The Sun. — London, England, 1855-08-04 00:00:00

ord said he had not been able to make himself master of their contents for want of time. Lord J. RUSSELL had said the papers had only just reached him. Sir J. PABINGTON—One of these papers was a circular eespatch, addressed by Sir W. Denison, the Governor-General, to the other Australian colonies, reposing that they should subscribe 100,0001. to obtain team communication. Another was an address of the Legislative Council of Victoria, stating that that colony was ready to pay 50,0001. a year towards the expense of renewed steam communication. He (Sir J. Pakington), therefore, wished to know what the Government were doing in the matter, and how soon steam communication to Australia would be resumed ? Also, what answer had been sent by the Government to the offer of the colonists ? Mr. 'WILSON said there was no di r ect offer from Victoria with regard to the sum proposed by the Legis lative Council. There was the circular of Sir W. Denison to the other colonies. The proposal of the Legislative Council of Victoria was, that the Government should give 60,0001., and they woad give 40,0001., to carry out renewed steam communication. The only other paper was an enclosure containing the resolution of the Legis lative Assembly, which had been sent to Sir W. Denison, stating they were ready to give 50,0001., on condition that the communication should be overland via the Ceylon route. There was, however, no distinct offer, and, therefore, there was no reply. The whole of the papers had been sant to the Postmaster General for his consideration, with the view of coming to an understand ing on the subject. In the meantime arrangements were making in this country on the subject. Communica tions with the Peninsular and Oriental Company, which had been suspended, were revived, and they were called upon to send in an estimate. An offer was made to perform the service for 80,0001., and that communica tion rested with the Postmaster General ; and as soon as anything was determined upon no time would be lost in communicatinz with the Colonial Office. Mr. F. FRENCH wished to ask if it was intended to make any change in the consuiar departments in the Levant ! Viscount PALMERSTON replied that no intention at present existed to make any change. Communications bad been received from Sir J. M'Neil to the effect that the consular establishments were in a state of complete efficiency, and all parties actuated by due zeal in the discharge of their public duties. The report of the committee of supply was agreed to. The Appropriation Bill was brought in and read a first time amid much cheering. THE VIENNA CONFERENCES. In rising to call the attention of the house to the subject of the conferences„ Mr. LAING stated that he had only brought forward this question under the strongest sense of duty. The de -cision come to by the Government in regard to the non acceptance of the Austrian propositions for peace was one of the most important that had ever been come to, and yet, although it had been taken against the unanimous opinion of the five plenipotentiaries who represented the Allied powers at those conferences, and although the war had now entered upon quite a new phase, and had entirely changed its relation to the public opinion of Europe, no dis cussion had taken place with respect to the policy pursued by the Government since the papers which afforded the necessary information had been laid before the house. The only discussion that had taken place with respect to the policy pursued by the Government was on the motion of the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucks. But that discussion was conducted, not only in a state of igno rance, but, what was worse, in a state of misinformation on the part of the house as to what had really taken place at the Vienna conferences. It was then supposed that the conferences had been broken up, because Russia had re f used to entertain the proposition of the allies for a limita tion of her power, and had proposed entirely unacceptable terms of peace, so that there was no hope of a satisfactory conclusion. And when it was subsequently rumoured that Austria had made propositions of peace, it was supposed that these were only the Russian proposals for peace slightly disguised ; while the rumour by which it was ac companied, that there were dissensions in the Cabinet on the subject, was not credited. It was in this state of things that the right bon. gentleman the member for Bucks brought forward his motion, previous to which there was that meeting of the supporters of the Government in Downing-street which had been so frequentlo adverted to. Now, it was generally supposed that meetings of that kind were of a confidential character, where the communi cations of the Minister were more open than in that house; but he would appeal to honourable members whether either then or in the discussion which subsequently took place the whole truth was told by the Government? He considered that there was a suppressio yeti closely approach. ing a suggestio falai. The motion of the right hon. gentle man was discussed on an entire misapprehension of the real state of things. It never entered the head of any one on,that side of the house to suppose that a proposition had been male by Austria, which the noble lord the member for the city of London considered perfectly satisfactory, and that there was a division in the Cabinet on the subject. The subsequent discussion which took place, on the motion of the member for Sheffield turned entirely on the conduct of the noble lord the member for London, and that on the motion of the hon. member for Sheffield upon the comities of the war, so that he was perfectly justified in saying that there had as yet been no discussion on the question whether the Austrian proposals afforded a basis for mak ing peace. He brought forward this question now on ac count of what he knew with respect to the public opinion of Europe. Firmly connected with industrial undertak ings, he was able to ascertain the opinions not so much of professed politicians as of merchants, bankers, financiers, and manufacturers, who constituted the independent pub lic opinion of Europe to a great extent on this subject. At first the public opinion of this class of persons was, with few exceptions, in favour of the course adopted by the Western Powers in resisting the aggressions of Russia, but he believed their opinion was now opposed to the course taken in not making peace on the terms suggested at Vienna. They said that when men of the eminence of the noble lord the member for the city of London and M. Dronyn de PHuys were sent to Vienna, the proceedings as sumed more the character of a submission to arbitration than of an ordinary diplomatic congress; that we were now fight ing against the award of our dwn arbitrators ; and that, unless the Austrian proposals contained the basis of a satis factory solution, it was incredible that the noble lord the member for the city of London and M. Drouyn de l'Huys, going to Vienna with opposite propositions, should have ar rived at the opinions they did, and in which they were sup ported by the Turkish Plenipotentiary—the representative of the Power most immediately concerned. An examina tion of the papers recently submitted to Parliament had led him (Mr. Laing) to a similar conclusion. In expressing the opinion, however, that we had committed a great error in not making peace at Vienna on the terms of the Aus trian proposals, he must express his entire dissent from the principles of what were known as the peace party. He believed that this war was just, necessary, and inevitable, and that peace ought not to be made until the rational ob jects of the war were attained. But he believed that the rational objects of the war had been attained, and 'that in now prosecuting the war further we had not only com mitted a mistake, but a crime. The objects of the war were very simple, and could not be better described than they were in the circular despatch of Count Buol, theAus trian Minister. He said, " The object of the war is to limit the political power of Russia to such a point is to render the abase of its material resources if not impossible, at least in the highest degree difficult." He believed in other words that the general object of the war was to maintain the general balance of power in Europe, an object not only worthy of this ceuntry, but one which we could not givuup without diehononr and disgrace. In the proper sense of the term there was no more legitimate or necessary object than the maintenance of the balance of power in Europe. He believed that our modern civilisationrested on the factthat we had a community of nations, each pursuing its own de velopment independent of the others, without allowing any one to gain undue preponderance or to draw others into their own system. If that system were subverted we should fall into a state of society more like that which prevailed under the Roman empire than anything which existed in, modern Europe. He thought it was quite clear that Russia had acquired a position in Europe which did threaten the balance of p ower. But how did the danger originate ? In the circumstances by which the German powers, which were the natural rampart of Europe against Russia, became subservient to that w p e And what was the cause of that ? H e b e li eved it waso r. the absurd foreign policy by which we had alienated the mischievously iwntne;ine'ev'cr tive Governments of Europe by dling in their internal aff a i rs , an d b y patting on the ba ck the revolutionists, wh om we never h a d any intention o f assisting ; and that it was parti c ul ar l y b y t h e course which we pursued in 1848 that we had ali ena t e d the German powers, had driven them into the arms of R uss i a, and 111e1 thus created the danger with which we were now called upon td deal. He believed that an alliance between Eng land and Austria to resist Russia was one dictated by na ture and common sense, for England and Austria were both essentially conservative and non-aggressive powers as re garded foreign policy. We brought the war upon us by alienating the German powers, and the keystone of any effectual system for resisting the aggressions of Russia, and restoring the European equilibrium, must be a hearty and cordial alliance between England and the German states. But the more immediate and specific danger arose from the position of Russia with regard to Turkey. It was caused, in the first place, from the inter nal and, he was afraid, incurable weakness of Turkey, and the existence of certain old treaties so ambiguous and ill defined that Russia could carry on her aggressions to a con siderable extent without consulting any particular castes belli on which the other powers of Europe could interfere. The remedy proposed for that state of things by the first statesmen of Europe was embodied in the p ro p ositions termed the four points, which, in his opinion, contained a fair and rational definition of what might be reasonably asked from Russia, both as security for the future and as punishment for the past. He believed that the moderation of our demands received all bat universal approbation throughout Europe. Russia at first refused to consider the four points, but hardily a year elapsed before she was obliged to concede their principle. A conference was then opened at Vienna, and when three and a half out of the four points had been settled, the negotiations were broken off 'upon the mode provided for, carrying into effect the wa nd half of the third point. Two propositions were made by Russia—the first for the absolute opening, and the second for the absolute