The Sun. — London, England, 1849-07-03 00:00:00

THE BOMBARDMENT OF ROME. ' SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. The following is an extract of a letter from Father IIiDERSLEBEN, JUNE 26.—Everything is appa- . Ventura : rently in statu quo at Fredericia , but the genera lehced "At the moment that lam writing these lines my impression is that hostilities will be com me nced heart is bowed down with grief. The French soldiers i n t h e course o f a few days. The ire ern are bombarding Rome, destroying its monuments, army has now established its head - qua rters at Aar and massacring its inhabitants, and blood is huus. The Imperial troops have advanced two flowing in streams on both sides. Fears are enter- g lea ues and a half further southward , but it seems rained lest when the French enter Rome by as- to be dubious whether or not Randu s has y et :malt the people should in its rage ma s sa cre a ll It is true the priests and all the nuns. What a fine victory will been occupied by the Prussian corps. this be for France I What a great restoration of the that on the 21st they were already confronting the Popel History tells us that restorations by force are enemy's troops, and a general engagement was ex not durable, and that thrones rai se d u p on d ea d bodies pected, when orders were suddenly given to and in blood are certain to be soon overthrown. Of halt. The right wing of the Prussians remained all the combinations discussed at Gaeta the most standing, the Danes on the right fell back fatal has been chosen. But what is still more upon the peninsula of Helgenus, while the centre, grievous to every catholic mind i s that this re- composed of Bavarians, made a forward movement. storstion, if it takes place, will destroy the autho- Not a shot was fired on either side. rity of the Pontiff without establishing the power of the Reports of an approaching armistice, and of the Prince. Each cannon ball that ruins the walls of amicable solution of the pending negotiations, are in Rome will destroy by degrees the faith of the Ro mans in the Catholic Religion. The effect pro-. continual circulation but they are reports only, duced by " i confetti di Pio IN ino mandati a suor fi gh " and nothing definite ' or decisive appears to be yet (the; cannon balls so ticketed and carried through determined upon. The large demands made on both the city) is known, but is as nothing compared to sides, not only relative to the:main question—that of the rage against the Church, and the Catholic religion, the future relation of the Duchies to Denmark, but created by the sight of the French shells. As most of to the blockade expenses and the expenses of the war these s h e ll s have fallen in th e T ranstevere , an d ruined under this long-contested question, are extremely the houses of the poor people who inhabit it, as well as difficult to settle. The appearance of the gross of killed some of them, the Transteverini—that portion of the Russian fleet will doubtless have some weight ; the population, lately so catholic, are those who now as yet only a few isolated frigates and other Russian curse and blaspheme against the Pope and the cler g y, in vessels have appeared in sight.--Hamburgh Papers. whose name they see all this carnage and horror. "I am far from believing that Pius the Ninth desires, or even knows all this; but what I know and believe on this matter is unknown to the Roman people, who only see and feel that they they are suffering. They see that the Austrians, with Monsignor Bedini amongst them, are ravaging the legations, bombarding towns, imposing enormous taxes on peaceable citizens, are prescribing and shooting the most ardent patriots, and re-establishing the clerical absolutism wherever they go. They see that the French are spilling Roman blood in the name of the Pope, who has sent against them four powers, armed with all the means of destruction, against ,the Roman State, like a pack of hounds against a wild beast. They feel and know all this, and they rise against the Pope and the Church in the name and interest of which the Pope pro claims that it is his duty to reconquer by force his temporal power. The excesses of Rome have been sur passed by the excesses of Gaeta. Not a word has been said of peace, reconciliation, or pardon; not a promise made to maintain public liberties; and yet this ought to have been done by the Pope. The last allocution of the Pontiff has been read. Row imprudent to have made the Pope praise Austria, and the King of Naples, who have ever been the sworn foes of Italian independence. How much more imprudent still to make him say that, of his own accord, he had appealed to the powers to re-establish him on a throne which he had himself abandoned. It was confessing that he wished to do to his people what he had declared unwilling last year to do against the Croats and Austrians, oppressors of Italy. Even the women feel this reasoning; and now that they see the effects of this brutal war ot four great powers against a small state, their husbands and chil dren killed and wounded, you cannot form an idea of the rage of these women, of the energetic sentiments that they utter, and the fury that animates them against the Pope, the cardinals, and the mass of the priesthood. You can conceive, therefore, how it is that churches have been devastated. People will no longer confess them. selves, or communicate, or hear mass. There is no longer any preaching at Rome, because no one will listen. Everything that is presented by a priest, or smells of a priest, is shunned. "To me Pius IX. is always the vicar ot Jesus Christ, the head of the Church. But can the mass understand this. I know that all the youth of Rome and all those who have instruction, reason as follows : ' The Pope wants to reign over us by force. He wants for the Church, or the priests, a sovereignty which only belongs to the people, and he thinks that it is his duty to act thus, because we are Catho lics, and because Rome is the centre of Catholicism. Well, what is there to prevent us from abandoning Ca tholicism, and becoming Protestants if necessary; and then what political right can he urge against us? For is it not horrible to think, that because we are Catholics and sons of the Church, we must ba kept in leading strings by the Church, abjure all our rights, and expect from the liberality of priests as a concession what is justly due to us, and be condemned to the lot of the mos miserable of nations?' " These sentiments are more common than they are supposed to be, and have even penetrated into the minds of women. And thus my labours of twenty years have been lost, and Protestantism is de facto implanted in a portion of the good and religious Roman people, and that too, horrible to relate, by the priesthood itself and the bad policy into which the Pope has been drawn. " Had Pope Pius IX. been left to himself, he would never have left Rome. Had he done so, he would not at any rate have left the Roman states, but woald have gone to Bologna, Ancona, or Civita Vecchia, where he would have been received as from heaven. He would not have gone to Gaeta and refused to see the Roman deputations, and he would have said:—' Let me stay in exile rather than appeal to arms which would perhaps subdue, but would cause the loss of the hearts of my people.' Rome will probably fall, and the Pope may again enter the Eternal City, but he will never reign over the hearts of the Romans." THE INSURRECTION IN BADEN. The Grand Duke of Baden was expected at Darm stadt on the 26th ult. The state of siege in which the province of Slarken burg had been placed is removed by order of the Minister, not a single instance having occurred there in which martial law was applied. The Mayence Gazette states the capitulation of Rastadt is certain—but the Cologne Gazette of the 30th says :—" That the steamer which has just arrived from Mayence brought no intelligence of the oc cupation of that fortress by the Russian troops, but stated that the fortress had been allowed three days to capitulate. Private letters assert that Rastadt has been taken, and that Mieroslawski, fol lowed by the i nsurgen t array, h as ret i red beyond the Murg. He did not wish to weaken his forces by di viding his army, which he mast otherwise necessarily have done, and therefore was obliged to stake the fortress. The Karlsruh e J ourna l, of the 28th ult., says no :lung of th e surren d er o f Rastadt. POLYTECHNIC I N S TITUTION. During the past week, at this establishment, Dr. Bachhoffner has been engaged in delivering a lecture on the various methods of producing artificial ice, which can be employed in cooling wine, &c. The production of cold, artificially, depends in all cases upon one great principle, viz., that when bodies pass from the solid to the fluid, or from the fluid to the gaseous condition, they require an increased amount of heat to enable them to exist in their new form; to produce cold, then, we merely have to bring together such bodies as can be made to pass rapidly from one state to the other, in so doing they rob surrounding bodies of the heat which they contain, and produce the desired effect , if we place those bodies we desire to cool in connexion with them. It will be seen from this that it is necessary to employ vessels adapted to each particular case, and for this purpose the patent arrangements of Mr. Masters stand alone. Many of them were exhi bited on the lecture table, and appeared at once simple, economical, and elegant. It is worthy of remark that by this contrivance a bottle of wine may be iced in a few seconds at a very trifling cost. Amongst the many interesting experi ments by the Learned Doctor during his lecture was an illustration of the extraordinary fact discovered by Doctor Bontyony, viz., that water may be frozen in a red-hot vessel, if we merely follow out the prin ciples before alluded to. The lecture was extremely well attended by a most respectable audience, who appeared highly gratified by the simple and pleasing manner with which the Professor treated his subject. DEPARTURES AND ALTERATIONS OF THE FOREIGN AND COLONIAL MAILS FOR JULY. The following are the dates on which the foreign and colonial mails will be made up at the General Post-office, St. Martin's-le-Grand, during the ensuing month of July, and when the return packets will be due at Southampton, Liverpool, and Falmouth:— West Indies, &c.