering how his principle was to be carried into effeet.—(Hear, hear.) All parties consideried it necessary to come to some conclusion or other on this subject. If the proposal of his Noble Friend were adopted, and the Bill were rejected, the question would be left as it was, and it could not be supposed that in the course of the present session they would be in a condition to effect an alteration of the law.— (Hear.) If the proposition of his Noble Friend were adopted, no practical result would be obtained.—(Hear.) But he would not put his opposition to that proposition upon any ground of convenience. He objected to it on prin ciple. It would not effect the object which his Noble Friend contemplated ; but that great difficulty would be found in its operation He thought it would aggravate the evils of the country, and render thorn more difficult to manage. He thought the evils would counterbalance any imaginable advantage.—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend declined to enter into details, or state any specific scheme, further than that he would adhere to the scheme proposed by his own Government last year, namely, a duty of Bs. per quarter. His Noble Friend had argued his case very well. He had stated a great number of good names, but he heti thrown overboard also some equally good reasons.— (Hear, hear.) He had stated his reasons against free trade, and therefore he proposed a plan on the principle of protection.—(Hear, hear.) But he had not told the House in what way his duty of Bs. would give the ne cessary protection.—(He ar .) T o propose a duty, which was not sufficient to the protection which was thought in dispensably necessarv,would only deceive those for whom the protection was intended, and would do no good to the rest of the community. In the present state of things Bs. would be no protection.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the objections to a prohibitory duty, if there was any protection at all, it must be at some point or other is prohibitory duty.—(Hear, hear.) If the price at which foreign corn could be imported into this country on an average of years was 405., and if the remunerating price should be between 565. and 605., and his Noble Friend had not said anything to the contrary, it was perfectly manifest that the duty of Bs. would be no pro tection at all—(Hear, hear)—and it would be nothing more than a delusion to imagine the contrary. But there was another objection to this measure in his mind which was impassable—he did not deny that the sim plicity and uniformity of its operations, would be a re commendation, but what was that when the food of the people was concerned ? Protection was re quired in this country when the price was very low, but at that time this measure would afford none. His Noble Friend said that there was something exceedingly regular and advantageous to the ordinary operations of commerce under the fixed duty, which did not apply to the graduated scale. If the protection were sufficient, it must be such as to give a remunerating price. The Noble Viscount, who contended for a fixed duty, must admit that remuneration was one of the ele ments of the plan, but who is to say what is a remunerating price ?He (Earl R ) never contended for the Corn-law on that ground, but to keep out the foreigner when the price was low.—(Hear, hear.) But when the price ruse, and made a fixed duty dangerous, the Noble Viscount would rely on the good sense of the country not to ob ject to a fixed duty on that account, in consequence of the advantages it would confer when the price was low. But would it not be imprudent to rely on anything of the kind 2—(lleer, hear.) He did not even give them a mystic view of the mode by which he was prepared to inert the case of a rise in price. —(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend led him to anticipate that some measure would then be necessary, but then the fixed duty vanished, and therefore the essential prin ciple of a fixed duty was not there. His Noble Friend let out that, if circumstances were favourable, and the agricultural interest a little more agreeable, a little more might be given —it might be 12s. or 14s. Viscount MELBOURNE—I mentioned no sum. The Earl of RIPON—That showed the ingenuity of the Noble Lord—(Hear, hear, and laughter)—and that was the reason they ought not to go with him. But what was to be done when the prices rose ? Was a power to be gieereto the Government ; and if so, might not Go vernments differ in their opinions on the subject ? What was the objection to the graduated scale ? It was the great rapidity with which the duty changed, and the consequent inducement to parties to have recourse to undue means of influencing the averages. But in the case of a fixed duty, the charge would be more rapid. It would be from nothing to Bs., and from Bs. to nothing, and there would be the greatest uncer tainty from beginning to end. There fell from his Noble Friend, a word which made him (the Earl of Ripon) feel that he did not look on his proposition as one that he could maintain inviolate. Alluding to the various considerations that led him to object to the motion of his Noble and Learned Friend, the Noble Viscount (Melbourne) said that the situation of things now would not warrant the absence of all protection. The Earl of CLARENDON was glad to find that the great and increasing evils of the Corn-law system were now generally admitted. He would support the motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne), but in doing so he wished, in reference to the Noble Earl who had just sat down, to congratulate the House and the country on the unanimity which almost prevailed as to the neces sity of a change. He wished he could also congratu late the Noble Earl (Ripon) on the measures he had in troduced. He was far from agreeing with his Noble Friend (Earl Stanhope) that the passing of the present Bill would produce a revolution to which the horrors of the French Revolution were but milk and water -(Hear, hear, from Lord Stanhope, and general laugh ter)—for certainly this measure would neither deprive the agriculturists of the protection they now enjoyed, nor abate a single evil of the present system.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Still he rejoiced to see the measure intro duced, because it was an abandonment of the position the party opposite had long held, and soon they would be driven to another point. The present law had so far disappointed its framers, that 2,000,000 or 3,000,000 of the population of this country had under this measure become dependent on foreign food. Did we not depend upon foreign nations for the fifty millions of manufac tures which they took from us, and by which five mil lions of our population were maintained ?—(Hear, hear.) How could we dispense with our dependence upon foreign o esmt n ewith w forall our of iron, flax, cotton, and the r maintain our n av y un l ess we h a d mnations of the world ?—(Hear.) commerce er nations e o couldw the e supply But yet when it was sought to extend that commerce and at the same time to augment the food of the people, —Parliament was told that we ought not to be depen dent on foreign countries.—(Cheers.) But the true way to be independent of particular nations was to have com mercial relations with them all.—(Hear, hear.) By that means we should have a steady and constant course of trade, and avoid that draining of the gold, and derange ment of the monetary system, which only three years ago brought the Bank of England to the verge of insolvency, from which it was saved mainly by the assistance afforded by the Bank of France.—(Bear, hear.) Look again to the result of mutual dependence, as it was shown in the late revolt in Canada, when swarms of American citizens were gathered upon the shores of the colony, and the press and the people were violent in their animosity to the country, whilst the more prudent Government was impatient to restrain them.— (Hear, hear.) What was it that then prevented war ? (Ilcer, hear.) It was the 15 millions of raw produce which we took from America, and the still greater quan tity of manufactures which we sent there. This was an illustration of what his Noble Friend had said. There was no country with which we could carry on so great an amount of trade as the United States, and none with which the object of increasing it could be obtained, whilst they were yet in our power, whilst, in short, they were mutually dependent on each other, and before we compelled them, as we did the Germans 20 years ago, to turn manufacturers. We excluded ourselves from the supply from America in the same way as the Southern States. His Noble Friend said that they could not get any supply from America ; the reason was because we closed our markets to them ; they- were anxious to send it to us, and if our markets were opened, there was every reason to believe that we should have a great supply from that quarter.