closing of the Black Sea ; but both were rejected at once by the allied powers as failing to afford any satisfactory guarante e. e At the last moment Austria proposed the plan of counterpoise, relaxing the rule for the closing of the Straits in favour of the allies under certain contingencies ; and, in addition, she agreed to enter into a triple alliance with England and France for the specific purpose of guaranteeing Turkey against any aggression on the part of Russia. He believed that a bet ter security for the peace of Europe could not be obtained ; long for 00 -- K ail there was a triple alliance between z Prance, an d A ustr i a, th e ge neral peace would not be dis . turbed. (Hear, hear.) In that trip l e alliance Aust r i a offered to insert a secret clause, that if Russia should re ject' the proposition to be made to her, or, having accepted it, should endeavour to evade its stipulations by increasing her fleet to an unreasonable extent, Austria would con sider it as a callus belli. Now Russia either would or would not have accepted the Austrian proposal. He believed, from what he had heard both in England and in other parts of Europe, that she would have accep ted it ' in the end, and that, consequently; peace would have been made. Assuming such to be the case, what he had to ask was. whether the difference between what we demanded at Vienna and what Russia would have accepted and we might' have got was such as to justify the continuance of the war, and all the sacrifices in men and money which it involved? Practically, the negotiations were broken off on the difference between limitation and counterpoise. Let them consider what that difference was. The arguments against counterpoise, and in favour of limitation, were that the former wonlcrinvelve the country in a large additional annual expenditure for keepiug up a fleet in the Black Sea, ~: ~~;~. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, A.t'GrUST 4 1 . 855 that it had the appearance of a humiliating protection to- justice or necessity of the war, but also from those who, wards Turkey, and that, after all, it would be nothing more having at first concurred in the justice and necessity of the than an armed truce. He did not say there was no weight in war, and having been parties in the embarking , in it and these argainentt , bu t he thou g ht th(y had 1 3 . )eit winc h over- in‘p roi ,, oli ti Litz it no „oeertain point, after , v , it ihouf , hr rated, gild cit Lainls- they did notjustify the continuance o Ifit the war. As to the first, that of expense, we had to keep a Mediterranean fleet at any rate, and he apprehended that in ordinary circumstances our course would be, whenever we beard that Russia was increasing her fleet beyond the specified number, to send one or two of our ships upon a cruise in the Black Sea. Ho did not think that would im volvo us in very great expense; but even supposing we were obliged to create a naval depot at Sinope, or some where opposite Constantinople. he asked, what wore we spending in the present war ? Why, we were spending about 50 millions extra every year of the war, and would not the interest of that sum suffice for a naval station in the Black Sea ? As regarded the protectorate, he was afraid that was an unavoidable condition, and that Turkey could not hope to exist as an independent power, without a certain amount of protection.' With respect to the third argument—that the presence of several fleets belonging to different nations in the Black Sea would only be an armed truce—he could not see why it applied with more force to the Black Sea than to many parallel cases elsewhere. For a considerable time after the Syrian war our relations with France were not in a satisfactory condition ; large fleets on both sides were kept in the Mediterranean ; but that state of things did not last long--it went off very quietly ; and he did not see why a different result should follow in the Black Sea. Besides, nobody could suppose that English captains and officers were so little subject to discipline that for any or no cause they would run the risk of plunging their coun try in a war with Russia. (Hear, hear.) At the same time he was bound to state that if limitation could be car ried out as a general rule, it would be the best security for the peace of Europe ; but he saw no reason why it should be adopted in the Black Sea rather than in the Mediterranean or the Baltic. Turning to the plan of coun terpoise, he thought the arguments in its favour were over whelming. In the first place, it was eminently a practical plan, and it made it the interest of Russia herself to limit her forces in order Co get rid of those of the allies, while the plan of limitation made it her interest to evade its sti pulations, Again, under a proper plan of limitation, if 10 years hence Russia were to build more than the specified number of ships, he did not think we could act upon that information and make it a casus bell; whereas, under the plan of counterpoise, the moment we hoard that Russia was increasing her fleet, we should send a corre sponding number of ships into the Black Sea, and thus the danger would be met at once. It was likewise important to observe that the difference on which the Vienna nego tiations were broken cff was one of detail and not of prin ciple. In the instructions given to the British plenipo tentiary, the plan of counterpoise was referred to as an alternative, though not a desirable one, and therefore it was unjust to assert that the noble lord acted at Vienna without authority. The conclusions of the noble lord throughout had been those of a statesman; and, so far from estimating his own position too highly, as had been alleged against him, the only fault to be found with him was that he did not always* act with sufficient firmness and vigour upon his own judgment. Upon the whole, the preponderance of argument was in favour of counterpoise. Russia, indeed, could not be expected to submit to the plan of limitation ; and there was great justice in the remark of the British plenipotentiary, that it would not be expedient to press galling conditions upon Russia, or to leave her in a discreditable position. But let them look for a moment at the consequences which followed the rejection of the Austrian proposal. If we had accepted that proposal we should have had either peace or the co-operation of Aus tria; for, notwithstanding the remark of the Home Secre tary, that Ministers rejected the proposal because they be lieved Austria was not sincere, there could be no doubt that when the proposal reached the shape of a mature pro position, the Austrian Government had made up their minds to submit it as as ultimatum to Russia, and, in the case of its rejection, to withdraw their ambassador from St. Peterriburg, and at once declare the rejection a casza belli. That really involved the question of the good faith of Austria in those transactions. On that point there could be nothing more distinct than the testimony of the noble lord, who ought to know most about it, and who said that although she had not acted the part he could have wished, 'still her conduct had been straightforward and intelligible, and there could be no well-founded complaints of treachery against her. Austria said she was as much opposed to Russian aggression as any other power could be; but if the ends to be attained by-war could be obtained without war, she would infi nitely prefer that arrangement. That was an intelligible and honest proposition on the part of a power like Austria, situated as she was with an exposed frontier, with ooliga tions to Russia for interference in 1848-49, and with a Most painful financial position, which would be seriously aggra vated by the consequences of even a successful war, seeing that even in peace she bad an annual deficit of from two to three millions. Besides, Austria was engaged in the emancipation of her millions of peasants from their state of serfdom under the feudal system, and in other internal im provements, which required a state of peace and tranquil lity above all things, Her Majesty's Government, then, arrived at the conclusion of rejecting the proposal. Had those who advocated that cause fully considered the enor mous risks to which England and all the other powers of Europe were exposed by the continuance of the war ? He would not dwell on those personal risks which might ap pear to civilians of much greater magnitude and import anee than to those who looked at the question from a military point of view. The resources of France and Eng land, there could be no doubt, were greater than those of Russia, and if we would only submit long enough to the de-snorer - liens of war, we should carry our point. (Hear.) The expense incurred by the war was, however, a plain and tangle sacrifice, which every ono would appreciate. If the war were indefinitely continued for an indefinite ob ject, we should undo all the good that the last many years had clone, and we should load ourselves with the burden of a second national debt to no purpose. It must also be obvious to every one that the continuance of the war must. finish in the exhaustion of the ally we undertook to suc cour. But was there no danger, also, to our alliance with France to be apprehended from a prolonged contest? Were there not to be seen in the war very obvious germs of dissidence between the two Western Powers? Even the late unsuccessful attack on Sebastopol suf ficed to produce grounds of mutual recrimination. Ent if the war should extend to Germany, there would arise the danger to be apprehended from the French people getting inoculated with those ideas of ambition and mili tary conquest which formerly inspired them. The French people might naturally finish by saying that they were making enormous sacrifices of all kinds in the war, and they must have some advantage more material to them selves than could arise from the questions of guarantee and counterpoise or limitation in the Black Sea. His (Mr. (Laing's) opinion was that the war was looked upon as just and necessary by all classes generally in Freese, yet he could not look without apprehension to results that might arise at any time from a continuance of the struggle. And if danger was to be apprehended to our relations with Francs, much more was to be apprehended to our relations with Germany, and to those alliances which mast always be the shell-stone of any successful resistance to Russian aggression. It might be said, indeed, that we had brought the war upon ourselves by driving Germanyinto the hands of Russia by our system of amateur patronage of the revolutionary troubles of 1848. Did then the people of. England seriously believe that it was worth while to en counter those enormous difficulties merely for the question of counterpoise or limitation ? He could not believe that such a notion could be entertained, and if any man thought that war should be made for its own sake, that war should be made as an end and not as a means, that man must have degenerated to the condition of the savages in the wilds of American backwoods. He had thought it better to bring the question before the house in a form which would not give rise to any party questions or party discussions. He had, therefore, merely moved for any correspondence with the French Government relative to the rejection of the last Austrian proposal. Until those communications were produced, he should feel inclined to believe that if insu perable objections to that proposal had not been offered by her Majesty's Government no insuperable objection would have been urged by the Government of France. Sir. G. GREY said he was ready to admit that neither the Government nor the House