—For the British and foreign colonies in the West Indies (except Honduras, Nassau, Bermuda, and Havannah), Venezuela and Jacmel on the morning of the 2d and 17th, Bermuda, Nassau, New Orleans, Mexico, Honduras, and Havannab, on the morning of the 2d only; Madeira, Grey Town (San Juan de Nica ragua), New Grenada, Chili, and Peru, on the morn ing of the 17th only. The Trent steamer for the mails of the 2d, via Southampton; next packets dae on the 7th and 22d. Madeira, Brazil, and Buenos Ayres, on the evening of the 4th, by her ltiejeety'e brig Penguin, from Falmouth, due; her Majesty's brig Crane (over due); her Ma jesty's brig Linnet, due on the 25th at Falmouth. (From August to January inclusive the packet touches at Pernambuco and Bahia, on her outward passage to Rio Janeiro, and the other six months on her home ward.) United States, &c.—For British North America and the United States on the evening of the 6th, by the Ca ledonia steamer, via Liverpool, Halifax, and Boston; on the evening of the 13th to New York by the Europa steamer; on the evening of the 20th to Boston by the Cambria steamer; and on the evening of the 27th, to New York by the America steamer. Next packets due at Liverpool —the Europa, on the 4th from Boston; the Cambria on the 12th from New York; the America, on the 18th from Boston, and the Hibernia steamer, on the 26th from New York. (The branch packets for New foundland will be dispatched from Halifax on the arrival at the latter port of the homeward packet from Boston, and the branch packet for Bermuda will be dispatched from Halifax on the arrival at that port of the outward packet for Boston.) Mediterranean, India, &c.—For the Mediterranean, Malta, Egypt, Ceylon, India, Hong-Kong, and China on the evenings of the 7th and 24th (Mauritius on the 24th) by the fortnightly overland closed mails via Marseilles, due on the 23d; Gibraltar, Malta, Greece, the lonian Islands, Egypt, Aden, Ceylon, Mauritius, India, and China on the morning of the 20th, by the Oriental Steam Company's packet from Southampton due on the 28th at Southampton. Peninsula, &c.—Vigo, Oporto, Lisbon, Madeira, via Lisbon, Cadiz, and Gibraltar, on the mornings of the 7th, 17th, and 27th, by the Peninsular Steam Com pany's packets from Southampton. Next packets due on the sth, lith,and 25th, at Southampton. Sydney, New South Wales, Australia, Van Diemen's Land, and New Zealand, by ship letter-bags, which will be forwarded by vessels sailing from London and other ports of the United Kingdom. NeWspapers to these co• lonies must be prepaid one penny each, or they will not be forwarded by these bags. France, &c.—Tw ice daily—morning and evening (Sun days excepted), by her Majesty's mail steam-packets, via Dover and Calais, due daily. Belgium, &c. (and countries through Belgium, Prussia, and Germany, • Hamburgh, Turkey, Moldavia, Walla chia, Servia, &c.)—Every evening (except Sunday), by her Majesty's steam packets via Dover and Ostend; due daily. Hamburgh, &c.—Tuesday and Friday evenings; due Tuesdays and Saturdays. Holland, &c.—Wednesday and Saturday mornings; due Mondays and Thursdays, by the General Steam Navigation Company's packets, via the Thames. Sierra Leone, &c.—Mails will be made up on Monday evening, the 2d of July, for Madeira, San Nicholas (Cape Verd Islands), Sierra Leone, and the island of Ascension, to be forwarded by her Majesty's ship Ranger, ap , pointed to sail from Devonport on the evening of the 3d. Letters to Madeira and Cape Verd, ls. 10d. per half ounce; newspapers. 2d. each, which must be prepaid. Sierra Leone and Ascension—Letters, Is.; newspapers, free. APPLICATION OF GUN-COTTON TO THE SILVERING OF LOOKING-GLASSES. M. H. Vohl has recently discovered that a solution of gun cotton in a caustic alkaline ley, possesses in a high degree the property of precipitating silver from its solutions in the metallic form. If gun -cotton be placed in contact with a caustic alkaline ley of suffi cient strength, the cotton dissolves in the ley, with the disengagement of considerable heat, and of ammonia, and furnishes a deep brown liquor, sometimes rather thick ; which, on the addition of an acid, gives rise to a brisk effervescence, with disengagement of carbonic acid, and nitrous acid. The manner in which the gun cotton comforts itself in this case shows that this substance is not dissolved as such, but undergoes a decomposition, in which the atoms of the oxygen of the nitric acid com bine with an atom of the carbon of the cotton, and give rise to the carbonic acid ; which, as well as the nitrous acid, combines with a portion of the potash. A new decomposition of the nitrous salt by the potash, in presence of substances containing hydrogen, fur nishes the ammonia. The most remarkable property of this alkaline solution, is the following :—lf a few drops of nitrate of silver be added to the solution, and enough ammonia added, so that the oxyde of silver which is formed, becomes redissolved, and heat gently applied by means of a water bath, a moment arrives when the liquid assumes a dark brown colour, show ing an effervescence, and all the silver is precipitated on the sides of the wood containing the solution, as a polished mirror. The mirror thus obtained sur passes considerably in brilliancy that which is pro duced by etherial oils, or ammoniacal aldehyde ; and its ready production must give it an important place in many useful practical applications. It is not only the gun cotton which possesses this property ; it is found that cane sugar, milk sugar, marmite, gums, and other substances, which become explosive when treated with nitric acid, &c., the same. The picroazotic acid itself produces, under the same circumstances, a bright metallic surface; and it would appear that this reaction takes with all those bodies, which, treated with nitric acid, do not furnish the products of oxydation ; but another series of bodies Which admit nitric acid as such into their constitu- Noß4zid at the same time abandon an equivalent of *itTer.—Patent Journal. MELANCHOLY ACCIDENT ON THE RIVER.—AII accident, by which five persons nearly lost their lives, and one life was lost. occurred upon the river on Satur day afternoon last off the Archbishop of Canterbury's palace. It appears that five persons, named William Fields, Edward Groves, Samuel Miller, Thomas Barnes, and William Biggins, all in the employment of Messrs. Price, the patent cocoanut candle m anu f acturers, at Vauxhall, had been to witness a cricket match played by some of their fellow-workmen at Battersea, and, in order to return home, they hired a four-oared boat, into which they all got, and had rowed down the river on the Middlesex side as far as the Horseferry-stairs, when they turned the head of the vessel in the direction of Lambeth, and were crossing the water, when the surf caused by a passing steamer struck the midship s o f th e boat and turned it over, precipitating the five persons into the river. The numerous persons passing along the Bishop's-walk who witnessed the accident and saw th e young- men plunging about in the water raised an ala rm , when several watermen put off in their boats and suc ceeded, after some time, in getting the four &steamed out of the water, but Hi gg ins was unforiunately drowned. The decease d was a son of police-constabl e Higgins, No. 99 L division, residing at No. 4, Catharine etreet; Vauxhall. The four persons taken out of the water were immediately quickly conveyed to the White Lion Tavern, wh ere M r . Jeffrey, surgeon, . attended, _ and by unremit t i ng attent i on t h e p o or fellows . were, although at on e t i me thought to b e dea d , perfectly re stored by five o'clock, and were enabled to be removed , to their own residences. The body of Higgins had not been found at six o'clock last evening. TRADE OP NOTTINGIUM.--The turn-out of the wrought cotton hose hands is by no means ended; with a few exceptions, the adverse parties seem more deter mined than ever, whilst in Derbyshire it assumes a serious aspect; several shops of frames have been broken to deter persons from going to work. The stockingers are decidedly of opinion that the houses must eventually give way, for want of guods, but the latter are equally confident as to the result. The drawer, pantaloon, and shirt branch (notwithstanding its extension in the villages) is in a fair condition, the demand for these articles being very extensive throughout the western world, and even in Asia, though previous to the invention of fleecy hosiery, about 1720, they were not known. Their elasticity as well as strength makes them superior to any other article -u.ed as underwear. The cotton glove trade continues in a good condition, but as might be expected at this season, there is a falling off in silk glover, especially in Derbyshire; the hosiers give out material with a sparing hand to independent frames, not being their own property. The silk knotted branch is in a tolerably fair state, the frames being pretty well employed. The plain silk hose branch is in a most de pressed condition. Politeness is the shadow of civilization. Christianity is the substence,—Eliza Cook's Journal. THE ToxoruoixTE ie annual ball of this long-established archery society, of which the Earl of Aylesford, is president, took place on Friday night, at the Archer's Lodge, Regent's Park. The grounds at tached to that charming little retreat were brilliantly illuminated by thousands of variegated lamps, and the avenues which approach the mansion were lighted by coloured lamps. In front of the lawn, the ordinary prac tice ground, a very superb temporary saloon was erected for dancing, the walls being relieved with coloured dra peries. The archer's hall, which communicated with the ball room, was tastefully lighted by wax candles arranged in semicircles round the apartment, and among the conspicuous objects of attention were the numerous silver trophies belonging to the members of the society. Another temporary saloon had been erected and hand somely decorated, in which refreshments of the choicest description and a sumptuous supper were supplied under the admirable superintendence of Bridgeman, of Wig more-street. Dancing commenced shortly after 11, and was • maintained with unabated spirit until after four o'clock on Saturday morning—Jullien's band being en gaged for the fête. Above 500 members and friends were present on the occasion. DM POPE AND THE STANDARD OF CASTILE.