—(llear, hear.) They (the Ameri cans) complained of our laws, and no wonder, when, as had been the case, the duty, in the course of five weeks, varied from 225. Bd. to Is. He thought such an example as that was a striking instance of the injurious effects of the sliding scale, and justified the Americans in the com plaints they made against us. If America adopted a sliding scale with regard to cotton, the consequence would be that their trade with America would cease.— (Hear.) And if the principle of a sliding scale was hurt ful with regard to countries at a distance, it would also be hurtful with regard to countries nearer home, because the principle of a sliding scale was to destroy all regular trade. The demand was unexpected when it was made, and they could not suppose that when it was made a cor responding demand would be made for their goods. An other evil of the sliding scale was, that the markets of foreign countries were not prepared to supply their de mand, and consequently an artificial rise of prices was occasioned in those foreign countries.—(Hear, hear.) He did not suppose that the Government brought in the Bill for the sake of occasional revision of the law as the Noble Lord had said last night, were they not holding out a premium to continued agitation.—(Hear.) What Mr. Alexander Baring and Mr. Iluskisson said on the subject ought not to be lost sight of, who said that the. Corn-laws were intimately connected with their manufactures and commerce. Was it not most absurd to seek, by mean s o f l eg i slat i ve enactments, to fix the price of of food —a subject which was above all such at tempts ?—(Cheers.) He had no hesitation in avowing himself opposed to all protection as is system. He de sired, indeed, to see duty levied fbr the purposes of revenue. Last year he had given his cordial support to the measure proposed by the late Government, be cause he thought it would greatly benefit the producer and the consumer. As to the protection of the Bs. duty, when they took into consideration that the average duty on corn for the last thirteen years was about ss. 6d., it must be evident to all that that duty was quite sufficient. He compared the proposition of the Bs. duty last year to the demand that was made in former years for the disfranchisement of the rotten boroughs. If that de mand had been complied with, the Reform Bill might have been long arrested. So, if the Bs. duty were ac cepted, the establishment of free trade in corn would be postponed for many years. Could the landlords say as much of the present Bill?—(Cheers.) Cohld they doubt that the whole protective system had now received its death-blow?-(Cheers.) "Would not the next concession we should soon most assuredly be called upon to make, place the farmers i n a much worse con di t i on t h an i f they had accepted the B s . fi xe d d uty ? Many persons, speak ing of the distress of the country, attributed it to the failure of American Banks and other causes. The calvies were the vigorous competition .to our manufactures that had sprung up in Switzerland, Germany, the United thought it a legitimate scurce of revenue, and desirable as a moderate protection to the agriculturist. Not one of their Lordships had stated what would be the ef fect of introducing these towns into the averages, and he con sidered that they were legislating, quite in the dark on this subject. How could they legislate with correctness on thi subject, when he and all their Lordships were in total igno rance as to the effect of introducing these towns into the ave rages ? , For these grounds he objected to this part of the proposition. He admitted this Bill was a very 'considerable improvement on the old law, but it was not such a one as In wished to see; it would not cause a fair, wholesome, and legi titillate trade in corn. It still left the idea of prohibitory du• ties in the public mind, and the stigma of monopoly would stil' adhere to the agriculturists without their receiving' that ad vantage which they had hitherto received. For these ground he could not approve of the measure as a whole, and he should therefore vote for the amendment of his Noble Friend. The Marquis of SALISBURY said he congratulated his Noble Friend who had just sat down, that though h« ;lid not so much approve of the Government measure es to be able to vets for it, yet that he considered it a great improvement upon the old law. He (the Marquis of Salisbury) considered that there were two grounds on which the Government should afford protection to the agriculturists; the first was the necessity of giving food to the people inde pendently of foreign nations, and the second was that that same protection should be given to agriculture as to every other branch of industry. The question he apprehended ought to be, the amount of protection which should be given to the home growers to enable them to compete with the foreigner. The average price of wheat under the old system was 565., it would be the same under the new ; arid he considered that though by the proposed plan there would be a reducion of duty, there would not be a reduction of protection to agricul ture. He did not blame the Government for making their alterations in the Corn-laws; no doubt they arose from the great agitation which was raised on the question.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, when in office, endeavoured by every means in his power, to raise this agitation oh the question ; what motive he had for such a course it was not fai . him—(the Marquis of Salisbury)—to say, but he certam2y bar raised that agitation, and in consequence of the agitation vie:jell was raised, these alterations had been made. The Noble Earl no doubt thought that there would be a great reduction it, the price: of bread by such an alteration, in that idea, how ever, he (the .Marquis of Salisbury) could not concur. With re gard to a fixed duty, his opinion was that, put it high or put it low, it was no protection to agriculture : he saw no such fair way of affording protection to corn as by a graduated scale. Lord PORTMAN said he must confess that he differed ent.rely from the Noble Lord who had just sat down. H; thought that this proposition by no means tended to settle this most important question. He believed it never could be settled 61 it was placed ueon a principle which should be clear and «atellieible to all mankind.—( Hear.) The Noble Earl, the President of the Board of Trade, at the time when he was on the Agricultural Committee in 1821, told the agricultural interest that they were to expect a time when these things should be settled, and they must look to a fixed duty as the only settlement, which should be applied as soon as it could be applied with safety. He (Lord Portman) hsd always been an advocate for a fixed duty, and he had always looked forward to the time when that should arrive, though he must confess that his expectations had been somewhat damped by what had fallen from the Noble Earl to-night ; yet he,hoped that the!NobleEarl might, at some future time, be led to give way to the proposition of a fixed duty, as he slid now to what he was pleased to term edimioution in the eliding scale. From the Report which the Committee had issued in 1821, it appears that they had prophesied most cor rectly as to what would happen now, and if so, why should we not follow the remedy tkey had pointed oat? That was fixed duty.—(Hear.) The Noble Earl said he desired to protect the agriculturist and the consumer by taking away the temptations to commit fraud; but still the speculator had the inducement of I Se. to raise the price from 645. to 725. London ought to be added to the towns from which the averages were to be taken. When he was in the House of Commons, in 1827, he moved a clause to that effect. The new Bill was bad, because it would unsettle everything between landlord aeti tenant. No man could make a bargain under it, whatever the Noble Earl might say. If this Bill failed, it would be the complete extinction of the sliding scale. How, then, could they propose a fixed duty ?