The Sun. — London, England, 1855-06-09 00:00:00

to that of Mr. Lowe. He did so because he held that it would be most unwise on the part of the House of Com mons to fetter any Government as to the terms on which peace was to be concluded. It would be far better to con tinue in the course the house had always followed —to entrust to the Crown the conduct of the negotiations ; but at the same time to make it known to the Govern ment that the war was to be pursued for objects that were real and practical—not vague and remote. Mr. WALPOLE complained that up to this moment the house did not know what was the policy of, the • Government except it was to be gathered from - the in flammatory speech of the Attorney-General that would land us in a perpetual war ; for, according to him, our enemy was a power so perfidious that we could never trust him. He rose, therefore, to ask from the head of the Government a statement of something like the DO• licy which the Government intended to pursue. He entirely agreed with the Government that the war was just and necessary—a war so just that they ought not to have avoided it if they could, and so necessary that they courd not have avoided it even if they would. Were 2 the objects of the war to be obtained by the ne gotiations . He thought they were—at least to this extent— that if they were justified in entering into nego tiations at all, they were not justified in break ing them off in the way they had done. He gave no opinion, however, on the point whether the negotiations ought ever to have been entered into. Now that they were broken off, hehad to consider what course the house had now to take. He objected to the first part of Mr. Lowe's amendment, because, in point of fact, it was not strictly true ; and he objected to the second part, that it would limit the power of future n ego ti a t or s, and because the limitation it recommended was practi cally illusory. He went through the amendments in the same manner, objecting to them all, and he hoped the Government would adhere to the course indicated by Lord John Russell at the close of his last speech, in which he promised that the Government would come down with an address to the Crown. Lord J. RUSSELL intimated that that was on con dition of the amendments being all withdrawn. Mr. WALPOLE thought that ought to make no difference and he earnestly urged upon Ministers the necessity of now clearly defining the objects of the war, and of stating whether the four points were now the main objects of the war, or whether we had gone beyond them, and if we still held to them, to explain their construction of the third point. That bad never been done yet ; and to show that it had not, the right hon. hart. went into a lengthened review of the different treaties, negotiations, and protocols, which preceded and accompanied the events of the war. This uncertainty and ambiguity on the part of the Govern ment had led to most extravagant expectations, and had misled the people of this country. Some held that Sebas topol must be taken at all hazards—others insisted that Russia ought to be checked in Asia—others that she must be stripped of all her conquests made during the last half century ; and others still were for waking up a war of nationalities. Many of these would have their expectations still further inflamed by the speech of the Attorney-General, which, if the Prime Minister did not temper down to-night, there would be no peace for the next ten years. In conclusion he denied that the Conservatives wished to make a party question of this subject, and pledged his support to the Government on condition that they would clearly define their policy.: Mr. HORSMAN defended the speech of tho Attor ney-General. He was as warm an admirer of peace as Mr. Bright, and he believed every member of the house bad the same feeling. But what was peace t War post poned till resistance became impossible was not peace, and serious as was the responsibility incurred by the Mi nister who pronounced for war, still more serious was the responsibility incurred by him who declined war when circumstances rendered it necessary. He explained that the Four Points were urged upon England by Aus tria, and were accepted by our Government not as the best terms that might have been insisted on, but as a compromise. He contended that Turkey gained no ad vantage from the first two points, and as to the third, he could not understand how Mr. Cobden or Mr. Bright could support the Rus s i an p ro positi on , w hi c h involved. the country in the great annual expense of keeping up a large fleet at all seasons ready to enter tile Black Sea. He contended that Parliament had entered into the war to defend Turkey, and we could not now recede from it with honour. Mr. DISRAELI—I have heard in the course of this debate now prolonged for an unusual time many diff4r ent characters of our discussion. I hale heard it called a discussion without an object. I have heard it called a wearisome discussion. I have listened to gentlemen apologising for prolonging a debate which was tedious ; there was a moment when the house, now so crowded, seemed to tremble for its existence. Four days Lave elapsed, and it is now my duty to offer an impartial opi nion on the subject. (Laughter and cheers.) I can truly say that, unwilling as l am and unnecessary as I have thought it, having lately expressed opinions on the important subject on which we were engnti.ed very lately, for me to interfere in it on the pre sent occasion, I am yet bound to express my sinters opinion that since I'have had the high honour of sitting in this house I have never listened to a debate more im .portant, upon a subject of more transcendent interes , , in which greater abilities have been shown in its conduct, ,in ,which a more important issue has been at stake, which has thrown-greater light upon public transac tions, which has placed public men iu a reuse intelligible position—(laughter)—than this debate, which it has been convenient for some to characterise as a debate of little importance. (Hear.) My opinion is that