—It is related rev iewed the according to Spanish an troopsatGreta, t w he he s n tant e rd P o Casti le, old custom in the Spanish army, was laid open at the d feet of his Holiness, who, ignorant of what was required of of him in return, a s k e d th e Bishop of Cuerc w was to do. That p re l a t e rep li e d, that the Sovereign Pontiff being conside re d G o d' s Vi car on e arth, or as the King of kings, the banner had been so placed in order that he might tread upon it with his sacred feet. After going through this ceremony, and blessing the troop, the Bishop of Cuenca knelt, and made him the follow ing petition :—'‘ Most Holy Father, let me hope I am worthy of receiving a boon from you, which is that you give me the shoes you wear, because, after treading upon the standard of Castile. they cannot touch any but Spanish ground." Another pair of shoes, provided by the bishop, were then brought, and Pius presented his to tht dignitary, who doubtless has thus secured to himself a cardinal's hat. We gain as much in avoiding the failings of others, as we do in imitating that in which they excel.—Eliza Cook's Journal. Dispatches were sent off yesterday evening from the Colonial-office, An the QQVIRLIOr of th• Bigiurigus. ..t. `"' , THE SUN, LONDON, TUES TIA Y EVENING, JULY 3, PI-19. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 2 Their Lordships assembled a , Fire o'clock. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented a peti tion from Newcastle against any alteration in the .oar. riage Act. SCOTCH AND IRISH PACKETS. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY moved that there be laid before this House copies of all communications that have taken place between the Postmaster-General and the parties who have contracted for carrying the mails from Greenock to Belfast ; also copies of any contracts that have been made, stating the period for which they have been made; and also any statements to show the eco nomy and saving proposed by any new arrangements. After the paper should have been laid upon the table, he intended to move that after the large sums expended in improving the harbours o f Port Patrick and Do naghadee, it was inexpedient that the packets should be removed from that station. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE, so far from ob jecting to laying the papers before their Lordships would move, as an amendment, that the whole of the correspondence connected with the subject should be laid before the House. The motion as amended was agreed to after a few ob servations from the Earl of ELLENBOROUGH. PETITIONS. Lord STANLEY presented a petition from certain persons connected with the landed interest, praying for a re-enactment of the corn-laws. ITALY. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE laid on the table the communication from the Austrian Go vernment on the subject of the entrance of Austrian troops into Tuscany. This communication had been made subsequent to the time that question had been first mooted in the House. After a few words from the Earl of ABERDEEN, The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that no formal communication had been made from Austria at the time the communication was made from Turin. The Earl of ABERDEEN said that if the Noble Marquis had said no written communication had been made from the Austrian Government he would have been correct, but although not written the communica tion was formal. HUNGARY: Lord BROUGHAM asked if any step had been taken to recognise Kossuth's Government of Hungary? The Marquis of LANSDOVVNE was understood to reply in the negative. Lord BROUGHAM had understood that an emissary of Kossuth had been received at the Foreign-office. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said no accredited emissary from Hungary had been recognized in this country. PETITIONS. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition numerously signed by landowners and farmers in Der , byshire, praying for a re-enactment of the corn-laws. The Noble Duke thought their Lordships were trying the loyalty of the petitioners too far in refusing to do any ; thing for them. • ' Earl FORTESCUE presented petitions in faiour of an alteration in the terms of the educational IRISH. POOR-LAWS. Earl FORTESCUE presented the report of the Com mittee on the Irish poor laws. ENTAILED ESTATES. The Duke of RICHMOND presented the report of the Committee on entailed estates, and moved that the report be received.—Agreed to. The NOBLE EARL then brought in a Bill to carry out the recommendations of the Committee. The object of the Bill was to enable owners of entailed estates to borrow money for the purposes of drainage. The Committee thought it was of great import ance that this Bill should pass during the present session, and he sholud like in the next session to have the Committee re-appointed, in order to carry the investigation of the subject still further He should not be able to move the second reading of the Bill next week, because he should be obliged to attend his duties at quarter sessions, and he hoped the Noble Earl at the head of the Woods and Forests would take charge of it, and give it the support of the Government, as, unless the Government took it up, there was no chance of the Bill passing during this session. The Earl of WICKLO W hoped the measure would be extended to Ireland. The Duke of RICMMOND had no objection to ex tend the measure to Ireland, but he had been long enough in Parliament to know that any question con nected with Ireland gave rise to lengthened debates, and he was exceedingly anxious that this measure should pass during this session. The Earl of CARLISLE cordially approved of the objects of this Bill, and although he would not undertake to state that no alteration would be fbund necessary, yet with thatproviso he would be happy to give to the Bill every support in his power. Lard BEAUMONT said that no Drainage Bill would be effectual until they had a law for regulating the out lets of drainage. He hoped Government would intro duce a measure authorising two-thirds of the landowners of a district to erect engines for drainage, and to levy rates for the purpose of defraying the expense of such engines. - The Bill was then read a first time. SOUTH AUSTRALIA. Lord BIONTEAGLE presented a petition from certain in habitants of New South Wales, stating objections to the amount required to give the franchise to the colonists under the present constitution. In consequence of the great alter ation in th e v alu e of property. ;t maw foux.t that it had the effect of greatly limiting the electoral body. That was a prayer which of course would require to be very maturely considered by their Lordships. He would, however, take advantage of the presentation of the petition to ask his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies the question of which he had given notice—namely, whether it was the intention to proceed in the present session of Parliament with the Bill for altering the constitution of the Australian colonies? It might be said that it was irregular in him to allude to a hill which was not now before their Lordships ; but he thought, under the circumstances, he was justified in doing so, because the Bill was yet in the other House ofParliament, and in the month of August their Lordships might be called upon to pass it.—(Hear, hear.) they had already had examples of the mischievous effects of such hasty and ill considered legislation. It was only necessary to refer to the case of New Zealand, in which, after their Lordships had passed a constitutional Bill, which, when it went over, had to be suspended, because it was altogether impracticable. They had another pertinent example in the case of New South Wales, to which they gave municipal or district councils. That Bill was passed without adequate inquiry, and, when it got into the colony, it was found so unsuited to the case and to the times that the Legislative Council applied to Sir George Gipps, the governor, to sanc tion them in suspending the law, and in acting contrary to it.—( Hear, hear.) Sir G. Gipps saw the necessity of the case, and was compelled to give the local legislature the power of suspending an imperial Act. For two years this was the case. For two years the local legislature was al - lowed to override the Imperial Government and Legislature. That was a state of things which he thought so dangerous, so fraught with evil consequences, that he thought he was justified in calling upon the Government to give them time for mutually considering any future constitutional Bill.— (Hear, hear.) He was still farther supported in this view by the papers on their Lordships' table. He found that Sir Charles Fitzroy, the present Governor of New South Wales, had expressed his opinion that persistence in the proposed Bill would throw the colony into confusion and cause great dissatisfaction. But there was one ground on which he specially objected to the course which had been adopted with reference to this measure. The Secretary of State, iu intro ducing a Bill for the constitutional regulation of the colonies, referred it in the first instance to the Board of Trade and Plantations. He objected to this course on constitutional grounds: he objected to it because it gave rise to a divided responsibility. He contended that the Secretary of State for the Colonies was bound to give his advice to her Majesty on colonial affairs on his own responsibility, and ought not to be allowed to shift it upon others, or refer such matters to 1 the Board of Trade. Lord BROUGHAM --"Board of Trade and Plantations. Lord MONTEAGLE—True ; at one time it had control over the plantations or colonies, but we now had a Secretary of State, specially charged with the functions of Colonial Minister, and he must repeat his objection on constitutional grounds, that that Minister should refer so important a question to the Board of Trade. In the papers on the table he found there were the strongest objections stated by the colonists to two Chambers, but on looking carefully at the language of these objections, it would be found that they objected to having two Chambers, if they were to be com posed as the one was, mainly of nominees of the Crown. Looking at the important and various considerations involved in this subject, and remembering that they were now in the month of July, be could only say that he thought their Lord ships would lower their own character, and the authority of the Imperial Parliament, if they proceeded with so important a measure without opportunity for more mature deliberation. • • ----s.smaist....incieed, appeal to the Noble Ina twofold capacity. rim waa resen, his capacity of Colonial Minister , but as the sole representative of the city of Melbourne in Port Philip. They were em powered to send six representatives, but they had declined t o exercise the privilege, an d h a d selected his Noble Friend as their only representative.