The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-25 00:00:00

h a l tl e wlic objected to war in the abstract, he confessed he keret; ll:apathy for those who denounced the i war for buil_ o annercial purposes. (Ch . eers.) He ha, n .f 1,-- Y f or those who would suffer insult to the country, i bYti resistance they diminished t he . sales of their cotton ; 3 1' Re did not believe in a calico millenium. (Cheers :°and Laughter.) It *weakn a Chr:stian prin . ci a p u le d th h a e t d h id e , 1:110 1 defend the aeainst the dron e , 41'111?esitate to record his vote in favour f the resolutions ht right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire. . g ri 'WILKINSON was of opinion that the present war v lll ie l e ll i ii t tr i a great extent, be ascribed to the impression d c trived to convey to the late Emote the Peer I?arty a h t a this en conntry would not resist his l a i g er eit ' i e °2 3° .• R u e s t s h la nu t g h ht the motion of the right hon..me us he1:e,,14 Xanchester (Mr. Gibson) the most . mischievous i . `,..nae_ rted on the journals. The resolutions of the right oph ii feober for Bucks were calculated fairly to elicit the th e e,"? of the house ; but as they unfortunately bad . for vi e ; °° Ject to damage the Government, who, in his view, tle:thot amenable to blame, he should vote for the amend- Th e 1 r n ti ;,._ welarquis of GRA . .NBY thought they ought tofisnu lsiether the intentions of Russia treaty a a d y i eally been o . t of Adrianople, „„,%. ive character. Ever since the t aeuelerOdiwas signed 26 years ago, Russia had had the power, Ple mea n g to Lord Aberdeen, to march at any time she . topi c ," Pon Teheran on the one side, or upon Constant' sh e , 1 :1 ,1 the other. Had she done so? , It was said thtt . tat been biding her time, and that it•was not till l•o.3 t• on to take the decisive . st eh. " bad found herself in a the ERut the Times newspaper year declared that if reNeeroe Nicholas had sent 20,090 men to Constanti eat_O, day. after Prince /1 hikoff returned from d b . his the city. Why, then, di he not 4° he might have taken • Hamilton Seymour, h .aril so? From the report of Sir Hamilton expedition. Prince . Ale n 4,903 troops disposable for Ivrt.l . ,, lll koff left on the 21st of May, and Count Nesselrode, th e L ;ig ten days later to Reschid Paeba, assured him that te e, 'nPeror had no intention of making war on the Sul ant to him. That IN !lid that such war would be re u Sul this reason why he did not takePCgonnstantinople. The th e ni)einta aimed at two objects. The first was to attach by r e '1 ( .1 11 o.Empire more closely . to the balance of power, that irucations of the existing treaties ; and it appeared had assented to that pro- Poeti,`, Le Russian Government se p , o u_n, only it had refused to enter into a guarantee to th e ,- th it tliat arrangement by arms. The second part of ittN i • ir i d Point was the limitationof the preponderance of had l a -a the Black Sea. Now, he did not hick that we itio i :V • more right to say Russiathat should not build the ha i n a. certain number of shipsin her own ports than at p or n e limit the number we might it choose to construct allo w r eolith or Sheerness. But sia had offered to patio the Dardanelles to be opened toships of war of all he , t1 11 8, ,,, 9ae Sultan having power to w e se them whenever 1 ) t0,',° 4 ? 1 - , t there was . danger.. And ?It) objected to that qoi" ' 1 • The Turkish ministerh . self. The Russian thateParuent also made a second proposition, to the effect , sh o Ale h Black Sea should be closed, butth:aut giving u S g nl fi ta v n e mays , re Power to open the Dardanelles st, e notic e of his intention; and Austria had declared that Atesta, in that offer elements for renewed negotiations. If lho_sryt thought ',there were elements for negotiations, why ho:1801,1 totthis country consider Austria's propositions? The Tx:)si ti h ad been Veld that Austria had actually made a pro the h °4 ; he trusted that before the closeof w t s h s a . t H d e eb w a a te s ait z; ,°ose would know what thatproposition 14 e 17:18., he Peace, provided it were bent st an . d honourable, deal " n ear(' with regret upon , that . occasion men who thei r e eci Peace stigmatised as not caring for the honour of iti a i i e e e entry, He however believed that there was no le e ,_ that house who desired the'M'able terms. (Hear.) At the same time, het hought peace on any otr t a se e _ -teoglan.d should not remain at war an hour after Do w LY essential end had been game , she was too great a tial Jens be influenced by aught else than what was essen be right that l ee 1, and right. What we believe to b„rl,l maintain but we ought not to al ow ourselves bet t ' a. ,_ePt in a state of war by it being_ said that we had the orkela Sebastopol, or we had not obtained possession of ' lf C o ken What was desirable was this, that the House upou thetlueions should declare what was right and just ; th,c:elaration it was for the executive to act. It was 11114 bl' h the eto 'neh considerations as these that . he felt himself agree with the motion of h . is right hon. friend His right hon, fri",„t;lernher for Bucks (Mr. Disraeli). ap,,: (l said that he was desirous t of shutting the door ith that pro 'ea'll:tfoileotiatioil. b e pet in r i -, }? , so doing H he e thought d ilo a great difficulty would 11'4 tbat e Way of a safe and honourable peace. Nor ,- riling all—hy voting for the motion, he would be weak- toi li f' B ,',ne hands of her Majesty's G nment, and so di thie,ulng their influence throughout to E c u i r s op eo e. unt S ry uc , h hy a pi.,,1;;,w9.1d, he feared, be disastrous b cm ed, and he felt 4 t 4, " ' ging the contest in which it w t ight b 0 therefore, to vote againasetetnliegmotion of his 4 4 i ' 4 n• friend. L e v i' L"'• PRILLrmoRE said that it was his intention the e r r " for the motion of his hon. friendththeoetemerber for ) and be he of Oxford (Sir W. 1 , an unpopular course, Le N t g , !'ll.a in so doing hewas ta ti is e his reasons for so doe,„ It his duty to state to the this °,* ,The hon. member .for Lamb_oerththbeadvigoobrjoeucstepdroto_ kotii,()Lien because he said he was f Peti t ,' ll of the war; but those whhoatwethreat a w n a x r io s us hou fo ld r es pr - o w B Were not the less desirous . t qtr t • e ctited with vigour if that peace couldHneo(tmbre. Ai l . 41 ed u 1, ' l li% Pon safe an with the tt „` p re) could not a„.4:il.eehonourable t noble erm lo s' rd who had ht that 41 . e , 81 :, °t 'en, when he said thathßuTssuirakienyt.enHdeedthionutahe eorn ilieniZteent to act honourably Illit - e 'Prtant details furnished by SirHS h ey a ni ve ou ex r is b t a e d d lie,„ eisp osed of any d o ubt which might / Pse g t hat mint. Indeed, he believed that there never at th a e War so just and necessary as that in which w ewe t r o e Ho was not a friend t kie j Present moment engaged. !let ",., but a friend to the g li l b o e r r y t d d on o f o f un England, e 3e4ti t 'ua.t liberty and that y sh a o n u d ld gl b n e rY 0114 ghat said, that although he agreed with th e le , sentiments which had fallen from his hon. and It 4 ra t:e4 friend in his able speech, yet, considering . the ° , o :t te 4,_ ti 'ke which remained to discuss a question of such " toli7A, it might be for the convenience of the . house if 1 11S1%i t ra in the . debate, rather than wait until a kostl44lsee:te evening. 'Whatever might be thought ho 0 , 11 , they must all admit that they had a i ntele . 4 teilti right 4° 14 of fare. There was first the motio d n is o t f in t c h t e , i Iglbl ernan the member for Bucks—a • • e ' ll e d t lsti set e zt :_ , o te of want of .confidence, with a somewhat th ° O of t h ' 4 feeble declaration with regard to the prose ho to rigeitillthoti,iool:3..war.. Then came the fao m r e r n o d r. m ts e m n o t u m th a .His, the riht hon. member in a speech °I 4 ti t g e h a t t tb .9 n : i t c ti.oll, l the member for Oxford, „,er errainste r I ,_ on. ,n., ro,ovetlanamendment to the motion . of the 4 f , °- 4aied - eit oer for Portsmouth, •by amp' 'll5l, t ttend—_ . r completed . theq at ueasntdiothehon movingmember 4 e nist em ' e r e 4 nt, which arrived 6 aspect he policy- 0 , 04 11 24 no t ai a in de i cidef . l ao suing a decided mar- A 0 y i P delteLining wriicthhthelerc, ° l' thfi' right was im e p n os t sible n for him to vote for the motion ell4l lc l' t - r b hon. member forßucks, because theiuhntcehrtoarkin. tentlen,:n4 a nbigtloll,4 language of which the tie ens —.4 "uplained were chiefly the result o r f g a violation of delilet being Partn end. It would have been had given negotia- I 'll 3- " t he of the Government if they ekeee,lPlanations before the time for such explanations the tlle time 'Rd not agr with the right hon. gentleman OD the coet,'.e for further ee etiation had passed away, on ai l en a rr, he felt that n a ebe dinto their latest information,_ acer. atilliae,rtPnitY hada ' ris e e e n er of a probability, if not of go " ' `-''. Putting I *ev e , , an end to the horrors of war._ He had, t , ' , eau • gel:item:tanting as he i gratified with the declaration of the right e_ ,l. no in 8..---eraa d eclaration t o _ o . jerk _ which, representing me to might future : 44 e an I :2_ ° ° Id b e amoun . f colNe wportant and beneficial influence on th sue °f °f this great empire. The motion of the right hon. 4 ,, t tibiZ f° 'Portsmouth was open to the samericharge of v; eni,"a t Y that had been made against the Government. ntleman's che,_-•`tering the frankness of the right hen. had framed hi ll ''vter, he could not impute to him that he 1 ,0 412 10ti on the right ta r , ," ' ,O unite persons holding opinions diametrically kill, ''-' ‘° each other. He liked the speech of hid ttentleruan very well, for the right gentleman hie' Wished the hqu u s ht nna had not yet led to peace. If intothtepg 4et he W. h - to declare its h re n g . ret thatthe ke' gentleman would only introduce the word ‘' differenceet" of i?pieZblendrnent there would be no reat dhimself. Wliare b etween the right hon. gentleman and teUtl e " ID Vations or com e°lllplained of in the motion f the right hon. Z eo hi j e l n ai l o o Jas, that it spoke of the was ~..e „ ,_ as having passed away. H n e eg th e o l ught the aspect t e0r e 1 ,... - '‘'4 hen. friend's (Sir F. Baring) amendmentdment er Klee than pacific. As regarded . the amen kies e o. friend the member for Kidderminster (Mr. st,ne, that was clear and intelligible; and he (Mr. Glad- Nti:, ) , th ought that nothing but a clear and explicit dada- Itwas well to ought to be made on this subject. ituieVene to the latest moment any interference with the fr oni I .