The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-21 00:00:00

,fit di' of )1- ,i 0 Ad 51 ~~~ six mouths of 1848, in consequence of that inquiry, ho I reduced the expenditure, chiefly on the fixed establish ments, nearly 20,0001. a year.—(Loud -cheers.) Not one Word of that had been stated by the lion. Gentleman. Lord Tor r i ng t oe , still , pursuing the investigation, estab lished a Committee, determining to inquire closely into the extravagant expenditure of the island in recent Years, and had given an earnest of that inten tention by reducing the expenditure about 30,0001., and hoped to bring about at least an equalisa tion of the income and expenditure. He had stated that the Noble Lord had greatly relieved trade. He had repealed the coffee duties to the extent of 15,000/. a year. He had reduced the duties upon various staple commodities of the colony, on tobacco, cinnamon, &c., to the extent of 12,0001. or 15,0002 effecting a reduction altogether of 30,0001. It became necessary to see whe ther some means could not be found to raise the requi site amount of revenue, which under the depression of trade was not likely to reach its ordinary amount, and he accordingly proposed not four but six ordinances with that view. There was a road ordinance, which had been drawn up by a man of the greatest skill and judg ment, and a near relation of a Member of that House — Mr. Wodehouse, and by that ordinance it was designed that the roads of the island should be placed under some sort of native and local control, and the taxation hitherto thrown upon the public revenue be paid by loca l rates; but as it was impossible to levy rates in an island like Ceylon, the tax was commuted from 3s. a Year to three days' labour, and that was what the Hon. Gentleman called a poll tax; another instance of the re markably ingenuous manner in which the Hon. Gen tleman had dealt with the subject. He seemed to think that these ordinances were repealed. Mr. BAILLIE—The dog and gun tax. Mr. HAWES—Was the gun tax repealed? The Hon. Gentleman was wrong again—it was not repealed. —(Hear.) The great object of that tax was registra tion. Perhaps the rate of taxation might have been too high and_ the annual registration objectionable—but the governor at all events deeming it too high, altered it into one uniform registration, and that in perpetuity. So that the object aimed at by the tax had been obtained. Then there was the dog-tax. The Hon. Gentleman's remarks on that subject made him (Mr. Hawes) con clude that he knew very little of Ceylon, for otherwise he would have admitted that one of the great nuisances there, as indeed was generally the case in large towns, was the enormous quantity of dogs. In Cey lon there was a general desire to abate that nuisance, and if the ordinance had been confined to towns, he believed it would hare been a popular measure—the objection to it being that it operated on persons residing in the country who wished to keep watch dogs. But the tax was absolutely repealed, and all objec tion on that score was at an end. The taxes on stamps and carriages, &c., all remained. Only about two were repealed, and three modified. The Hon. Gentleman was not content with stating that Lord Torrington was in capable as a governor, but went so far as to say, that in his opinion the insurrection was caused by these taxes. On that point the Hon. Gentleman's authority was op- Posed to the highest authorities in the island, and to all the information he (Mr. Hawes) bad received on the subject. The first authority he should quote was that of the major-general commanding the troops of the island, who said, the late ordinances passed by the late Legislative Council are given as a plea for the present outbreak, but that is only a pretext. It has long been brewing, and the Kandians are anxious to have their own king, and to repossess themselves of their property. The next opinion he would refer to was that of the chief jus tice, who in passing sentence on some of the prisoners tried before him in the supreme court, for the part they had taken in the insurrection, said—" I there fore conclude it has been hatched by headmen, or by priests, or by both. That the priests have cause to be discontented I am aware—it is known to the country Xenerally, and there is no necessity to recur to it here. But I speak from my own observation when I say that the headmen have been alV;ays discontented. The re membrance of the former power they exercised over the People has not yet been erased from their minds, and the consequent feeling of bitterness is not yet gone nor any thing like gone." The Chief Justice did not attribute the insurrection to the ordinances—neither did the com mander of the forces, and neither did Sir E. Tennent, *hose evidence as contained in tnis book (papers relat mg to the affairs of Ceylon) was quite of the contrary nature. The Hon. Gentleman was about to read some extracts from the blue book referred to, but closed it, taYing he would content himself by stating generally that not only the evidence of Sir E. Tennent, but of others, as contained in these papers, went to show 'mit these ordinances were not the immediate cause of the o u tb rea k. H e was p er f ec tly r e ady to admit that they were used by parties who were endeavour lag to foster discontent, and who stated that by them thirty or forty taxes were about to be imposed on the mires. He could also assert that means were taken by individuals to excite to insurrection, and amongst others the editor of a newspaper, who preached in direct opposition to the laws of the country. He stated that unless these ordinances were repealed, the people would not obey the laws. He regretted that he could trace in somesome of our colonies the consequences of such bad advice, Montrose they got a a letter, with all the weight due to his colon ial reputation, and telling the colonists that they w ere to renew population the agitation, and never to cease until native res ponsible government. With a large profoundly ignorant, and ruled by a priesthood such as existed in Ce)lon, he must say that writing such a letter was on the part of his Hon. Friend an act of great indiscretion. The Hon. Gentleman had himself used some hard words, and must expect a few knocks in return.—( Rear, hear.) Another and most Painful part of the subject was the loss of life, upon which it was far from his wish to look with indifference. Before the House came to any conclusion on that most Painful part of the subject, they must look at all the Circumstances attending the insurrection. He main tained that that insurrection was not occasioned by the ordinances. On the contrary, from 1817 down to 1848, there had been successive attempts at insurrection which were fostered by the same parties in the island, which had the same objects in view, and which were charac terised by the same incidents as characterised the insur rection of 1848. Priests, headmen, and chiefs were all concerned in it, more or less, at least as far as the pro ceedings at Kandy. Colonel Drought then commanded only about 1,000 men, which force was scattered about. The outbreak was simultaneous in many places, and wore a very formidable aspect, much the same as that which marked the insurrection of 1817, and which it took twelve months to suppress. There were then upwards of 12,000 troops in the field, nearly 11,000 lives Were lost. There was a large destruction of property, "d a total charge upon the revenue of the mother c ountry o f u p war ds of 250,0001. These insurrections ac t gone on in character much the same down to the !resent time. In 1817 martial law was proclaimed, and ex isted l for two years after the insurrection was put do wn- Now, let him contrast with that the character of L ord Torrington. The Hon. Gentleman h e re r e ad a letter from the commander of the forces, Major-General Naelt, stating that martial law had been immediately Proclaimed, that no time was to be lost, that prompt and 'rigorous measures were absolutely necessary to be taken, &c.; and after describing the revolt of the troops, he went on to say that to the vigorous measures of the Governor must be attributed their present suc cess_ in havi ng c h ec k e d th e re b e lli on; b u t th a t he was not at all sanguin e as t o its h a ving been put down, for the people were beginning to feel that it was widely apread since 1837. The House must not therefore sup- Pose that this was altogether a contemptible rebellion, or that it did not require active measures for its sup pression. Serious injury had been done to all the opera tions of the colony, and had it gone en, would have Caused such a l oss as wou ld h ave certa i n l y b roug h t upon the Governor th e censure o f t h at H ouse for not a d opt i ng those t measures which he fortunately and actively re sorted O, Martial law was proclaimed. He appre hended that when that was the case all civil law was suspended, and that the civil government was not to be held responsible f or the trials place. When they took and execution s w hi c h t oo k Terrier was one hundred m i l es fein this instance, the Go• r t om re th o e u s t po b t. ut They the had not received accounts of those a a distinguished officer in chi e f of command, ps and aregewnaes ral whose conduct was some guarantee for the correct ness of the proceedings in these courts martial, which were held by the Hon. Gentleman to be so sanguinary. When an insurrection took place, it was shown to them all that measures must be resorted to which they de plored, but which were incidental to such a state of t hings as at Ceylon, not p roduced by the Government, nut entirely attributable to the priests and headmen, Who wished to recover the original power which they had lost. When it was all over, what were the opinions of those who were on the spot? The Honourable Gentleman, with a kind of natural bitterness, seemed to think of nothing but to criminate the Governor. But if t h h e . , Honourable Gentlema n would onl y refer to '" papers before them , as contained in the bl u e ;°°, a, he would there find Sir H. Maddock, addressing a public meeting at Kandy, ex- Pressing his appreciation of the measures that had been 4 „ - Pted, and by which the property and lives of the Eu %%lan inhabitants had been saved from the insurrec 'tes, who were overrunning the country spreading d " °e and devastation in their path. Sir Herbert Mad -1,134 then went on to say that the conduct of the Go- Zi•nor was entitled to their confidence and thanks. Why enot the Hon. Gentleman state the ca se fairly byut. ce s i , tti ng these testimonies, instead o f endeavouring to w - ` 6 a Prejudice by omitting them? But he (Mr.Hres) 'nd a lpi take care that he should have an opp ortunit y of th er e stating his case.