—(A laugh.) The question had been laid before the law officers of the Crown, who had de cided that the people of Melbourne were not restricted by the laws of the colony as to their choice of representatives, and might, therefore, if they so pleased, elect a Peer of the realm, and the consequence was, that his Noble Friend sat there holding an office, the duties of which, with all his abilities, it was impossible he could discharge, and an example of the evils arising from the hasty, ill-considered, and crude legislation which he now called upon the Government to delay. lie hoped, that at all events, their Lordships would be allowed till next year to consider so important a measure. Earl GREY said it was certainly irregular to make a speech in presenting a petition, upon a measure not before their Lordships. At the same time there were reasons which occasionally justified a departure from the usual rules of the House, and he would avail himself of the op portunity of giving a short explanation of the nature of the Bill which had been alluded to by his Noble Friend. But bef - ire doing so he mdst be allowed to trouble their Lord ships with a few remarks as to the charge of unconstitu tional reference to the Board of Trade. He must re mind their Lordships that from the earliest times it had been the practice to consider all important ques tions referring to the colonies to a Committee of the Privy Council. In the lapse of time it was found that these affairs were too multitudinous to be well managed by a Board, and for that reason a Secretary of State was appointed, who was charged with conducting the correspondence with the colonies, but it was still the practice to refer all important questions to Committees. In reality there was no shifting or division of respon sibilities. The whole Cabinet were responsible for its acts as a Government._(Hear, hear.) But practically it was impossible to get the consideration of the Cabinet to all questions, and therefore he availed himself of the feat'thenle measures s d c o a f in T e ra b d e e fo a r n e d h l i lan i t n a Plantations. s. shape In o point r e o . f made a minute upon of that Committee of the Privy Council port from that Board, and lie, as Minister, and a member thesec of the Noble Lord, such reports. There was, therefore , nothing either irregular or unconstitutional in the practice , and wh ,, ,n Secretary of State, himself had sat on such a Com mittee with him (Earl Grey) when he was Secretary at War in a form er G overnment . , on the state of the currency in Jamaica. With respect to the Bill now before the other House of Parliament, its intention might briefly stated. Its main principle was to leave the Coustitu . ion of these colonies as we found them, and to change them as little as possible, but at the same time to giye them the . power of altering them from time to time and adopting them to their own wants, subject to this limitation. that such alterations should be approved of by her Majesty, after having been laid before the Imperial Parliament. Thus, any reform in the Constitution of the colonies was virtually to be effected by Vie col , nies themselves. He thought it a principle of great importance, and one the adoption of which should be delayed as little as possible. As to the objection to two Chambers. In point of fact the ground of objection in the papers was not what the Noble Lord had stated. The great objection was to the interference of Parliament at all. When once a Constitution had been granted, the colonists depre cated all further Parliamentary interference; so that it would be seen that all was in accordance with the feelings of the colonists, as expressed in these papers. The Bill further proposed to divide the district of Victoria from the other parts of New South Wales, and it gave to the colo nies with constitutions thus formed the power of forming, if they thought fit, a Central Constitutional Assembly, to dispose of matters of common interest. But such a Central Assembly could not come into operation except it was de manded by the legislations composed as he had described. It was intended to omit the clauses creating a common tariff among the provinces. The arrangement could not be made without supplying a number of details which it would be objectionable to supply here. With that alteration, it was his anxious desire the measure should pass this year, in compliance with the request of the colonists themselves. The present state of things was most inconvenient and un just to Port Philip. If the measure were postponed now, he would not be sanguine that they could entertain a better period for discussing it next session, pressure of b us i ness affecting questions of domestic interest. Such was th e course the Government intended to take; and from commu nications which he had with persons connected with the co lony, he was sure that any postponement of the Bill would be much regretted. He might add, however, that if serious opposition were offered to the measure, he feared it might not become the law of the land. whom and to whom they liked. It seemed, however, that an exception had been taken to this article, and a respectable man who had been in the habit of dealing. with British merchants, who were considered s; foreigners, had been put to death for so doing while others had been o bli ge d to fly to avoid a similar fate. The question, therefore, he wished to ask was, whether it was the intention of Government to compel the per formance of those treaties with China, and whether the Noble Lord had any objection to lay on the table of the House the communications and instructions which had passed on the subject. - Lord PALMERSTON said considerable anxiety had been felt on this subject amongst the commercial community, but he was glad to say that such anxiety did not rest upon any solid foundation. It was true, as stated by the Hon. Gentle man, that a communication had passed between the Government of China and her Majesty's Government, on the subject of the treaty relating to Canton. It was also true that the Government of China had demurred to the engagement conferring privileges on British subjects in reference to trading in Canton, but it was on the ground that they were not able to prevent outrages and insults being offered to British subjects by the natives, which might tend to disturb the friendly relations which existed between the two countries. Her Majesty's Government had not yielded the rights which the treaty con ferred upon them ; on the contrary, they claimed to continue them, but, in preference to enforcing those rights by force of arms, Govern ment might think it necessary to delay taking posses sion of Canton till the Chinese authorities were in a position to repress outrage and insult on British sub jects.— (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") With regard to the second question of the Hon. Gentleman, relating to the treaty of Nankin, it was true that some agitation had occurred in China on the subject, and the act referred to by the Hon. Gentleman; but he was informed that it was the act of an individual and not of the Chinese Government. Still, however that might be, he had no hesitation in stating that it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to exact from the Government of China a full and faithful performance of those treaties which had been made for the interest of this country.—(Hear, hear.) Representations had been made on the subject, and from all that be had heard he was led to believe that these representations would be attended with success. UNION OF KILRUSIL Mr. CRAWFORD then rose, pursuant to notice, to call the attention of her Majesty's Government to the statements of continued evictions in the Union of Kil rush, contained in Captain Kennedy's last reports, and to ask, whether it was the intention of the Government to propose any measure to Parliament for the better protection of the lives of evicted tenants. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Government had received reports on the subject to which the Hon. Member had alluded, but he did not know that the Government could add anything to the measures they had already brought forward on the subject. The Go vernment had no measures at present in contemplation to prevent the invasion of the Act. NAVIGATION -LAWS. Lord PALMERSTON, in answer to a question from Mr. Cornwall Legh, said that it would not be till the end of the year. Corresponding laws would be made re lative to the navigation laws in America. PUBLIC BUSINESS. On the question that the orders of the day should be now read, Lord JOHN RUSSETI eeie that he pnuld take that opportunity of stating the course the Government intended to pursue with respect to the different mea sures now before the House. The first notice that stood on the paper of that evening was the Poor Relief (Ireland) Bill. That Bill having gone through Committee, and the greater portion of the clauses having been gone through, he would propose that the House should sit at twelve o'clock to morrow (Tuesday), and if they got through the Committee and the report, he would suggest that the third reading should take place on Monday next, as it was desirable that the attention of the [louse of Lords should be called to the subject as speedily as possible. On Friday, as he had already stated to ttae House, the Government proposed to take the Scotch Marriage and Registration Bill before any other business. After the consideration of these Bills the Chancellor of the Ex chequer would propose the advance for Irish railways and distress in that country. On Monday, as he had before said, the Government proposed to go on with the third reading of the Poor Relief Ireland Bill. On Thursday and Friday next week the Government pro posed to take the Ordnance estimates and the remaining estimates in Committee of Supply. He had stated on a former occasion that they might have to postpone the opening of the Irish Colleges till next year. He (Lord John Russell) had, however, had a communication from Ireland, which had induced him to think that great disappointment would be felt if such a course was pursued, and he should propose, therefore, to open those during the present year, and such being his intention, it would be necessary to ask for a sum of money in a Committee of Supply. There was another Bill with respect to which much inquiry had been made as to when it would be proceeded with, he alluded to the Australian Colony Bill; the Govern ment proposed to take the second reading of that Bill on Monday the 16th; and it might be as well that he should state that it was the intention of the Government to propose some very important changes in that Bill. The first alteration was with regard to the tariff. They proposed to give the General Assembly the power of making a general tariff for the whole of the colonies. The next was with regard to the pri ce o f l an d, which was now fixed by Act of Parliament. Now, the Go vernment proposed that the General Assembly sould have the power of alteringthe price of land, when it should think proper and necessary.