°os of the Government, but the housewould detract ti_ its a un ~„-ignity if it consented to a doubtful mode of ac tiO4' eee w as, to his therefore lad that his hon. friend's me % V ae clear and intelligible; but he also objected ~,, em,, "1 the -"ellt, because, first, it contained It stated th at fact which it purported to maintain. an untrue recital %lee Conference at Vienna t he C • had failed, in cense I tt th ee of the refusal by Russia to limit her power brought be- Jet 0 il lack Sea. When any motion was e th e h •• ught to be str . ic y . ism is °use, its terms o . tion e flee „‘"? t hought the terms of his hon. friend's mo • tl correct ; that 1, •that con "" fulfil condition because, though it was true ie.,. hoe Gortschakoff said be restric ed he had no instructions .t to_ le-,t:uhte thiaaetktte naval power of Russia should . d for t lith fetft ee, it e ev a a ; s y e e v t id a ent that the point wasre t se e subsequent meeting of the ,Was -e con sideration With that record before the house, to t e i!ot too. dry and bre ma in the Black °l4l-Zi4 maintain that Russia had declined to entertain N e. rn ,d, in fact, refused to limit her power 41 klcA i' ll , e amendment of his hon. friend would would be to eke ;,,,"ne terms more warlike. He maintained that the Pr ea ; e 'llient of his hon. colleague (Sir W. Ileathcote) ex qfei.e,', in the mildest terms, that the opportunity now t hey ' °Y the present nec , otiations, or communications, be be ' what they might, should not be lost, but they should Of means to bring about terms for the settlement r oe , JR unha Buckinghamshire, hri - fit a ner for byghatsthreannggeeonblivion had tie:' that the first and second points were totally 'wig tare , li ,t, ; they were matters about which Russia did not kiki,,' .'oeY were therefore concessions of no moment, and [ 'rll - , 14 Order to secure the neutrality of Austria . and us 0f,,,, 54 ,_a but about a month ago Russia was not desiro she kb - ,,'' . ing these concessions Indeed, at that time e Vi°,4telY refused these concessions ; and what was th e thel of the right hon. gentleman then ? Why, he point u d g limitation of the mouth of the Danube as one amo eareat, yet unforeseen, results of the contest. N, ISII-AELI explained that he thought this was not a .., of ..1,,.. at r. ,ulmeulty, Ilea. kxLA.DSTONE accepted the explanation, and . he quite t his °d from the right hon. gentleman that he did not deem Dof iu t t int to be on g unimportance. Well, then, of the four •v vh -,.. th e t we firs t ° w e ei•ecompletely settled, and the reason Qai t ,.,.. t he fourth point bad not been decided was simply be- - %L a ," it had not been discussed. It was proposed for . di . scus 14, 1 ' 4 , but the Western Powers objected to enter upon it , but Wa ,e„sireci, 'without fear of contradiction, to state that there Da °t hing in the fourth Point to prolong the watro. two third tl,, t " ereated the difficulty. It might be divided inparts, ttlia , wh lcli related to a territorial guarantee of Turkey, Russia o tthwhieli referred to the preponderance of powerßi t tobv e , Illack Seli. With regard to the former, be would. by w ilO a t s t' ~,"ie the house Then, the only question rem e - c'ne • , vt.respecting the preponderance power l it Th e ha of in al t a he 'Black Allies ' proposed a plan for putting an en d dtot an °ill ederance. Russia proposed a first and seeen method, ,vta 3 „u ghestion of difference between these various proposals th, • 4 °Ny before the house. He would remind the house that th 'l' bad g„, ti, it the princi far to lai ple d g e the country in the face of Europe tl ,:t , or tftins iz v i , . h a n don ii i l n d these negotiations was a qufeesit roceed to examine. He the 1 • ' t the last ' pr v o ' e p i ru e os m it e io e u n t we of Russia would be to leave t. u ' 443 cf the G o more free to deal with th_eequases notio „,-In3llth spirit as they might think prudent. n w : th e ' of those who were prepared to disavow or to shrink from but LeaPonsibilities connected with the origin of this war ; h is Opinion it was difficult to overstate the weight of tes Nuabilities and. the amount of physical and moral evils brought about by the war, and the amount of physical and moral good which it had intercepted. We had- not only a just but a sufficient cause for going to war. Let them inquire then, what was the controversy upon which they entered. The objects of the war, as they were originally contemplated, were not so wide as the evils he bad described. They did not attempt, and thsy thought it too much to at tempt, the total abolition of the evil ; and, for a long time, the four great Powers confined themselves merely to narrow ing it within certain limits, and hemming it in. It was all very well for gentlemen to say, at this time of day, " You ought to have sent your fleet into the Black Sea when Russia occupied the Principalities." These were delusions which arose from forgetfulness of the circumstances, and from the exc it em ent of the state of th in g s which existed at a former period. Not only the Government to which he belonged, but no Government, could by possibility, in June, 1853, have ventured to take so rash a step, even with reference to the state of English opinion. The first conclusion to which they must have come would have been, that they would at once have abandoned, if they had interfered in any such proceeding, the co operation of Austria, Prussia, and France. What were the objects which were then contemplated ? What were the questions which were then under die dussion ? The questions under discussion were these :--The Emperor asked a certain amount of ratification and extension of the treaty of Kaivardji ; the Porte was ready to give a cer tain amount of ratification and extension to that treaty. The questions raised were, whether the temporal, as well as the spiritual, privileges of the Greek Christians were to be pro tected by Russia—whether the Greek Christians should have privileges granted to them which would place them on a par with the other non-Mussulman subjects of the Porte ; and whether it should be by a separate engagement with Turkey, or by a general engagement with the other Powers, that these rights and privileges should be guaranteed. In 1853, these were the only questions in dispute between Russia and the Allied Powers ; and he was sere he should be confirmed and not contradicted by her Majesty's Government when he said that every one of these objects had completely vanished. ([Tear.) There was now no question about a separate treaty between Russia and the Porte ; there was now no question as to the temporal privileges of the Greek Christians ; there was now no question as to whether the Greek' Christians should enjoy the same privileges as the other non-Mussulmen subjects of the Porte. Nothing could be more simple—and really the matter was so important, and the words so few, that he hoped the house would allow him to put them in possession of them —nothing could be more simple than the issue to which this matter was brought after the tangled negotiations of 1853. Lord Derby, in fact, had confessed, in another place, that he had read through the Blue Book as far as the month of July, but that he found it impossible to proceed any further in threading the labyrinth. The negotiations gathered into a central point in December. That was the time they must look into if they would get a clear view of the grounds upon which this war was undertaken. The proposal made at that period was summed up in these terms :—lt was done at,Con stantinople by a meeting of the representatives of the Four Powers, under the presiding influence of the active Lord Strat ford de Redcliffe; and the plan adopted. there obtained a pre ference over the plan simultaneously adopted at Vienna, and be came actually the basis of the proposal finally made to the Em peror of Russia. Now, what was the plan on which, in Decem ber, 1853, the Four Powers were agreed, and which they pre sented to Russia as the full amount of the concessions which she had a right to demand. The first point related to the evacuation of the Principalities, which was to take place as rapidly as possible. The second point was, that all the treaties which were dissolved by the actual war, including the treaty of Kainardji, were to be removed. (Derisive cheers from the Opposition.) He knew not from what gentleman that opposition came, but it showed the blinding influence of the exciting circumstances of the times, and of the strong feel ings of a magnanimous people, as opposed to that judicial un d ers tanding which, after all , ought to guide us in these transactions. The second term, in December, 1853, was, after all, that the old treaties between Russia and Turkey should be renewed ; and the third term was, that the Sultan of Turkey should communicate, not to the Emperor of Russia alone, but to each of the five Powers, and that a firman should be issued, guaranteeing to the Greek Christians of Turkey all those religious privileges which might be enjoyed by the other non-Mussulman subjects of the Porte. These were the objects of the great Powers in 1853. There were many who were then listening to him to whom this statement would come as a revelation. (Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, such was the turn which affairs had taken. He was sure that her Majesty's Government would confirm and not contradict him when he said that these were the terms so proffered to Europe and published to the world. He might, if it were prudent, carry still further his statements, which would be corroborated by the documents which had passed between the Powers engaged in this great struggle, and especially between England and France. But what was the manner in which their proposals were received by Russia ? He had stated the terms of the protocol of Jan, 13, 1854, to which St. Petersburg gave no written answer. The answer was the mission of Count Orloff. When that noblemanarrivedat Viennahe submitted the coun ter demand of Russia ; and now, having enabled them to as certain the fixed point from which they ought to measure their distance, he would proceed to makesome remarks upon the demands then made. The tone they held, and the terms then required by Russia, when explained, would give them another fixed point from which they would be able to judge whether it was true, as some had said, that the ob jects of this war were not attained, and that if we retired we should retire as a humiliated and degraded nation. These were the terms of Russia on the 2d of February, 1854. This was the answer of Russia, upon the reception of which the resolution was taken, upon the recommendation of Austria and Prussia, by the Governments of France and England, to send that summons to the Emperor of Russia, which was immediately followed by the declaration of war. The de mands were—first, that it was to be an irrevocable condition that the negotiations should take place on the subject mat ter at issue not at Vienna or any neutral - place ; the choice was given to Turkey that they should take place either at St. Petersburg, under the person of the Emperor, or at the head-quarters of the Russian army. This was the first con dition, essential and irrevocable. The second condition was the confirmation full and entire of the old treaties from Kain ardj onwards. The third condition was the protection of the Greek Churches ; the fourth was, of course, the evacua tion of the Principalities ; the fifth was the restoration of the status in quo in the Principalities ; the sixth was, that Tur key should have a new set of stipulations with respect to the reception of refugees and strangers. Such were the absolute demands which constituted the ultimatum of Russia before the war. Was there here a cause of war or not ? When first Austria had permission to refer to St. Petersburg, the pro position which was made was in the shape of Four Points. He did not shrink from his share of the responsibility of the de cision at which the then Government arrived in consequence of the mode in which those propositions were received. (Conservative cheers.) Ho did not shrink from his personal responsibility in regard to the Crimean expedition. (Hear.) But he called upon those, who said that that expedition had entirely failed, to mark the difference iu the language of Rqssia b e fore and after that expedition. (Hear, hear.) He held that military expeditions in time of war were only to be regarded a s means, and not as ends. (Hear, hear.) On the 26 th of August, 1854, Russia replied to the communication of Count Buol, who had forwarded the Four Points. He would not quote the reply in extenso but the effect of it was this—that the Four P Ants were terms to which Russia could not consent except at the end of a desperate struggle, and a long series of disasters. He quite agreed with his noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that the naval and military forces of Rus sia had long been the standing menace of Turkey. The ques tion of theßlack Sea was one of great, he might say of insu perable difficulty. It was not in the wit of man to institute a perfectly satisfactory arrangement with regard to the Black Sea. If it were an open sea, like the Meditemneati, they might know what to do. If it were like the American lakes, c l ose water, they wo uld know what to do. If they were dealing with powers that shared the coast of the Black Sea — if it were shut in and not accessible