it will be re cognised by the country, not only in its immediate cha racter, but in its ultimate consequences, as one of the most impottantdiscus4ons that ever was originated and sustained in the House of Coramons. But we are told • that even the object of the debate is a mystery. There are gentlemen—l should hope, gentlemen who have not been present during the discussion—who really do not know what is the point upon which we aregoing to decide. Now, before I presuine to of-ir any observations up m the topic before us, the house will not think it lnreasonable if I try to ascertain in a manner which can no longer he qrtes tioned what is the character of that issue— what is the question before us, what we are to ()cello by the im pending vot-, and what may be the consequences of plat vote. I will first explain to the house thu reason which induced use suddenly to give the notice which I placed on the paper. It was a notice of motion asking the house to express its opinion that in consequence of the anibi guity ofite language, and the uncertainty of the c >aduct of her Majesty's Government, with respect to the great question of peace or war, it was our duty to rally round the throne, and assure her Majesty we would stand by her. The reason why I gave that notice so very sud denly on behalf of those with whom I have the honour to act was this—we had cause to believe that her Majesty's Government were on the point of concluding a pea l e_ e peace which I will not characterise as inglorious or igno minious, because these are epithets to which different peo ple may a scribe different meanings—but a peace which, in onropinion, was one which would have caused a great end a just discontent in the country, and, which was of Car greater importance than the discontent of the country, a peace which would nut have accomplished the great object of the war, which I take to he to maintain the power of the Ottoman Porte at Constantinople. Tin-ler these circumstances, we had to consider whether the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers, or whether the language of her Majesty's Ministers, was in consonance with the behaviour which we were induced to believe they were about to fellow. We found such uncertainty about it, and the declarations of the Government w -re so doubtful, that we felt it our duty at once to ask the house to declare an opinion on the subject—the house being about to-,adjoure—and to decide whether in their opinion there was that ambiguity in the language and that uncertainty in the conduct of her Majesty's Mi nisters which justified that interference. The house remembers well the issue of that debate. (Hear, beer.) A majority decided that my resolution should not be sanctioned. (Hear, hear,) It decided nothing more. I may be permitted to say that every honourable member who took pert in that debate, on whatever side he set —every member almost who has taken part in this renewed debate has found the amplest materials for his speeches in demonstration of the ambiguity of the lan guage and the uncertainty of the conduct of her Ma jesty's Ministers, and it was a very strange thing, which I am sure the house will hardly target, that the night, when the division was called, while the numbers were still in the ears of every member and the rash cheers of gentlemen opposite were still sounding—proving that a majority of the House of Commons would not sanction the imputation of ambiguity of language or uncertainty of conduct on the part of the chiefs of the Ministry —one of the most distinguished gentlemen who had voted on that side instantly rose and brought a strange and start ling, but, I think, a well-founded accusation of ambi guity of language against the noble lord the member for the City of London. (Hear.) It is from the motion of which I gave notice that the question now before us has arisen, and the house must trace well the pedigree of the motions on which they are going to vote. Depend upon it, if you will only give your attention, the pedi gree is clear. It is not that doubtful, that obscure question that persons too rashly imagine. Let meascer tain that before I venture to make the few observations which it will be necessary for inc to make on the general question. There was an amendment made to the mo tion which I offered to the house. I don't think it ne cessary for me to make any remarks on the amendment of the right hon. gentleman the member for Portsmouth , a n n ot rom any want of respect for th e r i g ht hon. gentle m_ nature. b ecause he k nows th a t i s a f ee li ng qu it e f ore i gn t o Y (Laughter.) I think I play say, on the part of my friends on this side of the hence) that we are not going to supp ort that ' the had of the amendment. The noble lord at Governmenthasmor e th an o nceannounce d that he will ha ve nothing odo with it, and the melt re markable thing to-night . t that tado the ri g ht h on . gen tl eman says he will have nothing with his own amend ment. (Laughter.) Yet, emberill broken bridge, which nobody u on,was the only means of escape of the Government f rom a vote which the house would have arrived at on the which d I made. Many gentle men have told me that th e with my views and with t he lan guage of that - L ag te, r b ee ut they had been informed that it was a vote of confidence in the Government, and they were not prepared at the Present time to cause e change in the Government • and was astonished to see a great authority in thi s hoise,. the right hon. member for Carlisle , rise in his place and vindicate a vote of which he did not approve, and Which, the moment after, he gave with a feeling of irresistible penitence. (Laughter.) I was astonished that a gen tleman so acquainted with Parliamentary life, and who is looked upon as a great leader and authority on the subject, should not have discriminated between a vote of censure and a vote of want of confidence. Over and on any i t has been decided that a vote of censure specific Government is no reason that Government s hould relinquish office. I will take a case which th e right honourable gentleman