—(clear, hear.) He trusted that the Bill was of such a nature as to obtain the assent of the House, since it was important for the future government of Australia, and in accord ance with the feeling for some time generaly expressed in that House. With respect to some other of the Bills, he did not propose at present to give any of them up, by discharging the orders in re spect of them. The most important Bill was one with regard to the E cc l es i as ti ca l C omm i ss i on . 'That Bill was founded upon one which was introduced into that House three sessions ago. Great objections were made by the late Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishops connected with the Ecclesias tical Commission, and upon the representations that were made he gave up the Bill, preferring to refer it to Select Committee, which made a report generally in favour of the Bill that had been originally proposed, and he had every reason to anticipate the approval of the House to the Bill; but it had been re presented to him from various quarters that, whilst a Commission was pending with regard to Church leases— moved for by a Noble Friend—it was thought not de sirable to proceed with the Bill during the presentsession. Oa the other hand, they had to anticipate great oppo sition from the House of Lords. Seeing the difficulties in the way, he thought that Bill would stand a better chance of coming to a consummation by postponing it to another session. With regard to the Charitable Trusts Bill, he bad consulted the Lord Chancellor upon the sub ject, and the result was that he did not intend to proceed with that Bill this session. There were, however, one or two other subjects of very great ins portance, with respect to which it was neces sary they should bring measures before the House, and as to the grounds for which they were introduced; it was necessary to explain to the House also the reasons why they should be passed during the present session. The most important of these related to the question of lights and pilotage. His Right Hon. Friend would state to the House his general views on this subject, without, however, proposing to legislate for the present purpose with respect to the mercantile marine. He pro posed that the House should sit on Tuesday to proceed with this Bill. He proposed on Monday next that the House should take into consideration the amendments to the Encumbered Estates Bill. They had been printed, and required, especially one of them, the deliberate conside ration of the House. He did not think it was necessary to state anything further. He trusted there would be no objection to their taking the third read ing of Bills to which there was not any opposition; but he should not proceed with any that would interfere with the promise he had made to the Hon. Gentleman opposite, that nothing should interfere with his motion for to-night. The Noble Lord concluded by moving that the House should sit to-morrow at twelve. BANKRUPTCY BILL. Mr. B. OSBORNE said there was one Bill of con siderable importance, namely, the Bankruptcy Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL replied that the Bill was under the consideration of a Select Committee, and he believed there was a genera l assent in the Committee to the Bill, and he hoped that nothing would prevent its pro ceeding this session, for he held it to be an importan measure. Lord LITTLETON, without going into the merits of the proposed scheme, supported the proposition of his Noble Friend on the cross benches. The Bill, however, fell short of what it ought to be, by not giving statutable security to the colony of having their local affairs administered by local legislation. He saw no indication of suc h a principle in,the Bill. Lord STANLEY ridiculed the idea of discussing at so late a period of the session a measure containing p r i nc i p l es o f such magnitude, and details of so great importance. If the Noble Lord attempted to carry through any portion of this important Bill during the present session he would unques tionably fail, for strenuous opposition would be offered to it both in that and the other House of Parliament. Earl GREY saw great difficulty .in separating what the Noble Lord opposite had termed the "comprehensive" from the " simple" portions of the Bill. The petition was laid upon the table, and the conversation ended. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented the fourth re port of the Commissioners of Charitable Donations, and in presenting some returns connected with the amount of bu siness before the Court of Chancery, he expressed a hope that his Noble Friend (the Lord Chancellor) would almost imme diately be able to resume his duties. AUDIT OF RAILWAfACCOUNTS BILL. Lord MONTEAGLE moved the second reading of the Audit of Railway Accounts Bill. Lord LONSDALE disapproved of the measure, which he regarded as an unjust interference with private speculation, without any prospect of benefit accruing. ' When those searching inquiries were not made by Government into other companies, he did not see why such interference should be caused in the case of railway companies. He then moved that it.he read a second time that day three months. Lord 'IONTEAGLE said that as the Bill had been so fully discussed a- 1 approved of last session, he did not see why there should be an j . "ecessity for dividing on it now. The Earl of YARBOROUGL: that he did not think that the railway companies were dealt ia. iy with, because they had no opportunity of knowing this Bill, as it na,l zr printed on Saturday, and proposed to be read a second time on this day (Monday). He should therefore support the motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Lonsdale). Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared— Contents Non-contents ... 5 Majority ... —5 The Bill was then read a second time, and their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 2. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Fire Minutes before Four o'clock. PRIVATE BILLS. The Lords' amendments to the following Billa were considered and agreed to:— Charing-cross Bridge (Amendment of Acts, Powers to alter authoriied Approaches, &c). East Anglian R►ilways (Ely and Huntingdon Rail. way. Extension of Time). The following Bills were read a third time and passed : Lanarkshire (East and West Line) and Glasgow and Shotts Turnpike Roads (Amendment of Acts, &c.) Shrewsbury and Birmingham Railway Acts Amend ment. Branches, and Deviations. The report on the General Land Drainage and Im provement Company (Incorporation and Conferring of Powers) Bill was considered and agreed to. - PROTECTION OF WOMEN. Mr. DUNCAN presented nine petitions from South Shields and other places in the county of Durham, in favour of the Bill for the better protection of women. Mr. CHRISTOPHER presented a similar petition from Lincoln. Mr. WILLIAMS presented a similar petition from Macclesfield. BEER HOUSES. Mr. BROTHERTON presented a petition from Gravesend and other places against the spread of beer houses. THE CHARTER. Mr. HENRY presented a petition from Lancashire in favour of the People's Charter. la*• CLAY preacatcd a, ;similar petition from Hull. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. Mr. 0. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from York shire complaining of agricultural distress. Lord BROOKE presented a similar petition from Warwickshire, agreed to at a meeting of 7,000 persons, presided over by the High Sheriff of the county. BANKRUPTCY LAWS. Mr. BASS presented a petition from Derby in favour of the Bankruptcy Consolidation Bill. Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND presented a similar petition from Preston. SANITARY STATE OF DUBLIN. Mr. FREWEN presented a petition from Dublin, praying for a sanitary measure for that city. COUNTY COURTS, Mr. HILDYARD presented a petition from White haven, praying for an extension of the jurisdiction of the county courts. - MARRIAGE (SCOTLAND) BILL. Mr. COWAN presented a petition mom Edinburgh against this Bill. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Captain PECHELL presented a petition from Brighton, praying for Parliamentary reform. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS. The Earl of MARCH presentill several petitions from Surrey and Sussex, complaining of agricultural distress. Major BERESFORD presented a similar petition "rom the county of Essex. TUE CHARTER. Mr. COBDEN presented a petition from a place in Yorkshire in favour of the adoption of the People's Charter. PROTECTION OF WOMEN. Mr. SCULLY presented a petition from Tipperary, in favour of the 13111 for eiving protection to women. A GREG' ULTURAL DISTRESS. Mr. NE WDEGATE presented petitions from North Warwickshire and other places, complaining of the operation of free trade legislation and of agricultural distress. GOVERNMENT OF KINGSTON, JAMAICA. Mr. HENRY BAILLIE presented a petition from the House of Assembly in. Kingston, Jamaica, praying that the Government of that colony might be assimi lated to that of our North American colonies. SUPERANNUATION TO POOR-LAW OFFICERS. _ Mr. THORNELY wished to put a question to the President of the Poor-law Board in consequence of the numerous petitions which had been presented to the House on the subject. The question was —whether it was the _intention of the Government to bring in any Bill to establish a superannuation fund for the officers of poor-law unions; and if a Bill were to be brought in, whether it was proposed that the funds should be provided by a rate or by a reduction of the salaries of the officers? Mr. BAINES said the subject of a superannuation 'und had been for some time under the consideration of the poor-law board, and he hoped very shortly to be able to lay a Bill on the table of the The details of the measure were, however, not sufficiently matured to war ranthaWt iitthworuegldardbetointhtreodfuunded, hedubreignggedthtoe ie e t n h : .. hopes e ssio n . state distinctly that he for one would be no party to in troducing any system of cora pensation which was payable either out of the poor -rates or out of any other fund of the country.