to vesselsof great draught , of water, then, too , the y would know what to do ; but unless they converted the straits of the Black fficulty, Sea into a canal, as it: we re, they could not get over the di On the other hand, if they treated the Black Sea in any of those modes, they should not overlook the fact of the weakness of the Turkish Government, and the importance to Europe of pre venting an aggression on the Ottoman empire. The question was surrounded with difficulties. There was no suggestion not open to objection . Nothing with regard to this limita tion of the Russian power in the Black Sea could be otherwise but an imperfect remedy for the present, and an imperfect guarantee for the future. Well, then, what w ans as to be done which ? Th e y had to take their c hoice of several pl, all of were imperfect. So far as Parliament was aware, he (Mr. Gladstone) and his colleagues left office pledged to nothing but the destruction of the preponderance of Russia. They were aware of that responsibility. They were responsible, with the noble viscount at the head of the Government, for having proposed the Russian limitation of the naval forces in the Black Sea. He always considered the plan defective, but ho became an assenting party because he knew of no other. In doing so, they di d not exclude themselves from profiting by any experience arising from discussions on the question into which they should enter, and they left themselves open to per severe with that plan, or to adopt any other pl an equally good, or it might be preferable, so as not to warrant a continuance of the war. What had been the reception of the plan for that limitation from the first night it was discussed in the House of Commons ? He considered its reception had been most unfavourable. He had heard au hon. and chivalrous friend say that he was ready to go all lengths in defence of the war, but he had not heard any member of the house rise and say that he was prepared to sanction the continuance of the war if the limitation were refused ; while, on the other hand, he would be prepared to accede to peace if the limitation we lemen re gr anted. He did not believ e there were twenty gent in that crowded assembly ready to hold that line. of There we re some who thought t his was not a question con test as to terms. The ground on which they stood before Europe was, that they were ready to make every concession - •to refuse everything that should not be offered—and the dividing line was between the limitation of the naval force in the Black Sea and the discretionary power of the Turkish Government. They were cognisant of the fact, that the con ferences had been held. As regards then uestion of limitation alone, the conferences had • been adjrned ; and, on that issue, they were called to vote by the motion of the right hon. gentleman, the member for Buckinghamshire —a vote which, if it were affinitively recorded, would not represent the feelings of the house or of the country. If the vote of the house went to declare that-this was not a question of terms, after what had taken place at Vienna, it would go far to in volve them in a breach of faith in the eyes of Europe. If it were not a question of terms, What course were they to a dopt ? This was not the first occasion on whi ch they ha war. d to ex press a solemn judgment on the r i g hts of peace or Were they to resort, or to think of a system of dismember ment ? The objection to that was, that it was impossible. If we intend to make this question a war of nationalities, it would be well to consider whether we can makethat war alone. He apprehended that we would be alone, and that Austria would not be ikely to enter into a war of nationalities. From the comp siti l on of Austria, he would ask, was shelikely to enter into a war of nationalities Will France do so ? He could tell them that France, as well as Austria, would not and could not enter into this war of nationalities in this she entertained a different opinion, he would ask how that war could be enter sainedby her when she looked at the present state of the city of Rome. (Hews) He would not say, can France enter into such a war, but could she en' er into a war of nationalities under such circumstances , ? He had read a few days ago some portion of the debates in the Sardinian Chamber rela tive to the Sardinian contingent for the war, and some of the members objected to its joining the English army, because they thought it would be in bad compa.ny. (Laughter.) They said the English had managed to lose 2,000 men out of an army of only 120100. He argued that, with many gentlemen, this was not a question of terms, for these have been acceded; but both gentlemen in that house and the public journals called out for military successes. Such an idea washdeouns, it was immoral and inhuman, and he would Klyno a tion had a right to make war for military successes alone. (Hear, hear.) If they obtained SUCCC6S, they would want to continue the war to make it a mere war of military glory ; if they did so he would warn them that they tempted the wrath of Him in whose hands was the fate o f all armies, as much as that of the infant in t pa h r e ceev e i r e. adle. He s vould ask what was the t n a t in th te a r t m po s w t e o r h t e h v i e s spsa q rioy u p estion ? The Gover ntnents of France and s E d t i t g m e l a e n d o d f n o to se g peace of Europe, and these terms had entuall constituted the military occupation of the ev ' c o l wasti the con ceded what she at first refused, except a ',mere trifle. But vo Crimea. Russia,f r tt o s ni sia, l :i a d ewahk n ii now said that we must gow have sue - 4ia We do not consider that we have subjugated Russia, and therefore we ! will continue the war until we make these successes. He could not avoid saying, that he thought neither peace nor the honour of Russia seemed to be the primary object in these arrangements, but that military glory was the primary object. He warned them that the eyes of Europe were upon them, and that their words uttered in that house would be quoted against them in the face of Europe, and by them they must rise or fall. The right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester, three or four months ago, made a solemn appeal to the house, and charged them with an earnestness that did him the highest honour, with a guiltiness of blood if they per sisted in maintaining the war. He (Mr. Gladstone) did not wince under that challenge, because he believed that it was a war of a class which we carried on at a distance t hat we might not carry it on nearer home—because it was a war which we carried on in the Crimea that we might not have to carry it on in the heart of Europe—just as in ancient times the greatest orators of Greece called on their countrymen to carry on war in Thessaly that they might not have to carry it on in Attica. They had recently had among them some of the most distin guished of their gallant troops, who received at the hands of her Majesty an acknowledgment at least of their valorous deeds. Many of those forms, he rejo iced to say, were again erect, and had regained the Mastic step of youth and health, but what were they to say to the thousands who slept on the waters of the Bosphorus, or under the rock Balaklava ? And what were they to say to their gallant allies, s of who, ranged side by side with them in the hour of privation and danger, had suffered, he feared, in a m uch g reater degree. (Hear.) But it was no consolation to him that the fatal progression, the French should have suffered double our loss, though that was more than 15,010, and that more than four times that number of Turks slept beneath the ground. It was no conso lation to him to know that the Turks had lost 120,000, and the Russians 250,000 men —amounting altogether to nearly half a million of human beings, or at the rate of a thousand a day. With him the consideration was, that if the war were a war for smaller, secondary, and trivial objects—a war for objects which they dared not in public papers t 3 declare to the world, then ho said, in God's name, while there was yet time, let them do something to put an end to that awful scourge, and let them, by the adoption of firm, moderate, and cautious terms re-open to Christendom the hope of a return to happiness and peace. Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, although I do not concur in many parts of the speech of my right hon. friend, yet I willingly yield to him the acknowledgment that he has discussed the question in a manner worthy of himself and of this house — (hear)—that he has considered that which was of most im portance to the continuance or the cessation of this war—that he has fairly brought before us the arguments which weigh upon his mind as to the conclusion to which he had come—a conclusion to which, if convinced by his argument, any mem bers of this house might subscribe. (Hear, hear.) So far the spirit of my right hon. friend's speech has been totally different from that of the right hon. gentleman opposite— (cheers) —who gave us no clear and intelligible account why he would continue the war—who used, to follow a phrase of his own, the most ambiguous language on the subject, and who detained us for two hours and a half with party attacks and ingenious sarcasms. (Cheers and laughter.) But, sir, before I speak of the right hon. gentleman's speech, and at tempt to defend myself from the attacks which he has made upon my conduct as a member of the Government, I must revert while they are fresh in my memory to some of the argu ments and topics urged by my right hon. friend who has just sat down. My right hon. friend says most truly that the terms already assented to by Russia go far beyond those which were originally asked by the allies, but surely he ought to have laid greater weight upon the very obvious consideration that, if such be the blessed state of peace that princes and sovereigns are most unwilling to exchange it for a state of war, that which will give an immediate remedy for an immediate danger suffices them to maintain that state 'of peace. But when once the rubicon is passed—when you have got into war—when once powers are engaged in conflict, then it becomes you to think, not what would have been sufficient before the contest com menced, but to consider how you can obtain peace which has in it the elements of safety and of duration. (Cheers.) I cannot, therefore, attach the value which my right hon. friend attaches to the change which has taken place. in con sequence of Russia having felt the power of the allied belli gerents—the pressure of Austria concentrating her forces and threatening hostilities until Russia gave way—and the in fluence of the expedition to the Crimea. But the question is not whether the immediate danger is warded off, but whether you are to seek security for the future, and if so in what that security shall consist. There is one danger with regard to the principalities—that was the first point. The second point has not reference to any immediate danger from Russia, or any immediate protection to Turkey. But the third point did not contain a declaration that it was necessary to revise the treaty of 1841, in the first place, with a view to attach Turkey to the balance of power, and, in the next place, to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea ; and my right hon. friend thinks he sees in the propositions of Russia a fulfilment of that condition. Now, the danger is that Russia having a preponderance in the Black Sea—having twenty sail-of-the-line in her harbour at Sebastopol—may, as has been shown, take advantage of the powession of that fleet and get possession of the Bosphorous, or land an army in its immediate vicinity. Now, what does Russia say to that ? Russia says that she will consent that the fleets of o ther powers may come into the Black Sea, provided always that the fleets of Russia may at any time pass through the Bosphorous. What would be the conse quence of accepting such a condition ? The fleets of Eng land and France would seldom go