—( Hear ' hear.) How c o uld th ey secure that preference which the English farmer ought, in the opinion of all cicsses, to have over the foreigner? This Bill would not stop the agitation in the Corn-laws which the Ministry had encouraged.—(( Hear, hear.) It would not strike down the enemy, but it would encourage them. He must most strenuously oppose the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) The Earl of WINCHILSEA defended the Bill, as having the same principle of protection that all the former Corn-laws had had ; it would give greater protection to the landed interest than the present one had, for it would save them from the frauds of corn-factors. He should most strenuously oppose a fixed duty as a protection of the agriculturists, for when corn was low, it was no protection, and when it was high, it would not be maintained.—( " Question.") Lord MONTEAGLE would vote for the Bill, as a great improvement in the existing law, as discouraging frauds on the farmer, and diminishing duties on the consumers.—( Hear, hear.) But he agreed that it could not be considered as a final measure. The population of Great Britain had increased 8,200,009 souls since 1801. Where were we to provig.e for this vast accession ? Not at home, but in foreign coun tries. The population was increasing far beyond our means to feed them. This fact alone proved that the present Bill could not be final. But he was sure no practical man could defend the sliding scale. Not an experienced merchant of authority in the City of London would approve of it. In the whole of the tariff the principle of a sliding scale was not applied to any other article, and he wished to know how it could be de fended in its application to corn. He objected to the sliding scale on account of its absurdity, and the uncertainty in trade to which it gave rise. He also objected to it on the ground of the inequality of its pressure on America.—( Hear, hear, hear.) He recollected, when Mr.• Webster was in this coun try, that he said that the people of America had corn ready to pay those to whom they owed money in this country, if they took it from them.—( Hear.) The introduc tion of rew towns showed that the system of a sliding scale was vicious, and that the viciousaess of it was perceived.—( R ear. ) He also objected to the Bill because it injured the persons whom it was intended to benefit. Bad, unjust legislation, was sure to react on those who sought it. It was of the greatest benefit to the agriculturists of this country that they could import dry and fresh wheat from abroad. The system of a sliding scale was aleo the cause of fluctuations in price, though he admitted the proposed Bill was, in that respect, an improvement on the pre sent law. But it would not only he the cause of fluctuation of price in this country, but even abroad. Dantzic would be dis turbed to a considerable extent by the operation of that sys tem. ( The Noble Lord here referred to the opinions of Mr. Tooke and Sir W. Curtis, to show that fluctuation was the natu ral consequence of the sliding system.) With respect to the amount of revenue which was expected from the proposed sys tem, lee should like to hear the opinion of the Noble Lord (Ripon). The truth was, the Noble Lord put himself into a difficulty on the subject. He supposed the Noble Lord would not for the world receive 6d. of revenue from the food of the people.—( Laughter.) He remembered that last year the Noble Lord had said that the Corn-law could be maintained only on the principle of protection ; and that being the case, he thought the Noble Earl was strangely uncommunicative as to the anaemia he expected to receive.—( Hear, hear.) The fact was, that every duty would be pro tanto productive ; but the system of a fixed duty would produce a greater amount of revenue than the system of a sliding scale. The Noble Earl had stated what were the opinions of the people on the subject ; but he (Lord Monteagle) differed with him on that ntbject. He thought the consumers generally won d prefer a fixed duty, with a considerable revenue, than a duty imposed solely on the ground of protection.—( Hear.) But it was said that a fixed duty could not be maintained In time of exigency. He re quested their Lordships' attention for a few minutes to this part of the question. He would assume an Bs. duty—a time of exi gency and high prices—and a clamour on the part of the people for the repeal of the duty. What, in that case, was to be done? He (Lord Monteagle) would say, "Adhere to the duty," and for this reason, that the consumer would not derive any benefit if the duty were removed.--( Cheers.) He would state in illus tration, that during the late distress in the neighbourhood of Glasgow there was a quantity of corn in bond in Glasgow, and could any person suppose that if the duty on corn were removed, it would sell for 20s. less. Was it not clear that the repeal of the duty would only put so much money into the pocket of the holder of corn, and be of no benefit whatever to the consumer?—( Hear, hear.) Precisely the same thing would occur if the holder of corn was a Dantzic merchant. Now if that were the case, he should say that they ought to adhere to the duty. He would now advert to the effect of the sliding scale on the currency of the country, and if the proposition they sought to establish were carried, they would he liable to pe riodical derangements in the currency, which would affect the landed interest more than any other.--( Hear, hear.) The first authority he would refer to on this subject was that of the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of her Majesty's Govern ment, a high authority, because he would say there were few public men, and he spoke under correction he was aware, who could claim higher honour than the Right Hon. Gentleman for bringing forward, and afterwards defending the restoration of the currency. He made that declaration, however unpo pular, because he believed it to be just. But in the year 1827 the Government of the day were pressed by the state of agri cultural distress, and on that occasion an attempt was made to obtain a higher protection for agriculture. On that occasion Sir R. Peel said that the return to the system of 1815 would be most likely to disturb the currency, that speculations would be indulged in which should be paid for in gold, and that it was a fallacy to suppose that, because corn was cheap in Dantzic, it would not be increased by the demand for gold. That doctrine was now reprobated The case alluded to by the Right Hon. Gentleman now at the head of her Majesty's Government was the effect of a certain opening of the ports fot three months, the demand for foreign corn during those three months, and the necessity of paying for it in gold. He (Lord Monteagle) would show them what happened on the occasion referred to. He had moved for certain returns respecting the fluctuations of bullion in the Bank of England since the passing of the last Charter Act. He did not say that the want of bullion arose from the state of the Corn-laws--(the returns were only from the year 1834)—but it was a most curious fact that, with the excep tion of those years in which from the effects of the failures in States, and other countries. To that was to be attri buted the active competition with which we were met, and the spirit of hostility which was engendered by our own system.—(Hear, hear.) It was only by prompt, and vigorous ) and wise measures, that the future could give to agriculture an adequate and steady protection. Ha supported the proposition of his Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne). (The Noble Lord sat down amidst mud cheering.) The Earl of WICKLOW said, that in the debate of last night, he by no means concurred in the arguments of some of those Noble Lords with whom he voted. On( Noble Lord said that lie voted for the measure solely or the ground that it would not have a tendency to reduce prices. If that had been his (Lord Wicklow's) opinion, he would not support the measure--e(Hear)--for he thought that no change of the law ought to be math which could be without effect. —(llear.) The opinion of tha country was, that this measure would reduce the price of food. That hope had been held out to the people, and he should be sorry to see that hope disappointed. Neither did he support it on the ground that it would be permanent; but, on the con trary, that it would tend to ulterior measures—(Cheers) -a-because he thought it a mode by which a the public would be prepared for greater chang,egto prepare the agriculturists of this country for greater changes—that this law was calculated to do good.