—(Hear, hear.) But, besides this, elee:,, W ere public meetings of the Catholic bishops and an lettersWhig from private individuals all concurring in aPpreval of the conduct of the governor. He must b een ' Y one word in behalf of the soldiery, as it had f r . stated in a leading journal not supposed to be un tenelY to the Hon. Gentleman's proposition, that their , t Z te duct had been brutal and uncontrollable. To that de n i.l l ent he could give a peremptory and indignant o 7 and which was shown by the papers before the *h . se to have had no foundation beyond the malignity Leh oei • a • He had pointed out the benefits tours ori g in ate d it. at t u n on the colony by Lord Torrington, by his tu re " a tmß trade and industry, his saving of expendi the Dubd his appointment of a Committee to inquire on sve r eet; and he must say that if distant governors e u e_to be thus attacked, even before that House bad g t „, ti nd perfect in formation—for the Hon. Gentleman and be of his motion the first night of the session, d ue etore he asked for the papers which were since pro ess ed " -- if such attacks were to be made in the spirit now eisi o n n ee i c l hY the Hon. Gentleman against Governors of es where there was a great native !population, and 4:T n ent danger of an ex t en ded insurrection, he (Mr. insurrection ventured to say that this would not be the last u e o they would have to deplore.—(Hear , hear.) ! proceeded to New Guiana, respecting which the nuccifuhentleman'a statement was a complete burlesque; truth e had taken the smallest pains to ascertain the it s he would have seen so. But he really seemed as " had made up that statement from the merest drib • - blets of newspapers, He said that Lord Grey had re fused to consider all reductions of the civil list. Now the civil list was commonly stated at 39,000/. a year. So it stood in: the ordinance, but the sum actually paid by; the coloniSts was much less. There was a charge ca 7,000/. for stipendiary magistrates, 4,0001. of which was 1, a p n a i d d v b o y l , u i t i h t a i s r c h o , u r n e t n r e y e civil w . e dTi n l 844 fiat ul v;a .t s i‘, e i te r t 1 f ) l e t i n e r I R B ( 4 , se proposed to add 9,000/. odd for church expenses, and to that the colony assented. That was a pure addition to it; so that as far as the civil list was really concerned, it amounted in Guiana to only about 24,0001., the revenue being about 227,000/. In 1848 the Court of Policy put forward as grounds for refusing the civil list, that they. were so impoverished, that they were utterly unable to pay it. Now, when this was said, the revenue had not fallen off. On the whole, for the year 1848, it had in creased. The produce had not fallen off in that year, for they had exported 9,000 hogsheads of sugar more than iu 1847. That was no reason why reduction or economy should be refused; but there were serious ob jections to the mode by which it was attempted to enforce it. Suppose an Honourable Member in that House to say he would not vote the estimates unless they first reduced the civil list of the Crown, the obvious answer would be, that whether the country could or could not bear those estimates, that was not the time to introduce the question; it was connected with an Act of Parliament, and should be dealt with by an address to the Crown. Lord Grey did not assent to the course proposed by the Court of Policy, and refused to authorise the Governor to accept the vote of the estimates if the civil list were omitted. The colony did not take that advice. It answered, perhaps, by refusing the supplies, to embarrass the Government and plunge the whole colony into confusion. The lion. Gentleman said that when Mr. Barkly was appointed was the time to reduce the civil list. But Lord Grey never opposed a fair settlement of the question of the civil list. But the Noble Lord was of opinion, and he (Mr. Hawes) was also of opinion, that it would be the worst policy in the world to cut down the salaries of Governors in colonies such as Guiana, where the climate was dangerous and the cost of living enormous, for if they did so, few men of adequate ability would be found to accept the office. He had shown that the civil list was not what it was represented, but some thousands less—he had stated that his Noble Friend was prepared to consider the question of reduction, and he contended that the colonists had nothing on which to rest their case. They endeavoured to force the question of reduction, and it was because his Noble Friend was not to be driven from his government, nor led to desert his principles by a combination of men here or elsewhere, that he was now the object of that bitter assault of which they had had a specimen that evening. The lion. Gentle man left out of his motion the Mauritius. He entreated of him to include it. He said that the present Minis ters had deserted the principles they held when out of office, and deserved to be censured for their in consistency. He denied there had been any change of principle. He supposed that the Honourable Gen tleman would not say that 'in colonies like Ceylon or the Mauritius, where there was a great disproportion of races, and great inequality of condition, where the white population was small, and the coloured mule don large, that the same representative government should prevail as in other colonies. Far from it Lord Grey had always felt it his duty to watch the colonies, in order to see when they were fitted to receive representative governments. He might be accused of Proneness to make promises, bat these promises would speedily be fulfilled. Notwithstanding all the studied obloquy that had been cast on the Colonial-office. he would appeal to the House, after hearing the case fully stated, to give their support to the colonial policy of Earl Grey and himself, which was consonant with the general opinion and wishes of the Liberal party. What had been done, first of all, in Canada? When Earl Grey came into office, responsible government there wse scarcely more than a name ; it had been promised. but had not been actually carried into practice. Re sponsible government had now been formally anti perfectly established in Canada ; and notwithstanding all the convulsions of Europe, which, at a forme' time, with the distracted state of the French popu lation, might have led to serious consequences — in Canada perfect tranquillity had been preserved. A letter he had received from Canada that day seated that general tranquillity and perfect satisfaction with the Government prevailed, and with the upright and enlightened Administration of the Noble Lord at its head. In New Brunswick responsible government hat been established, as a dispatch laid on the table of the House would show. In Nova Scotia and Newfoundlanc also there was now representative government. In New foundland the conduct of the Governor had been beyond all praise; he bad carried that colony through two win ters of deep distress, and asked no aid from this country —(Hear, hear) —but by great personal exertion he had managed to preserve the people in tranquillity, arm to lead them on to future fields of useful industry, which would in all probability prevent that colony from eves suffering again from the careless, reckless mode of life which had formerly marked the inhabitants. He ha'; also introduced the cultivation of grain, and laid thf foundation of a grain diet for the people instead ei! potatoes.—(Hear.) He would now cross the globe to our Australian colonies. In a short time he should lay a Bill on the table of the House to confer representative institutions di the Australian colonies.--(Hear, hear.) Why was this? Because they were a British popula tion accustomed to representative government, knowing its forms and habituated to its usages; they knew how to wield, as well as how to moderate the power which representative institutions; would give them. Those in stitutions would be conferred upon them, ho hoped, with the consent of the House, in the present session of Par liament.—(Hear, hear.) But the , Hon. Gentleman taunted them for not giving local government to Ceylon. They had not, and would not do so. His Noble Friend and himself would be the last to incur such a responsibi lity, believing as they did that it would be mast injurious to the colony. They might next be taunted with not giving representative government to the Mauritius. But with the divided races, interests, and po pulations there existing, the colony was not in a situation to receive it. A new governor bad been ap pointed there—no acquaintance of his Noble Friend, Lord Grey; he went out instructed to inquire into the whole establishment there, and to revise the taxation and the expenditure of the colony. A great deal haft been done there already; the present governor had re duced the taxes by 37,0001. a year, exclusive of the emigration tax of 30,0001.; as appeared from a return which he held in his hand. And Lord Grey had sent out the new Governor with most stringent instructions to follow up that system, not being satisfied with the present reduction. He had now answered the Hon. Gentleman on most of the points which he brought be fore the House. He would not say that the spirit and temper with which this discussion had been introduced were likely to benefit the colonies. He could con ceive a calm and judicial-minded inquiry, so conducted as to afford aid and assistance to the colonial depart ment, so as rather to give satisfaction than create dis content in the colonies ; but unless the inquiry was con ducted in .a way different from that in which the subject had been introduced here, it would lead to no practical good. He tendered tho Hon. Gentleman his services, ' and all the aid and assistance he could render. He would' again say, he feared no inquiry ; Lord Grey feared no inquiry—(Hear, hear)—for his patronage had been honestly administered.—(Bear, hear.) A number of men had been placed at the head of the Colonial Governments, who did not deserve the description which the Hon. Gentleman had given of them.—(Hear, heat) He had said that no Governor had been appointed whose conduct reflected honour on himself, or conferred any benefit on the colonies. Mr. BAILLIE—No, no. I said no Colonial Minister. Mr. HAWES thought he could really recall the names of some Colonial Ministers who had not deserved this reproach. Did not Lord Stanley, when he abolished slavery, obtain the approbation of the country?—(Hear, hear.) Was that a matter of no importance? Was the policy pursued by Mr. Huskisson, in his administration of the colonies, a matter of no importance? He laid the foundation of several valuable local Acts. With regard to Lord Grey's patronage, he defied the Hon. Gentleman to impeach it. He had introduced into those colonies men of distinguished ability and high talent. Of this there could be no greater proof than the prosperity of New Zealand under great difficulties.