of Commons had any right to complain either of the course the hon. gentleman had taken in bringing again before them the important sub ject to which his speech related, or of the manner in which he had done so. At the same time the motion he had placed in the hands of Mr. Speaker was objectionable on two grounds. It was a motion to which, so far as related to the production iS correspondence with the French Government with regard to the last Austrian proposal, the hon. gentle man himself must have been aware that it was impossible her Majesty's Government could accede; while, on the other hand, it was a motion which afforded the hon. gen tleman an spporcunlty of raising most important questions, calculated to excite public feeling, without at the same time affording any opportunity for an expression of opinion on the part of the representati% es assembled in the Com mons House of Parliament. The hon. gentleman calle.i the attention of the house to the course pursued by her Ma jesty's Government with regard to the last Austrian pro posal made after the Conferences of Vienna had been sus pended, and asked for the communications which have taken place between' the Governments of England and France, in considering that proposal jointly to gether, as,they were bound to do for the honour and inte rest of their respective countries. But the house was in Possessiontat of Vienna, ample withinformation regard t with h eregard proposalto the m dneeghoy fAwohuteisetthrhiihyaawitteeprrertohfioes negotiations were suspended, but be possession of the pos d eal e l l y eis c i ; o o sia sed, and also of the arguments by o f supported . the a ll the protocols relating proposal,They Governmentw e u re pe a n l o thatin and the grounds of that decision, besides having breaking through the r to the transactions at the confer ences themselves. Then again her Majesty's Government, to the house, at the reserve usual on such Occasions, gave reque st given to the hon. gentleman, copies of the instructions noble l or d th e mem b er f or th e city of London o n leaving fo E England gland for Vien na ; and now the hon. gentlem an as k ed further communications of such a character and of such a nature . that the honourable gentleman must himself have felt it would be impossible t f h or e G w o a v r er e n e m r e e n ee t rv t e o d produce oomm lla them. icatiene In the course of with had taken place reference to every negotiation. It was between the two Governments great operation of war as well as of eettit y .o f indispensable that there should be an unembarrassed inter change of views and sentiments between the , in order to insure unity of action apialdlli instruction, whether to commanders or to ries ; and the result of the production of the corm tions asked for would be that such unreserved interchange of views must in future cease, for those communications were essentially of a secret. character. No doubt in the cousre of that interchange there were sometimes impor tant modifications of views upon certain questions, in the same way as there would be in communications between two individuals in pursuit of a common object, but the re sult, always was that the Governments arrived at the same decision with regard to the practical result. When the hon. gentleman thus asked for the prod uction of what ou g ht to be kept secret, he showed little regard for the mainte nance of that happy alliance, a termination of which his speech seemed so rauchtodoubt. The hon. gentleman ought to have considered what the feelings of France would be with .re gard to the conduct of this country, if, without communi cation with her, and without obtaining her opinion or con sent, they should produce to Parliament, and circulate through Europe the confidential communication of her Go vernment with regard to the important questions thatcarue before them. But that was but an unimportant part of the s peech ou o g f h t t h t e o hen. gentleman. He had adapted his form of course Government order' to enable him to state his views on the had pursued, and on the course he thinks Austria. vernment had bil l ie k tle The ho, have pursued with regard to the proposal of ings, viz ,in gentleman eel impugned yoethe las eteg t e he ef co th u e r i s r e p t r h e e ee G ed o: refusing r i n concert with France to accede to the proposal of Austria.h But the hon. gentleman, in con cert with thosenear the fullest and plainest ter wh om he sat in the house, admitted in the country justice and absolute ne cessity of• the war in which re admitted also that the prinei plea e e was engaged. He m ou ll i e r t aZed in the four points were principles it was the duty of th upon. But the hon. gentleman went furthervernm an en d t t o insist te himself not only from those who originally de s n e Ye a ir the t 8 lux Cher efesJcution. The e both these perties e und declared that in both the proposals that were made, or in either of them, there were contained satisfactory bases upon which negotiations might have been renewed with a prospect of arriving at a safe and honoura ble peace. The Government were justified in rejecting both proposals, and toprove that he need only refer to thepapers before the house. These papers not only showed the decision which the Government came to, but gave in a clear and ex plicit manner the reasons which - influenced that decision. But as between the principle of limitation and the princi ple of counterpoise the hon. gentleman admits that the ba lance of argument is in favour of the former. He admits that there was a great deal to be said on both sides ; while it was equally clear that Lord Aberdeen, when in office, went for the principle of limitation, to which at that time even Austria professed to give the preference. True enough Austria never declared that she should make the principle of limitation an indispensable condition of peace ; but over and over again she declared that the principle of limitation vele the one she desired to see adopted, because it would lead to a satisfactory and complete solution of the Eastern difficulty. The house was not now called upon to decide upon one principle or the other—the only question before them was whether the Government did right in refusing to adopt a system of counterpoise, and in considering that it would be necessary to turn to the views which the Go vernment had expressed all through these negotiations. It would be found, then, by a reference to Lord John Russell's instructions that the Government had always viewed the existence of a great naval power in the Black Sea belonging to Russia as a standing menace to Turkey—(hear)—and therefore the reduction of that naval power was the only means of preventing future aggres sion. There were two modes by which the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea might be reduced—one was to adopt the principle of limitation, the other a system of counter poise ; but without expressing a decided opinion one way or other, the instructions issued by Lord Clarendon limited Lord J. Russell's mission to the principle of limitation. No defence of Lord J. Russell was rectesary for having brought the proposal of Austria under the consideration of his Government, because, in strict conformity with his instructions, he stated to the Conference that his instruc tions were exhausted when Russia refused to consider the principle of limitation. But that did not preclude him from receiving and considering the proposals of Austria. His instructions fully disclosed what were the views, opinions, and feelings of the Government in entering into the negotiations ; they did not hesitate between the ques tions of limitation and counterpoises, but the instruc tions showed distinctly that they thought the argu ments were conclusive in favour of the first, and equally conclusive against the adoption of the other. Those arguments were urged with great force and ability by France, who concurred in them, as well as by Turkey; but Russia strongly resisted them, and for very good rea sons—she was aware of the efficiency of the means pro posed to be taken by the allied powers to prevent future aggression upon. Turkey, and pertinaciously refused to en tertain the principle of limitation. The question then arose as to whether these was any prospect of successfully con tinuing the negotiations; the Government were blamed at the time for not at once breaking them off; but on the other hand Austria indulged in the hope of peace. It was her in terest to remain at peace with Russia so long as she could do so consistently with honour, and therefore she requested permission to lay before the allied Governments some other proposals which she conceived might lead to a satisflictory termination of the war. At this time nothing had occurred which could justify the Government in abandoning the view which they had before taken on the subject of a sys tem of counterpoise, and when it was proposed to Lord J. Russell by Count Buol, he showed it would be ineffectual if adopted, nor had his noble friend said since, that he was aware of, that a system of counterpoise could lead to any satisfactory result. No doubt he, subsequently to the time when the proposal was first made, modified his opi nions, not as to the abstract merits of the proposition it self, but as to the expediency of the course to be taken under the circumstances which then addressed themselves to his mind. He thought, for instance, that the Austrian proposal was worthy of consideration, and accordingly he recommended it to the consideration of his Government, from whom it received a careful and matured consideration. France having had the seine propositions made to them directly from Austria, gave it the same mature, calm, and deliberate consideration, and in the course of the few days that it was under consideration no doubt communications did take place between the two Governments. The opi nions which France expressed, however, could not be disclosed, but Parliament had a perfect right to know the grounds upon which her Majesty's Government came to a decision, and no one could impute to the Government the slightest concealment in the matter. They had laid before Parliament the grounds Which in fluenced them ; while Lord Clarendon had stated fully, clearly, and explicitly the reasons which induced them to reject tho proposition. They had no assurance in writing on the part of Austria that if her proposal were accepted by the allies, and afterwards rejected by Russia, she would make the refusal a casus belli against Russia, at least they received no such assurance previous to the period when they 'were called upon to consider the proposal. The bon. member seemed to think there would be great hazard to the alliance with France in a long war, but he (Sir G.Grey) saw no cause for alarm. The hon. member considered that in March, 1834, the war was just and necessary, and re joiced that it was entered into in conjunction with France, but now he seemed to be of opinion that, although the terms of peace were not such terms as ought, under the circumstances to be accepted, they ought to be accepted now because of the imminent hazard to the alliance be tween this country and France. He was astonished to hear such an argument from the lips of the hon. member and would ask him if be had any right to assume that France would be willing to make peace on the terms pro posed by Austria. The alliance with France would be much more endangered by the course suggested than by going hand in hand with France in the vigorous prosecu tion of the war; for France had shown her determination to exert all her powers to bring the war to a safe and honourable termination. (Hear, hear.) With the immense resources