—(Hear, hour-) The only principl e w hi ch he should think advisable wa.s that adopted in the Metro politan Police Act, eight years ago, and in the Borough Police Act last year, of providing a fund out of reduc tions from officers' salaries.—(Hear, hear.) NEW SOUTH WALES. Mr. SCOTT put the following question to the Go vernment :—Her Majesty's Government having intro duced into Parliament the Australian Colonies (No. 2) Bill, continuing in New South Wales a single Chamber of Legislature, on the ground, as stated in the papers, presented to both Houses on the 25th day of May, that public opinion in the colony is opposed to a double cham ber, and these papers recording the decision of the present Governor of New South Wales, and of the legislative eJancil, and containing petitions from the most populous and influential portions of the colony in favour of a second Chamber, is it the intention of her Majesty's Government to proceed with the Bill in its present shape; also, was any communication on the same subject re ceived from the late Governor n v er t ao i r ts Si b r e G in e g or l g a e id G o i n p p t s h , e a t n a d b l i e f' an, is there a ny o bj et before proceeding with the Bill? Mr. HAWES seated that Bill No. 2 was an exact copy of the first Bill, and that it was the intention of the Government to proceed with it. The Honourable Gentleman was also understood to say that no such dis patch existed as that referred to by the Hon. Gentleman, from Sir George Girps. AFFAIRS OF CHINA. Mr. H. BAILLIE wished to put a question to the Noble Lord at the held of the Foreign Department with reference to the affairs of China. By the last accounts which had- arrived trete that country it appeared that the Emperor had caused an additional communication to be mace to her Se,.jesty's Plenipotentiary, that he did not intend to observe the first article of the Treaty, signed by the Imperial Commissioners and Sir J. Davis, which was to the effect, that at a fixed pe riod of next year the city of Canton should he opened to British subjects. By the same accounts it appeared that one of the principal articles in the Nankin Treaty had been violated. That art isle provides that British merchants should Hot, as they had hitherto been compelled to sell their commodities through certain Chinese guilds, but that thoY should sell them through SCOTCH BILLS.—PUBLIC HEALTH BILL. Ax Hox. MEMBER referred to the Scotch Marriages and Registration Bill. He understood they were not to be proceeded with. What did the Noble Lord propose doing with the Publ c Health Bill and the Towns Im provement Bill ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said there were all importer t Bills, and he should be glad to have the opinion of the House whether they should be proceeded with or not. The Scotch Members had certainly expressed a strong disinclination to the Scotch Bills. JUVENILE OFFENDERS. Mr. ROEBUCK wished to ask the Attorney-General a question with respect to a Bill which, though it had not excited much attention, was, nevertheless, to his mind, one of the utmost importance—the Juvenile Offenders Bill.—(Hear, hear.) As the Members con nected with quarter sessions would be absent next week, he hoped he would not then bring it on, but he trusted ir.would be proceeded with this session. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL intended to proceed with the Bill this session, but should not bring it for• ward whilst the Gentlemen referred to were absent. Mr. HUME sincerely trusted that as the private Members had given up the Thursdays, that the Government would not now press for the Tuesdays, for if they did, how was it possible at the hour on which such questions might come on as a difference of the Irish Church.—(Laud laughter.) It was quite evident that the Noble Lord hed no conscience. —(Renewed laughter.) He did 11 , :pe then that the Government would not deprive private Members of the only advantage that they pos-essed. MERCHANT SEAMEN'S FUND. Mr. GLADSTONE wished to ask a question respect inr the intention of the Government concerning the interest of the mercantile marine. He had hoped that some Bill would have been introduced, and until lately he had hoped that a Bill would have been passed this session for the regulation of the Merchant Seamen's Fund. No matter was of more importance to the commercial in terests of the country; and if it were much longer delayed it must of necessity become much more costly than it would be now. Yet, although all expectation ofpasiing such * chain the prooos4 :onion must of coupe be laid asid., he did hope that some Bill on the subject would be laid on the tab!e before the Hom,e broke up, as though little progress could at present he made, the future funherance of the mea6ure would be greatly facilitated. Lord JOHN RUSSELL could give no positive answer to the question of the Right Hon. Gentleman, or pledge himself to anything which he was not sure of ac complishing. - VIE NAVIGATION LAWS. Mr. lIERRIES wished to put a question to the Noble Lord at the Head of the Foreign Department resp'•cting the probability that existed of any relaxation being made in the navigation•laws of the United States, in reply to the relaxation which had been made in our own laws, and if so when such concession was likely to be made. Lord PALMERSTON said that the Constitution of the United States required the President to grant relaxations in the laws which regulated the commerce of that country in ports in the Pacific, not ports belonging to the United States, equal to those granted by the Powers holding any other pos sessions in that ocean, but he had no expectation that any relaxation of the American tariff would at present be made. ECCLESIASTICAL PLURALITIES. Mr. HUME complained that the returns of pluralities which were ordered to be given four months ago had not been produced. He thought that if the officials in the several offices from which they were to emanate were overburthened with work, that the best thing that could be done would be to dismiss them.— (Laughter.) If there was any Lope of the returns being made be should be glad to hear when they were likely to be made. Lord J. RUSSELL said that the returns were very weighty, but would appear as soon as they could be made. THIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third time:-- Irish Turnpike. Marriages in Foreign Countries. Sewers Act Amendment, ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. In answer to a question from Mr. E. DENISON, Lord J. RUSSELL said that he believed that the Ecclesiastical Commission would report during the recess. STATE OF THE NATION. Mr. DISRAELI rose to bring forward his motion— ' That this House will resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the state of the nation." He said—l rise, Sir, to make a statement to the House on the motion of which I have given notice. I do so, because in my opinion great and general distress prevails in this country—(Hear, hear)—and because I be. lieve that this great and general distress has been progressive since the formation of the present Government. The Noble Lord and his colleagues have possessed the government of this country for three years, uncontrolled and unscrutinized.—(Laughter.) They have passed all their measures—they have not had to encounter an ordinary opposition.—(Hear.) No body of men have enjoyed the government of this country heretofore under circumstances so favourable as those possessed by the Noble Lord and his col leagues. That being the case, one is inclined to contrast the situation of England at the present moment with what it was at the period when the Noble Lord and his colleagues assumed the reins of power. I need not recal to the recollection of Hon. Gentlemen the state and condi tion of England at the commencement, I would say, of tho year 1846. In all its relations profound tranquillity pre vailed throughout Europe, and if any of those criti cal conjunctions that will always be occasionally occur ring in the complicated transactions of great states did ever arise, so great was the influence of England, and so justly great, that the kindly mediation of our country uniformly resulted in the amicable settlement of those questions at issue. Al that moment also our colonies, after suffering great vicissi tudes—l will not stop here to say vicissitudes which were the cons' quences of our inconsistent legislation,— but after enduring great vicissitudes, our colonies had re conciled themselves to the new position in which they were placed; and great, as some thought, insuperable as were the difficulties with which they had to contend, there had existed in our colonies a quality which I fear no one can pretend exists at tie present moment—hope.—( Hear, hear.) At that period, the commencement of 1846, our export trade had reached an amount which never before had been achieved by the people of this country. At that period those various classes that form what is popularly called the agricultural interest were prospering, not so much by the enjoyment of what is called high prices, but by being en abled to produce froni the soil a greater quantity of produce than they bad for many years, and being sure of a market where that produce would be disposed of. At that period the state of Ireland, if not en tirely satisfactory to those who were its real friends—it still it were the victim of political empiricism, and the only cure for its evils was still to be considered —if still it were to be sent mes sages of peace— was, nevertheless, compared with its present state, one only of comparative happiness.— (Hear, hear.) And, finally, in her Majesty's Exchequer there existed a surplus revenue between 3,000,0001. and 4,000,0001. sterling. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to draw a still fur ther comparison between the state of the country and its state when Lord John Russell came last into power. Notwithstanding all the sacrifices that have been made by the colonies—caorificea which no body of men ever yet before endured and met with equal spirit—they were told that they had to make still greater exertions. Not satisfied with possess ing an ample surplus revenue, and discreetly administering it, we were told that the tea duty must be taken off immediately.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding we possessed the greatest influence in our external relations, tnd mainly secured the tranquillity of Europe, that did not satisfy us. What we wanted to pos • sess was ncthing else but perpetual peace and cosmopolitan tranquillity. --(Laughter and cheers.) Welt, Sir, what has been the consequences of these aspirations? Three years and a half have elapsed and we have upon this table the most elaborate and most authentic evidence of the condition of the people. I apprehend that Hon. Gentlemen will agree with me that the best test of national prosperity is the employment of the great mass of the working classes—(Loud cries of "H ear, hear")—of the worki ng population at a fair rate of pro fitable wages.