—(Hear, hear.) Peace had been preserved, trade increased, the re venue improved; the native population were becoming gradually attached to the Europeans ; and there was a harmony of action and un ity o f pur pose in that colony which refle c t e d th e hi g h est credit on the gentlemen administering the govern ment. In Newfoundland, never was there a Governor who more assiduously, anxiously, and beneficially dis charged his duty. In Canada never was there a man more fitted than Lord Elgin for the important post which he filled. He might refer to Sir Edmund Head in New Brunswick. Who would impeach his character or ability, or condemn what he had already done in that colony in the discharge of his duty ? But the Hon. Gentleman laid great stress on the appointment of Lord Torrington, and said that he was utterly unknown and undistinguished, and merely a Lord of the Bedchamber. Surely, it was not to be considered altogether dis reputable that he had been a Lord of the Bedchamber. —(Laughter.) There might be ability even is a Lord of the Bedchamber. But Lord Torrington had shown himself a man of both energy and ability. His means were small ; he was a Peer of the Ream; and he had materially increased his fortune by agricultural in dustry and skill. He /had been selected by a body of intelligent, sharp, and sagacious directors—the directors of the South Eastern Railway—as an associate. He (Mr. Hawes) had been present at a dinner given by those gentlemen to his Lordship on leaving this country, and had heard the highest opinion expressed of his in telligence and business-like habits. While the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Baillie) had kept all other appoint• vents ought of sight, he (Mr. Hawes) had not shrunk from meeting him and dealing with this one. And now, having assured the House t hat this Committee would be granted, supposing the amendment were carried, he did not know whether the Hon. Gentleman would con sent to it. Mr. BAILLIE—Oh, no. Mr. HAWES thought not.—(Laughter.) . He would assume that the amendment would be carried, and th at the Hon. Gentleman would have the glory of dividing against it. He could only say that the Committee, if appointed, should have all the assistance he could render. He was perfectly convinced that the more Lord Grey's two-and-a-half years' administration was inquired into the more would impartial men declare that that admi nistration had been wise, honest, and sagacious. At this moment, when obloquy was surrounding him, he (Mr. Hawes) wished not to flinch from his share of it; he was perfectly ready to share in that obloquy; ho wished only he could share the honour of having done half the duty, T. discharged half the useful functions of his Lordship. Believi ng , as h e (M r . H awes ) did, th a t hi s Lordship's administration and patronage had been honest, and his measures goo d and w i se, an d esteem i ng it An honour to stand there, not to defend him, but aim-, TV F, SUN,' LONDON, ply to state his case, he confidently left that case in the hands of the House.—(Hear, hear.) Sir W. MOLESWORTH said that if in the course of his observations he animadverted upon individuais, it would not be with a personal animus, but because they were the representatives of a bad, expensive, and mis chievous system of colonial government. With the view of showing that an enormous and extravagant expendi ture in Ceylon had led to a great financial embarrass• went, and that that embarrassment produced the enact ment of bad laws, the Hon. Baronet went into an elabo rate statement connected with the fiscal affairs of the island, and argued that the mismanagement connected with them had seriously oppressed the Ceylonese. For the support of an ecclesiastical establishment they wore obliged to pay annually a sum of 9,0001. The salaries of officers attached to the revenue department were also enormous, and the heads of the legal department, in cluding fourteen appointments, cost 26,0004 in the year 1845, or an average annual sum of 6501. Some of the natives have deceived themselves with regard to the in tentions of toe Government, rebelled against the execu tive authority, engaged in riotous movements, and broke open the gaols. The Government was unprepared for such an exhibiton of discontented feeling—it was com pletely taken by surprfse, and the consequence was, that those natives were hung or shot without mercy. There appeared just ground of complaint on the part of the Ceylonese respecting the class of persons placed at the head of their legal departments. Persons who had never studied or practised the law were taken from their positions and appointed to high judicial situations, a fact which he found had been confirmed by no less an authority than Lord Torrington himself. The Colonial office nominated to important posts in the island brief less barristers, unacquainted with the habits, manners, dispositions, and language of the people. The law and the practice were completely at variance in the colony, and to such an extent was it carried on, that Sir Arthur Buller had declared his conviction that he could plunge the population into a state of anarchy.—(Hear, hear.) In the year 1845, the civil establishments entailed on the island an ,expenditure of 34,0001., which had since that period gone on increasing, and was likely still fur ther to increase. One of the reasons for this increase arose from the fact that some years ago, when a mania for the speculating in coffee sprung up, the Governor, Archdecon, and other authorities in the island, one and all, became involved to a large extent in this speculation. They made extensive purchases of coffee plantations, and so neglected their official business, that Lord Stanley, then Secretary for the Colonies, was compelled to issue an order, directing them to divest themselves ,pf their coffee estates, and, that the mandate might not be construed into an act of :harshness, the salaries and al lowances of most of those persons were increased. From official documents he found that the fixed expenditure of Ceylon might be calculated at 223,0001. Such colo nies as Ceylon, under the present system of manage ment, instead of being honourable appendages of this great empire, merely proved useful as receptacles for po litic/1 adventurers and their poor relations, or connec tions of men connected with office, generally speaking hopeless incapables, yet the ignorant constituencies at home were taught to believe that such costly possessions were among the brightest appendages of the State. The expenditure of Ceyl n had increased 50 per cent., while the income had increased only 15 per cent. within the last few years; in a little time they would be obliged to oorrow, and unless the expenditure could be reduced, they would ultimately become bankrupt. Between the years 1827 and 1831 the Ceylonese had paid 500,0001., making about one million and a half in the course of twenty years. He found, by a report of Commissioners ap pointed to inquire into the affairs of Ceylon, and other colonial possessions, a report which bore the signature ot the honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for he Colonies, that the expenditure of the island had been considerably under-estimated. The balance for he year 1845 was set down at 204,0001., and for 1846 at 206,0001., while they never amounted to more than one-halt of either sum, and the liabilities of the colony sad actually been included in its assets—(Hear.) From this report, the Committee arrived at the conclusion, hat in dealing with the financial affairs of Ceylon, they could reckon on an accumulating fund, and a constantly increasing revenue, whilst in reality this accumulating fund was a mass of liabilities, and the increasing revenue a deficit—(Laughter.) That report was submitted to various members of the Government and the Commis sioners of the Treasury, and it was quite evident that if the five Commissioners, after alaborious and zealous inves tigation, proved themselves so utterly ignorant of the finan cial state of the colony, no one man could understand ind master the complicated affairs of so many colonies as ;he Secretary for the Colonies had submitted to his con trol. He considered Lord Torrington was deeply to be aided on his arrival at Ceylon. He expected to have ound the island wealthy, and the treasury coffers well replenished, but instead of that he discovered bank ruptcy, and that his instructions were quite erroneous. He was placed in an exceedingly awkward dilemma, not knowing whether to remove or impose taxes. He re duced, however, the export duties on cinnamon, and abo eshed those on coffees; and he recommended the strictest economy in every part of the State. The Le gislative Council then imposed certain tax ordinances. Now some of those tax ordinances were not only unne cessary, but unjust. Perhaps Lord Torrington was not to blame for the imposition of those taxes, because he had in a great measure to trust to the Executive and Legislative Council. The shop-tax was repealed. The dog-tax had proved absurd, for it was a tax on does the owners of which could never be found, or rather who had no owner, and it was obliged to be given up. The Under-Secretary for the Colonies told the House that the gun-tax was im posed for the purposes of registration, and not for the purposes of revenue, but in a dispatch which he held in his hand, Sir Emerson Tennent said he proposed that the tax should amount to Is. 6d. annually, and that it would prove a source of abundant revenue. Now a gun tax for the purpose of registration was not objection able, but his felt decidedly opposed to an annual gun tax, which had the effect of bringing the natives a dis tance of forty or fifty miles. Tho Compulsory Labour tax, another of the Council ordinances, was nothing more nor less than a poll-tax of 3s. per head on every man who could pay 3s. Such a tax was contrary to all prin. ciples of taxation, for it was a graduated property-tax in the wrong direction. The conduct of the Govern ment of Ceylon with reference to these taxes, had been most inexplicable. In his dispatch of the date ot the 9th of July, Lord Torrington asserts that the taxes were misunderstood and partly misrepresented. The fact appeared to be that the natives fancied that all their worldly possessions would likewise be taxed, because they had been required to send in certain re turns which included the number of their wives and children, and likewise their cattle, and the natives not apprehending the nature of statistical information, which was the object of these returns, naturally thought that new taxes were in contemplation. It appeared, however, that Mr. Wodehouse and Sir Emerson Ten• nent had beets subsequently sent upon a mission among the natives to give lectures throughout the country for the purpose of dispelling those mistaken notions which they entertained with reference to the return which had been required. These gentlemen succeeded in their mission to a certain extent, but it was to be regretted that proper means had