of two great countries like England and France there was no reason to be discouraged because the war had not been brought to a successful termination within twelve months. He had a right to assume that whatever could be effected in the'field by the gallantry of the allied troops would be accomplished. At all events lie felt convinced that the country and the majority of the house did not share in the discouragement and gloom which it was the object of some hon, gentlemen to instil into the minds of the people. (Hear, hear.) They knew that the war was just and necessary, and he did not think they would concur in the censure cast on the Government for not acceptin g terms of peace which would have left in the hands of Russia those means of aggression which Russia seemed determined not to part with, and which, if she re tained, would be used on the first favourable olsportunity for 'the prosecution of those designs which were inimical to the existence of Turkey and the permanent peace and se curity of Europe. (Cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE entirely agreed with Sir G. Grey in thinking that the production of the papers was a question for the decision of the Government. With regard to the speech of the right hon. gentleman, it was moderation itself, and contained this important admission—that the principle of limitation was not henceforth to beeleemed sine qua non in the event of future proposals, for peace being made. The speech of the right hon. gentleman had made more apparent the false position in which he was placed. Nothing could be more distorted or untrue than the representation he had given of the 'facts. Mr. Gladstone proceeded to recount the circumstances connected with the rejection of the Austrian pro posals, and gave it as his opinion that it was not to the French Government, but to the English Government, that the responsibility of rejection was to be assigned. He com plained that the house had been misled in its previous dis cussiteie by imperfect information. No intimation was given of the Austrian proposals ; all that the house had to guide it were the statements connected with the Russian propositions. He was prepared to give Lord Clarendon every credit for ability and power in• writing his des patches, but one thing he (Lori Clarendon) lacked—the spirit of a desire for peace. Entering into details, the right hon. gentleman reviewed the leading proposals, in• eluding those triads by Austria. In these proposals, limi tation, deemed so valuable by the English Government, was involved. As to the principle of counterpoise, which formed the principle of the first of the Austrian proposals, long as the war may last, this fact would not be got over,that the Plenipotentiaries of all the Powers had agreed to urge it upon their respective Governments. With regard to the se cond proposal, he was astonished at the cavalier manner in which it was rejected, for it combined limitation with counterpoise. As to Austria, he was prepared to maintain that she did give a pledge that, in a certain case, which it was in the power of the Allies to conform, she would go to war. What she said was, that if Russia rejected both propositinna, she would draw the sword. His belief was, that Ministers looked a, good deal further than limitation. In his opinion the best security for Turkey was a peace which would secure the united support of Europe. He was at a loss now to understand for whom Austria held the Principalities. The result of recent proceedings hard libe rated large bodies of Russian troops, and the effect would soon be seen in the Crimea, and all had arisen from miserable quibblings about limitation and counterpoise. The aspect of the war was no longer European. It had been changed into an isolated conflict. As to France, the avidity with which the loans had been subscribed was no evi dence of enthusiasm in favour of the war. (Hear.) So far as an opinion could be formed, there was no reason to con clude that Russia was suffering from financial exhaustion. Mr. Gladstone then proceeded to speak in an extraordinary strain about the endurance of the Russian soldier, his de votion, his fanaticism, his hatred to the invaders of his soil, and other things, which evidently took the house by surprise. He thanked the house for having given him liberty of speech. He still entertained the opinion that the war was just, but his conviction was that it ought to have been brought to a close. He denied that the war as it now stood was the war into which he entered. Mr. LAYARD thought that the hon. gentleman (Mr. Laing) who had addressed the house that evening on a subject which had been discussed over and over again must have been lately living in some land to which the Times had not access. (Laughter.) The question had been so often discussed, that he would not trouble the house if he did not desire tnat what had been said that night should go forth and create a wrong impression at a most important period in the history of the war. The hon. gentleman had said that he had had opportunities abroad of te: ting public opinion on this war. To whom had he referred ? To those connected with public enterprises; but doubtless, of all men in the world, railway contractors and bankers were unfavourable to the war. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentle man had also said that the opinions which had been ex pressed by the noble lord the member for the City of Lon don, who had been a Minister, should have some weight attached to them but he forgot that in that house the noble lord had stated opinions much stronger than those of any one else in favour of the war. (Hear. hear.) He wished to say a few words on alithe four points—more especially the first point. It would be recollected that he had, from the first, protested against the settlement. They would recollect that the Danubian Principalities had been independent kingd oms, and that they havolantarily sub mitted to the Porte, and that Russia had never but once in this centuryobtained access to them, when she had done all in her power to destroy their free institutions. In 1848, when the revolution in the Danubian provinces changed the character of their institutions, Russia compe ll e d t h e Porte to interfere. They had altogether misunderstood the question. They should have treated Moldavia.and Wallachia as independent States, whereas they had treated them as if they entirely depended on the Porte, and the noble lord the member for the City of London, by protocol, gav e th e Port „ the power o)' interfering , and ofintroducing any new laws or form of government, in accordance with the spirit of the age. Russia had made no conce , sion, for she materially gained in the power of interfering in those provinces. As to the second point, Russia had madean important conces sion in removing the barriers to the free navigation of the Danube, but Moldavia and Wallachia wive equallyinte rested in the navigation of the Dandbe, and yet they were not represented at the Conference. And now, as to the third point. He would at onco admit that a difference be tween counterpoise and limitation was not one worthy of a war, but he baloved that the country had long ago made he four points could :lead. to no up the e, bu - mist .ce, and neve men t Sc :1 coos LL tc with him in any agitation on that stihj , ...t. ,The non. gen tleman had alsoreferred to a speech he (the right hon.bart.) made some 15 years ago, but in 15 years a very consider able change might take place in one's opinions. Itwas true at the period in question he underrated the ambitious designs of Russia, and he had altogether changed his opi nions since, and one reason for such change was the know ledge he acquired as a member of the Government of the secret correspondence which had taken place between the Emparor.of Russia and the English Government. He was not aware that he had anything,more to say on the subject, further than that the alterations which had taken place in his opinions were the sincere results of careful consideration. Sir J. GRAHAM said the right hon. gentleman had stated, in reference to the speech made by him at the late election, that he had nothing to retract. He was sure, however, that the right hon. baronet would be ready to do so when he was shown that he had violated fact and truth in a portion of the statement in question. He understood the right hon. gentleman to have said that he considered the conduct of certain parties in the house unpatriotic, dis creditable, and nefarious, because they surprised the Go vernment by a combination in respect to the vote on the Turkish loan. Ho begged to assure the right hon. gentle man that he (Sir J. Graham) had no knowledge whatever of what were the intentions of hon. gentlemen opposite with regard to the vote in question. (Hear, hear.) Sir W. MOLESWORTH explained that, in his mention of a combination of parties to vote against the Govern ment, he had intended to describe the impression produced on his own mind by the event of last Friday week. (Hear.) On that occasion the Government were surprised, not by the peace party, who wore, in fact, at open war, but by the right hon. gentleman who sat on the benches below, and by the simultaneous attack of hon. gentlemen oppo site. The right hon. gentleman was proceeding, when, The SPEAKER said the right hon. gentleman was not entitled to make a second speech. Mr. R. PHILLIDIORE begged to tell the right hon. gentleman that he had voted with a perfectly conscientious conviction that he was doing what was right and best for the country. The right hon. baronet would do well to ac quaint himself perfectly with facts before he made such assertions as he had done. Mr. BRIGHT sail the right hon. gentleman had Lad a fair opportunity of retracting his statements to-night. He thought it would have been an advantage if the right hon. baronet had been allowed to continue his explanation, and make the retraction which was expected of him. Sir W. MOLESWORTH—I did not make a retraction. Mr. BROTHERTON here moved the adjournment of the house. . . . ferencee at Vienna was never intended to lead to a peace based on those four points. The instructions which had been given to the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) stated that the project of counterpoise was impossible, for it could give no hope of bringing the, war to a satisfactory conclusion. Such were the instructions given by Lord Clarendon to the noble lord on the 22d of April, and on the 10th of April, when the project of counterpoise had been proposed by the Austrian Government, the noble lord wrote expressing 'his opinion that such a project could not be entertained. while, on the 18th of April, he was found proposing that very project of counterpoise which he had rejected on the 10th. Let them suppose Sebastopol was taken, and would there then be any greater chances of peace? He believed not. Could we blockade Sebastopol continually, Russia would wait, and the time must come when she would re gain the Crimea. He would ask, with the right hen. gen tleman the member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone) what end we proposed to ourselves by this war? We had allowed Austria to occupy the Principalities. Suppose she had not dons so, or that she had carried out what was intanded by the treaty of the 2d of December, we might have raised a very large body of men—per haps 100,000—and those men would have fought our battles, but by the position which Austria had taken, we 'were precluded altogether from availing ourselves of the national feeling of the Principalities. He was told that, if Austria had not occupied the Princi palities, Turkey would have been compelled to keep