into the Bosphorus, and not in any force in time of peace ; but these twenty sail-of-the-line might at any time present themselves at Constantinople, before the gates of the Sultan's - palace, and impose upon him what terms they please. (Hear, hear.) What was forbidden by the treaty of 1841 would have been possible and easy to Russia, and this is what the Russian ple nipotentiaries call a compliance with the terms proposed. (Hear, hear.) Then after I left Vienna another proposal was made, in which my right hon. friend seems to see a security; and it was this; to leave the treaty of 1841 as it now stands, the Sultan declaring, as he has a right to declare, that he wishes to maintain the principle of closing the Straits, but that if Turkey was menaced she might call the fleets of her allies to her assistance. I can see but very little, very scanty security in that. Leaving the treaty of 1841 as it was before the commencement of the year in case of a menace of invasion, of violence on the part of Russia, Turkey would have the right of every independent power of calling her allies to her assistance, and to that point where they could most easily assist her. I think in this case everything consists in priority, and the fleets of the allies being at the distance, and a large fleet of the Russians in the near neighbourhood, it is probable that that menace would have been carried into execution be fore the Sultan could have called for assistance from his allies. (Hear, hear, hear.) If we had consented to such terms, think it would have been right to say we did not pro pose the fulfilment of that part of the third point. (Hear, hear.) It is said that the third point is fulfilled. Why, the acceptance of a proposal so nugatory and meagre as either the first or second of Russia's alternatives would have been an attempt to deceive Europe in a manner quite unwor thy of two such nations as England and Turkey. It would have been far better to have said at once, " We are unable to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea— iemust be built up again as soon as Russia can launch fresh ships, and therefore that part of the scheme must be aban doned." But consider that that scheme against the prepon derance of Russia in the Black Sea is one of the many securi ties which, having gone to war for, we have attempted to ob tain. That Russian preponderance in the Black Sea is next to the danger of Russia occupying the principalities ; and to finish the war without any security against that danger would indeed show that we had been defeated. My right hon. friend has dwelt much upon the doctrine that you must have suc cesses independently of all terms of peace. I agree generally in what my right hon. friend has stated upon that, and I doubt whether any will say that independently of all terms of peace, and independently of the security of Turkey, it was necessary to gain military successes. I quite agree with my right hon. friend that never has the valour of the English sol dier been brighter. (Cheers.) Never has the power of endur ance, the hardihood, and the fortitude of the British soldier stood so high as it has done during the present war. (Hear.) But if the objects are not effected by which we can be cer tain of having se curities for peace, Turkey would be g reatly e ndangered. Hear.) If it should be said that not only had England and France relinquished the terms they had advanced —and terms which Austria had said were just and fair, but 1 which Russia had not complied with—but in addition to that had withdrawn 150,000 or 200,000 men from the Crimea, without success, that would be a great addition, not only to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea, but to the pre ponderance of Russia all over the world. (Hear.) If you had that which all men would acknowledge to be a security for peace and a safeguard for Turkey, you might then with all h ono ur withdraw from the Crimea , but if, in a ddition to a failure in your terms of peace, you admitted a failure of suc cess, and withdrew you r army, then Russia would immensely increase aer power over the eivilised world. And now sir, having said this much with regard to the later topics in the speech of my right hon. friend, I come to the question of the nego tiations with which I was cha r g ed at Vienna. (Hear.) But let me state, in the first place, that although I thought suc cess in that negotiation came within the range of possibility, that at no time was I sanguine that success was probable. (Hear.) I can assure the right hon. gentleman that I felt I had no habits of diplomacy, and that, being more accustomed to parliamentary life than to intercourse with those who carry on negotiations, I was not the fittest person to undertake the duty. But when Lord Clarendon told me that he wished me to undertake that mission—and my noble friend likewise con curred in that wish and when I found that her Majesty had been pleased to express her approbation of such an appoint ment, I felt I could not honourably decline, it. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman says I ought to have begun with the third point. That was-not a question for me ; I was only acting as one of the servants of the two Governments of France and Great Britain. France, Great Britain, and Aus tria had duly considered the question, and when I was in Paris I was informed by a despatch from my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that the Government had resolved that the third point should be.taken in the order in which it stood. (Hear.) It was, therefore, my first duty to consider of the first point and the question of the Princi palities. I believe that the concessions that have been made by Russia with regard to these Principalities are of the gre atest importance, (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman confounded two things which are essentially distinct. He speaks of the protection of the Christians to which I had referred in a despatch when I was Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and in which it was stated that it was presented to the Emperor of Russia as a duty, and that it had been sanctioned as such. Now there can be no doubt whatever that, with regard to Wallachia and Moldavia, not only by the treaty of Kainardji, but by other treaties—by the treaties of Bucharest and Adrianople—the Emperor of Russia had an engagement from the Sultan to protect the Christian subjects in the Principalities ; and if a congregation were subject to outrage, murder, and pillage, I conceive it was the duty of the Emperor of Russia to ask for some re dress for such grievances. I know that, without any such treaty, our ambassador at Constantinople, on receiving an ac count from a consul that a Christian church was destroyed, or a Christian was murdered, thinks it his duty to bring the fact under the notice of the Sultan, and generally obtains re dress. (Hear.) But the treaties to which I allude are ex press upon that point, and it is impossible for me, or for any man, to deny that Russia had those rights by treaties. But the right hon. gentleman confounded these treaties with the proposal that was made by Prince Menschikoff, and asked how .I could snake such a dangerous admission as that there was a right of protection, and at the same time protest against it in the case of Prince Menschikoff. Why, the right of pro tecting those churches was sanctioned over and over again by treaties, but what Prince Menschikoff demanded was a claim of protection going beyond those treaties, and which arose, as stated in one of Lord Clarendon's despatches and in one of the four points, from an erroneous interpretation of the treaty of Kainardji. Of that erroneous interpretation lam the more convinced when I recollect a fact that occurred during the negotiations between Sir Hamilton Seymour and the late Emperor Nicholas. Sir H. Seymour said to the Emperor, " Have the goodness to point out on what part of the treaty of Kainardji your claim is founded ; " and his Imperial Majesty said—as an Imperial Majesty is likely to say—(a laugh)—" I will not point out to you the particular article of the treaty ; go to Count Nesselrode, and he will point out the article of the treaty." Sir Hamilton Seymour as he was bid, went to Count Nesselrode, and said, " Will your excellency have the goodness to point out to me the par- ticular part of the treaty of Kainardji on which your master's claim is founded." Count Nesselrode said, " I am not con versant with those treaties, but Baron Brunow is conversant with them ; tell your Government to apply to him, and he will point out the part of the treaty on which the claim is founded." But as Baron Brunow never attempted the task, I conclude that it was not any part of the treaty of Kainardji that gave such a claim. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gen tleman therefore creates confusion when he confounds that claim with the undoubted rights claimed by the , Emperor of Russia for the protection of the Christians in Moldavia and Wallachia. (Hear, hear.) I will not at this late hour enter into auy kind of disquisition about the navigation of the Danube, but I may say, that on that point likewise we have gained pretty considerable advantage. But we have to con sider the whole question, and a most important question it is, which has occupied us for those two years past, and which I think may occupy the Parliament of this country even for future generations—namely, whether it is not necessary to put some bounds to the progress of Russia, and in what man ner that object is to be effected. (Hear.) Far be it from me to say that I could pretend, from any reflections or lights of mine, to solve that great problem. (Hear, hear.) I consulted others not only in England and France—not only the mem bers of my own Government an I the members of the French Government—and I may venture to say, since he did me the henour to admit me to an audience, the Emperor of the French—(cheers)—but likewise several statesmen of the continent of Europe, not eugagel with either power, but whose well known wisdom - and authority, and whose long experience in political matters entitled tbeir opinions to the utmost attention. (Hoar, hear.) Now what is the posi tion of Russia ? It might not be such as would have justified us in making war, or have excited us to make it ; but, being at war, it behoves us all, and my right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford as much as any man, most seriously to consider it. (Hear, hear.) Russia has, since the commencement of the century, increased her power more than any other power of Europe. (Hear, hear.) She has upwards of sixty millions of inhabitants, and has an army of 800,000 men in time of peace. After a considerable struggle, and much resistance by Lord Castlereagh, the re presentative of this country, and by Prince Talleyrand, the representative of France, she acquired and retains Poland. The only limit was, that Poland was united to Russia by her constitution ; but that link, which gave to Poland a separate representation—a separate army, and as it were a separate existence—was totally broken, and a new and hard fetter of iron was employed to bind her to Russia after the insurrec tion of 1831. (Hear, hear.) In Poland she has erected six or seven fortresses, of at least equal strength with Sebastopol. She has conciliated the peasantry to a very great extent by a policy artfully adapted for that purpose. (Hear, hear.) At the same time the young men of Poland of rank and intelli gence, who might be filled with historic recollections and patriotic ardour, and would some day rise up against the policy of Russia, are carefully marked and selected and sent to a distance in the interior provinces, there to meet with no sympathy, where their names are unknown, and their 'ate is forgotten by all except the relatives they have left, behind. (Hear, hear.) In the Baltic we find from the discoveries made last year—since the commencement of the war—that a great plan of fortifications had been undertaken, which