—(Hear, hear.) They first had a law introduced to regulate -the price at 80s. or 90s. ; then that was reduced ; but the agriculturists of this country were in as flourishing, a condition as even—(llean) He did not think this Bill at all inter-. fered with the prosperity of agriculture:But if the argu ments of his Noble Friends on his side of the House did not operate on his mind in giving his vote last night, he confessed that the N l able Baron from Fassex said some thing relative to tax' borne by the land which should guide him in his vote. Ile (Lord Wicklow) said that the taxes of this country held no con cern in this matter. They were paid by the wealth of the country, and by increasing that wealth by means of commerce and manufactures , dle burdens of taxation would not be so grievous. If the agriculturists paid the taxes, then, indeed, there would be something in the observation which had fallen from the Noble Baronet—but that was not so. He (Lord Wicklow)' agreed with the Noble Viscount that the burdens of land could not be much affected. He would now advert to the difference between a sliding scale and a . fiZed duty, or as his Noble Friend (Lord Stanhope) had called it. the difference between the guillotine and the hatchet.— (Laughter.) His Noble Friend said that there was no difference ; but in his (Lord Wicklow's) opinion there was a very great difference._. (Laughter.), He would much prefer the well-finished, well-wrought, well-con sidered instrument to the rude, unfashioned one, taken up at the moment of execution, and perhaps taken up by the executioner at the moment rather to defend himself than to apply it to its legitimate purpose.—(Laughter.) If the object of a fixed duty was to increase commerce and manufactures, he believed it would be better than a sliding scale.---(Opposition cheers.) Other nations would know better the grounds on which they were trading, and they would know what price they were to pay:-(Cheers from the same quarter.) He thought the trade would be more fixed and certain a but the Noble Viscount having declared that the object of a fixed duty was to protect agriculture, he thought that object would be better secured by theßill of his Noble Friend. He would now only allude to the circum stances of Ireland. He heard many persons declare that, were it not for Ireland, they would be disposed to vote for a fixed duty, but that Ireland being so peculiarly cir cumstanced, they would, for her sake, vote to maintain the Corn-law. If he thought that the proposed altera tions tended to injure the interest of that country, he would feel bound, circumstanced as lie was with regard to it, but especially on account of the conduct pursued towards it by this country—not lately, bat at a former critical period of her history—he would feel bound to oppose it. Had Ireland been protected and fostered by their predecessors, she would now be a source of wealth and credit to England, instead of a mill-stontaaround her neck. He should, therefore, feel bound to oppose those alterations if they tended to injure the interest of that country; but if there was any part of the empire which should feel less than another any distress from the pro posed measure, that part was Ireland. The Noble and Learned Lord opposite, yesterday alluded to the decrease in the exports of wheat from that country, and he ar g ued from that an improvement in the condition of the people. He feared that such was not the case. For the last three years, there were peculiarly bad harvests in Ireland, and scarcely any wheat was raised that was fit for exportation. It therefore became necessary to apply it to the other uses—the use of the distiller and brewer. The greater consumption of wheat in Ireland had been principally caused by bad harvests ; for then the wheat, being unfit for exportation, was sold very cheaply to the people. He hoped that the people would get a taste for wheat ; but he thought the climate of Ireland not fit for wheat, while it was admirably adapted for oats ; therefore, while the protection on wheat was lowered, that on oats ought to be higher. He v . 4s glad of the change made by the tariff as to foreign cattle. What ever effect the change would produce—and he only feared, that in respect to cattle, it• would not be much—still, it would so far serve as r an inducement to the people of Ireland to apply themselves to the cultivation of corn. It might be true that the nations of the Continent would not be able to import much cattle into this country. Yet there would be this advantage, that the measure, by raising the price of food on the Continent, would place the artisans of this country on a par with their Continental rivals. For these reasons he had last night given his vote for the measure of the Government, and would now vote akainst the proposi ition of the Noble Lord opposite. Lord VIVIAN said, he had endeavoured to divest himself of all party feelings in coming to the consideration of this question ; and when a Member of the other House, he had supported, in opposition to the wishes of his constituents, the same opinions which should on this occasion govern his vote. His profession as a soldier had prevented him, until recently, from giving the question of protective duties his consideration ; but when he did come to examineothe subject, he was con vinced that protective duties were of little advantage to the protected class, and a great disadvantage to the public. ( Hear, hear.) In a country like this, where the population was daily increasing, and the demand for food and labour also increasing, he thought the proposed legislation most unjust, and he thought it better to fix aininzmum of labour than a minimum of food.--( Hear, hear. 4 The Noble Lord proved last night that they had not to fear any great importation of foreign corn. During one hundred and eighty years, in which this subject had beer) legislated upon, thirty-eight Acts of Parliament had been passed, and yet no satisfactory conclusion had been come to; with this view, he thought that if they admitted foreign corn free of duty, it might set those matters at rest, and restore the quiet and tranquillity of the country. He was most anxious that this should be settled ; and he should, therefore, be glad to enter into such t compro mise as a fixed duty. He kneW there was a feeling throughou, this country, that the agriculturists were enriching themselves by these laws, to the detrimerit of the other classes. He (Lord Vivian) did not think so. He agreed with the observations in an excellent pamphlet, ealled„;" Corn and Currency," written by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Home De partment, that the commerce and agriculture of this country were se dovetailed together, e go linked and bound up in one an other, so connected, that they: could not be separated. He ac • knowledged that the agricultarist was the best customer of the manufacturer, and that, if agriculture s uff ere d, manufactures must suffer with it ; but when he saw that the manufacturer was not able to compete with'the foreigner, and that the Corn laws were partly the cause, he considered that agriculture must itself suffer. He :hought that the great cause of the present fficultics were to be attributed both to agriculturists and manu facturers, who sought t i keep up war prices after the war had ceased. He was rejoiced at the alteration made in the tariff, but he compained that moA' was not done ; but he thought there was an inconsistency imposing an Income-tax, which was the most obnoxious add disagreeable tax that could be imposed, while the corn and sugar monopolies were not touched. He would say one word before he sat down with re spect to being able to maintain a fixed duty; the very argu ment showed that there was little danger that prices could get up. It reminded him of .fin anecdote in which he was con cerned. An officer met him one day in the street, and said he was glad that he was not passent at a certain battle, because he • would have been killed, and, when he (Lord Vivian) asked how he knew that, he answered that his successor was killed.