not been earlier adopted. The Government of Ceylon had endeavoured to free itself from blame with reference to the late outbreak in that country. He would observe, however, that when a Go vernment was too lazy, or too careless, to ascertain the causes of discontent, the practice usually was to at tribute it to designing individuals. But it was well known that there was no discontent without a cause, and if individuals took advantage of the discontent to pro mote objects they had in view, that discontent was not, therefore, to be attributed to them. They found that, upon looking at the taxation of Ceylon, that Lord Stan ley had increased the taxes, in order that he might be enabled to increase the retiring salaries of parties in office, and the Government of the island had increased the taxes for the making of roads, and for other pur poses, which entitled him to say that the taxes were in judicious. The Candians were only subject to the rule of this country since 1115; and it was to be remarked that they were totally distinct in their character from the in habitants of the frontier districts. The Hon. Member then referred to the history of a relic, to which the natives attached peculiar importance, believing, among other things, that the party in whose keeping the relic was should possess the (government of the island. Instead of preserving the relic in secure keeping, or of treating it with contempt, Lord Torrington, he said, had handed it over to the keeping of the native priests, and yet seemed t) recognise its power in the eyes of the natives, by making inquiry, when the war broke out, whether it was safely preserved. Instead of tracing the recent out breaks to the machinations of any individual, they should rather perceive that injudicious laws had sown the seeds of discontent, which had ultimately led the people into rebellion.—(gear, hear.) The Government of Ceylon was obviously ignorant of the feelings of the people. The rebellion, as it was called, he believed to have been no thing more than mere riotous proceedings, and he spoke so upon the testimony of parties in whom he placed re liance. The Honourable Member then referred to the executions which had taken place between the ith of August and the middle of September. One of the parties executed was a native priest, who suffered the punishment of death dressed in his priestly robes; and, in reference to that execution, he must say that it had surprised and pained him to hear the Under-Secretary for the Colonies (Mr. B. Hawes) at tempt to excuse the act of hanging up a priest in his robes.—(Hear, hear.) What, he would ask, would have been said if, during the late outbreak in Ireland, a priest of the Roman Catholic Church had been taken out to suffer execution dressed in his robes? But they found that Lord Torrington had not been satisfied with the ex tent of the executions, for it appeared that he had ex pressed his dissatisfaction that four priests had not been condemned. It also appeared that seventeen persons had been condemned to death by the Supreme Court, but the Chief Justice, upon considering the matter, had recom mended them to mercy. Lord Torrington, however, dissented from that opinion. Now, he (Sir Wm. Moles worth) wished that the gentlemen on the Treasury bench would say who was right in the matter, the Chief Justice who desired that no more blood should be shed, or Lord Torrington, who thought that enough blood had net been shed?—(Hear.) The severity of the Govern ment had been carried so far that the property of per sons had been confiscated in consequence of their being connexions of parties who had been implicated in the rebellion. It appeared that Lord Torrington had pro posed the passing of two Bills—one a Bill of Attainder, and the other a Bill of Indemnity—and the precedent chosen was that set by the Cape of Good Hope in De cember, 1834. But there was no similarity in the two cases. At the Cape of Good Hope thousands of fierce barbarians forced their way into the colony, destroying and burning houses and carrying off cattle, and creating the greatest consternation among the settlers. Sir Ben jamin D'Urban, aided by Sir Harry Smith, succeeded, however, in checking their career, and it having been found necessary to proclaim martial law, in consequence of the frightful character of the inroad upon tho colony, a Bill of Indemnity was subsequently obtained. It Was to be observed, however, that the Ceylca J3ill of Indemnity was a copy of the unareended Bill of the Cape, and a provision was copied into the Bill from the Bill of Indemnity passed in Ireland after the rebellion of 1798, which went to the extent of juatifyirg any one, acting under the ori:ers of Government, for any act committed by him during the rebellion. But what, after ail, had been the last act of Lord Torrington ? Why, the repeal or nic lification of the tax ordinances, thereby admitting that the people bad a just ground of cornplaint.—(Hear. hear.) The fact was, that financial embarrassment had led to the laying on of injudicious taxes, and these, combined with other matters, had led to the disastrous occurrences which had ensued, but even these had been so far successful that they had led tab a modification of the obnoxious tax ordinances. The real source of all these mischiefs was to be found in the colonial system—(Hear)—the attempt to govern men of whom we were utterly ignorant. The consequence was, misgovernment and general discontent in the colonies. When the discontent became loud, then some one called attention to the subject, but generally speaking they were contented with the i n f ormat i on which m i ght be commu nicated by the official authorities. The only remedy he conceived was, to transfer Ceylon to the East India Company.—(Hear, hear.) It was part and parcel of the East Indian empire. The products were nearly the same, and when troops were wanted in Ceylon they were wanted in the East Indies. It was morally impossible to govern Ceylon by the Colonial-office, partly because that men of distinguished ability would not accept of the government where the sphere of action was so limited as it was in that Island. Another reason fur the change would be, the saving that would be effected in the military establishment, which had increased in expense from 110,0001. to 134,0001. The question, he thought, therefore, was whether, under all the circumstances, it would not be desirable to transfer Ceylon to the East India Company.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ADDERLEY said he could not but regret that a great national question like the present should be met on the one hand by a mere trick, and on the part of the Under-Secretary of State (Mr. Hawes) by a personal defence. As far as he himself was concerned, he would rather return to Earl Grey than otherwise—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches)—because the Noble Earl seemed raised up by Providence to cleanse the colonial system.—(Opposition cheers.) He (Mr. Adderley) did not care who made the attack or who made the defence, so that they had the inquiry how they were to get out of the colonial system. It was said that the cases submitted in the motion as deserving of inquiry were so dissimilar that no satisfactory inquiry could possibly take place respecting them. But ho thought the dissimilarity of the cases was rather a reason why inquiry should take place than otherwise; for if it was found that in the three cases stated in the motion, so dissimilar as they were admitted to be in their nature, their colonial system of government had broken down, he thought an inquiry into each of these would be the best means of testing the principle of that government, and enabling them to arrive at correct views respecting it. He cared little how that inquiry was constituted, nor did he care what the result might he, provided it led to the bettering the condition of the colonies, for he did not know to what party in that House he belonged; he had no leader, and was a follower of no particular party ; but, seeing so disastrous consequences flowing from their present system of colonial government, he felt called on to give his aid in doing what it was considered would be the means of resn* dying those evils. The effect of that system on Ceylon was well known. He was not alto gether satisfied with the qualifications of Lord Torring ton, who had been sent out as Governor of that colony. It was true, the Under Secretary for the Colonies had told them that that Noble Lord was highly qualified for the office. But what were his qualifications? Why, the Hon. Gentleman had attempted to prove his qualifica • tions from the able manner in which ho had administered the affairs of a farmer in Kent. He had said that the Noble Lord was an amateur farmer in Kent.—(Laughter.) But if being an amateur farmer in Kent qualified him for the Governorship of Ceylon, it was a higher elevation than any amateur farmer in this country had as yet attained to. The Hon. Gentleman had also expressed his astonishment that the Hon. Member for Inverness had laid so much stress on the taxes imposed by Lord Torrington, but had altogether overlooked those he had repealed. The fact, however, was that had such been done, the case against the Government would have been made still stronger. So far from the efforts of Lord Torrington, to carry out what was called a system of free trade, he had reduced the revenue of the colony, and been obliged to impose other taxes in order to make up for the deficiency thus created. From the time that system was attempted, there was not a dispatch reached this country from the Governor of Ceylon, in which there was not an appeal for aid from the Home Govern ment, and an intimation that some new tax had been imposed. Ia consequence of those numerous and op pressive taxes being imposed, the rebellion arose, and the scenes took place which had already been detailed to the House. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by urg ing that the colonists should be allowed the privilege of local representation, as the best means of promoting their interests, and securing the peace and prosperity of the colony. Mr. F. SCOTT felt compelled to condemn the mode in which our colonies were dealt with. Hon. Gen tlemen on the opposite (the Ministerial) benches pro fessed to be admirers of a free constitution, and ;yet re. fused to colonies the benefit of it. The present Govern ment professed to be bent on retrenchment and eco nomy, and in Ceylon, whose revenue amounted to but 408,000/., they specially sanctioned charges amounting to 236,0001. Lord Grey, in one of his dispatches to Lord Torrington, laid down the extraordinary doctrine that the poverty of the colony, not its property, was to be taxed, inculcating the expediency of " endeavouring in the imposition of taxes to make them press, so far as prudence would admit, rather upon those who were con tent with a mere subsistence, than upon the possessors of property end the purchasers ot luxuries." In the same didatic essay upon the blessings of taxation, he stated that, as " the real welfare of mankind consisted not alone in the enjoying an abundance of the necessaries of life, but in their being also placed in a situation favourable to their moral improvement, and to their advance in civilisation," therefore " it might be for the true interest of the working classes that the contributions demanded from them towards the wants of the state should some what increase the amount of exertion required for pro curing a subsistence." He seemed to think that the true way to civilize was, not to send out missionaries from Exeter Hall, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer with a band of tax-gatherers.