Sir C. Napier sent home, and which he said would have given Russia a complete predominance over the Baltic, because when those fortifications were completed, neither Denmark nor Sweden, nor any other power could have held up their fingers against Russia in the Baltic. In Germany she has connected herself with many of the smaller princes by marriage. Many of the princes of Germany, I am sorry to say, live in great fear of what they think is the revolutionary disposition of their subjects, and they rely upon their armed forces to pro tect them ; but what are those armed forces 7 The officers of those forces are seduced and corrupted by the Russian Court. Rewards, orders, and distinctions are distributed amongst them—evensthe receipt of money to pay debts will be accepted by them, and that money is liberally given by the Russian Court, so that Germany, which ought to be the seat of inde pendence—Germany, which should stand forward for the pro tection of Europe against Russia—has been for years under mined in its vital strength and independence by Russian arts and Russian means. I have hitherto not spoken of the im mediate danger with, which we have had to deal. The imme diate danger with which we have had to deal was this—that, after a long course of violence and aggression, Russia had signed a treaty at Adrianople which gave her new powers, and confirmed many of the old. The dangers arising from that treaty to Turkey are admirably pointed out in a despatch of Lord Aberdeen ; but neither Lord Aberdeen nor the Duke of Wellington, who was at the head of the ministry at the time, thought it right to go to war on account of those dangers. I believe they acted wisely ; but now that we are at war we are not to forget the lesson Lord Aber deen gave, or keep out of sight the dangers that were pointed out in that despatch.. (Hear, hear.) She had there fore great means of influence in Turkey, such means of in fluence that I believe, if she had been wise and prudent, it was quite sufficient to enable her to gain a permanent con trol over the councils of Constantinople. But in an hour of imprudence—the Sovereign is dead, and the time for severe comments is passed by—she insisted upon what Turkey thought a degradation, and which she resolved to resist by force of arms. Lord Stratford had some time before said, " I think the time is come when Turkey's position must be entirely changed. Either she will fall into a state of total dependence upon Russia, or she must get rid of those ma nacles and shackles with which for years past she has been fettered." We had to choose between leaving her completely under the sway of Russia, or raising her to something higher. We chose the latter part of the alternative. The immediate danger was warded off. The siege of Silistria failed ; but had it not been for the presence of the allied forces, it would have been renewed in the summer or autumn, and the Russian forces would have been at the Balkan. ussia retired across the Danube. Austria then said that unless the Principalities were evacuated she should declare war with Russia, and upon her forces being assembled Russia evacuated them. Now, it was because these Principalities were placed under the safe guard of Austria, because any attempt to invade Turkey or to cross the Balkan and reach Constantinople was thus pre vented, that we felt ourselves enabled to send to the Crimea the expedition which, like my right honourable friend (Mr. Gladstone), I still think we were right in sending, but the discussion of which I will, like him, reserve for some fu. ture occasion. There is, however, this fact, that from the pressure at Sebastopol, the Russian fleet is no longer one of 18 or 19 sail of the line, but a great part of it has been de stroyed by the Russians themselves. The question then came, how we could diminish her power and put an end to her pre ponderance in the Black Sea. lam not at all ashamed of the manner in which I agreed with Count Buol to invite the Rus sian plenipotentiaries to take the initiative upon the question. Count Buol represented to us that it might be hurtful to the dignity of Russia to have terms imposed upon her for the limitation of her power in the Black Sea, but that in consi deration of the security of Europe she might make a propo sition to that effect to Turkey, and he asked us, the plenipo tentiaries of Franco and England, not to bring forward our propositions until he had made the proposal. He made the proposal, and I followed it up —answering for England, and not for Russia, as the right h o n.-gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) sup poses--with these words, "In the eyes of England and of her allies, the best and only admissible conditions of peace would bo those which, being most in harmony with the honour of Russia, should at the same time be sufficient for the security of Europe, and for preventing the return of complications such as that the settlement of which is now in attaine E pr n o r g o i p v e ss w . 'as'n, p of ro w vi ha de t d is th n e al s le e d eu a rityof com plication, what is in fact dreadful war, was prevented, was (Hear.)l and lwi t s l h ie th ret a n sk r it not desirable that the terms should be compatible with the honour of Russia, and should be such as to make her satisfied with the arrangement ? (Hear.) Therefore lam quite willing to abide, and I believe my colleagues are ready to abide, by that declaration which I then made. The answer,which was delayed fora considerable time, was that the Russian p leni p otentiaries were desired not to make any propositions ; and we are told in this circular that was in conformity with orders which had been given by the Emperor Nicholas. I think that was a very unwise decision. I have always understood that Russians of great sagacity always considered that the Emperor Nicholas paid too much attention to his marine, and that his fleets at Sebastopol and Cronstadt, though they might make a show on parade, would not be able to compete with those of the maritime Powers. I believe that to be a very sound opinion, and therefore I thought it possible that they would have made this concession, thus giving up something the c e ssion o f w hich would not really diminish the power of Russia as a great Power, but would diminish her power in the Black Sea. I bear it said that if the force was limited, the fleets of England and France might come in at any time and insult the coasts of Russia in the Black Sea. How would she be worse than she has been in the present war, when we have seen that her fleet has been no security at all ? No sooner have the fleets of England and France appeared in the Black Sea than her ships have skulked into Sebastopol, and several of them have been destroyed. I told one of those persons to whom I have alluded, whose name I must not mention, that we intended to propose the limitation of the Russian fleet, but that I was told Russia would object to it. He said, " If that is so, it is a proof that she means aggression." I thought that observation perfectly just. I cannot conceive why Russia should hesitate to make peace in order that she may have eighteen or twenty sail of the line at Sebastopol, unless she meditates some future aggression upon Turkey. And that I now believe, still more than I did last year, s till more than I did before I went to Vienna, to be in the contemplation of Russia. Russia thinks that Turkey cannot endure long, and thinking that when Turkey breaks up England or France will hasten to sieze Constantinople, and thuu menace her empire, she feels it necessary to be beforehand with these Powers, and make herself mis tress of the city. Put it, however, which way you will—Gs an act either of aggression or of self-defence—it comes to the same thing, that it is the intention of Russia, at some future time—it may be, in no remote future—to possess herselfiof Constantinople. (Cheers.) Believing that to be the case, are the Governments of France and England to close with the proposition of Russia, that they should have no se curity except that, in case of menace, Turkey might call up the fleets of her allies? I admit all the imperfections of the security we have proposal, but let the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) and the house recollect that we are by a sti pulation with Austria and our position in the war precluded from asking for any territorial concession. No doubt, the return of some of the provinces which Russia has wrested from Turkey would be a better security than the limitation of the fleet ; but if we bad proposed such a course, Austria would have opposed it, and Rwisia would have left the conferences. We were, therefore, obliged to resort to the other security, and I confess I have seen no better plan than that which we proposed, except the other plan, to which Russia was still more opposed, of making the Black Sea altogether a commer cial sea, and forbidding the entaance of ships of war into it. Such, therefore, is my defence with reference to this point. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli)—and his language seemed to me to be extremely ambiguous—said, " What does it signify whether Russia has four or eight ships more or less I" and then he went on to say, " You ought, in fact, to carry on the war defensively ; you ought to defend Turkey when Russia is prepared to attack her." Now this comes to one of two conclusions the right honour ushsseiaw liilalvriensgpenctonthseentiendtegrtoitsya of Y, honour able gentleman has not told us which .—either to be th ere perpetually to defend Turkey" and thus to make au eternal war, or , having defended Turkey against the n a , ri t d ha ll t Turkey, that we should withdraw our forces and make peace, • having no security bey ond those to which Russia has already • , consented—that is t he p lan of my right hon. friend the immediatefo the h u hundredth time, member for the University of Oxford. But my right hon. friend fairly and manfully avowed that plan. He brought it before the House of Commons of England, and declared that these were terms upon which he thought that we should be secure. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disr ieli), however, said —" Put an cud" (not to war—but) " to the negotiations* ' " therefore, at once proposing that we should h ave no su c cess, no security for peace, and at the same ti me propos i ng t h e continuance of the war. Can anything be more inconsistent, more extravagant than such a proposal ? N ow it h ag b een said that Austria has not given us all the support which she might do. As far as the support to be given in conferences is concerned she has fully given us that support, and with re gard to this last proposition of calling up the forces of the allies when Turkey was in danger, she said that is no security —that is leaving the preponderance of Russia unlimited till the moment when the danger becomes intolerable. (Bean) I must say, sir, I do not expect, however, that Austria is prepared in the present state of the question to take au im mediate part in the war against Russia. I believe that she would have consulted her own interest and dignity better if she had some time ago joined us in that war, but at the same time there are considerable motives, there are powerful mo tives, to influence her in maintaluing peace with Russia. In the first place, she has not her capital in the situation of either London or Paris, which are free from any danger of incursion by the Russian army. She has no fortresses in Gallicia to prevent the Russian army marching at once to Vienna, while she has no secure alliance on this subject with Prussia. (Hear, hear.) These are some of the motives which have deterred her from taking an active part in the war, and the Austrian Government feel that, un less they can show that there is some predominant and ne cessary motive to induce her to go to war, she would not be justified in calling upon the population of Germany to support her iu it. I tell this openly to the house, because I think that not only ought justice to be done