— (Laughter.) He rejoiced that some progr ess was to b e made in free trade, and h e hoped they would not stop at where they now were. To borrow the language of a Noble Friend of his (Lord Palmerston) in the other House, the ground had been broken, the outworks had been forced, and they would soon see the giant commerce set free. The Duke of CLEVELAND addressed their Lordships solely from a paramount sense of duty. He very much feared from the silent vote he had given last night, if he did not ex plain his views on theresent occasion, his conduct would be liable to misconception. The total repeal of protecting duties he hoped he should never live to see. He did not oppose the present Bill as regarded wheat, but he thought a very uncalled for reduction had been made of the protection on oats.-( Hear hear.) If that' large importation of wheat should take place which was anticipated, he thought it would be most injurious, and the same observation would apply to barley. They must all bow to the aspect of affairs ' • they all kn ew the great outc r y w hi c h was raised for change, and with regard to wheat, if they must have made a change at all, he,did not think they could have made less change ; and though he condemned the alterations on barley and oats, still, taking the measure as a whole, he considered it his duty to vote for the second reading of the Bill, and he was most anxious that it should pass into a law. But notwithstanding all that had been said, he was much staggered at the finality of this Bill.—( Hear.) He must say that he was a good deal astonished at what had fallen from the Noble Earl, who said that nothing could be considered a measure of finality excepting the laws of the Medes and Persians. lie (the Duke of Cleveland) would vote for the present measure with a firm conviction that it would never be altered in his lifetime. 'With respect to a fixed duty, he thought, as a measure of finance, it would be more productive than a sliding scale; but as a measure of protection, it would be totally ineffective; and therefore, whether it was a high duty or a low duty he should feel it his duty to oppese it.--( Hear and Laughter. ) The Earl of RIPCN had only meant to say, that no law which might be passed could be considered umalterable, but that he hoped the present measure would not be speedily altered. He .hould have thought that the minister who brought forward the Reform Bill, and said that:it was a final measure, might very well have allowed this to be considered a final mea sure—(Hear)—and being convinced' that it would be better far the country if it never should be changed, he was deter mined, that so far as it lay with him, never should be changed. The Earl of ROSE EltßY:opposed the Bill. It must be utterly unsatisfactory to the farmers or the public at large. It was known that it could not last, and as a preparatory plan it was bad. He thought a fixed ditty would be more satisfactory than any other, because he thought the price would never rise to a ruinous amount—because it would put an end to speculation —because it would lessen the demand for bullion—and, there. fore, keep the currency more regular, which was the cause of the periodical distress of the country,7and because the profits now made by the speculation would go to benefit the consumer. —(Hear, hear.) If they thought a fixed duty of Bs. toe low, they might lay on a duty of 10s. per quarter, and gradually lessen it every year by Is. With respect to the proposed sliding scale lie objected to the " rests" in it, and to the addition of towns to the present number. lie would not trouble their Lordships at present with his objec tion as to the medium point, but as to the resting point, he considered them wholly illusory ; he thought it was absurd to suppose that in the ascendiug scale it would be possible to stop at ISs., or in the descending scale at 65., when, at those very points, it would be the interest of the speculator, as well "` clearly iii 11... power, to run the duty up at one point, I.iid ro bring it down to nothing from the lower. He had always been favourable to the impost of a fixed duty on core. He I America, and of joint-stock bank speculations , greatdistUrbi . ance in the corn trade was contemporaneous with disturbance in the circulation. In the year 1838 there was an introduc • tion of wheat and wheat flour to the amount of 1,300,000 quarters. At that period the highest amount of bullion in the Bank of England was 10,126,0001., and the lowest, at most, was 9,350,0001. The next year the quantity of corn imported was 2.862,000 quarters. Then shat became of the circulation ? The highest amount of gold that year in the Bank was 9,356,0001., but the lowest was 2,500,00 q., corre sponding in amount to the whole quantity of corn imported. If he were to go through, merely as a matter of curiosity, the annals of those two years, 1838 and 1839, they would find that they commenced at a rate of introduction of 5,200 quarters per month—( the maximum amount in September, 1838, being 5,620 quarters.) They began with an amount of ten millions of bullion, and at the close of that period they had only two millions to meet all the expenditure of the country—to pay the army, navy, &c., &c. The non-coincidence of the American distress, and the demand for foreign corn, was one of those circumstances for which every British statesman, and merchant, and lover of his country, ought to make matter of daily and hourly congratulatiou. Had it occurred a few years previous to the time at which it had happened, and contemporane ously with the time that that state of the bullion , to which he had adverted was prodoced by the fluctuating 1 Corn-law, what might not hare been the consequence ? They were only saved from the result of such a concurrence by a miracle. As some one had said, France Lad come in to the support of the Bank of England, and had given them a glorious proof of their independence of foreign co un t r i es. —( H ear, hear, ' from the Opposition.) The Bank of England would have been obliged to stop payment. The consequence of such a cir cumstance, not merely speaking of national distress, would have been irreparable. It was said they were not like Indiana or Ohio, but if so, they had not to thank themselves for it. It was in spite of their bad legislation that they were not the first commercial country in the world, held up to the acorn of all • men, for having themselves produced that distressing calamity. In adverting to these matters, he only touched upon the boun dary of the circle. He would take the liberty of calling their Loidships' attention to one more passage. The document he was about to read might be objected to. It bore the name of Mr. Samuel Lloyd and Mr. Senior. It was prepared long be fore the late Government scheme was thought of. He knew of his own knowledge, that those pere , were not aware of the rneaseteproßosed bythe late (;overt;, ,:r when they drew up this document. They'stated, adverting to the imprOvement in the sliding scale, that, like the present law, it would keep corn at au artificial price; that it must prevent any steadiness in the • IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS, April 19. Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock. EDUCATION IN IRELAND. Tho Bishop of DERRY presented a petition from the parish of Templemore, in favour of the present system of national education in Ireland. The petitions stated that, of the 59,000 children receiving instruction in the national schools, 21,000 were Roman Catholics. PRESBYTERIAN MARRIAGES. Lord MOUNTCASHELL presented a petition from a congregation of Presbyterians in the city of Cork, praying for an alteration of the law relating to Protestant marriages in Ireland. The Indemnity Bill, and the Public Works Bill, were each read a third time and passed. CORN-LAWS.