—(A laugh.) A tax upon rice was sanctioned by men who talked so much of the advantage of the poor man having untaxed bread.— (Hear, hear.) Those who complained were told to peti tion the Legislative Council; but they had no confidence in that resource; if there were a division the unofficial members would be sure to be in a minority; it would be merely appealing from the Governor to the Governor. The Legislative Council might be regarded as a packed council; and the Governor seemed to have a notion of a packed jury also, fur he wrote, "I have taken every rea sonable precaution to prepare a fair and respectable jury." All the mischiefs of which the House had been hearing were the consequences of a system which Lord Grey himself, when in the House of Commons, aptly described as " a bold irresponsible despotism." Sir R. PEEL—As I believe the House is agreed upon the main point at issue —namely, that there is to be an inquiry into the administration of Government in two, at least, of the colonies which have been named; and as the Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary (Mr. Hawes) challenges and insists upon inquiry into the specific facts stated by the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire (Mr. Baillie), I confess I wish it were possible, as there ap pears a common agreement on both sides of the House, as to the inquiry, by common understanding so to mo dify the terms of reference to the Committee that there should be no necessity for division with respect to them. —(Hear, hear.) In my opinion, quite apart from the particular points adverted to with great ability by the Hon. Member (Mr. Baillie), th ere wo uld be public ad vantage in an inquiry int o some matters connected with the administration of government in these colonies—an inquiry not intended to cast blame upon the parti cular Secretary of State who is now administering the functions of that department, but an inquiry calmly and dispassionately conducted into the system which has pre vailed, with a view of ascertaining whether there could be any modification or improvement of it calculated to give satisfaction and contentment to the colonies.— (Hear, hear.) Looking at the state of Demerara, look ing at the state of Ceylon, the proofs that there are of discontent in those colonies, whether well founded or nut, I should think, without reference to any personal and individual considerations, there might be advantage in one of those inquiries which have often been instituted by this House being acceded to by the Government, with out its being considered that that concession involved any censure of them. I recollect'one which continued through two or three sessions; it was moved by Lord Althorp, and assented to by the then Government, and not con strued into any censure upon them. So with regard to the general condition of these colonies. I say I think there mi g ht b e p u bli c a d vanta ge in an inq u i ry ; an d as for the challenge of the Hon. Gentleman, that, of course, constitutes another ground for inquiry; I presume, after his declaration, he will be among the foremost to urge the necessity of inquiry into the specific facts that are alleged. I should enter into it without selecting one particular Secretary of State as the object of condemnaa Lion; the inquiry would extend to the department under other Secretaries of State, not with a view of party triumph, but of really ascertaining the condition of these colonies, and increasing their satisfaction in British dominion.—(Hear, hear.) I say again I wish it could be arranged, avoiding the possibility of any inference that this was intended to revive protection, to specify the object of inquiry, and thus prevent the necessity for the amendment. I say at once, if it be an economical one—it' it he an inquiry into the financial and commercial condi tion of th ese co l on i es w i t h a view of revivi ng protection, or unsettling the minds of the colonists with regard to the possibility of it—l, for one, could not consent to the inquiry. —(hear, hear.) I think there would be great public ev il in d elu di ng c olonists by un expectation that the House of Commons would consent to an altera tion of that system of commercial policy which has re ceived its sanction.—(hear, hear)—but I think it would be possible to effect the purpose of the Hon. Gentleman by such an alteration of the terms of reference to the Committee as might preclude any misconstruction, if misconstruction there be with regard to his object.— (Hear, hear.) lam afraid I shall be thought fastidious, but I must confess I neither like the original motion nor the amendment; I dislike stating what our resolu tions are. Lets us pass Acts, and evince, our determine. tions by our acts—(Hear, hear)—as for declaring that this House is resolved to do a certain thing, I wish the necessity for such a declaration could be avoided.— (Hear, h ear .) N ow, it is impossible to di scuss t hi s matter without some reference to the papers that have been laid upon the table ; and I am bound to say I do think that i n t hi s b oo k which relate s t o Ceylon I find ample grounds to justify a motion for inquiry. —(Hear, hear.) Ido not mean to say a word anticipatory; bat these are official documents presented to us by the re sponsible Ministers of the Crown, and it is difficult to (Lim an a question of this ltinci and remain entirely ailent WEDNESDAY EVENING. REI3II - ITARY 21, 149:: with respect to the evidence presented to us. Sir, I cannot conceal the fact that the reading of these docu ments has left a very unsatisfactory impression en my mind—(Hear, hear)—and that 1 regret the general tone and spirit in which these dispatches are written.---(Hear, hear.) No man of long experience in public life is more inclined to make every allowance for the peculiar position of a Governor called upon to administer an important trust in times of greet difficulty, or disposed to make more increased allowances on account of the distance of a colony, which prevents us from judging with very great accuracy of the particular circumstances that may have called for the vigorous exercise of the powers entrusted to him.—(Hear.) I find there was a rebellion, and I find that that rebellion was suppressed. I bear in mind also, that if there had been inactivity, if there had been delay, then we should have been dis • posed to pass a harsh judgment, and to say that if at an earlier period there had been an administration of vigour, that rebellion would have been prevented. — (Hear.) I make allo,vances, I repeat, for the position of a governor in difficult times. Ido not quarrel with Lard Torrington for having shown a determination, by the early exercise of vigour and resolution, to prevent rebellion or to suppress it afterwards; but still I think that it would have been perfectly consistent with the administration of the greatest vigour and resolution to have spoken in a different tone and temper with regard to the executions which a great necessity imposed upon him.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") I take the case as it has been stated by the Hon. Gentleman the Under-Secre tary for the Colonies. I will admit, for the sake of argument, that these taxing ordinances, of which we have heard, had nothing to do with the rebellion. I will admit that the causes of rebellion were not casnal and occasional; but the more strongly I make that admission the greater alarm do I feel with respect to the condition of Ceylon, and the more do I deprecate the course which has been followed.—(Hear, hear.) I will grant that it was no casual outbreak, that it arose from no temporary evanescent cause. I will take the case upon your own showing, as given in the dispatches of Lord Torrington. He says, "I repudiate all supposed connexion between the taxation and the rebellion, in which opinion the ob servations of the Colonial Secretary, Sir E. Tennent, while travelling through the country, further confirmed me."---(Hear.) I give you the whole advantage of that statemenelhat the taxes had nothing to do with the rebel lion. The cause, then, was a much deeper seatedca more important, and a more formidable one. The cause of the rebellion, according to your own showing, was this, as I find in one of the dispatches:—" The chiefs and priests, always treacherous to the Government and hostile to British rule—above all, indignant at the course pursued towards them respecting their religion, have been look ing eagerly forward fur some pretence to fly to arms, and a plot of longer preparation, and of deeper or more de termined character, has seldom, if ever, burst forth."— (Hear, hear.) Then, if so, the cause of the rebellion inspires me with still greater apprehensions as to our fu ture tenure of power—l do not mean the absolute tenure of power by military force, but that tenure of power which is consistent with the satisfaction of the people— (Hear, hear)—because we have two great classes opposed to us, as appears from this dispatch, independent of the ignorant masses—that of the priests, and, next, the chiefs of the people.—(Hear, hear.) There are the priests of a religion of which, in another dispatch, this account is given—that it is an apathetic religion, not seeking conversions, not wishing to interfere with the religious feelings of others, contented with the establishment of Christianity, but most strenuous in as serting its rights and guarding against violations of its privileges.—(Hear, hear.) That is the religion of which these are the priests; and Lord Torrington says, I think with great force, " Above all, I cannot forget the expression which was r ddressed to me by one of the chiefs at a solemn confetance at the Pavilion at Kandy last year, to the effect, that if you neither respect our religion nor have regard to our customs, what is the benefit to us of the British Government?"