to Austria, but like wise because I do not wish to hold out any hope that she will take an immediate part in the war. I do think, however, that her position is such—that her treaties and engagements with us are such, that, if the war continues, she will find it necessary to take part in the war. But of this I feel sure, that the part Austria has played in not taking a share of the spoils of Turkey, which Russia had confidently expected, and in joining us, will never be forgiven by Russia, and, there fore, her only safety is in building up such allies as may secure her against Russia. (Hear, hear.) Sir, for that reason I shall be ready to vote against the motion of the right hon. gentle man the member for Buckinghamshire. This, sir, is a great national question— perhaps the greatest national question that ever enga2ecl the counsels of the house or called forth the resources of the country—and yet the right hon. gentle man seeks to degrade it to a mere party struggle. Sir, the right hon. gentleman alluded to the distrust which is felt in the Government. I do not deny the existence of that dis trust, but I do not believe the cure for it would be found in the substitution of the right hon. gentleman for my noble friend who sits on this side of the house. I do not believe such a change would create that general satisfaction which the right hon. gentleman seems to expect. (Hear, hear.) I hear much said about administrative reform. I think that is a natural desire, and I entirely agree in the object required ; but I want to know why it should be presumed that there arc other men, either sitting on the opposite side of the house or elsewhere, who could carry out administrative reform better than those who are at present iu the possession of office. I believe you could not have a better measure than that which has been proposed by my noble friend Lord Pan muro on the subject of reform in the department of the army. My noble friend proposes to place the civil branches of the army under the superintendence of one Secretary of State, thereby having the eye of one man to watch and the hand of one man to guide the machinery connected with the army. So far as the departments of the army are concerned the evils eomplained of are remedied ; while, with regard to the other departments of the Government, I do not find that there is any special accusation as to them. Ido not find with regard to the Financial Department, the Home Department, or the Colonial Department that there has been any complaint made of inefficiency in those departments. I believe, therefore, that the right hon. gentleman, while he has not founded his propos it ou any particular accusation, has no better founda tion for the remedy which he says will do away with the gene ral distrust. lam convinced that the party opposite would not gain any credit by the carrying of this motion, because it would be said that in a great crisis the great Con servative party, for upWards of a year, came forward with the greatest patriotism to support the Crown and sustain the honour of the country ; but, after little more than a year, they abandoned that patriotic course when they thought there was an opportunity of slipping into office. (Hear.) I believe the right hon. gentleman and those who vote with him would gain no credit by such a course, and whatever may be the division in this house I think, in point of reputation, this has been a false move of the right hon. gentleman. (Hear.) If he can censure any act of ours, if he can put his finger upon any act of the Government and censure that act, ofjourse we are open to any censure, to any observation, to any criticism which this house may choose to make ; but to bring forward vague words, to merely catch up what seems to be the feeling of the moment, and which may not last but a day or two, to be so impatient as not to wait until after the Whitsuntide holidays to know if the negotia tions are concluded, betrays, I must say, such a falling off in the patriotism which has hitherto been displayed in the votes of hon. gentlemen opposite, that I think they will add nothing to their fame or reputation by the,equrse they are now taking. (Cheers.) On the motion of Mr. WHITESIDE, the debate was then adjourned until to-morrow (this day). Sir WM. SOMERVILLE obtained leave to bring in a bill to encourage the providing of improved dwellings for the labouring classes in Ireland. , Lord PALMERSTON intimated that the committee on the bill for the better local government of the metropolis would not be resumed until the Tuesday after the recess, and there fore the house would meet to-morrow (this day) at the usual hour, instead of at 12 o'clock, as had been previously ar ranged. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-past one. THE MINISTRY AND ITS SUPPORTERS, A meeting was held yesterday afternoon at the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury, in Down ing -street, which was numerously attended by all sec tions of the Liberal party in the House of Commons. Being a private meeting, reporters were excluded, and we are therefore unable to give a detailed account of the speeches delivered on the occasion. Lord Palmerston, in a speech of some length, vindicated the policy of his Government* asserted the unanimity of his colleagues, and stoutly maintained their resolution tomosecute the war with vigour until terms should be °Mined calcu lated to insure a safe and honourable peace. The pre cise nature of those terms his lordship claimed for the Government the right of determining according to cir cumstances ; but those of his audience who expected to hear any definite statement on this momentous question went away very little wiser than they came. The meet ing was afterwards addressed by Messrs. Lowe, Layard, Bright, Cobden, Lord Robert Grosvenor, Sir James ' Graham, Mr. Laing, and other gentlemen, who gene rally concurred in censuring Mr. DlsrarAi's resolution, though considerable difference of opinion was expressed as to the amendment of Sir F. Baring. The tone of the meeting, though by no means harmonious, was, perhaps, as favourable to the Government as could be expected tinier circumstances so little calculated to inspire confidence. The following is a list of the members (numbering 203) who attended the meeting : Graham, Sir J. Moncreiff J. Shelburne, Earl Herbert, S. Thomason, G. King, L. ~ Wool, Sir C. Gardner, It. Perry, Sir E. Molcsworth, Fir W. Wickham, H. Itatusiten;Slr J. Macaulay, T. B. Price W. Kinnaird, A. Lewis, Sir Q. C. Hludiey, C. Portman, W. Ellice, E. Kershaw, J. Denison, E. Villiers, C. Crook, J. Howard, Hon. C. Bouverie, lion. E. P. Headlam, T. Ehrington, Viscount Hayter, W. Acton, Joseph Ellice, E., jun. Mulgrave, P.arl of Chambers, T. Marshall, W. Hall, Sir Benjamin Brocklehurst, J. Lowe, It. Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Rich, H. Warner, E. Russell, Lord J. Kirk, W. Trail!, G. Gibson, M. Baxter, W. Baring, H. Cobden, R. Oliveira, B. Cobbett, J. M. Bright, J. Duke, Sir J. Milton, Viscount Horsman, E. Stanley, W. Dundas, F. Hervey, Lord A. Mangles, K. Lindsay, C. Castlerosse, Vls. Biddulph, Col. R. M. Mills, T. Hastie, Archd. Heywood, J. Cavendish, G. C. Russell, H. Morris, D, Lemon, Sir C. Laing, S. Cheetham, John Craufurd, E. H. J. Goodman, Sir G. Brotherton, J. Coffin, W. Townshend, Capt. J. Ewart, J. Tynte, Col. C. Pechell, Sir G. Phillimore, R. J. Cockburn, Sir A. J. E. Ferguson, J. Fitzgerald, J. Monsell. W. Scobell. Capt. Caulfield, Lt.-Col. J. Peel, F. Hankey, T. Bonham-Carter, J. De Vero, S. E. Matheson, A. Walmsley, Sir J. 'Wells, W. Matheson, Sir J. Russell, F. C. Scrope, G. Bland, L. H. Collier, R. P. D mgarvan, Viscount Anderson, Sir J. Ingham, R. Ricardo, S. Beaumont, W. Forster, John Berkeley, Adm. Harmer, Sir John Ewart, W. Sheridan, R. O'Brien, P. Wyvill, M. North, F. Harcourt, G. G. Ricardo, 0. Berkeley, Hon. H. Langston, J. H. Seymour, Lord Jermyn, Rt. kin. Earl Gregson, Samuel Cowan, C. Esmonde, J. Seymour, D. Phillimore, J. G. Brand, II B. W. Luce T. Vane, Lord H. Bethell, Sir R. Mackinnon, W. Atherton, W.' Robartes, T. Biggs, W. Milner, W. M. E. Seymour, H. Strickland, Sir G. Norreys, Sir D. Williams, W. Tattered, H, Muntz, G. Price, Sir It. Heard, J. Littleton, E. Peel, Sir R. Paget, Lord A. Forster, Charles Davie, Sir H. R. F. Herbert, P. Waterpark, Lord Grosvenor, Ld. R. Duncan, George Clay, Sir W.. Bt. Wortley, J. S. Adair, 11. Layard, A. H. Duff, G. Grace, 0. O'Flaherty, A. Marjoribanks, D. Elliott, J. E. Rice, E. Cardwell, E. Keogh, W. Bruce, H. A. Gordon, A. :`,avendish, C. C. Walter, J. , Smith, M. Scully. V_ Clifford, Lt.-Col. MM. Osborne, R. Lee, W. A Icock, T. Ball, J. O'Brien, J. Scholefield, W. Johnstone, Sir J. Foley, J. li. Hogg, Sir J. W. Fitzroy, Henry Bulkeley, Sir R. Dent, J. Reed, J. Thornhill, W. Fitzwilliam, G. Ferguson, Sir R. Shafto, R. Bell, J. Bruce, Lord E. Grenfell, Charles Fortescue, C. S. Clinton, Lord R. Dalrymple, Vitcoant Rumbold, C. Duncan, Viscount Crossley, F. Goderich, Viscount Wilkinson, W. Freestan, Colonel Smith, It. Berkeley, G. Heneage, Geo. F. Baines, Rt. Hon. M. Wilson, J. Chaplin, W. Stafford, A. Barnes, T. Thornely, T. AVAL AND MILITARY INTELLIGENCE. Another change in the order for sailing of the block-ships under Rear-Admiral Baynes was made yesterday. They got up steam y:sterday afternoon, and at 5 o'clock weighed and dropped out to St. Helen's Roads, nearly within gunshot of Spithead, instead of going to the Nore direct, as previously ordered. Rear-Admiral Baynes was very unwell en Wed nesday night. All the ships of the fleet yesterday morning " dressed " in honour of her Majesty's birthday, and at noon fired a general Royal salute. Vice-Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, K.C.8., hoisted his flag in the Fire Queen *min tender, and, ac com p an i e d by Rear-Admiral Superintendent Martin, steamed through the fleet, giving Rear-Admiral Baynes his final orders. Yesterday they proceeded to Cowes to pay their respects to her Majesty at Osborne. The Enterprise,Captain C o lli nson , w as towed out of Sheer ness basinonTuelay, and her officers and crew were yester day conveyed to Chatham by the steam-tender Wildfire to be paid off. The Tartar, 20, screw steam corvette, Captain H. Dunlop, arrived at Sheerness yesterday at 6 a.m. She left Faroe Sound on the morning of the 18th inst., leaving there the Duke of Wellington, bearing the admiral's flag, the Ajax, Blenheim, Arrogant, Conflict, and Archer. The Imperieuse arrived there on the day previous, and left the same day for England, with orders to touch at Kiel. Smallpox was raging very badly on board the Duke of Wel liivrton and the Arrogant. The Geyser and Archer have taken a large number of prizes , • 24 to 25 have already been reported to hav e b een captured by them, all laden with va'uable cargoes of tallow, hemp, bristles, die., most of which are now on their passage home. _ _ _ On the day after the Tartar left Faroe Sound, she ex changed numbers with the Orion screw steam line-of-battle ship. The damage done to the Tartar by her late collision will require her tope docked. She was struck on her port side, two ports abaft the gangway port, by the Imperieuse stem on, by which her mainmast was broken into three pieces. Mr. William Moore, London pilot, has been appointed to take charge of the transport Rob Roy, as Baltic pilot. The Weasel gun.boat, Lieutenant Robert G Craigie, tender to the CmsAr, left Sheerness yesterday, at 4 a.m., direct for the Baltic. _ . The various works in the dockyard at Pembroke are being carried on with energy. A new frigate is to be immediately built upon the slip lately occupied by the Sutlej. Her arma ment will be 50 guns, and her length over all is to be about 240 feet, and she is to be built for the screw propeller. The Repulse, 90-gun ship, has been thoroughly altered for adapta tion to the screw, her after frame timbers having to be moved for the purpose. The Brunswick, 80, is to be launched in the course of the summer. The dry dock is to be lengthened and widened, at a cost of 10,0001., and two new