up a large army there, but that was a mere fallacy. He could not but express his anxiety upon the condition of our army. Some improvements had taken place, but they were in general the result of some pressure from without. He saw the same neglect of the interests of the army, and he believed there was a very general and very great discon tent amongst our officers in the Crimea. Within the last few days they had seen rewards given to men who had not any claim to them, and even the highest honour of the State were given to those who had not distinguished them selves, as well as to those who had. The result of this system was, that at this period of the campaign we had not one man capable of commanding our army, or of un dertaking any military operations of magnitude. He de nied that they had shown any specimen of military genius in the operations in the Crimea. There was no signs of improvement. At Kertch the expedition had been mis managed in a most extraordinary manner. One transport had carried the horses, and another the saddles. (Hear, hear.) If there was one thing which rendered the pros ep n e n ° t r s eo pros of h p i e e a h c e hadm o b r e e en remote b t y h a t h n e r a i n s o h t t h e h r 0 , e i . t g e w n a tl s em t a h n e (Mr. Gladstone). The speech of the right hon. gentleman was calculated to destroy almostexery hope which theyhad of peace. If the right hon. gentleman read Le Nord, pub lished at Brussels, which was the great Russian organ, he would see that he was looked upon as the advocateof Russia in England. He (Mr. Layard) did not insinuate that he or those who acted with him were traitors to their country, but they could seein that publication the effect which their speech's had in Russia. (Cheers.) The speech just made by the right hon. gentleman was calculated to encourageßussia to reject every reasonable proposal for peace. He believed that no Russian could have made a speech more likely to raise and animate the spirit of Russian soldiers to resistance. He had given the house a picture of the endurance of the Rossi In soldier. Was not a Power to be dreaded which had ' a million of such men, devoted, as the right hon. gentleman had described, to their Emperor ? (Hear.) He (Mr. Lay ard) listened With astonishment to the speech of the right hon. gentleman. He who had led us into this war hail Pointed out a disaster—a reverse ;he said that we had been beaten. Were these the words of an English states man, or of an Englishman. (Hear, hear.) Was it because we had met with a reverse that we were to retire from the contest ? Were we to sacrifice that honour and character which it had taken centuries to establish ? Were the words national honour extinct amongst the right hon. gen tl eman an d those who sat with him ? It was but a small failure. We had had failures ten times greater during the Peninsular war, and yet we had come out successful from that great contest. He believed that it world be impossible to conclude a peace whilst the question of Sebastopol remained unsettled. France was a great mili tary power, and she could not submit to any loss of her military reputation. This was a great national question with France. The right hon. gentleman said that the war was not popular in France. He (Mr. Layard) be lieved that the greatest ardour prevailed in France on • the subject of the war, and this hid been shown by the manner in which the people had responded to the demands made by the Government, end had subscribed a • sum far exceeding the highest anticipations. (Hear.) The war must be carried on with vigour, or the country would become dispirited and hopeless, and then terms of peace might be accepted which would be no compensation for the sacrifices which it had already made. He believed that the four points would be utterly inadequate for a satisfactory settlement of the question—they would only lead to a hollow and short truce. He must again implore the Government to carry on the war with vigour. in order to satisfy this jest expectations of the country. (Hear.) Mr. CORDEN said that he did not intend to delay the house for more than two or three minutes, for after the able and exhaustive speech of the right hon. gentleman (Hr. Gl.,astene), he should consider that it would be an • unwarrantable waste of time to say one word on the same side of the question. It might be his (Mr. Cobden's) utter want of the reasoning faculty, but he listened sometimes for an hour to the hon. gentleman who had last spoken (Mr. Layer - 1), and at the end he was totally at a loss to discover what his policy was, or if he had any po licy at all. The lion: gentleman had charged the right hon. member for the University (Mr. Gladstone) with encou raging Russia because be hod pointed out the necessity of • making peace wis h Russia on some terms. Why, the hon. • gentleman never made a speech in which he did not find fault with everything. Many months ago he predicted that all Asia Minor would speedily be overrun by Russia. He was the last man in the house to accuse the right hon. gentleman with giving encouragement to Russia. ' He (Mr. Cobden) rose to speak on -a totally different question —one which he approached with great reluctance and pain, as it was personal to himself. They had been discussing the weight of authority of public men in reference to the policy to be pursued with regard to this war. They had been told how the great negotiators at Vienna had been in favour of peace on the terms of the four points. He attached much weight to that influence and authority in matters of this kind in the uninitiated public mind, but when he found a right hon. gentleman holding so high an office as that of a Cabinet Minister uttering the most un measured sentiments of denunciation to a large hotly of the public, he (Mr. Cobden) could not consider it a subject which could be treated lightly either in the house or the country. (Hear.) He of course alluded to the right hon. bart. the member for Southwark (Sir W. Mclesworth). He , called upon the right hon. bert. to explain himself with regard to the remarks which he had made, at the late election for Southwark, upon the right hon member for the University of Oxford, upon the peace party, upon other parties in the house, and upon himself (Mr. Coben.) The right hon. member had designated these various parties as a nefarious and unpatriotic body, who were carrying on the war by means of ambuscades, which he (Mr. Cobden) supposed meant that they were sharpshooters. (Hear, and laughter.) He (Hr. Cobden) was not a peace-at-any-price man, but he was for a peace at an. honourable price. (Hear, hear.) He wanted to know when the right hon. bernost first adopted political sentiments contrary to his (Mr. Cobden's). Two and a half years ago, when an office in Lard Aberdeen's Government was offered to the right hon. baronet, he said he had no &ejection to accept it if the sentiments of Mr. Cobden were represented in the Cabinet. (Laughter.) That was no secret, for on the very same evenisig on which the offer was made, the right hon. baro net communicated it to himself (Hr. Cobden) and six others in the central hall of the Reform Club, two of whom were then in the house. He (Mr. Cobden) wished to know how it came to pass that the right hon. baronet now ad we ited• principles so widely different? It would not do for the right hon. baronet to say that, on gene ral politics, lie still concurred in his (Mr. Cobden's) views, but differel from him upon the war question, because it was well known that he (Mr. Cobden) had for years identified himself with the peace party. Enter taining great apprehensions that, when the free trade measures were passed, and the country had thereby waxed fat, it would most certainly kick, he attended public meet ings in England and abroad for the purpose of imbuing the public with peace principles„ and instilling into them a horror of war. The Chobham camp, the outcry about a French invasion, were sure symptoms that the country was fat, apd about to kick; and he felt that he could do nothing better than endeavour, by agitation and getting up petitions in favour of peace, to divert the public mind from war. And if the right hon. baronet and himself entertained identity of views on any suhjeot more than another, he thought it was on the question of the foreign policy of this country. His (Mr. Cobden's) first appear ance in public life was the publishing of a pamphlet. 20 years ago, in answer to the public harangues Of Mr. Ur quhart in favour of war with Russia. That war had at last arrived, and it was groat injustice to Mr. Urquhart not to have conferred upon him the Premiership, to enable him to carry out his policy against Russia. (Laughter.) In reply to an attack which was made upon the right honourable baronet the member for South wark, some time ago, for his advocacy of the war, instead of the peace principles, be (Sir W. Molesworth) read an extract from a speech which he had delivered at Leeds, in 1840, for the purpose of showing that the course which,he was now pursuing with respect to the war with Russia was quite consistent with the principles which he held in 1840. He (Mr. Cobden) had since referred to that speech, and he found that, instead of being a war, it was a peace speech, and that the extract which ho had read was only his reply to a hypothetical case, as to Russia seizing upon Constantinople, which, he said, was a most :}lesurd notion ; but supnosing even that such a seizure should take place, the right hon. baronet thought we ought not to en danger our alliance with Russia by opposing it, as her aid might be most important to us in the then dreadectwar be tween England and France on the Syrian question. He (Mr. Cobden) did not think that the right hon. baronet would have resorted to such sophistry as he had done with regard to that speech, for the purpose of deluding the house. What the right hon. gentleman said was, that all these suppositions of the power of Russia with regard to the posse , sion of Constantinople were utterly absurd, but Lord Clarendon had defended the war on the very supposition of all these things which the right hon. gentleman declared to be utterly absurd. He had no hesitation in saying that for upwards of the last 18 months he was persuaded the right. hon. gentleman had entertained precisely the same opi nions on these questions which he did 15 years before. By what process of reasoning, therefore, had he changed his convictions upon the subject ? In dealing with the right hon. gentleman he (Mr. Cobden) had only done as he would be done by, for if he was ever found holding systematically, on great questions of policy, one language to his friends in private and another in puolic, he should expect to be denounced as utterly unfaithful. A t ,an Mr. WALPOLE said he must call upon the right hon. baronet to retract the phrase of " an unscrupulous Oppo sition," which he addressed to hon. gentlemen. When the debate upon the Turkish Loan commenced, his (Mr. Waipole's) impression was, that the proper course would be to take the convention as a separate, instead of a joint, guarantee. Ho was not aware that he had ever offered the Government a factious opposition, and the vote he gave on the night in question was as honest a vote as he ever gave. Mr. BROTI I HERTON again rose to move the adjourn ment of the house. Mr. GLADSTONE said ho had listened with great sur prise to what had taken place during this conversation. He was fully persuaded the right hon. gentleman uttered the languago ho was said to have used at the hustings without much consideration. The right hon. baronet had said there was a combination to take the Government by surprise, and he further said that he