--THE TARIFF. The Earl of YARBOROUGH presented a petition from Brigg, in Lincolnshire, against the proposed altera tion of the Corn-law's. The Earl of HARDWTICKE took that opportunity of reading extracts from papers on their Lordships' table to show that there was no reason to apprehend that an in creased importation of agricultural produce would have a sensible effeet upon the interests of British agricul ture ; as the rattrns showed, that, notwithstanding a constant and progressive increase in the importation of live cattle from Ireland since 1817, there had been no de preciation of British stock, and no diminution of prices. CORN IMPORTATION BILL. Lord MOUNTCASHEL gave notice that on the Corn Importation Bill going into Committee, he should move that certain towns in Ireland be added to those already mentioned, as the ones from which the averages should be taken. APPLES IMPORTED. Earl RADNOR moved for a return of the quantity of apples imported into this country, and said that he would also move for a repeal of the duty. On the motion being put, Earl WINCHILSEA said he would take that oppor tunity of stating that he considered any alteration in the duty would be injurious. Earl RADNOR said that when the prohibitory duties existed, the price of apples fell from 12s. 6d. to 2s. 4d., and when the duty was lowered the price rose: The return, as we understood, was then agreed to. Earl RADNOR presented a petition from Sydenham against the Corn-laws. — Lord KINNAIRD presented several petitions to the same effect. Earl FITZWILLIAM presented petitions to the same effect. DUTY ON MAHOGANY. In answer to a question from Lord KINNAIRD, Earl RIPON said, that instead of there being no re duction, there was a considerable reduction made, and for the obvious reason that it would benefit the manufac turers of furniture. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from the Dissenters of Sligo, praying for an alteration in the marriage duty. CORN-LAWS. Lord BROUGHAM said, that in order to give their Lordships an opportunity of pronouncing their opinion on the entire merits of this question, he would give notice, that when the resolution of his Noble Friend (Viscount Melbourne) was disposed of he would propose the following resolutions, which referred to the absolute question of the merits of duties upon importation altogether. It appeared to him that those three resolutions, taken one after another, would give their Lordships an opportunity of expressing their opinions clearly upon the whole merits of that most im portant branch of the question, namely, whether or not there ought to be any duties imposed on the importation of corn. The first resolution was—" That no duty ought to be imposed upon the importation of foreign corn for the purpose of protecting the agriculturist by taxing: the introduction of food." Second: That no duty ought to be imposed on the importation of foreign corn for the purpose of regulating the trade, by taxing the introduction of food." Third : " Th a t no d uty ougt to be imposed on the importation 'of foreign corn, for the purpose of raising the revenue, by taxing the introduce tion of food." Lord MELBOURNE presented a petition from a num ber of farmers in the county of Norfolk, against a gradu ated scale of duty on the importation of corn and flour, and in favour of a fixed duty. The Noble Lord then said that in submitting to their Lordships the resolution of which he had given notice, and which if adopted as a substan tive motion, would have the same effect as if adopted• as an amendment, he, considering that the subject of the Corn-laws had been so recently discussed in every possible shape, thought it would be unpardonable in him, in pressing his own views on their Lordships, if he were to state more than would be necessary to explain his own conduct, or than wouid be likely to affect the ultimate deeision of theif Lordships. He declared that in bringing forward his measure he meant to be as calm and impartial as he could be, avoiding all party allusions and criminatory observations.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord. who followed his Noble Friend in his speech of last night, divided the subject into two parts ; the first was whether it was absolutely necessary that there should be a duty on the importation of foreign corn, and if it were, secondly, how this regulation should be imposed. Strictly speaking, it was only with the second part he should have to deal. To this his resolution was confined. At the same time he would make a few obser vations for his own vindication on the general question. His Noble Friend's resolutions would lay open the whole question, so deeply interesting to all classes of the commu nity, whether it was necessary to impose a duty on foreign corn or whether it should be left entirely free for impor tation for consumption from all parts of the world. He had not always been so much as many others favourable to an immediate and decided application of this latter principle in the present circumstances of the world. He thought that it would have been a far more desirable arrangement for the human race if every nation employed itself upon those productions, for which the soil and climate of the land in which it was settled were best fitted, and received its supply of other productions from the countries to which they were natural. But whilst all reason and the interests of mankind were on that side, all usage, all custom, all pre judices, all feelings, with few exceptions, were on the other—(Hear, hear)—and thus it happened, that although the principles of free trade were generally ad mitted, the opposite principles had a strong hold upon the public mind. Although many were to be found willing enough to sign petitions on the general principle, yet if you carne to speak to any person about taking off a duty, you would find that they considered the question only with regard to the interest of the producer. --(Hear, hear,) So strong was the feeling upon that subject, that he certainly was not prepared to adopt the resolutions proposed by his Noble and Learned Friend.—(Hear, hear.) Yet he did not think that the ground of exclusive burdens, said to be borne by the agriculturists, had great solidity. He did not say whether those burdens existed or not, but he said, if they existed, they ought to be remedied in a direct manner, and not by maintaining a system of Corn-laws which was said to inflict so much suffering and privation on the rest of the community. Ho owned he did not think that that was a ground of any great weight or force. It would not, perhaps, be in applicable to go back to ancient history ; if they looked to Athens and Rome they would find that they depended on foreign corn. And it had been said by a great orator in Athens, " Of all mankind, we the most rely on foreign corn." He mentioned this to show that all the greatness of these countries was to be ascribed to their dependence on foreign corn. But, supposing that the great wants of this country, its greatly increasing population, its grow ing wants, should occasion a much larger importation of foreign corn necessary than they had hitherto required, that would be more truly described as rendering foreign nations dependent on us, than we upon them.— (Hear, hear.) The tradesman was a good deal more dependent on the customer than the customer on the tradesman, provided he could pay.— (Hear.) He should say that nothing could tend in a greater degree than a commercial dependence, as of buyer and seller, to prevent war in the first instance, to protect them whilst engaged in it, and to bring it to a speedy conclusion. They had been asked why they were not for this Bill—why, he should be for it at once if he could place any confidence in what his Noble Friend said last night.—(Hear, hear.) He should be for it if he could agree with his Noble Friend, that the supply would be so inconsiderable as to be of no use to the consumer.—(Hear.) His Noble Friend said, that a small quantity would destroy home agriculture, and then our farmers would not be able to supply the people. He (Lord M.) owned his fears to be not that they should send in toe little, but a great deal too much.. He had read a good deal on this subject. He had perused many pamphlets and documents, and had heard many arguments. He could not find any sufficient foundation for that opi nion. The Noble Lord had. delivered le very able argument to show that the poorer lands in this country would be thrown out of cultivation ; but the question was, how much corn could foreign countries send, and at what price could they send it ? and he be liewd that that could be only ascertained by experi ment.