— (Hear, hear.) Such is the address of a chief to the British Governor. He says nothing of commercial advantages—nothing of particular privileges enjoyed in consequence of submission to British rule; but two things he pleads for, "our religion and our customs; if you disregard the one and show no respect to the other, what benefit have we from British rule?" The Governor says, and wisely, "It made a deep im pression upon me." I only wish that impression had been more lasting—(Hear, hear)—and that in the heat and ferment of this rebellion the short emphatic sentence of the chief had occurred to the mind of Lord Torrington.—(Hear, hear.) How, when that rebellion was suppressed were the priests and the princes dealt with? Ido not complain of your extending to them the same severity that you extended to others; but, remem bering you had a religion to deal with, recollecting that you had an aristocracy to deal with jealous of ther per sons and privileges, I ask how do you reconcile it, not with wisdom but eith common sence, that you should shoot a priest in his robes—(Hear, hear)—and that when you inflict transportation upon a prince you think it necessary to subject him to corporal punishment?—(Hear, hear.) It is impossible I can discuss this question with out giving vent to feelings that these facts have left on my mind. If the rebellion was flagrant, or it the neces sity for example was 'urgent, still I cannot understand the necessity for visiting on a priest the extreme rigour of the law; but in a country where the priesthood was disaffected, and where, according to your own showing, itiwas a deep-rooted feeling, and not the result of taxation, was it not the height of folly to insult the fol lowers of that religion by inflicting punishment on a priest in his sacerdotal robes?—(Hear, hear.) It a priest had been convicted for rebellion in Tipperary, and it had become necessary to inflict capital punishment on him, if he was executed in any dress which he chose, or even in the prison dress, there would have been general acqui escence in the justice of the sentence; but you would insult the spiritual brotherhood, and you would cast a slur on their order, if yon chose to insist, not only on punishing the man, but stigmatizing and insulting the profession to which he belonged, by making him be hanged on a scaffold in his canonical dress, and their feelings and indignation would be shared by millions throughout every part of the country.—(Hear, hear.) And this feeling of indignation will be the stronger the more the religion is separated from the true spirit of that common Christianity that influences all forms of religion in this country. The religion of that people is more likely to deeply resent an insult offered to their rulers than wo should find in this country.—(Hear.) Then with respect to the Prince, the pretended King, as he is called—and I care not whether he was so or not— I find Lord Torrington says, " After carefully review ing the recommendation of the judge for mercy to the pretended King, I have arrived at the conclusion that under all the circumstances it would be expedient not to carry the sentence of death into execution, The dread of transportation among the natives is almost greater than that of death." If so, then transport them. It may be regarded as more severe than death, being a separation fur ever from home and friends. It is so in Ireland, where a sudden removal from friends is con sidered as severe a punishment as death. But then, after the admission that transportation is as severe as death in the estimation of an inflamed and excited public, who could expect that it would be followed by a sen tence such as is here stated :—" It is my intention that the sentence shall be commuted into transportation for life, and, by way of making a more lasting im pression upon the minds of the Candians, I propose that this pretended King shall receive a severe public flogging at Candy preparatory to his transportation."— (Hear, hear.) A priest was shot in his full canonicals; and a king, preparatory to his transportation, is sub jected to a severe public flogging!—(Hear, hear.) Now, making every allowance for the position of Lord Tor rington; thinking it highly probable that severe mea sures were necessary—that we are indebted to him for the manifestation of vigour and resolution he exhibited, and that they may have prevented an outbreak that would have been most formidable, still I think it might have been possible for a man to exercise acts of vigour and authority with abstinence from other acts not merely calculated to deter by the example of punishment, but tending to alienate from u 3 the minds of a whole population, brought up with prejudice, viewing our do minion with distaste and jealousy, and disposed to resent an act which is not merely an exception, but visits the whole population, by implicating them in the disgrace of the punishment.—(Hear, hear.) I could not but give vent to my feelings on this subject, nor refrain from expressing the pain I have received in perusing the dis patches of Lord Torrington to which I have just re ferred.—(Cheers.) Mr. HORS MAN thought they owed a debt of grati tude to the Chief Justice of Ceylon for the humanity with which he had interposed to prevent further execu tions in the island. As inquiry was about to take place, he felt it unnecessary to enter upon the many questions which our colonial policy embraced, and would only ex press the satisfaction he felt that a Committee was to be appointed. Lord J. RUSSELL—After the speech of my Hon. Friend (Mr. Hawes) I do not feel that the conduct of Earl Grey requires any further vindication; yet, agree - ing to the appointment of a Committee, I do think it necessary not to pass wholly without notice some obser vations of the Hon. Gentleman who brought forward the motion, and some remarks that have been made with respect to-the affairs of Ceylon in the course of the de bate. The Honourable Gentleman who brought forward the motion indulged in an attack of such personal bit terness as I have seldom heard, and endeavoured to suppress as completely as he could any facts favourable to the administration of the Secretary of State for the Colonies or the Governor of Ceylon. The Hon. Gentle man began his speech with stating that this was a case is which Lord Torrington, finding when he arrived at Ceylon that there was a deficiency of revenue to meet the expenditure, thought proper immediately to impose certain direct taxes. Now, the fact is, as the Hon. Gen tleman might, have learned from the papers, and as my Hon. Friend has shown, that there were certain export and import duties in Ceylon, some of which had become so unproductive that the revenue was unable to meet the expenditure. There was more especially the export duty on cinnamon and on coffee ; and when Lord Tor rington took the Governorship of Ceylon these duties were found to have very greatly diminished. So far, however, from Lord Torrington originating the proposal of new taxes, the former secretary of the colony, Sir E. Tennent, litid made out a set of taxes for the island, and Lord Torrington had only to consider how he was to carry the arrangement into effect,—(Hear, hear.) There was one remarkable circumstance of which the Hon. Gentlomtin took no notice,—that the production of coffee had increased to such an extent that for two years the greatest distress prevailed among the coffee planters. From ere being no export of coffee n d when the island sent 30,0 00,000 lb. into the market, P lB2 n 3 t , c it theirs amounted in 1845 to 1 6 , 000 , 000 1 b ., an d in 1830 it had increased to 30,000, 0001 b. , while the w hole consumption was not nor° than 37,000,0001 b. A t, it ha o d ff with the West Indies and the Joan% g reat reduction of coffee g c r o ( m m p e e r t s e , gn in constaluence of which there w o prices, i nd much distres s amon g the planters. Was it not vise then to relieve these planters as far as possible from the burdens (Um, 'hear.) But the onourl4 sed upon them ? 1e Gentleman, with studious care, avoided that part of the question, and represented Lord Torringten es volunteering a system of finance solely for she purpose of having direct taxa -1 tion.—(Hear, hear.) -lie read a dispatch of Lord Tor rington on the mithiect of the gun-tax; but there is a passage immediately previous which states that Sir Colin Campbell had left an ordinance imposing the gun-tax, and that he, concurring in the views of Sir C. Campbell, had taken up the matter, and carried the tax into etfect. (Hear, hear.) It would not have suited the Honourable Gentleman's purpose, however, which was to show that Lord Torrington was the author of the rebellion by first imposing these taxes, to read this passage; and therefore be did not read a word of that part of the dispatch.—(Hear, hear.) Then the Honourable Gentle man concluded his speech by bringing a most unusual charge against Lord Grey, of having made a speech in the House of Lords in which he did not give a fair ac count of a certain memorial that was presented to Government from Jamaica. Having indulged in every sort of misrepr, s , ntatiies, and having suppressed the truth in almost every instance, he charge d Lord Grey with respect to a speech iii the House of Lords, of which none of us can have any accurate account—(Oh, oh!) —and had you, Sir, been aware that he was referring to a speech in the House of Lards, you would, no doubt, have been induced to notice it as disorderly. I believe, however, that that speech was of a totally different cha racter from that which he has represented it. The Hon. Gentleman says it was a speech representing that there was greet prosperity in Jamaica. I believe, however, it was a speech made to show that property in Jamaica was changing hands, and going into the possession of a different and smaller class of proprietors.— (Hear.) But I submit, that while the Hon. Gentleman is not capable of giving a NI- account of Lord Grey's dispatch, and of Lord Torrington's dispatch in answer to his, he is not entitled to found a charge against Lord Grey with reference to a speech on which people differ as to what was its meaning and substance.