was personally concerned. There was a distinguished a nobleman, now no more—a man whose abilities very scant justice was done in hi s day, but man of eminent public service -- who was appointed ambas sador to his Majesty. An ad dress to the erw o n was moved, praying the Croewnnanemotatnossuapnpcetirotendtthhaati;aapdpdoreines.t ment. The right hon. gentleman But did the Government resign because Lord London ade ambassador at St. Petersbu-g ? No. derry was 111 It was considered. a vote o f censure for a speci c object. I could multiply instances of this kind, but wil not do so at this late hour. It is quite clear that a vote of censure for specific acts and a vote of want of confidence are per fectly contrary, and the house was justified, if it thought that the charge I made was a just charge, in voting for that motion, and the Government would not be justified in resigning office, and, that is a position which I think every one will be ready to admit. I will say nothing more of the amendment of the right hon. member for Ports mouth. It was a case of fdo de se. He has himself finished it to-night, and therefore I will come to the more im portant motion of the right hon. member for Kiddermin ster. Technically speaking, that motion is an amendment,' because, unless it had ben put as an amendment to my motion, it could not have been introduced to the house. But it is, in fact, in itself a complete proposition. It is this, in effect, that in consequence of Russia having refused to reduce the Black Sea fleet the means of nego tiation are exhausted so far as the third point is concerned, and therefore we are called upon to rally round our Sovereign and support her in the war. It, in fact, calls on the house to announce that, unless Russia will reduce her fleet in the Black Sea negotiation is not to be sanctioned so far as the opinion of the House of Com mons is concerned. Well now, what happened when the division upon my motion took place ? The noble lord, who is not only the leader of the house, but also the First Minister of the Crown, and moreover a man pre eminently versed in foreign politics, and perfectly aware of the imßortance of the issue in question, selected this motion ()lithe member for Kidderminster. He said, " I discard the clumsy assistance offered by the member for Portsmouth, and of the many amendments before me I select that of the hon. member for Kidderminster as the one to which I give my adhesion, and on which I will take the sense of the house," and in order that there might be no mistake, he rose again on the motion for the adjournment of the debate, and said, " The real question we have to decide is the conduct of the negotiations by , her Majesty's Government at the conferences at Vienna. I Now I admit that the noble lord did on that occasion say, that he would only agree its that part of the amend ment which " regretted that owing to the refusal of Rus sia to restrict the strength of her navy in the Black Sea;" and that there he would stop, and that he would not agree to that part of the amendment which went on to .leclare that the means of coming to an agreement on the third point were thereby exhausted. But what was the reason given by the noble lord why he could not agree to the latter part of the resolution ? Of course it could not be that the means of negotiation were not then exhausted, because the noble lord was no doubt then aware that the conferences at Vienna were closed, and that the means of negotiation were exhausted. He there fore did not insist on that—but taking up a random ex pression of mine in reply—and really I think express pions in reply should not be noticed—that that part of the amendment of the *hon. member for Kidderminster was unconstitutional, the noble lord said that it was de cidedly unconstitutional, and that therefore he could not agree to it. Unfortunately on that occasion I re-echoed an opinion I had heard from the highest authorities in this house—some of whom are still living, while others I have left us—that it is an interference with the preroga tive for the house to express an opinion as to the terms on which peace should be obtained or war waged. There are several opinions that have been going about the house for some time equally popular and equally un founded. (A. laugh.) The hon. member for Leominster has to-night vindicated the constitutional principle, and if it was necessary to enforce his arguments or add to the facts he cited, I could easily show that nothing is more certain than that it is the privilege and the duty of the House of Commons on proper occasions to advise her Majesty as to the terms upon which they should nego tiate peace, or the objects for which she ehOuld carry on war. I think, therefore, that the house may assume that the solitary reason which the noble lord gave for not supporting tke motion of the hon. member for Kidder minster hag no foundation. But if it had any foun n, it is not of the slightest consequence to the clues ien before the house. Because if the house, adopting merely the first part of that motion, address the Crown, .declaring that in consequence of Russia having refused to restrict her naval force in the Black Sea, we feel it our dity to rally round the Throne and support her in t se war, the only deduction is that we have made that condition a sine qua non in our negotiations. (Hear.) I say then that the question before the house is neither an obscure nor an insignificant one. On the contrary, the decision of the House of Commons to-night is of vital importance, an I I would really venture with the ut most s;ncerity to impress on the house the nature of the subjeft r hey are now called on to investigate, and di owe.) Let me remind them that there is a great dif ference heteesen onestions of domestic and questions of foreign policy. The pryer of a majority of the House of Commons is omnipotent so far as domestic questions are concerned. A minister by their aid may support un jn t laws and uphold a political system which a quarter of a century alerwerds may be condemned by the aid of anot'ler