—(Hear, hear.) They could not remove all pro tection without giving a shock to public opinion, and he was therefore against such a mea sure. The question, then, was to regulate that protection. And he had no question whatever in his mind that the best course to adopt on the subject was to impose a fixed duty, which would give certainty to trade, and remove the restrictions that impede it : it would avoid all the frauds in the taking of the ave rages. Great discontent prevailed on the subject. If frauds existed, a fixed duty would put an end to them ; and if they did not exist it would do what was equally advantageous, for it would put an end to the injurious opinions and suspicions that prevailed on the subject. It would give that stability and certainty, which could not exist under the present law. But it wets said that a fixed duty could not be maintained. He knew very well that great efforts might be made to inflame the public mind on the question ; biut he believed that there would be no difficulty in maintaining the system which had been so lo:ng, , maintained. In his resolution he had not stated any amount of duty. All that he called on their Lordships to do was to a affirm a principle. He recommended the proposition because he thought it would prevent fraud. He made his motion with reference to the past, with application to the present, and with respect to the future. With reference to the past, in justification of the Government which brought the proposition—with respect to the present, because he conceived it the best course to be adopted, though he had little hope of being able to induce their Lordships to adopt it—and with respect to the future, in the perfect confidence that it would one day be adopted, and become the law of this country. The Earl of RIPON said that from the manner in which the Noble Lord had introduced his measure, than which nothing could be more fair or candid, it would not be necessary for him (the Noble Earl) to address their Lordships at any length; but he ilium, elide:a - our to im press it on the House that it would be most unwise in ,/ trade in corn ; thatthe system of the duty rising as the f lic 'ell, and falling as the price rose, was a monster in fiscal legit,' ation, reserved for the corn trade ; that such a meas ure would have been supposed to have been intended for the put Jose of excluding from the trade all men of capital and fence, and draw gamblers into commerce. That tea! judgment of practical men, given with respect to the Bill o ' 4 on their Lordships' table, because it was .given in gen er al. ► `wins applicable to any such Bill. He had thought it neces: sary to speak thus much on a question which involved the Vl' commercial and financial interest of the country: The prosperitY of the land of England depended on commercial and =aurae turing improvement, aid whether they had done right or wrong in fostering up a great manufacturing population, and there by .,; getting the means of becoming a great and powerful people, or, they still continued . " Mild Arcadians ever blooming, . 1 Nightly nodding o'er their crops," he did not mean to say. But they had ruled the destini es °I Europe... They had sent out the Noble Duke opposite to pr e serve the peace of Europe, and it was necessary that theft should . draw upon the resources, industry, and moral powers °' the countrk, in order to achieve that mighty destinl for which England seemed to have been called into existence. His Noble Friend had stated that a change had taken place his opinions. — A change had also taken place in his ( Lo .. Alonteagle's opinions. They would never have_ quiet on subject till the tilde in corn was free as air. He would not de" .0 tarn their Lordships_ further than to thank Them for the mann er in which they had attended to his observat.lens. The LORD CHANCELLOR, having Nit the question , , - 15 Lord BROUGHAM stated his approval of his Noble Frie nds resolution, and meant to vote in favour of it. , He looked 13 1 3°° the proposed sliding idle as an improvement on the existing law, and he looked upen , tbe Noble Lord's motion as a consider able improvement on the plan before the House. It was not ea's! for him to say whether hb' Preferred an unknown fixed duty to an unknown sliding scale: ' - If the fixed duty rose to 5 05- 4 60s. per quarter, and the siding scale sunk down among pence and farthings, even retaining his views of '",free trade, off should prefer such a sliding scale to a fixed duty u ; so high an amount ; but if his Noble Friend me an ff . ' 4l Ya , resolution a moderate fixed , duty, and a sli ding scale mearit, - ,the present sliding,seale, he,should most und ou r ejly prefer T tliatO 'hell duty -to such a 5°6 ., 1 „ . He considered the advantages, of his Noble Friend's proPrte p to be suet:, although not cunsideraLk, that they woul 4 Jl ,, him in voting for his Noble Friend, cee n Could not sne ,ief carrying the betts.7 proposition which.'he had submitted. t 'he sliding scale, it Was impossible for the foreign meirc. , 7l. and grower to calculate what the price._ would be of his when it came to this country. He had ye means of asnof ria . in g what price he would receive her\ l on ii4rrying frig over. The sliding scale apportioned the duty to the price, f ! „& the foreigner had no mean of ascertaining whar l the price we .... ct be, on which alone he had to speculate. . Suppose t h fixed duty were to be imposed, he would ' exactiY i w a, the carrying his corn here would cost 'Min. lie ilau price of the article, the cost of shipment and tram, ,port, 1 4 the fixed duty ; but he had, even under a fixed duty , . means means of knowing what the price would be .here. . I.fe '•; 1 know the price now as well under the sliding scale' as nt7gt . the fixed duty. He (Lord B.) had already soUften exp)air - . to their Lordships the reasons on'which he mitt bpposed to s j . duty whatever upon the importation of corn/ and its wows., confine himself to stating the reason why he sheeld vote f° l ,„, fixed duty instead of a sliding scale. lie would vote for . 7 former as the lesser evil. In any way it was a pAllstax.Sa lc d was equally contributed to by him to whom it was. nothing' o re I by him whose daily food was diminished by it. It was there a poll-tax of the worst kind. As a tax for revenue it we e ! . .,1 'worst that could be levied. It would depend upon the) Ilia and the seasons. If there was an article which st r u a t be exempt from direct taxation, it was th at bread. One must be fatigued with arguing againsrthe ' a b ,'.. ° o , dity and injustice of such taxation, and apologising for se detaining their Lordships, he concluded by rep , eating , of the two evils , he preferred that of the fixed duty. , ' o The !Nike of WELLINGTON said, that there 611 11 ° 10. doubt, as an abstract proposition, that no duty ought aortic on. he food of the people.—( Opposition cheers.) As an alb st at proposition, proposition, there could be no doubt of the truth of th let ; d ie )* the Noble Viscount opposite looked upon this question i s 10 ,4 the ( Ministry) did. The Noble Viscount said, he did set ; . upon this as a measure for introducing corn into the c gn at but . whether or not it was expedient to withdraw at on , ,e e a t, agriculture that protection which, up to the present m e?fez,it it did enjoy. The Noble Viscount said, that he considlery,6 right to continue the protection to agriculture, but tha t , 0 thought the best mode of protecting agriculture eras the which had been proposed by the Noble Lord and his c011ea.,,, during the last Session of Parliament. The Noble Viscer;j', stated that he preferred that plan to the Bill which . had introduced into the other House of Parliament by the R i g el ' Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government, an. fhad b submitted to their Lordships by his Noble Friend (f he Ba i l ol Ripon). The Noble Viscount looked at it very peeped.," or corn measure, and a measure for regulating and proteeti n ghi4 - agriculture of the country. Another Noble Lord tae'" ,old had considered it as a convenient measure. And the '„,ed Lord who was sitting at the table had, in his speech, 'Tee! , the question on all grounds; financial as well as others. „red; had been in some degree replied to by his Noble and L e l ,"„bs Friend who had spoken lately ; but all the Noble Lords spoken in the early part of the debate, had conside Ten ; - a t what would be the best mode of giving to agricultur scription of protection which he (the Duke of W.) eel 't ". 11 felt - it was the general wish of the House and the country, 01. 