—(Hear, hear.) I mean, by profitable wages, wages that will leave a profit to the em ployer; otherwise the wages enjoyed by the employed would have very little prospect of lasting. (Hear, hear.) The rise and fall of pauperism, especially when there are great fluctuations, are the best test of the state of the body politic, and especially when we consider the condition of the able-bodied poor. (Hear, hear.) Now, when the House is employed in considering political systems, all sup ported by great ability, and when there is such rivalry of economic theories, we are very apt to pause and take general views of affairs, we are very apt to forget, or rather nut to be conscious of the changes which are occurring hourly beneath us, and about us, and the alteration is not drawn to these results until they are realised. If we look to the state of the able-bodied poor in England at the com mencement of 1846, and the condition of the able-bodied poor is England, up to the last period when we have authentic information on the subject, we find a startling result—Bear, hear) — I am not bringing before the House any factitious state ments, nor any an ‘nymous letters—no correspondence, how ever credible, excepting that which is officially authenticated to the House. I avail myselt of no illegitimate mod -f . . _ .... ineg. ~.. mode of neve it is continental convulsion, or railway investment, or commercial speculation, or the bringing Irish famine, that ha> caused this decline in the exchange met by any data or in- forward or supporting the statement which I have . to make, and I trust I shall not be h h able value of the English workman's labour. It is the hos tile tariffs of foreige nations— (Hear, hear)—which you have mfo exchange formation t w i o n n restingprepe propositions t o i n n ns slighter and conclusionsgr o und s t a a r n te those on founded. which The of the E glish to encounter, which no policy of yours has yet modified, and Souse at present has before it tie report which the system you are pursuing aggravates in their con andesequences.—(Hear, hear.) I have often taken occasion to condition of this country at this time an able-bodiedef paupers a Poor-law Commissioners, which very plainly sh d ow in s t th h e e P st y ate r reci pauperslB46s state the principles upon which I thiek the theory of i 9 n f cr t e h as e eProcity in commerce depends; but hitherto I have done so andincretahs e e with all the disadvantages which, in an assembly like this, generally, taking all classes, was not less . than 41 per cent. W ha i s th b in een th 7l p t e i r me cent., the any one must endure who appeals only to abstract reason. The report of the Commissioners shows within that timenut l an s Now, however, we have practical results befo e us—in the increase in the expenses of the poor amounting to shows that e thees the sufferings, unfortr.nately, of the people of this country, than 25 per cent., and the report further and in the decline of our wealth— which illustrate the Lady -day, 1846, was 382,417,whi1e the numberof number of able-bodied poor relieved in the quarter ending theory. It has been said, indeed, that the principles upon poor reli eve d i n th e quar t er en di ng L a dy-d a y, 1848 , was which the reciprocity sy s t em o f commerce is based are incontrovertible as far as th e y go , b ut that they 666,338, whil e t h e num b er o f a ll c l asses re li eve d i n th e quarter ending Lady-day, ir46, was 1,332,0'9, and that i n th e quarter only apply to direct t ra d e b e t ween nat i ons; and inasmuch ending Lady-day, 1848, was 1,867,541. F rom th esame aut h en- as the transacti ons o f th e wor ld are carried on very little by direct trade, th e y are i n f act o f no influence in the con tic statements it appears that the e x p en dit ure f or the rel4ef4of 1 duct of affairs: B u t I t hi n k t h e cr i tics who are so prompt and that for the year ending Lady-d a y, 1848, appears to be the poor for the year ending Lady-day, I4G, was 4,954,-0 " to make these observatio ns are li ttle acquainted with the 6,180,761/. I venture to think th a t, w ith suc h f acts as t h ese theory of commercial recipr oc ity. I n my opinion we can only encounter the hostile commercial tariffs of foreign before me, I was excusable—nay, fully justified—in bringing countries by countervailing duties, and I think such a sys such a motion as this before the House.—(Cheers.) Wh en tem occasions not scarcity and dearness, but cheapness and we find that within the short period of three years the in abundance. I say that one of the principal causes of the crease of the able-bodied poor has arisen to the height of 74 distress of the people of England is, that you have estab lished a new commercial system, which mistakes the prin per cent., r say that the state of the country does demand a n , ciples upon which a profitable exchange can take place be deplorableiven for these inquiry by this House of Parliament (Hear, hear.) know that very many ready reasons may be g tween nations; that the consequence of your adopting this I system is to render British labour of a less exchangeable results, and I have not forgotten that the Commis sioners have given some reasons on this subject; but all Value; that its result must be dimi nut i on of profits and de -thethese evils may be accounted f or w ith ou t a lt er i ng th e resu l t pression of wages; and that if y ou persist in your system, instead of finding means for a me li orating the condition of stern facts remai n unc h ange d. I am aware th at t h e great extent of manu f actur i ng d epress i on i s sa i d to account,, the people, and increasing the resources of the country by for what has taken place, that the immigration from Ireland the foreign commerce upon which you rely, you will only into England has greatly contributed to it but I take upon secure further depression and further diminution, till you myself to say that the House will fall into a very great u , reduce the labourer, not to what is popularly mistake if s it supposes that manufacturing depression is sit aw e called the continental level, but below the continental tient to ccount for such extraordinary results. level— (Hear, hear)—for the whole scope and spirit of agricul now before me papers supplied by the Poor-law I coam- your systen2 is to ren:er the labour of this country tributary' missioners setting forth the condition of twelve rin contending against hostile tariffs by free imports. It is • to the labour of other countries. This is the great result of tonal counties and twelve manufacturing . counties .adu one the period from 1846 to 1845; yet, though i opinions, as I think, justified by the stern facts with which unnecessary for me to say that, holding these opinions — county the manufacturing depression must t h i. a s v c e ou b n e t en much felt, and the immigration from Ireland to this we have to deal—l take a gloomy view of the state of our to chiefly endured, yet those results are not sufficient i t i o account for all, nor anything like all, that has been imputed e h as a s and b ? t e h yn e . • foreign commerce; and I cannot look to our expolts, stimu lated on a system which does not increase, but which those causes. The average increase of the rates in the 12 diminishes the profits of the labouring Ilititert . o, in England, when ourforeign grassescommerc manufacturing counties appears to be 39 1 per cent., while capitalists, as a source of the renovation this country, 4 of thepoor that of the agricultural distric's was about 16 1 , and the increase of the expense of maintaining all c la sses 2 p suffering from drpression, the industry in our throughout England was something under 25 per . cent. ( 4i). _ manufacturing districts has been sustained by what is In Hereford, a purely agricultural county, the increase was popularly called the home market. Now, Sir, I have obse 21 per cent., while in Buckinghamshire, I regret to say, it rved that great con the fusion subsists with regard to th is 22 per cent. Considering, then, that this is the . state of at phrase. It is one of very common use and I have heard the country, Iconceive it to be the first duty of this I 1 ous3 Hon. Gentlemen in this II ' ' to enter upon an examination of the subject, and I am of opt • ouse use it, on the same night, and in the same de bate and Mon that this is the right form in which to bring it un d er . ~ attribute to it very different mean the notice of the House.—(Cheers.) I perceive that my Hon. ' D P. The Hon. Member for the West Riding, in Friend the Member for Montrose has given notice of an dilating upon the value of the home market, has always amendment to my motion ; that Honourable Gentlemen formed his estimate of it by the quantity of of is fond o f g i v i ng no ti ce o f amen d ments, which is somewhat foreign import s wh i ch are consumed by the valious articles classes surprising, for he does not generally succeed i n carry i ng his that constitute what is called the agricultural interest ; and amendments. Mr. Fox has been heard to say, that there he has s a id that ths consumption of a millio n o f peasants, was at play not only the pleasu re o f winning but the plea. and '200,000 ur 300,000 farmers, ~ n d a few proprietors, how sure of losing also. Now, the latter source of satisfaction is ever gre ,t might be their consumption of articlei of foreign one that my Hon. Friend has very often enjoyed; and, on import, could not be crmparett with the demands of all the the present occasion, he was so intent upon securing it that . nations of the woi ld. Now, that is not my idea of what is he gave notice of his amendment before he even heard the meant by the home market. I do not undervalue the terms of my motion.