slips are to be constructed, with a boat basin, at an expense allowed this year of 15,0001. The Meteor floating battery was commissioned on Wednes day by Captain Seymour. The Peninsular and Oriental Company's screw steam-ship Alma, No. 1 transport, has arrived out at the Crimea, and disembarked her troops, consisting of 1,030 rank and file, with 25 officers, under the command of Colonel Gordon Drummond. EXTENSIVE RAILWAY ROBBERIES, For a long time past the London and North Western, Lancaster and Carlisle, Lancashire and Yorkshire, and other railway companies have been subjected to considerable loss and great annoyance from continual robberies of goods in transit over their lines. To such an extent has this pilfering been practised, that as much as 401. or 501. has been paid at once by way of compensation to persons whose property was stolen. Articles of every conceivable description were missed. Valuable shawls from Paisley, silver plate and hard ware from Birmingham, boots and shoes from Not tingham, flannel jackets and stockings from Dum fries, silk handkerchiefs, tortoiseshell combs, books and stationery, spirits, &c. It was pretty evi dent, from - the systematic manner in which the robberies were carried on, that the thieves must be rail way officials ; but when packages conveyed long dis tances were tampered with, the difficulty was to ascer tain on what line, or what portion of a line, this took place. The Lancaster and Carlisle Company adopted the expedient of having lock-np vans for parcels, but without avail—robberies were of as frequent occur rence as ever. At length suspicion attached to John Butler, a breaksman in the service of that company, and his house at Carlisle was searched, but nothing was then found to criminate him. He, however, was dis missed from the company's service a few weeks ago, upon which he removed to Preston. An eye was kept upon his movements, and on Monday night Mr. J. E. Brierley, superintendent of railway police, and Sergeant Pool, a Preston detective, visited Butler's house, and there discovered a quantity of valuable property, includ ing shawls, handkerchiefs, combs, books, &c. The police also found in the prisoner's possession a large tin flask, made so as to fit conveniently on a man's chest, underneath his waistcoat, and evidently intended i to carry oft liquors, its capacity being about half- e a -;anon a bladder, which 2 seemed to have been used similar purpose, a gimlet and a small tap, by means m f f iom of which, it is surmised, spirits were raw o _ a casks—some of these having lost upwards t d gal lon—and a key of peculiar construction, which th e locks of the comp an y 's vans. On Tuesday th e prisoner was brought up before the borough magis trates, when Superintendent Brierley deposed to the facts above narrated. He also stated . that the company had recently paid 251. for lost shawls, some of which he be lieved were among those found at the prisoner's house. The man was remanded for a week, to afford an oppor tunity of procuring witnesses to identify the stolen pro perty. , THE SUN, LO.NDON, FRIDAY EVENIN'G, MAY 25,..1855. APPOINTMENTS. Lieutenants—Robert B. Beale, to the Neptune ; Richard Dawkins and George S. Naros, to the Glutton floating bat tery ; George J. Malcolm, to be additional Lieutenant of the Pembroke ; James A. Poland, to the Meteor floating battery. Chaplain Rev. George C. Williams, to the Retribution. Second Master Dover Farrant to the Cossack. Midshipmen—C. G. Fane, to the Euryalus; Hon. M. R. Wingfield, to the Nile. Clerk Henry W. Molesworth, to be Assistant-Paymaster of the Agincourt. Clerks'-Assistants—Hugh C. Goldsmith, to the Thomas ; J. C. Wood, to the Belleisle hospital-ship; Warwick Woold ridge, to the Medusa. Naval Cadets—H. F. Bunbury, to the Hawke ; N. A. R. Spicer, to the Royal Albert ; M. A. Shelley, P. F. Bertie, G. C. E. Lockhart, H. T. Skeffington, W. W. Poynder, E. A. Ward, J. B. K. Tynte, and C. E. A. Dansey, to the Duke of Wellington. Orders have been issued for the immediate embarkation of the following regiments of cavalry, and detachments from the cavalry depots, to join the service troops of their respective regiments at the seat of war—viz.:-Ist (King's) Dragoon Guards, from Piershill barracks, Edinburgh, to embark at Liverpool ; 15th (King's) Hussars, from Exeter, to embark at Plymouth ; each of the abovementioned regiments will embark nearly 650 strong, exclusive of trumpeters and far riers. Detachments from cavalry depots—via.—the 10th (Prince of Wales's) Royal Hussars, and 12th Lancers, from Maidstone ; the 11th Hussars (Prince Albert's), and the 17th Lancers, from Brighton ; and the Ist Royal Dragoons, and 6th Enniskillen Dragoons, from Canterbury, to embark at Southampton ; the 13th Light Dragoons, from Dorchester, to embark at Plymouth ; and the 4th Light Dragoons, the Bth (Royal Irish) Hussars, and the 4th (Royal Irish) Dragoon Guards, from Newbridge, to embark at Kingstown. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. MR. DISRAELI'S MOTION. ( Feorn. the Times of this day. ) Had Lord John Russell remained to this day at Vienna, or were there any reason to fear that through his ascendancy we were drifting to a dishonourable peace, then certainly there would be reason in an attack directed so exclusively against this ono man. But the exaggerated personality of the attack is itself calculated to throw Parliament and the nation off their guard. It cannot be necessary that we should believe Lord John Russell to have acted so important a part as at once to have kindled the ambition of Russia, exaspe rated the hostility of England, and. wielded the conference with the same steady aim to irretrievable confusion. Surely the present crisis can be appreciated without entering so thoroughly and with so decided a prejudice into the career of any one man, For our part, we would rather consider what is to be done entirely apart from any personal considerations. We cannot give in to the cheap and politic compliments which Lord Palmerston lavishes on his troublesome colleague. We canna see that the latter did do his work at Vienna with consummate ability. The proof is not to be found either in the minutes or in the result. But, putting his Lordship's honest endeavours wholly out of the question, we ask for two assurances on the authority of the whole Cabinet—the first, that the war shall be prosecuted with the utmost vigour; the other, that England will not listen to any nugatory and insulting proposition from the author of that war. It is quite reasonable, after the lan guage that has been used in the House, particularly after it has been asserted over and over again that the deliberations are not closed, and the Conference, as it were, is still sitting, that the public should have some security against what they will feel downright humiliation. Indeed, when Russia has concluded the Conference by simply giving England and France leave to do what they will do without asking her leave, or some such illusory proposal, and when in the face of this insult the Conference is declared to be still open, it is necessary to define and restrict the basis within which nego tiation is for the future to be confined. But, seeing that Parliament is compelled to handle two subjects at once, and to comprehend them both in one reso lution—for such is the double character of some half-dozen resolutions and amendments now before the house—it were to be wished that hou. members would say rather more ex plicitly what, in their opinion, the Allies should be content with. Mr. Gladstone appears to be easily satisfied. A treaty laying down on paper certain numbers of ships, and certain rights of ingress and egress, will, in his judgment, amply re munerate England and France for some hundred thousand lives and hundred millions of money. What terms we may eventually have to submit to must depend on the fortune of war. It certainly maybe in the intention of Providence, for the humiliation and correction of civilised Europe, that, like Greece, she should fall under the iron heel of another semi barbarous Macedon; but, with that example before us, it is our business rather to be warned, and to avert the omen, than to give way to it. If this is our intention, as wo trust it is, all experience warns us against mere paper treaties in dealing with a great and unscrupulous Power. If we can, and if Pro vidence will so far second our daring, we must obtain a better security than words ; and, strong as Russia is, she cannot prevent us taking this security by the destrnction or occupa tion of her great stronghold in the Black Sea. The enter prise may be audacious, and hitherto unsuccessful, but it is only a question of time, men, and money, and the British public will feel quite easy as to the result, if its Government will only promise to submit to no disgraceful compromise, and to omit no labour, ho cost, no reasonable sacrific e o f an ; I kind, no appeal to the patriotism of the country, that ma y be necessary for the effective prosecution of the war. ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM. MEETING IN SOUTHWARK. Last night a public meeting of electors and inhabitants of the borough of Southwark was held at the Bridge-house Hotel, London-bridge, with the view to assist the movement mow in progress for the promotion of reform in the adminis tration of the public departments ; Mr. Apsley Pellatt, M.P., occupied the chair. The large room in which the meeting was convened was crowded. The following resolutions were agreed to : " That this meeting believes the degraded condition to which our country has been reduced to be attributed to the corrupt and culpable appointment of incompetent persons to official positions ; and that yet greater national degradation can only be avoided by the exclusion of mediocrity from the various departments of the Executive, and by the distribu tion of the duties and emoluments of office among men of especial aptitude and high capacity. ' " That this meeting, having full confidence in the patriot ism and judgment of the managing committee of the Administra tive Reform Association, and regarding a thorough adminis trative reform as the best and safest preliminary elec toral equality and residential suffrage, in order to the real representation of the people in Parliament prays them to be earnest and energetic, fearless and faithful in the prosecution of their noble undertaking, that an end may be speedily and finally put to the countless evils of Government by corruption . —appointments by favour—promotion by purchase, and the distribution of honours and dignities in reward for servility, sycophancy, and demerit. " That the manly exposure of the monster grievance of the day by Mr. Layard entitles that honourable member to the confidence and gratitude of the people ; whilst the vain at tempts to bolster up the existing system by personal abuse and gross misrepresentation of its courageous denunciations have excited universal disgust." A resolution was also passed authorising the formation forthwith of an association in the borough of Southwark, in connection with the Administrative Reform Association re cently established in the city of London. The meeting separated after the usual compliment to the chairman. • Mlle. Dejazet is announced for a series of last repre sentations at the Gaiete, where Frederio Lemaitre has also been playing for some time. THE JOINT CONSULATE OF LIBERIA.—Mr. John George Cop Lewis N ew nbam, her Britannic Majesty's Consul at Monrovia, the capital of the Republic of Li beria, on the western coast of Africa, has received the dis tinguished and unusual honour of an appointment to the office of Consul of France at the same place. Hi s ap pointment in the latter capacity was notified to him in a highly complimentary despatch of M. Drouyn de l'Huys, the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs to the Ern. nt of thus. ~ Mr. e peror of the French , and the British Government has p e rmitted him to accept it. The Government R e public has recognised the appointment, and Newnham is at once Consul for England a nd for Fr ance . ROYAL DUBLIN SOCIETY.