did not make any retraction ; but at the same time, he stated his intention was merely to describe the impression on his own mind. It was perfectly clear to him (Mr. Gladstone), however, that the language used did describe the actions of others. If he had previously agreed te vote with certain gentlemen on a public question he should certainly not for one mo ment shrink from avowing it, but, as it happened, there was no concert whatever with regard to himself on the oc casion Lord PALMERSTON said that his sight hon. friend had be-n accused of having taxed hon. gentlemen in the house with combination on a particular question. (Cries of "No, no," and " Nefarieue.") He was not talking of epithets ; he was merely talking of charges. His right lion friend who had just sat down .had put it upon the ground whether it was an impression of the right hon. baronet's own mind, or whether he had stated it as having been a positive fact, and he should not be put off the scent by the "noes" of hon. gentlemen opposite. (Laughter.) NJ man could state more than the impression on his own mind of a fact that had taken place. (Hear.) If such was the impression of his right hon. friend, all he (Lord Pal merston) could state was, that it was his impression also, and he believed that impression was shared in, not only by many members of that house, but by almost every rea sonable man in England. (Hear.) The Combination might have been fortuitous or accidental, and without any pre vious concert, but a combination it was in the strictest sense of the word—(hear)—because there could be no doubt that several parties did combine. (Hear.) The Marquis of GRANBY thought the right hon. gen tleman, after what had passed, ought, as an honest man, to express his regret that an erroneous impression had got upon his mind. He hoped he would even then get up and say he had been labouring under a mistake. Sir W. MOLESWORTH said, when he was stopped by the Speaker, he was proceeding to state how he came to use the words. He described simply the effect produced upon his own mind by the events of last Friday week. He said that the sudden and unexpected attack of the right hon. gentleman beyond the gangway, and the simultaneous at tack of the right hon. gentleman opposite, induced in his mind a belief that it was a skilfully combined movement. The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford and the hon. member for Tavistoek had nowdeclared that there was no previous communication between them and the right hon. gentleman opposite. He (Sir W. Moles worth) firmly believed thatwas a fair statement, and there fore, he would only say it was an accidental union of parties to attack the Government. (A laugh and Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI said it appeared to him that the issue had been changed within the last few minutes. He thought the noble lord, the First Minister, rose to extricate his friend and colleage from his discreditable position by that dexterity which he could always command ; but instead of doing that, he raised an argument merely on the abuse of the word combination, and left out of sight the epithet which had given such great offence. He was astonished to hear the noble lord defend a colleague in the use of such a word as nefarious, as addressed to a large party in that house, and to some of its most distinguished members. The motion for'adjournment was then agreed to. The house adjourned at 25 minutes to 2 o'clock. Sir W. MOLES WORTH said - that having been person ally attacked by the hon. member who had just sat down, he hoped he might throw himself upon the indulgence of the house for a few minutes. The bon. gentleman had called him to account for a speech which he delivered to his constituents in Southwark. He did not regret one single sentiment he had uttered on that occasion. Ho had merely stated, in order to allay and tranquillise their alarm, that if an improper peace were attempted to be patched up, it would pot be sanctioned or brought about by the: Government of his right hon. friend (Lord Palmerston). (Hear.) The hon. gentleman had also thought proper to refer to certain conversations which bad passed between him (Mr. Cobden) and himself (Sir W. Molesworth) about the period of the formation of Lord Aberdeen's Go vernment. No doubt very friendly relations bad existed between them. He had had the honour of the hon. gentle man's acquaintance for many years, although he had all along disagreed with the hon. member upon the subject of his extraordinary and peculiar views with regard to the possibility of universal peace. He was never offered a seat in the Government except a seat in the Cabinet, but he re collected having a conversation with the hon. gentleman, upon which occasion they talked over the various combina tions of parties which might be united in the new Govern. ment, and it was 'wiry t rue he had said to the hon. gentle- number had increased to 532,544, representing a value / man that he certainly agreed with him on many subjects o f 20 , 604 , 5771 . and on many gnestioos—for instance, with regard to free Lieutenant-General ATTCFITSON, in s3conding• v'- of - , r ~v pfvn.ced with thollon. membp , - - • I:Tr_ GeonLe Kniczt,' 7 Directors, expressed the sati::factioll he kit at L. sive benefit the bank had conferred upon a class of traders who were not, previously to its institution, in the habit of keeping a banker's account. Many tradesmen who bad risen to comparative wealth, were ready to ad mit that they owed a good deal of their success to keep ing such an account. Increased employment to labour had followed as a necessary consequence. The CHAIRMAN returned thanks, assuring the proprie tors that the directors would make every effort to dove lope the peculiar features of the bank, being confident that, in doing so, public as well as individual benefit would be the certain result. SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY. The following is the directors' report, submitted to the meeting on the 10th inst The half-yearly accounts now submitted show a net re venue for the six months ending June 30, 18:;5, after de duction of interest on loans and all other preferential charges, of 146,8081. 4s. Bd. ; add the surplus at December 31, 1854, less dividends on capital since paid up, 2,6541. 14s. 3d. ; balance available for di v id en d , l49,462/. 183. lid. From this sum the directors recommend that a divided for the half-year, at the rate of 41. 7s. 6d. per cent. per annum, be declared, amounting to 6,741,4'18/. 6s. Bd. to 148,32 'l. 14s. 11d. ; and on 113,1921., on calls on the 4QI. and 501. shares for the 26 days, to 3521. 143. 11d, ; leaving to be carried over to the next half-year, 7871. 9s. ld. The increase in the gross revenue for the half-year, over the same period in 1854, is 20,6331. 18s. ld. The following table shows the actual and relative values of the traffic for the two periods : Half-year Miles Total Working ' Net ending. Open. Receipts. Expenses. Revenue. £ s. d. s. d. £ s. d. June, 1854.. 251 347,601 5 2 131,043 11 4 188,432 19 9 June, 1855.. 268 368,233 3 3 139,613 3 e o 205,696 5 9 Increase•• 17 20,633 18 1 1,569 11 8 17,263 6 0 The continued increase of traffic shown in the foregoing table, although moderate in amount, affords a renewed proof of the sound and satisfactory character of the corn pany's position, particularly when the - state of affairs in the commercial and political world is taken into conside ration. It will be observed that, although the gross in crease of the revenue for the half-year is 20,633/. 18s. ld., the amount of increase under the head of working ex penses is only 1,5691. 18s. Bd. The local taxation on the company has increased during the half-year by the large sum of 1,178/. Bs. 4d., and would have been much more so had not the directors re sisted several most unwarrantably high assessments on the company. The rating on railway companies has now beoome a grievous burden, and imperatively calls on the legislature for an early consideration of its injustice, with a view to that relief which was long since promised by the authorities of the Board of Trade. - The usual report from the company's locomotive super intendent is appended; from which it will be seen that the rolling stock is in good working order. Three new engines, six carriages, and 31 waggons have been built during the last half-year, at the expense of revenue. The directors have ordered about three miles of the line below Kingston to be relaid, in continuation of the por tion completed to that point last year. They have also ordered additional sleepers to he placed throughout the whole of the Southampton and Dorchester line, to afford greater strength to tho road. The increased weight of the trains and engines, caused by the additional traffic on that line, rendered this advisable. The expense of these im provements will be charged against revenue, dividing the amount in a similar manner as before, over a lengthened period. . _ Pursuant to the resolution of the proprietors at the half yearly meeting in February last. the sum of 41,7731. 93. 10(1. exPended during the year 1354, and then standing to the debt of " Suspense Plant Account," and 31,0031. 16s. 3d. standing to the debit of " Extension of Stations and Sidings. Suspense Account," have been charged to the capital account of the company; and during the past half year au additional amount of 7,977/. ss. 9kr. has been ex pended for sidings and stations, and 11,8861. 63. 31. for plant, which has been placed to a suspense account, to await the future determination of the shareholders. A new steam-ship has been built during the past half year for the Havre station, at an expense of 19,4601., to replace fhe Grand Turk, which had 13.)cotne practically un qualified for the service. DO. , amount isin course of being repaid hv a Renewal Fund idse..l f r that purpose, and the Grand T will be disposed of. _ _ So much has recently been communicated to the proprie tor's respecting the Company's Amended Bill, which was introduced into Parliament in the beginning of the present year, that it is unnecessary to say more than that it has passed into a law, and to make the following statement re lating thereto ; the act provides, in a satisfactory manner, for every point which it was originally introduced to sanc tion, and considerable advantages may be anticipated from the powers which it confers. Those po were which effect a consolidation into stook of the amount paid on the 7 per cent. preference share capital will be immediately acted upon ; and henceforth the right of voting in respect of such stock will be the same as the right of voting in respect of the company's ordinary stock. With reference to the clauses compelling the company to apply to Parliament for an act to make an extension railway to Exeter the direc tors feel that it has been passed in the shapebest calculated to make this obligation as little onerous as possible, be cause, in addition to the option as to the course of the ex tension, power had been acquired to borrow the necessary funds, or to raise the amount by shares, as the proprietors may deem most advisable. It will be th e duty of the direc tors to give their immediate consideration to the subject, and a special meeting of the proprietors. will be called to lay the matter before them for their decision as early a period as possible. RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS. TRAFFIC RETURNS FOR THE PAST WEEK. Miles Receipts. opened. NAME OF RAILWAY. 1855. 1854. 1855. - i saiTimi. 72% Aberdeen ................ •••• •• 2 £ .£ ,324 2,463 37 % Belfast and Ballymena ••••..•••• •• •• 833 955 17 Belfast and County Down.