—(Hear, hear.) From some chance ob- : Power of consum the ious classes ng the servations, I imagine th at h e o bj ects to it on the ground of agricul.ural fi ltere p d, tion but of this is var not my idea of formi the home its not being sufficiently definite—on th e groun d that I have m irket. I think it is of great import, nee that we should not laid before the House a set of res ,, lutions; but I think 11,-.ve correct ideas on this subject, and I will put before the almost every Hon Member must agree with me, that the House what 1 conceive to be the nature of the home mar course which lam taking is the regular and constitutional ket, ad hit upon this country. course, that it is int e lli g ibl e, and cannot be mistaken. Be- j I will put the it before influence the whic House on exerci a o great authority —ono Wes, if 1 tecollect right ; th e U p . Gutleigag wag a Db ili b ez ' kith Which Hon. Gentlemen opposite rill not quarrel—the fof this House in 1813, when Mr. Tie __._._ rne made asimilar motion, though no d ou b t the Member for Montrose then voted against that motion. Doubtless if I had framed my motion differently I might have fished for a stray vote here or I might have , aught one there—(Hear, hear)—but that was not my object ; 1 wished to bring the state of the country fully and openly before the House, and to state frankly—as is my duty to my constituents and to myself—the reasons why I cannot give my confidence to the present Administra tion. Ido not overlook the fact that there may be found many who will tell the House that the Government of this country is carried on upon right principles, but not by the right men, but my opiui al is this —that if England is to be governed on Whig principles, I prefer that it should be go verned by Whigs. (Hear, hear.) Considering, then, that the system of government pursued by the present Ministry tends to the decay of the country, I give them a frank—l hope not an ungenerous, but certainly an uncompromising opposition, and I take this opportunity of laying before the House the reasons why we are in opposition. I want to know why the condition of the people of England should thus have been deteriorating. It is quite true that the pre sent Government are not formally responsihle for all the measures in operation during the year 1846—the alteration of the tariff, for example ; but I apprehend they will not shrink from that responsibility.—(" Hear, hear," from the Treasury bench.) They supported and accepted those mea sures, aod from the statement which the Noble Lord made on the subject, we have every reason to believe that his not being then in office was merely owing to an accident, and that but for that accident he would have been the Minister to open the Parliament of 1846, and himself have pro posed similar measures. One cause of this distress is that, not withstanding the continental c ,, nvulsions, the goods ex potted are equal to the great years of 1845 and 1846, yet the declared value of goods in those years averaged 59,500,0001., hut in 1848 it was only 53,000,0001., so that our working people for that same quantity of goods received 6,500,000/. less in 1848 than in 1845. The first reason, and perhaps the principal reason, that will be assigned for this decline and decay in the condition of the country, will be the famine in Ireland, or course, the investments in rail way undertakings naturally, the operations of commercial specu lation for several years, and the continental c nvulsions for the purpose of completing the climax.—(Cheers.) The famine in Ireland, no doubt, was a great calamity, but it has its limits—it was not sufficient to disturb the peace of Europe—not to place our colonies in their present position— not to destroy our formerly flourishing foreign trade—not to depress our agriculture or exhaust our finances; all that we suffer is not to be attributed to that cause. I enter my pro test against all these being imputed to the Irish famine. I have not heard much of speculation in foreign trade, but considerable stress has been laid on railway investments. I presume I need scarcely remind the House that railway un dertakings have been going on for a very long time, and no one expected from them any other than beneficial results; but now those who approved of them (like all par ties engaged in unsuccessful speculations) turn round and begin to abuse each other. Those, too, who lay the most stress on the effect of such investments are the middle class, I that only class said to be competent to the government of this country—they turn round on the railway investments, and impute to them, as a cause, evils of which they certainly have not been the moving principle. On the contrary, it is my full persuasion that we do not suffer from any want of capital, because it is at this moment notorious that any man with good security can get as much money as he wants. I repeat, then, it is not want of capital that has diminished the commerce of England ; but then, we shall have the Chan cellor of the Exchequer accounting for it all upon his fa vourite ground—the continental convulsions. Now, I should like to see the data, the facts which justify that cool assump tion. I say that they ought to be investigated, and I have no doubt that, if they were, it would be seen that the differ ence between our condition in 1846 and that which we cc cupy in 1848, is owing to other causes than the continental convulsions; and what I want is, that those causes should be laid bare before the uouse in lull deign. At present, we have them not, and in this day of rapid pro greo3 I cannot help expressing considerable surprise that we should be now, late in 1849, without sufficient information as to our condition in a commercial point of view during a period which elapsed between this and 1846. lam persuaded there would- be no difficulty whatever in giving us these de tails at a much earlier period; and I hope the President of , the Board of Trade, who, I am bound to say, is always ready to attend to any suggestions of advantage to public business, will give his attention to the subject. I have, however, a return of the total exports of cotton goods in 1848. We hear of continental convulsions which have caused a diminution of our exports; but it appears that in 1848, notwithstanding the continental convulsions, there was an immet.se increase in the export of cotton goods.—(Hear, hear.) Remember that cotta n go:3s fo m one-half the entire ( f our exports; yet in 1848 the, e was an increase in our export of cotton goods of 88,000,000 yards over the export of the preceding year. There is another reason why I doubt whether a there has been a diminution of our exorts. I m indebted to the courtesy of the - Presi p dent of the Board of Trade for a return which has only just been com pleted of the entire imports and exports during the years 1847 and 1848. I find from this return that on contrasting the much maligned year of 1848—the year of continental convulsions—with the great years 1845 and 1846, there has been no diminution in the quantities of goods exported.— (Hear, hear.) The official value of goods denotes their quantity. The average official value of the exports of 1845 and 1846 was 13 3,000,000/. The total value of the exports in the year 1848, in consequence of continental convulsions, was 132,904,00C1. ; nearly the same amount. But mark the significant fact--the average of 1845 and 1846, in de clared value, was 59 ,500,0001., but the declared value of 1848 was only 53 , 0 00,000/.—(Hear, hear.) That is a most important consequence, full of instruction, and I recommend Hon. Gentlemen--and especially the advocates of free trade carefully to consider that result, and if they can, satisfac torily to explain it. We have it here upon the records of the Government that the working classes of this country received in 1848, 6,500,000/. less than they obtained in 1845 and 1846 for the same quantity of goods exported.—(Hear, hear.), Now, Sir, it may p er h a p s b e sa id that i n fixing upon the commercial year concluding at the beginning of 1616, and contrasting it with the commercial year ending in 1849, I am taking an advantage of the Government, because we have the tables of the hoard of Trade, whieh give us returns of the commerce of the country for four months of the pre sent year, ana which show a consleerable increase in our exports. I can assure the Right Hon. Gentleman that lam far from wishing him to lose the advantage of these tables; but I am bound to say that in this evidence that has been offered us of the revival of trade, and the more satisfactory condition of our workmen, I find conseq uences exact l y the reverse, and reasons to make me view the future condition of the working classes of this country with increased gloom. There are, 1 think, 65 articles of export enumerated in the tables of the Board of Trade; and of these I find that 41 ex hibit a great depreciation in value. I find that a larger quantity of goods was exported from this country in the thur months of 1842 than in the first four months of 1848; but that those goods have been exported at a much di minished price. In nine of these articles it appears there has been a slight appreciation. There are fifteen articles where the gross value alone is given, and not the quantity; and therefore it is not calculable what may be the appreciation or the depreciation. Upon the 41 articles de preciated, which were sold to foreigners in the first four months of this been (in round numbers) 13,000,000/., there would have received, at the prices obtained last year, 14,685,000. On the nine articles appreciated there was an increase of price to the amount of 44,0001. But the result is that in these first four months of 1849, which we were told exhibited such satisfactory evidence of the revival of trade, there is positively a net depreciation of price to the amount of 1,738,0001.--( Hear, hear.) I will mention two or three of the great items upon which this depreciation takes place, There is a depreciation on cotton goods exported, oempared with the price of 1848, of 646,000/. ; upon woollen goods exported in 1849, as compared with 1848, of 19:5,000.; upon linen goods, of upwards of 100,•001.; and upon metals, of upwards of 400,000/. How are you to ex plain this? How do you account for this depreciation? You may tell me the raw material is cheaper this year than it was last.— ( Hear, hear.) But the fact is, that the raw ma terial is dearer than it was last year. I will take the article upon which the greatest depreciation takes place —that of cotton. The average price of the fair quality of cotton for the first four months of 1848 was 4 1 / t d. and one• third, and in 1849 it was nearly 4 1 / 2 d. Now, a farthing in the pound upon cotton is no light appreciation of value ; yet the English workman has been obliged to receive for his labour 646,0004 less than he did last year. I think, S r, this proves that which I have taken occasion frequently to impress upon the consideration of the House—namely, that you have made a mistake as to the principles of profitable interchange between nations. (Hear, hear.) Ido not belie"-