—(Hear, hear.) I come now to a mote painful part of this subject, namely, the insurrection which took place in the island of Ceylon. The Hon. Gentleman has described the insurrection as being entirely owing to the tax ordinance. I, on the contrary, view it as being the result of plans long con ceived, of cherished feelings of hatred, of a deairo of independence of British rule, and of feelings of resent ment at a want of attention being shown to the priests and to the head men and chiefs of the natives. I am inclined to believe, however, the tax ordinance may be the immediate occasion of the insurrection, that the nc • count given by Lord Torrington, corroborated as it is by various other authorities, is the true account with re- , spect to the origin of that insurrection. lam confirm e d in that belief by seeing that Ceylon has not been, as the Hon. Member for Montrose has described, from the year 1811, a colony entirely peaceable, but that in the year 1818—thirty years ago—there had taken place an , insurrection founded upon similar motives; founded on a wish to obtain independence on th e p art o the Cana dians, and a desire to restore their religion in all the splendour in which the followers of Buddha ever re joiced. That insurrection lasted for more than a year. The lives of many people were lost in conflict, and no less than 28 persons were sentenced to be shot by mar tial law. That law continued in operation not only during the rebellion, but for a year or two after. With respect to this part of the subject, therefore, I must say that I think we are indebted to Lord Torrington for the energy he displayed in the commencement of this insur rection, and that instead of its lasting twelve months, with a loss of the lives of many British soldiers and natives, it was quickly suppressed, and the country restored to quiet. We have an account that while a small British detachment were on march, 20,000 natives were on the watch to intercept and surround them. There are also accounts of the people meeting at other places in order to greet their King, and to rise in insurrection; but all these attempts were quickly suppressed.—(Hear.) Without referring to any opinion which Lord Grey may entertain with regard to the merits of Lord Torrington, •I will give you the opinion of Sir Herbert Maddock, a name carrying with it that authority which belongs to a man who has been long conversant with the affairs of India, who has held a high character among the public servants of the company in that country, and who is entirely im partial in any estimate lie may have formed with respect to the conduct of Lord Torrington. He says, in express ing his high approbation of the able and well-arranged plans of the Governor of Ceylon, that by the prompt distribution of his military resources at the inception of the insurrection to those points where the insurgents ap peared unexpectedly in great force, and where, if not checked, they may have been enabled to overrun the country and spread havoc and ruin throughout the island, Lord Torrington preserved the lives and pro perties of the European settlers, and all the ocher loyal and peaceful subjects of her Majesty in that important province ; and he unhesitatingly stated his belief that the people of Ceylon were directly indebted to the person at the head of that colony for that security, peace, ancitranquillity which now every where prevailed. So far from giving such a character of Lord Torrington as the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Baillie) has been pleased to give—probably without any know ledge either of the character or of the abilities of that Noble Lord ; though I do not accuse him of forming the same estimate of governors in general as the lion. Member for Southwark does, who takes them all in a lump, and calls them " privileged incapables,"—Sir Herbert Maddock has distinctly declared that the people of Ceylon owe the tranquillity of the country and the safety of their lives to that able person. I find, likewise, at more than one public meeting, a similar expression of opinion given as to the ability and energy with which the insurrection was suppressed. I say, therefore, with respect to the first part of the insurrection, and the manner in which it was subdued by Lord Torrington, he deserves thanks and not blame for the energy and promptitude which he exhibited.— (Hear, hear.) Now, with respect to the punishments which were afterwards inflicted, I confess I feel that, upon that subject I am not a competent judge as to the extent of punishment which was necessary in order to preserve the lives and the property as well of the British settlers as of all the other subjects of her Majesty in Ceylon. It certainly would appear to me, in looking at the correspondence between the Chief Justice and Lord Torrington, that the Chief Justice took a more able, and I should say a more politic view of what it was prudent at that time to do. Lord Torring ton concurred in the recommendation of the Chief Justice, and, in effect, those persons whom that recommendation regarded were transported. With repect to the court , martial I know not of any reason to presume that Colonel Drought was a person likely to be guilty of any cruelty in conducting that court-martial; or that he at all gave way to any excess of severity merely from any gratifi cation that he might have had in the exercise of his power. , I presume therefore that Colonel Drought thought it ne cessary to inflict those punishments. With regard to the conduct of Lord Torrington with reference to those punishments, it consists only in the expression of his general satisfaction and approbation of the con duct of Colonel Drought, a satisfaction which I must say was shared by many of the inhabitants of Ceylon. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth (Sir R. Peel) has spoken of two particular punishments; first, with respect to the execution of a priest in his sacred habiliments; and, secondly, with respect to the corporal punishment which was inflicted upon a native prince. Now, as to these two facts, I must decline giving any opinion upon them.—(Derisive cheers and laughter from the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial benches.) I confess that with regard to facts of that kind, when they are merely stated as such, unaccompa nied with other circumstances, I should not feel that there was sufficient reason for such an infliction of pu nishment; but, at the same time, I am far from thinking it impossible that there might be peculiar circumstances in the state of the minds of the people, alter the insur rection had just been suppressed, which did render those punishments justifiable on the part of those in au thority.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But it is said that Lord Torrington has shown a disregard to the religion of the people. Now on this subject I must say, having been myself Colonial Secretary, that although it is very easy to say—" Pay every respect to the religion of the natives; take care that DO kind of contempt is shown to their religion, and that every regard is paid to their rites,"—although that is very easy to say, yet no Gover nor is exactly able to preserve the line which he might think it best to preserve in the situation in which a British Governor is placed. I remember having written a dispatch to the Governor of Ceylon, pointing out to him the line of conduct he should follow ; but of this I am convinced, that this is a danger to which a Go vernor of a colony is constantly exposed. If he appears in any way to neglect the religions rites of the natives ; if having, in consequence of being Governor, the temples and the lands belonging to them in his hands, he does not apply their produce to the rites of the followers of Bramah, he then offends the re ligious feelings of the natives, and runs the risk of ex citing very grave discontent. But if, on the other hand, he continues to pay to those rites, to those temples and to their priests, all the respect which the former native Government have shown, then we find that in this country, and even in this House, there is raised an accu sation that idolatry is respected—(Hear, hear)—that British Governors show their contempt for Christianity by the deference and the forbearance with which the most superstitious, and sometimes the most disgusting rites are treated ; and wo are asked at public meetings throughout the country, and in speeches in this House, to condemn the conduct of those who show themselves to be so unfit to be the Ministers and Governors ap pointed by a Christian Queen.—(Hear.) Let me tell the House, therefore, that between these opposite dangers the line is by no means so safe, so definite, and so easyast se, who by their speeches would lay down a guide fo r the_ conduct of our Governors, would seem to suppose. ton , more (Hear, hear.) With respect to Lord Torring - especially, I believe that with regard b to ty a former Secre tary his subject he has received instructions, some given of State, and some by t he to fetter and to control his conductre es w n respect-hwhich tend to much temples. This may be autdr;onegobthuetr Imadttoerstrausfitttsbuabtjeicut for the Committee to co n: i nvest i ga ti n g that subject they will show that forbear ance which ought to be shown, and that they will wieisl.l elodno sider the persons w ho have to administer n d e m a i s n t i e s r ter co either in India or in any of those trust they will consider that between the two path s , b ot h of which are be set with difficulties, it requires th e ut most temper and discretion to choose the line which it is prudent, and at the same time wise to pursue. Having thus spoken of the affairs of Ceylon, I certainly shall not say much with regard to the affairs of Guiana to which the Hon. Gentleman has referred. Ido not agree in what the Hon. Gentleman has stated with regard to what has fallen from me on a former occasion. As far as I remember, I said I was quite ready to agree to an emigration ordinance, but that I did not think it was right that a loan should be raised for that purpose. I thought that the whole expenses should be charged upon the colony. Lord Stanley consented to an ordinance with a loan. Neither can I agree with the Hon. Gentle man in the opinion he has expressed, that Mr. Barkly has at all forfeited his claini to respect in this House, by aCcePtiug rho goTornonhip of British Guiana. On the contrary, I consider that he has given an example which he has done well to set—by showing that, with out reference to any former party differences, he was ready to go to a colony where his influence might be of use in reconciling the opinions of the inhabitants to the mode of government to which they were required to submit. And Abe it observed, that when the Hon. Gentleman finds fault with Mr. Barkly for accepting the Governorship of Guiana, he is one of those who is con stantly blaming her Majesty's Government because they choose none but their own partizans and connexions for offices of that kind. He says, in the first place, "Here is a Government who choose none but their own friends to fill Colonial appointments ;" and then, in the next place, he says, "If I ,find a person accepting any of those appointments who does not belong to the Ministe rial party, I will take care to hold up his conduct to reprobation."