- •••••• •• •• - - 32 Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire 2,331 2,703 26 % Bolton, Blackburn, and West York .... - - 103% Bristol and Exeter • • .... 189 % Caledonian..., .........- ........ - - 11,805 13,084 94 '4 Chester and .............. 3 , 986 •• 5,986 5,742 614 Cork, Bliekrock, and Passage •• •••• 252 255 20 Cork and Bandon .. • • • • •• - • • • • •• • • 210 245 56 Dublin and Belfast Junction ••.• • • .• 993 1,319 63 Dublin and Drogheda• ••••••- • • • • • • 1,486 I,eoo 7% Dublin and Ringstoven .............. 1,134 1,547 16% Dundee and Arbroath ••••••• • • • .. • • 707 701 31 Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen Junction 921 1,061 25 Dundalk ling Enniskillen.... • • • • • • •• 280 418 68 East Anglian.. ..... ................. 859 914 81 34 East Lancashire .• - .... :. -:• ...... 5,878 6,057 1 417 Eastern Counties and Norfolk •• .! 23,373 24,638 Eastern Uni0n...... ........ - 142 Edinburgh and Glasgow ..... ........ 5 ,855 5,785 78 , Edinburgh, Perth, and Dundee.... .. 3,323 . 3,625 6 Exeter and Crediton.. • • ...... •.• • • • - , - 22 Furness Railway ... .............. - - 183 Glasgow. and South-Western •• • • .... 6,068 7,018 283 Great Northern and E. L.• • • ..... .. 23,6'7 21,775 188 Great Southern and Western (Ireland) 5,742 6,441 342 Great Western --• • • • .........- 24,0J9 ' 27,538 25 Irish South Eastern • • • • • • • • - •• •• • . - - 90 Lancaster and Carlisle • . • • .......... 5,839 6 285 260 Lancashire and Y0rk5hire............ 21,106 22,774 - Leeds Northern ...• .. • • • • • • •....... - - 16 i Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport •• .. - - 553;4 London and North Western :- ...... 58 853 60,159 8% London and 81ackwa11........ .... 1,939 1,506 174 London, Brighton, and South Coast.. 20,999 15.902 267 London and South We5tern......... 16,214 ' 16,790 60 Londonderry and Enniskillen ........ 501 390 - Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, &c. - - 171% Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire 8,193 3,104 934 Manchester and South .Tunction .... •• 804 871 28 Maryport and Carlisle ....- „, ~ ,„ .. 956 962 498% Midia.nd '•••••••••• • • • • • .. • • •.... 28,214 28,148 12634 Midland Great Western (Irish) ...... 2,832 3,076 3/ Monklands • • • • • • ....., ~ _ ........ 78% Newcastle and Carlisle.. • • - „ .„ ~ .. - - 149 North British • • ...... • • •........... 5,504 5,813 - North Staffordshire .... ~ „ „„ „ , _ _ 46 1 4 North-Western • ........... „„.. „ 1,077 1,132 82% Scottish Central ........., ~ ~ ...... 2,751 2,862 32 Scottish Midland ...............- ~939 1,099 sni‘ Shrewsbury and Birmingham •• •• .. 964 1,526 48 Shrewsbury . and Chester - .......... 2,021 2,4 8 30 Shropshire Union ...... • • ......... 896 920 57% South Dev0n....................., , -- 2.521 289 South Eastern - .................... 21,448 21,644 162% South Wales ... •• ..• • • • ............. 5,114 5,640 97 South York., Doncaster, and Goole •. 1,632 1,076 38 Taff Vale ........„., „„,, „ ...... _ 3,877 - - /7 Waterford and Limerick ............ 804 1,039 25 West Cornwall ...... .., „-„ .. Et 2 . 648 12 Whitehaven Junction ............... 407 338 652 York and Newcastle, and Berwick & York and North Midland & Leeds.. - - FOREIGN. 57% Dutch Rhenish -.. ................ 2,272 2,255 262 Lyons and Mediterranean ... ..... .. - - 63 Monterean and Troyes .............. - - 63 Namur and Liege .................. - - 445 Northern of France .......... 697 Orleans and Central*.. - -- 240 Paris and Lyons .......... • • -- 82 Paris and Rouen. .. - - • • •• • • • • • • :' - - 392 Paris and Strasburgh • • - - 59 Rnudn and Havre.. .... ..... • •• • •• .- 157 Western of Fra nce - - The half -yearly balance sheet of the London and County Bank states the profits at 34,8941., of which a dividend at the rate of 10 per cent. per annum will ab sorb 21,2011., leaving a balance of 13,6931. carried to profit and loss new account. [ADVERTISEMENT.] THE WAR IN THE EAST. --POWERFUL PATENT RECONNOITRING GLASSES.— Messrs. S. and B. Solo mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe opposite the York Hotel. By her Majesty's Roy a l Letters Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvements in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race. course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses, to know the distances of objects viewed through them—of great importance to the army, navy, and others. These telescopes possess such extra ordinary powers that some 3i indict, with an extra eye. piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring, and the 'double stars ; with the same telescope can be seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant, and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They aro of larger and al: sizes, with increasing Powers accordingly ; • while their vary ing, from 4 to 6 inches enable us to discover more than the above, and the Georgian, with his 6 satellites, &c.—The Royal Exhibition, 1861.—Valuable, newly-invented, very small, powerful waistcoat-pocket glass,the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known 1i miles distant ; they answer every purpose on the race-course, and at the opera house., country scenery, and ships are clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles. They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. Opera, race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful power.—Newly-constructed Spectacle Lenses of the great est transparent power. The valuable advantage derive( from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired is preserved and strengthened, and very aged Persons aro enabled to employ their sight at the most minute ocek pation—can see with these lenses of a much less magnify ing power—and they do not require the frequent changes to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Bea'. nesS—New Discovery. —The Organic Vibrator, an ex traordi nary Powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness, entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible it enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at church and at public assemblies ; the unpleasant sensation of singing oises in the ears is entirely. removed ; and it affords all the assist ance that possibly could be desired. 39, Albemarle -street, Piccadilly. Ohservo—opposite the York Hotel. - ROYAL BRITISH BANK. The general halflearly meeting of the proprietors of this bank was held at the bank's house, in the Strand, yesterday—Edward Esdaile, Esq., the chairman of the court of directors, presiding. Mr. HUGH INNES CAMERON, the general manager, read the following report : "The supplementary charter in favour of the bank, which the directors stated in their last report as being then about to pass the Great Seal, was icon afterwards com pleted. The relative deed has since been subscribed for 100,0001. additional stock, and one-half of this sum having been paid up ) and the requisite certificates issued, the in creased capital has been duly notified in the Gazette. The directors have also the satisfaction to state that they have allotted to respectable applicants another thousand shares, representing an additional 100,000/. ; and that of the moiety of this sum, which the law requires shall be paid up before the issue of the corresponding share certificates, and which is receivable by instalments, 33,1291. 13s. have been already paid by the allottees. When all have paid in full, this second addition to the capital—trebling its original amount, and completing a subscription of 300,0001. —will be duly published. Meanwhile, such of the ellotees as have paid, or shall pay, 501. per share, and subscribe the deed, a ill receive their certificates, and interest on their payments at the same rate as the dividend payable'to share holders ; the rate allowed on instalments shoe t of payment of the 501. per share being one per coot. less. Hitherto the number of the bank's shares having been comparatively few, occasioned no doubt by the l argeness o f th e i r amount singly, and of the proportion required by law to be paid up, the transactions in them have been infrequent, and they have but rarely been found on the market ; but as their number has now been increased, the directors will take the necessary steps to have them quoted in the Stock Exchange lists. The customers of the bank, and their operations, have continued steadily to in crease. More than a thousand new accounts have been opened during the past year, and the number now in operation is considerably above six thousand. At the time the bank was being formed, the directors had much difficulty in obtaining any premises in a suitable place adapted to their wants, and they were very glad when they secured, and at a moderate 'rent, their present chief office. But for a considerable time back the accommoda tion it affords has been much too limited ; and the busi ness of the balk has been thereby seriously impeded. The convictions of the directors themselves that a change to larger, more commodious, and better situated premises was necessary, wore strengthened, not only by the com plaints of customers, but by the expressed opinions of pro prietors. The directors ere however now happy to say that they have at length secured premises which, in com modiousness, situation, and appearance, are all that can be desired, and on terms which they consider to be very advantageous to the bank. These premises are the whole of the front building, and the greater portion of tho two side wings, and of the interior quadrangle of the South Sea-house, in Threadneedle-street; the back portion of the building being taken et the same time by another bank. The house is one not only familiar to the whole business community of London, and standing in one of the greatest thoroughfares of the City, but some of its apart ments have at different times been occupied by several of the oldest and most respectable of our banking establish ments; while others continue in the possession of the Go. vernment and of various well known public companies. The portion of these premises which the directors have taken comprehends about two-thirds of the whole, includ ing the entire front in Threadneedle-street ; and the bank has the option of a tenancy at a specified rent of 21 years, oe the purchase within three years of the freehold, at a price now agreed on. They hope this arrangement will be satisfactory to the proprietors, inasmuch as the acquisition of the property is in itself an excellent investment, and com bines every banking desideratum, with a moderate annual charge, The directors expect that the necessary alterations to enable them to remove their chief office to Threadneedle street will be completed within 3 months from this time. The directors have great satisfaction in stating that the progress of the junior branches established this and last year has completely justified the outlay on their formation. The dividend declared by the directors for the past half year is at the rate of six per cent. per annum, free of in come tax, which with interest at the same rate on all deposits of 501. per share of the last issue will be payable at the head office of the bank, on and after Monday, Pee 20th instant." The report and the accompanying accounts were deemed highly satisfactory, and the directors were urged by numerous shareholders to persevere in the course which had rendered the establishment so largely useful to the mercantile and trading community of every class, and so safe and progressively profitable to the proprietors. A SHAREHOLDER congratulated .the proprietors upon the readiness the directors had shown in meeting their wishes on the subject of procuring more convenient and suitable premises for the chief office. No arrangement could be more advantageous than the one gone into re lative to the South Sea House. Mr. CAMERON, with the view of 'marking the progres sive exte ns i on o f the bank's business, mentioned that during the half-year ending December, 1854, the trans actions were 320,958 in number, representing a value of 18,605,966/. For the half-year ending June, 1855, the .; " ~ si>~ -~~ jaJe rC a`: COUNTRY VARKETS. Them . Ket riorning was slew torly atten es • lers and dealers. The transactions were cepting Indian corn, which maintained Tosda3,7er,ed a s the value of other articles in the t rade w Cousit be easier. LIVE nrooL jja. 3. WAKEFIELD—AUG. 3. 