1,00 , 1 • exceptions,theNoble and Learned Lord being one of tliei 'star. be accorded to it. The Noble Lord at the table (Ea 0 ci te ; hope) considered that corn .ought to receive the saint , p r (1,0 ( . dun which had always been accorded to it ; and I e v er' Stanhope) lamented the bringing forward of the press 13t f dos sure as likely to tend in its consequences to the los: ; ° protection. The question they had to consider wa 04% would be the best mode of giving protection to agricult a r e 'oir he (the Duke of Wellington) would confess hehad Rhea) " 'w tise', dered the graduated scale as the best mode oft giving ° to the agriculture of the country. A sliding duty levies 40$i the importation of foreign corn, varying in amount a w n to the price of corn in the country at certain periods : 0 t or , prices to be ascertained by averages, was, lie thought, tl , sar itt, mode of giving that protection to the agriculture oft he e ..e lbel 4 to which it was entitled. It was perfectly true that '1 k osi' Act, which he now hoped was about to expire, great ; l ei! had been practised in the taking of the averages, and pi eir a scale of duties lead given occasional facilities for th e; °1 mission of those frauds. There could be n o d ou b t 1 0; 0 0 frauds had existed, and complaints had been ma d e of nisi , those frauds. Other complaints had alsobeen made agai cob'. Jaw, and far that rea,s ihe (the Duke of Wellington) h sl the ar sensed to the adoption of the proposition for a new lev , sl subject. He hoped that as the law had been In Alum obviate those objections which had been made - to the I ' l o l l, ()flaking the averages, that they would be now honestlY ale to and as in framing the graduated scale of duties that - sc been improved to as to avoid giving that facility for th ; ie e, mission of frauds, while at the same time it contained ' " t o7 l , tecticin which had been hitherto given to agriculture, he 4 Ce, and expected that the effect of it would be to keep the grain in this country at the average price in which it Was to have been for the last 13 or 14 years since the passing of t'' which was now about to expire. He meant that average 01! cording to which the tithe agreements had been made lor' ei • tracted throughout the country, and considering that those' s ys.' ments had been entered into under the sanction of Parliamen t the Government, he thought it but just for the two sets of Pr °4 - tors who had entered into those agreements, that no great ;e Lion Should take place so as to change the foundation upo° those agreements had been made. He was of opinion O s " Act of the 9th Geo. IV., had acted beneficially in *Mini" 1 4 4 objects that its proposers had had in view. The princiFt . ,,,, vf ri ‘ sliding scale had received the sanction of Ptrn s;" ( some years previous to the adoption of the of the 9th of George the Fourth. During the Administra ° " Lord Liverpool that principle had been adopted ; it hsd W e t ; the sanction of the Administration of Mr. Canning, and I t e ort been finally carried into effect by the law of the 9th of " to the Fourth. That measure had acted beneficially, accord i ,"; of , the views of those who proposed it, for preserving the Pr 3c „to corn at a steady rate from the period of its enactment nearly' ut[ocd the present moment ; for, notwithstanding what had been (the by the Noble Lord who sat at the table (Lord Monteagle), be De l • Duke of Wellington) contended that the price of ear' a nt continued as steady in this country as it had been 3 " l ,sen other part of the world. Of course there must ha ve ong variations in the price of an article of which the quantity , o to: vary according to the state of the seasons, and of which the tea' depended nearly upon the quantity. Of course the pri v ij vary every year, but he (the Duke of Wellington) . 10 ,. Li at that the variation in the price of Corn had been, during t" - wor' • riod, as small in this country as in any other country in 0 1 0 F ilo s, The Noble Viscount had stated that he should bt ab le r d that the variation in other parts of the world had been (icc r ., e oec` i by the variations here. But begging 21 - .0 t 03 th n ot pardon, - be (the Duke of Wellington) was Noble Viscount had stated that which he pond t` exactly prove. There were several parts of fife ' Of: from which accounts of variation of prices regs' given, which had no relation whatever to this c*usitrY ° e iatio to the trade in corn ; for instance, France. The,.e wn qd ie„er - between this country and France with respect to Cor n ' a fa ct was very little between this country and Holland. l the Fri there was no relation whatever between the variatio other 1 4r t, • of corn in this country, and the p 010 rice of corn In Ma of the world, therefore he said that the prices in wt,rre tile, were as steady in corn as in other parts of the world. G would —;o to the United States, the south of Russia an, iY rrices c } • where they would they would find a variation in the ; tie : 0 7 1, ceeding those existing in this country. But when s, a , In a.. Viscount thought proper to denounce the sliding s cale i a ,, t i t b e dity, as it was only known to the corn trade --it r ` i i t re ha d absurdity—the Noble Viscount might have very' g rd ° `:, n, it 5551 for saying so—but begging the Noble Visc.eunt' s Pa .reeretiot been always known in the corn trade in this c'enntTig,i. `flint jut/ been a Corn.law in this country in the year 17: 15 °r , s 03 " bite , a Corn-law also depending on a graduated scale df du at w 2 s D ie o'E t depending on the prices ranging in the country. 0 ..„,4 the *!,, grs' with respect to articles, the quantity, the quality, s ty , 0 3 ' .0 ; 0. wheat depended on the state of th e se a so ns. He ,honk d t 011. duated duty, according to the prices existing in the Itly O pt op po. a ae wit thee rtee gin :tehdet°tl was absolutely necessary, in order to be enabled r e /0 4 i t to give protection to the country. Now the Noble s. 01 7,,,, , 5i1iar site, and the Noble Lords who supported him , insisted r c•f ,s # O f "' duty would answer the same purpose. He (th e d e t: I „,;ltie " P ," ton) objected to a fixed duty on principle. A "7, - is i u d -- „ o se h ..., e1 cient protection, perhaps, but what he had al se . - „t s :" re gerisi" j Nw ec hob t enl w e a t s hLo , a t t l r i d a . t a fixed duty could not be mint: low" - teal $ prices becam g e u t es h h a t i r i g oehn.— ( Hear .) He uneddersl9°ldenol;:. ad h m ad itta b d e , en sha d t iscu w s h sed an p .. certain rate, it would be absolutely nec e " — " - n od or at qs"'": duty by degrees, He (the Duke of eos. 121 °' - ' duty—when the corn came to the maximum Pric'e ue ha d It t hat be - _; a fixed duty was very much like a Or ohibia rie "Confe' sed experience in the affairs of this country, an , f u ture' . should be very sorry to see similar c i rc umstat rs cr ocrjsion a, aued which he had seen heretofore. On sev e abot od be sc° l standing that the law required that the forts int,. he h"d e closed until the prices came to a certain n ing r the Government be under the necessitY c ' t " de 1 1 i houses, and allowing tbecorn therein sto red whoa, !mini! and key, to be sold in the market (a , " 1 un d e r he n , w youti. Government under a fixed duty would be the store , 0 oven:" e out or doing), and of allowing the corn to Borne put to 7( that whirl the payment of duty. When the price rnent would be under the necessity of ° opening the store* t tlfe, seen the Government do heretofore, of o li for the r e ! pursal to set free the corn which then remain e d us be t he cow , duty. This would be the case—this m 0 _ when the law should be under a system f thu t sy m st la e ; of g di rt lasat7erc.: prices rose to 70s. Now the advantage o itself. The P r ' the 12 scale was, that the law executed 1 an d t .b e in ter-" need not interfere a . to nothing. The Government ne nothing by Cl t eci ) ! T , t a h sc a e re rt b a y i neexdecbuytedthietsealvfe; raagsetshapupbliicseh:d;onsteli ethuesezz. 'cm re3;;.010.1 Lord said that the consumer would gam h elute exactly t e • Id. bo the proprietors of corn. That was pr oprietor of corn won trs"" sumer would gain nothing, but the P respect tot • 7 4 , D url , was afraid that that fact was suspecte ference of the Government —that the persons who would go u p ,'" e co l W having taken ; , lace. wee ° the period of the existence as of and that the Government ,ere that large fortunes were made, action to which he had referred they ought t 0 eo t such suspicions ; but he elDin • • obliged to have recourse to such n sie „ .tc . in the situation of bein g ties to this. Certainly theresaidwas no foundat ion care not to adopt such a and becoming liable to such nugatory, and those i. ner. said that a fi xed duty became , ed w s o u u s l p d ic p i l o a n c s e . the n :O t s maintain , • , sYste u ra nfo t u h n a d t f to relations of this country in the prufe^tion ,of agric a u s ltutg ey pot arm themselves to disappointluent b 7 adopting a ,-41 t s l too l d with re ,flect ;,,r landlord and tenant, he said that those who desired till