—(Cheers and laughter.) I have here a list of the appointments which Earl Grey has made ; and I think that his appointments of Governors show a very careful desire to select men of ability for those offices. I know myself how difficult it is very often to find a person well qualified for the post who will consent to leave this country for a distant colony. I believe in the case of Ceylon the Governorship was 9ffered to four persons before it Was proposed to Lord Torrington. I know with respect to several other governorships, that they have been offered to men whom it was thought desirable to place in those offices, but that the hope of their acceptance was disap pointed, and the appointment of the Minister defeated. So untrue is it that these appointments are always soeght as objects of desire—and so untrue is it that this patron ' age is a great object of desire to the person who fills the office of Secretary of State for the Colonies, On the contra=ry, it is very often a matter of the utmost diffi culty to find a person qualified to fill the office of Go vernor. I will read a list of governors appointed by my Noble Friend: —Canada, Lord Elgin; New Brunswick. Sir E. Head; Bahamas, Mr. Gregory; Barbadoes, Co lonel Reid (who has been succeeded by Sir W. Cole brooke); Gibraltar, Sir R. Gardener; Malta, Mr. M. O'Yerrall; Mauritius, Mr. Anderson; Labuan, Sir J. Brooke; Hong-Kong, Mr. Bonham; South Australia, Sir H. Young. Such is the general nature of the appoint ments which Lord Grey has made for the colonies,— (Cheers.) The list shows, I think, that generally speaking his appointments have been made with great care. Much as I value that system of self-government which we as Englishmen naturally think the best rule for the colonies, I believe, with respect to many of our colonies, it is of still more importance to make a good selection of Governors.—(Hear, hear.) I believe that • Governor well chosen does generally so far conciliate the good opinion of those with whom he acts as to enable him to carry many measures which would otherwise fail in their purpose.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman has made this, which might have been a motion for in quiry into most important objects, and which may still have a beneficial effect—he has chosen to make it the occasion, and hardly anything but the occasion, of a bitter personal attack against two individuals, Lords Grey and Torrington, on account of their management of these affairs.—(Hear, hear.) This will not prevent us from giving our assent to the appointment of a Com mittee to-night in the very terms in which it is asked, but with something like the addition proposed by my Hon. Friend behind me; because I think that after the experience of last year—after the long inquiry which took place with respect to the sugar and coffee planta tions, it would be a great misfortune if it were under stood that the House had appointed a Committee with the view of re-opening the question of protection.— (Hear.) I cannot but believe that if the Committee were appointed solely in the words of the Hon. Gentleman, then an opinion might be fostered in the minds of some that by bringing witnesses before the Committee they might succeed in shaking the opinion of the Committee, and finally of this House, in the system of commercial policy which we have adopted. Like the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Tamworth, I certainly per ceive both in the original motion and in the amendment terms that may well be objected to; but I believe that my Hon. Friend does not intend to do any more than commit the House to say, that in opposing the Com. mittee we do not intend to alter our policy. Conceiving that some such words are necessary, I shall support the motion of my Hon. Friend.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI—I wish to trouble the House oz for a few moments before the division takes place, if one shall be called for, upon the motion of my Hon. Friend. That the House may clearly understand that motion, I beg the particular attention of Hon. Members to the terms on which it is framed, because there seems to exist a singular misconception of them. The motion is for "a Select Committee, to inquire into the grievances com plained of in the Crown colonies of Ceylon and British Guiana, and to report to the House whether any measures can be adopted for the better administration and government of those dependencies." Now it was certainly the intention of my Hon. Friend to have in duced the House to consent to the Committee of Inquiry only into the administration and government of those dependencies. Nothing could be fur ther from his intentions than to ask that the inquiry should at all touch upon their commercial relations—(Hear, hear)—or the fiscal rela tions connected with their commerce; and I think that any Gentleman who heard the address of my Hon. Friend must have felt from its tone that such an intention was foreign to his thoughts. After the notice of his motion had been given, however, there appeared before the House an amendment which I confess surprised me as well as many other Gentlemen, and none more than my Hon. Friend.—(Here the Hon. Member quoted the terms of the amendment.) When my Hon. Friend found this amendment placed upon the table of the House, he felt considerably embarrassed. He bad no idea of ex citing a free-trade debate; and he thought he bad guarded himself sufficiently against it by the terms of his motion. In consequence of that amendment, my Honourable Friend to-night in the most scrupulous manner avoided touching upon any topic which could by possibility be misrepresented by the inge nuity of any free-trader into an approach to that sub ject. My Hon. Friend particularly avoided touching upon the circumstances of Lord Torrington reducing import duties, and introducing direct taxation, lest it might be said that he had made a sinister attack upon the new commercial system. And yet, because he did so, he is accused of a suppression of facts.—(Hear, hear.) It is perfectly obvious that if my Hon. Friend had commenced his speech by informing the House that the first thing Lord Torrington did was to destroy the re venue created by import duties, and to introduce a sys tem of taxation, the Hon. Member for Stoke would immediately have had some locus slandi for his amend• ment ; but instead of that my Hon. Friend confined himself to the sheer merits of the case; so that when the Hon. Member for Stoke rose, ho found himself in the position of what strategists call making a diversion, except that in this case it was generally felt that the diversion was not very diverting.—(Loud laughter.) What is the conduct of the Honourable Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies under these cir cumstances? He comes forward in a tone of impetuous; eloquence carrying everything before him, bat at the same time telling us, " Don't think I am at all annoyed; I shall give you the Committee you ask for; what we want is inquiry, and you shall have it." A great many gentleman—it being then a very critical hour—left the House—l do not know whether they have returned, but I believe they went away under the impression that no division could possibly take place, as the Government had assented to the inquiry. Later in the evening, h w o a w rz e r r i , n as hie th s e pee l e i h on , h . o G re en pe tl a e t m od a , n „ waxed ye eehe wa rmer ha re andth th e inquiry, that is to say"—and then the lion. Gentleman turned round to his colleagues for instructions, in order to ascertain whether he should grant what he had pro mised twenty minutes before.—(Laughter.) Then the in quiry was again promised; but only on condition that the House accepted the amendment.—(Hear, hoar.) Reilly, for an Honourable Gentleman who, like the Under-Secretary, without circumlocution of phrase, accused my Honourable Friend of having treated this subject in a manner singularly disingenuous and unfair—l think for an Hon. Gentleman who makes that accusation it was certainly conduct neither fair nor ingenuous to promise at once a Committee, and in a quarter of an hour afterwards to repeat the promise with a condition attached to it which he knew we could not accept.—(Cheers.) I think it would not be credit able to the House that it should accept it. I only ac count for such conduct by the excitement of the Trea sury bench, because the Under Secretary most decidedly told us that while he consented to the Committee, ho did not believe it would be of any use; whereas the Prime Minister has since told us that he feels it to be 7 3 1 /, e in quiry which may be attended with very beneficial n • —(Hear, hear.) My Hon. Friend has been e sharply__ Under attacked by the Noble Lord, as well as by , owar d s Secretary, on account of his personal bitterness 6 ), lion. Lord Torrington and Lard Grey. Ccrt ain o l i the public Friend did mention that he was not awa r e claims of Lord Torrington to importance and trust —language whichd I believe he also is peculiarly offensive—(bear) —and an ffi doof not c h think mentioned that Lord Torrington had previously been g g filled the office of a Lord o o f n t e known Bedchamber —an t o fame ac h e a T a t s a r s y c . ) %a r u a g n h d t e m r. a ) lign W an e t as boabysienrvation which, I submit, can also listened to the' de lhiastrednlyedbteo called the o.t t a uct n k os P ne w: e r h rs i ent da r y we; and, as far as I could upon Lord 'Torrington, should rather imagine that wh en Lord Torrington abny t he n opinion,is made acquainted with both, he win prefer the attack to the defence.—(Gre a t l aug h ter.) Th e agr icultural eulogium which he passed upon Lord Tor rington ma y be deserved, and may prove agreeable to his feelings ; but the singular allusion, that having been a director of the South-Eastern Railway Company, and having received a testimonial for his conduct, he was. consequently qualified to be a governor of a colony , would hardly h ave b een hazarded by any one but an Under-Secretary whose public services had also been re cognized iu the same manner—who had also received a public dinner, and, I believe, a present of a testimonial.—[Mr. HswEs—" No.") I had thought that after certain remarkable services of the Hon. Gentleman in a celebrated Committee he had re-- ceived a testimonial; but probably his purity of feeling prompted him to refuse it.—(Laughter.) He was, at all events, present at the dinner which was given to Lora Torrington, and it was perhaps the genius of the place and the importance of the occasion which had suggested the remembrance of the distinguished post of the Noble Lord to the Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.) Fon with respect to the bitterness with which my Hon. lArielT is said to have attacked Lord Grey —the Noble Lore; certainly mistaken in supposing that my Hon. Fri . e: . ° o said anything which seemed to imply a censure up?f s because he employs the friends and members of hi s withu party. The Noble Lord must have been hau_nr u trsno . what he has react in the morning journals, tu ch of my (erred the remarks he had seen there to the speech Honourable Friend, which containedrapoL of the ble Friend wait kind.—(Loud laughter.) y also sharply rated because M and the Noble which had occurred in another place, "13 be referred to something , Lord seemed to think that you, Mr. Speaker, should hue i nter f ere d t o rap 110 . MerratiOnn bat Wins go/ MIR .:7 -- - - - ,