—The Lords Commissioners of so ciety'stl Tre pro a p s o u s r e y dim b auvseeuappnaorfonvaetdu natural tion is to be forthwith set ab ou t. occupy the south aide of th e s con nected with the house b pillars ; a corresponding stru cture a feet long, and 40 feet wide, g tw ro o un ti d ers floor and side two galleries, e ociet T y the hi ' h s stor plans of the y, lawn, and a n d its be e r e c e new museum will semi circular colonnade on Th will be erected on the opposite or north s id e. The building itself will be 230 and, in a dditi on t o the great space it will a ff ord f or displaying specimens on the walls, it will be furnished with SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. EPSOM RACES.—THIJRSDAY. The Ep.ona Four•Year-Old Stakes of 50 sovs each, h ft ; colts Bst 111 b, fillies Bst 61b. New Derby Course. 4 subs. Mr. Powney's Marc Antony, Bst 111 b (A. Day) 1 Mr. Joseph's Torn, Bst 11Ib (J. Osborne) 2 Duke of Bedford's Pelham, , Bst 11Ib ..,...(S. Rogers) 3 'Betting-4 to 4 each agst Torn and Mara Antony 3. to, 1 agst Pelham. ._ A. fine race with Tom and Marc Antony from the hall distance, the latter winning by halia' length. Very bad third. The Two-Year-Old Stakes of 10 soya each, with 50 added ; colts Bst 71b, fillies Bst 41b. Any winner be fore starting 51b extra. Half-a-mile. 21 subs. Mr. J. M. Stanley's Sugarcane, Bst 41 b(Bartholomew) 1 M. J. Morris's Bubble, Bst 71b (Barham) 2 Mr. Howard's Overreach, Bst 41b (Wells) 3 aoaudrdteldfor certain to a Handicap TheSi Grand The following also ran — Missenden, Jane Shore, Daring Ranger. Sugar cane, 5 t Betting- 1 6 ea t c o h 5 a a ff g it st Bu J i a )b n l e e S a h n o d re o v 4 er t r o ea l ch a . cT agst Sugar- Suareane led throughout, and won very cleverly by Sugarcane half a length ; the second beating the third b y a neck ; a le w ad e e o p n s S weepstakes only kSbetweenla covetthe of l e each.th i rd ° d sous, nf Extra weight Mr7 i J nn . e A rs l . . S p ta e n r l b e y y' C s ° T u h rs e te e Ve 2s ra s n u , bs by Old England, 5 yrs, Est 12Ib (kshmall) 1 Mr. Mo rr i s 's Cossey, 3 yrs, 6st (T. Cliff) 2 Mr. Death's Cranbourne, 4 yrs, 7st 31b (Charlton) 3 Mr. T. Sare's Gossip, 5 yrs, 7st 81b (Palmer) 4 Betting -6 to 4on Cossey, 4to 1 aget Veteran. A capital race up the Straight, Veteran winning by half a length ; the second beat the third by a head, and the fourth close up. Her Majesty's Plate of 100 guineas, for mares ; three year-olds, 7st ; four, Bst 91b ; eve, 9st 21b ; six and aged, 9st 51b. Metropolitan Stakes Course. Two miles and a quarter. Mr. Jacob's: eb e d l y l Admiral O. V. Harcourt's Ellermire, by Chanticleer, 3 yrs ..................... . .. _.(Bates) 1 Rose G‘vY three-quarter s annn. de—....gt. O . - f . u. a : T e nt h .'lls—o.g.r a n. . a Mr. Daley's Black S wan ' -3 yr s wan, Vi n (S. Steggles) 3 (Charlton) 2 Betting-7 to 4 agat Ellermire 2tol a st Black Swan. Won easily a half between second and third ; bad fourth. ' Vingt•un broke down. The Selling Stakes of 5 sovs each, with 30 added, for length and 2-yr-olds and upwards. Optional selling weights. New T.Y.C. Three quarters of a mil e . F our subs .. Mr. Sait's Allington, by Sir Hercules, 5 yrs (401.) Bst 21b (Nightingale), walked over, and only half the " added money" was given. The Cobham Plate of 50 qovs (Handicap) for all ages. Extra weight for certain winners. New T.Y.C. Three quarters of a mile. Mr. Prenter's Duke of Lancaster, by John o'Gaunt, 4 yrs, Est 10lb (T. Cliff) 1 Lord Anglesey's Old Rowley, 6 yrs, 7st 71b (J. Goater) 2 Mr. Drinkald's Professor Airey, 3 yrs, sst 101 b, (Fordham) 3 Mr. J. Barnard's Warwick, aged, 7st 101b....(Arthur) 4 The following also ran :—Sir Arthur, Sole Star, and Rip Van Winkle. Betting-2 to 1 agst Old Rowley-3 to 1 agst Sole Star-5 to 1 agst Duke of Lancaster. Won easy by two lengths ; same distance between the second and third ; bad fourth. LATEST BETTING. OAKS. 3to 1 agst Blooming Heather 7to 2 agst Nettle 6to 1 agst Capucine. 7to 1 agst Clotilde. 10 to 1 agst Dame Judith 11 to 1 agst Chalice 15 to 1 agst Lady Tatton MARKET NEFV2-(TaIS DAY.) CORN EXCHANGE. Very moderate supplies of English wheat have been re ceived up to our market this week, coastwise and by land carriage, and the show of samples in to-day's market was limited. On the whole, the demand ruled steady, at, in some instances, prices rather above those current on Mon day—the advance being about is. per quarter, and a good clearance was effected. Upwards of 30,000 quarters of foreign wheat have arrived this week. Fine qu al ities were firm, and quite as dear as last week. Inferior parcels met a dull inquiry. There was a better show of barley, yet the demand for most kinds was steady, at full quotations. Malt was in moderate supply and steady request, at full prices. We had a dull inquiry for oats, and inferior parcels had a downward tendency. Beans, peas, and flour were unaltered in value. Wheat. 1,960 ARRIVALS THIS WISH. Barley. Malt. Oats. I Flour. 3,080 5,040 1,170 1,730 4,600 English .. Irish .... Foreign .. 30,820 1 10,790 34,750 1 1130 sks. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN For the week ended Stay 24, 1855, made up from the Returns of the Inspectors in the different Cities and Towns in England and Wales per Imperial Quarter. \ EASLEY. OATS. I STE. \ MANS. I PEAS. 763 ld 32s 51 21s 9! , 443 3d , 41s 51 42s 44 THE SIX WEEKS' I'VEIINGE. WItEkT. I BAILLVY. OAT 3. SYE. BEANS. PEAS. 70s 8.1 31s 7‘l 26s 4i 40s 5d 4 42s 3d 39s Ssi QUANTITIES OF GRAIN SOLI) LAST WEEK. Wheat, 97,879; Barley, 20,093 ; Oats, 12,394; Rye, 100 ; Beans. 4,201; Peas, 426 quartas. SMITHFIELD. The show of beasts in to-day's market was tolerably good, and the demand for all breeds ruled heavy, at barely Mon day's prices. The extreme figure for Scots was 4s 6d per Blbs. Sheep, the supply of which was moderate, moved off steadily, at full quotations. There was 'a fair sale for lambs, at fully previous rates. Prime small calves were scarce, and quite as dear as last week. Inferior veal met a dull inquiry. The pork trade was heavy. Milch cows sold slowly, at from 111. to 191. each, includ ing their small calf. . _ Per Sibs to sink the offals. e. d. s. d.l s. d. e d. Inferior Beasts.... 3 2to 3 6'PrimeSonthdown 4 8 5 0 Second quality.... 3 8 3 10;Large crse. calves 4 0 4 8 Prime large oxen 4 0 4 21Prime small d 0... 410 5 4 Prime Scots, &c. 4 4 4 6 1 Large hogs 3 0 4 0 Inferior Sheep ...3 4 3 6 Smallporkers 4 2 4 4 Second quality ...3 8 3 10'Suekling calves-24 0 30 0 Prime crse.-wiled.4 0 4 4 Quarter old pigs 21 0 26 0 Lamb ss Od to 6s lid. TOTAL SUPPLY. i FOSAIGN SUPPLY. Beasts ............ Sheep ..........• .. •• .• .. 8,000 Sheep .................... 200 Calves .............• •• .. 300 Calves ••• 2 11 NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL. The general demand was in a sluggish state, as follows: — Per 81bs by thecarcase. s. d. s. d. s. d. B. d. Beef, interior 3 0 3 4 1 Mutton, Inferior 3 2 3 6 Do., middling 3 6 3 8 1 Do., middling 3 8 4 2 Do., prime large .3 10 4 0 ' Do., prime..., 4 4 4 $ Do , do. small ....4 0 4 2 Veal 3 8 5 0 Furk, large 3 4 3 8 Pork, small 3 10 4 4 Lamb 53 Od to 6s 6d. BOROUGH HOP. There was an improved feeling in the demand for nearly all kinds of hops, and Sussex qualities are producing ra ther more money. The show of samples is ♦ery limited. This week's imports are 26 bales from Guernsey, 20 from Rotterdam, 258 from New York, and 10 from Hambnrgh. Mid and East Kent pockets, 141 Os to 20/. ; Weald of Kent , ditto, 111 lOs to 151. lOs ; Sussex, 101 5s to 121. COLONIAL. TEL—The market has been without particular varia tion. Common Congou has realised 8d to 9d per lb. SllGAR.—British plantation has been dearer. Barbados' sold briskly at 40s 6d to 41s for fine yellow, at 38s to 39s Gd for good, and at 35s to 37s Gd for low to mid.. Mauri tius, also, has been 6d dearer ; yellow brought 38s 6d, ord to good 35s to 38s, refined 33s to 335, brown 30s to 34s Gd. very ord 28s to 29a 6d, grainy yellow good and fine 39s 6d to 425, and ord 35s 6d to 36s Gd. Bengal and Madras, pri vately, have been taken to a fair extent. Foreign— Clayed Manilla went at 35s 6d, and damp and washed at 34s 6d to 355. Jamaica sold at 34s Gd to 38s 6d. Porto Rico 34s to 435, and Cuba at 35s to 39s per cwt. Refined brown lumps were in request early in the week at 47s 3d to 47s 6d, and low to fine grocery at 47s 6d per cwt. COFFEE.—Plantation Ceylon has hem, in demand at rather improved prices ; fine and fine fine ord mid brought 58s to 655. Jamaica low to fine fine ord sold at 49s t to e 5 1 1 The Greenish Mocha found buyers at 70e per market generally a iv • has been firm. were paid. Ben been taken at 47s 6d for good or d. RlCE.—Early in the wee k higher reties old Carolina was taken in at 34s to 35s per cw t. and 14s 6d for mid:bold yellowish . gal brought 14s for mid , rath e r " mall, and broken new, m vi i s d ., m at ai s ab d a t r o , s a id a rted from Natal, sold at 34s for ord. Black pepper, nmo kind. 1 4tat to 4jd for Aleppo sorts. 4id for Sumatra a r ki d 349 6d to 355, and Singapore mixed forBmmiedic.B.—CFasimsisenrerha a s a gen been t .et 4 steady, efer Long pepper rea lise d Nutmegs atecesldsfe4dr wtoil2ds, d ld ut f y or pe h i a d rd ; a to nd m m ixe r d ies p n al gi e n re g d er . ablacks went publicly at 35 4d to rs at 3s 4d to 3alod per lb. Rum.—There has been a fair business done at 2e 2d to 2s 2Ad for East proof.lndia. s cvhe 3 a d r a p af e te r lr e , w a t n. :L a 22s wh i t p e e r n d 4. cwt. 3fd wh t4sl: Gc TeTea i i : R i lL E t— on ° N: COTTON. —There hF.Eo— The Honduras— a : T e Y y m . r il I. holidays, 1 , have r lx. h avl ha ehei s a ss beenlairuledsms assumed limited. (I s e i c .d i r u a s l al i e3 l B ; s : e market, owing to th r iap u pr l o P a ri ch ee o l f . considerable business has been done in oranges and nuts. Lemons are being forced on the market owing to their be iKn e g el ionugt and of H c o n n la d t i t a i o t n p , u l b , ii oo o o B a p l e a , e k w a e g r e e s t o ak f o w n h b i y c ht,,h the sold d bl . at a price proportionate to quality. ---- arry'sdeli • F LA d Mi n ER v T a i r S i E a MENT Du iiimoo, or exi b le ly ns l e : e l s a t s ols i l l malth, reme dies. We extract ' a few which had resisted hae lie b i c a'N e rel n without m ß: d va ic l in en e t , a i A n : n b r i c o s . it saves 50 times its cost in other and nausea, l out of 50,000 testimonials of cures, us m en e fic i .e l s i es c i i i f i f a c l s l v. removedC in No . b 4 y ,2 D o u B. 4,208. —Fight g .y h l : years' dyspepsia, debility, with cramps, spasms, delicious food iu a very short time. —Rey. John W. Flavell, Ridlingtou Rectory, Norfolk. From the Dowager Countess of Castlestuart. —Cure 53,612.—Ilosstrevor, County of Down, Ireland, 9th December, IBs4.—The Dowager Countess of Castlestuart feels induced, in the interest of suffering huma nity, to state that Du Barry's excellent RevalentaArabica Food has cured her, after all medicines bad failed, of indigestion, bile, great nervousness and irritability of many years' standing. This food deserves the confidence of all sufferers, and may be R ege nt-street, London ; also at 182, c onsidered a blessing. In q uiries will be cheerfully answered.ioab.22s In canisters, 11b. 2 s. 9d. ; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. lls. ; . The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office ra 77, cc hurch-street ; 330, and 451, Sr sand: order'. Barry Du ri rry ccad ßa iuy; & 6 C O3 o. o , 4, Chcapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill ; 49, Bishopsgate-sr:reet; 505;foChastrineegr B ss 9 ; , s H 4 i , gh U -s p t p re e e r t, Bk am er d -s e t u rel o t wn ; 6;3 18,an 7.151 mall; 7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, New Bond-street ; 24, liot• 13, King William-street, City 30, Co nduit• s e i m u l e e b , t.: t r Churchyard; t ; Co ek i ip u r 6, E . - stre dw e ; t 95, FarringdOn-street - t ; 137, %y Paul's ard-etreet, PortaisnoegyArkh