4 /13 0 The weather is still unsettled. Fair supplessovro 014 for the season of the year. Millers act on thel e rae est 2 ". demand for flour being very li m ited, and to , a t o e; 4y curtailed the ref by the abundance and cheapness of Po c i upo o haue, ore, a very dull market to-daY, " ari a c', o ", sales made a decline of 2s per qr. has been gcn m at •i , ceded. Barley, beans, oats, and shelling eseb sale, and prices tend downwards. LINCOLN-AUG. 3. time of° The supply of wheat to-day was good for this coo', year ; buyers were not disposed to purcha se to tel 6 2 r, and what changed hands was at a dec line of is t a ° ,,lo , qr. on last week's rates. Barley, oats, and beans not lower. CURRENT PRICES. 7 9 3 to 82 , 3 Wheat, white 76s to 7° red. Barley . , grinding ............ 344 to 3 . 5 , 5 Oats .................................... 218 to S g: Beans. .................... 478 to 4 ..... EXETER—Atra. 3. tAd ire ° CORN.—In our market wheat may be (1 0 - - 04 ,1 ' to lOs Od. Malting barley, 4s 9d to 5s Od ; gT in Os Oil Od to Os Od. Oats, 3s 6d to 4s Od. 13 e ans ' Od. Peas, 00s Od to 00s Od. 510 r FLOUR. —Fine, 56s Od to 57s Od; seco nds/ Od per sack. . tv spa CATTLE.—Prime beef, Us 6d per score; er) 121. OOs to 151. ; butchers' calves, 5d to sid per calves —s to a each. Sheep, s 6 izeid to 70. r L, c 1.1; Od per lb. Store hogs, large , 50s te 5 ?: 20s to 00s ; small, Ns . to 00s. Rough ' 9 '" Pork carcases from Os 3d to lOs 3d per score. INVERNESS.—JuLT 3 1 . e 65 Oi' CORN.— Wheat, white, per qr., 74s Od to SC 9 ley; chevalier, 31s Od'to 32s 0,1 ; 31s Od. Oats, ZOs Od to 31s 0,1. 910 0 " MEAL.—Oatmeal, per imp. boll 22s Cd to i 1 0 0'41; second, OOs Od to Os Od ; barleymeal, 16s `OOS* peasemeal, 16s 6d to 20s Od; bran, per store, Ist flour, per 2801 b, 57s Od to 60s Od; " lit ' t p ° 'o ol l l , 52s Od ; oatmeal, best, per st. of 141 h ba to 2s 4d; ditto second, Os Od to Os Od ; rle) to 00s Od •, peasemeal, is 10d to Os ; Ist fli t, ar , 3s 6d credit ; 2d ditto, 2s 6d cash, 2s 9 d credi 0 4 ; BRISTOL SUGAR—AUG. s ole s A , fr A good demand this week both for pan ,% / erf•pr j ' and the offices have been nearly cleared 13 ' f ices.,,bi,r brought forward, at again rather higher,Ph o fined produce there is now a free sale, ell","• 0 00' closed with firmness. In rum the transacia portant. T.—AUGUST 3. 0 ;be close of the 10 1, 1 waiiseua 10 Haswell .•.• ...• Heugh Hall South Sartlepoo Tees ............. Whitworth ....... Evenwood . ...... Gosforth ........ Bell ................ Kepler Grange Ca550p.......... Riddell ........... Eden Main ....... •rcige.' F o th er gill's A ve 0 ;5 I Sold .......... COAL MARKE! Prioos of Coal per ton at t' 8. d. Bebside's West Hartley 20 0 Howard's West Hartley _ a Netherton l9 0 Tanfield Moor Butes 17 0 West Riding Hartley lB 9 Chester Main.., 2O 0 Walker Primrose l5 9 Tanfield Moor l7 0 Wylam 19 3 Derwentwater Hartley 20 0, Wallsend, &c. Heaton Leverson 15 CI Ships at market.. -- / COURSE OF EXCHANGE.— x .„,,coft 11 17 Gibraltar ...• Ditto, three months .. 11 18!4 Leghorn • • ••••,...' Rotterdam ............ 11 1. 1 ,4 Genoa ........ _ __ ._ __ __ __ .. Antwerp ............ •• 25 71,e; , r Brussels ... •• .. 25 37 Eiambilrgh •• •• •• •• •• • • 13 8 Altoris .• ••'•••• .• - - Paris. Ditto, thus months .. 25 3756 Marseilles ...., ........ 25 37% Bourdeaux .• •••••• •• Frankfort-on Maine.... 118 Berlin •e • • •• •• •• • • •... ••• Vienna" •• •• •• •••• •••• 12 2 Trieste. ...•..•••••••• 12 6 Petersburg •• •• •• 35 3 4 Madrid ••• •• •• •• •• •• 50 1 4 Gadd .••••••••• Barcelona •• •• • • •• • • •• ••••-• Seville.••••• •••• •• •••.- 11 i lan .. • • •• .. .. Venice Naples ....... Palermo Messina •••• • ..' Lisbon .. ...... Oporto .- , ~l Rio Janeiro..... Buenos AYre s ' A . :Bl' New York,6o, , Philad e lphia •*:. stuA r PRICES ON - o r 9 Forei g n Gold in .;,,, f Portugal Gol d , Mexican • . 0 0 . New Dollar o ":, Shyer in bars •• SEABORNE M y AI L S. ,e v ® tsoCi (N simiiilea that the mails are sent from the I/ by the night—and M by the morning—despatch.) 0 0 of ,• vii ) A Day when made up PTO.— f t p! . , COtTNTIZIES. in General Post- F°' 0 f teD ..J 1 015 cc, London.. DISP 2 ,. /y --.... America(byßrit.pack)N Every Friday .... LiverP °° ,ti Americs, (by United Sts. packet) ..........N •• .• •• 14110101 America (by U. States packet) ..........N •• •• ......• Sollfil i°9 Australia (via South- .A.th South ampton) ..........M ••••• •• •• •• opv...— $ OOO . •.? Ditto (via Marseilles) N Ditto (via Cape of Gioed ~.Ids Hope) ........... NI . til ' Africa (West Coast) ..N 23d of the month.. ' , Tyra ° ..'1 Alexandria..........N 4,9, 24, & 30 of m. Dover . ...;;tOP l 9 # of , Al exandria ..........m 4th & 20th of mon. Spat-h 3 w p I Bahamas ...........1d 17th of the month &nth , '" 0 il ti'ii i Belgium ............N D ai1y...... • • • . • . Dcive, r . o lp? . .,p t, Brazil ..............M 9th of the mouth.. Soilt_;'',ot.„'", Buenos Ayres ........M 9th of the month.. Setly l .' poin Cape of Good Hope ..N varlet. I Cape of Good Hope • . m algo ll Cape do Verde .... „N N 9th of Um month Sou. - It Ceylon (see India) 0 Ceylon ...... ........N ~..101 Channel Isles ........N Mon ~Wed.,&Flii. Sout h°l -• 4 10 Chill..•• • • • • • .......31 3d & 17th of month south" China .:.. .. Once a month.... Constantinople ......N 8,13,18,23,&2b ot m Dover s ;;pl° 4 . Constantinople ........ 4th & 20th of mon. Sout h.. lf; Cont. of Europe Pit & N Twice daily ...... Dove r '' ' V I r Egypt (see India) ,'‘ ? , . 4 France ... II N Twice daily Gibraltar ... ..... ........Ni • 4,7,17,20, 27 of ro. gout' Greece (see India) tor'l 1 oini , 'P 0 Greytown ..........11 2nd & 17th of mon. Soli— „ ~.',', kd Hamburgh .. . . N Tuesday & F r id a y Lauvlo' pte' . Pr Savannah ..........Ni...... 2nd of the month South ~, j Holland ............M Daily.. •••• ...... Dover ;; ; ;',o' , p' Honduras ..........14 17th of the month. 800th,,%0 ' I' fndia ( viaSouthampt .) M 4th & 20th of mon. Plrov ~',lf, . 1 India (via Marseill es )ll 9th&2s t h o f month Dover,. ''..",r ' • lonian Isles (see Ind ia ) 7, 17, & 27 o f MOD D0 Ve ,,,,,.td ',, 7 /1 i l Ireland ........II & N Twice daily ...... 110 1 3'; 0 1p 1 " „, Lisbon.. ........11 7,9, 17, &270 f m. soutl'opl°,V 4 ' , Madeira ............IA 9th of the mo n th South of Madeira ......;.. „N 23d of month ..., Live' Malta (see Ind la) r'' halt' ... ... ..N 8,18, &28 of mon. Dove 1 Mauritius (see India) ii tt Mauritius ..........N 14th of the month „of t , ,/' Bleak() •• •••••• •• •. 31 2nd of the month., Bo s ' - .'P Naples .... .. ........N i sth 1 sth2sthoLmon. ; Dove f 0.1 p.,,, 1 ~ v New Granada ......Ni 12d & 17th of montl iSoul i to pa,,, New Zealand . ......... ;By private skip —l .o „ r `p -I r ..';oo, fr , Papal States ........ It 'Nth 15th2sthofmon.0 0 .— ,oo' f i Peninsula ..........M Ithl7th27thofinon. 80 01 40iP t cui Peru ..............M 2,1 & 27th of mon. Sool,'' o s 0 , 1 Port Natal ..........N By private ship...l7 lol : r ...'' f' o Sicily ..............N sthlstll2sthottnon,lDev` r „.: 0 ‘; P Tuscany ............N it h I Ath2sthohnon. Dov t l,o I Venezuela .. „ ...... AI 2d & 17th otmentb 90 0 i t 'Jt d Van Diemen's Land (set ici ) ~i: Australia) .. West Indies hl 2d Sz 17th et menet !ou ~ Iwo .„, ✓ C When any of these dates fall as a Sunday, t". o..,"ptt patched on the following day, with the eaceP. U . a pe 44 ' Southampton), and the Malta, both of which 101 preceding day. . nilir • C- [AnyzarrsEmml—The most inveterate 11 4 , / n e f i cv °, diarrhoea, which had resisted all medicine Lvc" to Du Barry's delicious Revalenta Arable(' ;,,f ° friend the great Indian traveller and anticl u3 ;d 7- 1,140, , writes as follows :—" London, 20th March , e; —Having suffered fearfully for two years fre l ' a ° t el l/ ;', of the liver and an inveterate • - breni' l3 l os ;o o. 4 * charrhcea, the itu, , f and China, and having tried the advice °` e,briv> professional men in China, India, and at b° — + ba other result than gradual decay,'l WO O ° ;11t10 0 . 01°; grave—unable to lift my arms from perf ec ; e r ree Capt. Wraughton, of the Hon. E. I. C. Serv:bie•43oy;., me to try Du Barry's excellent Revalenta 01 1 '0lb to discard the drugs I was then taking 0 1)1 11 , this delicious Fool is the perfect restore'''.l,rec°,oFl., within a month ; and I take a peculiar pleas . 1 0 01 " A all sufferers to follow my example. I shal; L',10 1 i;;; any inquiries. I am, &c. ,W. EDIE, Major, 0 . is. , ier , 1 o p „'; In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9c1.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; "see -qo trr' The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of London , /*, Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, Loecl ° T 4 5 ' t e t j ).;, Piccadilly ; 60, Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 60 and 68, C orn hill ; 49 7 -"";pit; 31 55, Charing-cross; 54, Upp er Baker-st r we o ; 5 .0 4 Oxford-street; 89, High-stwet, Canadontroct ; Co? mall ;7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, New 80a, ,, , - 01 ,,t; comb-street ; 13, King William-street, (A'-'n'Or°",,l9" street; 21, Cockspur-street ; 95, Farrier, tu rn Paul's Churchyard ; 6, Edward-street, F L ' "ti BIRTHS. f P OF A SON. t he Wif e ° f," On the 2d in s t., a t Wy e cottge, b at B o Anderson, Esq. . 4 of On the 2d inst., at York, the v.f e Prance, Esq. 3 10 OF A DAUGHTER' ofl ~ ris On the 2d inst., at Claremont Vino, ~ Lovell. On the 3d inst., the wife of D. Beni tirnill' Westboarne-terrace, Hyde.park. f el, 0e.." .. .r MARRIED' rh bi tlrO, se m i On the 2d inst., at South Hackney s' -- on a OoP si ', Rickard, Esq., of the Stock Excha,g/49-gelia° for Brixton, to Selina, second d a ughter °I '. - rebewrtr Esq., oiPembury-road, Lower ClaPton' to o, i,o' On the 2d inst., at St. Mark's, Kenning 010 Miller, of Kenningt on , t o Amelia Ang us ° gon Cottage, Kennington. li" e s ,0 Ea O ri n o t f he se l t d on in . st., in IlDellraEvfs.cluarer' r C iO l3 : l 5, 8 8 9 , , c14 0 91 1! On the 24th ult ,at Donnington r , o d 9 Lord Philip Th . F't 1 Howard , boo omas Iza au , e of ig 9 44 months. 31. 0 : , t a h g e e 1 d 7 6 th l ult., at Balaklava, Crimea, OM Charles T. Witham, R.M , aged 20. ._ 90 0 On the 2d inst., at Clapion:Fre dericx # i w icks fe et Wi On the Ist inst., at Erdington, War o1( 1° ' At ik Spawforth, Esq a ge d 75. t Ile '' - 4 ,1f1r On the Ist inst., the Rev. Sohn „ taa , p of Holton St. Mary, Suffolk, aged 3 u!pr o ut, v" -___ 7 / On the 31st ult., at Farninghai n, '''" 1 /01 Esq. ______------ I'o LONDON: Printed and Published by tlia ct o of No. 112, Strand; Printer, at The owi n ate Strand, in the Precinct of the St x %° ll Ilicl , lleau, Saturday, AvguA IQ ' s poLA l'°l" 4 rY f 071), as tight GREA R, S 11, ret urtobrld erat 4 3031 1141 1.4 there Kidd 4tajzuderat, GREA t to xoTr Pr l Pan ) . LY GP, Will be I 14 general p the Chair uv " In e Tran gfe 1 1 ,„ ot be or .11 the 16 'hd on titr°K 1 11 frr l Y7 P , Nr - E&R 411 w ay ( IC r i t i',ll4°'ll 14 Pti nt o n th (4114 thl ~~ T ~~ ~~~ - tvo " qqll ttr t4 a ). q i‘ hp, liq 12 Th 4, 4