F7,rliamentar r majority. The passions a n d th,, Prejudices of party spirit that flourish in a free country may sup, rt and uphold blot in the course which lie is n , vht-n we come to foreign politics things are ver f different. Every step von take is irretrievable, and the come luencas of your conduct are immediate end pal pable. If you make a mistake in foreign affairs, enter ieto unwise treaties, conduct cantpaiens on vicious prir espies ; if the scope and tendency of your foreign system is foerided oe want of information or false information, offering nn clear idea of what are your objects or your means of obtaining' then, there is no majority of the Hoses of Coinirons that can support a G-evernment under eircrimstances. (ricer, hear.) A majority u i ler such circ unstences will not make a government stronger, but will make this house weaker. Therefore, T entreat the house very carefully to consider the course they are takin 7., lest while they are only supporting their ,owe pelittcal friends they should injure the ceuntry ; a' , (i that when they cheer over a majority as they '-he red the ether evening, the day may be coming. and that rapidly, when they will remember that cheer with cerifsisiol and sha ne. (Oh. oh.) neer the house t, consider how the house has been treated by the Go vernment during this debate. Last night we were al dressed at considerable lergth on topics of high interest hr a late colleague of the First Minister of the Crown, and by the hon, member for Manchester, who always, especially on questions of peace and war, addresses this house with great power, and in a manner which de mands; great attention ; but no Cabinet Minister rose to reply to that speech. To-night another right hon. gentleman, alsa a colleague of the noble lord, addressed the house, and that, too, in a vein which required some response. A right hon, friend of mine also gave to the house the results of as deep and as fine a study of these diplomatic documents that have confused Europe ate' complicated the subject as the human intellect is capable of. Now, although no one re elects more thin I do the talents of the Attorney- G meral, and of the Secretary t' the Lord-Lieutenant, The have conducted the debate to-night on the part of the Government. gat they are not Cabinet Ministers, are not ac {sainted with the subjects on which we want infhrmatieP ' and c annot speak with authority on th e points on which we require to have some knowledge. Take the inquiry a Jdressed to the Government by my right hon. friend the member for Midhurst. He asked when we might expect to have delivered to us that mes sage from the Crown which, for the purpose of influ encing the debate, was announced to us by the Secre ter.; of State, the late plenipstentiary at Vienna—bile announcement being corroborated by the First Minister of the Crown, but which wo have never received. It certainly was very natura l i n my right hon. friend to Ask when we might expect to receive that communication. No Cabinet Minister rose to give the house the necessary information. Fi ve n i ghts have passed of a debate on the most important question that could be imagined, in which some of the most distinguished men in the house have taken part, and no Cabinet Minister has con descended to rise. That does appear to be a mode of treating the houie not sanctioned by custom. There seems a deficiency of respect towards the house which I should not have anticipated from the noble lord and his colleagues. The coalition no longer exists, but it is not to he supposed that administrative ability and de bating power have both receded to below the gangway, therefore I think that the house had a r i g ht t o expect that some Cabinet Minister—the First of the Admiralty, for instance—would have condescended to address it. If the house thinks it right to declare that the limitation of the. Russian fleet should be a sine qua non of peace, it ought to adopt the resolution of the lion. member for Kidderminster. I am opposed to that re solution, not merely because I think it unadvisable that the house should, in this crude and hasty manner, ass en t to a proposition so untenable, and, at least, so important, but because I think that the proposition ought never to have been made, and is essentially inefficient. Our object at present is to check, to control, to diminish, if possible to destroy, what is called the preponderance of Russia against Turkey. That preponderance is not limited to the Black Sea. Of the three quarters from which Turkey may be menaced by Russia—the Danube, Asia, and the Black Sea—the Black Sea is the one which is least to be feared for. The proposition of the noble lord and the Government only pretends to meet the difficulties and dangers which may arise from the Russian preponderance in the Black Sea. I deny that Russia has, ever had, or ever can have, the power to send an army with the necessary cavalry, artillery, and means of transport to any port on the Turkish coasts in in the Black Sea. On the second night of the debate a learned sergeant talked of the great expedition of a Russian army to Unkiar Skelessi, which he estimated at 5,000 men. I think the number was nearer 10,000 or 12,000, but the transport of that small force took all the power of Russia, facilitated- by the Turks, who were most anxious to receive the Russians. All that Russia could under any circumstances do she did in 1828, when she disembarked forces at Scezepoli and Bourgae. Those armies had no power of moving, and could have no effect, except in making, to a certain extent, a military diver sion in favour of Russia, which was then invading Turkey from the Danube. There is only one point of the coast on Turkey, ammunition not t which Turkey could be assailed, and that is the Bosphorus. Ido not pretend to say that the command of the sea igsreeat advantage to Russia in any war with and one tn to her l te in r gt decisiver o her e p to transport u at is stores, a m arms, e a vaannd asb t t o t t b he . tage, forces of Turkey result o l at the natur e number of ships fa -t w d ar. d Look the d reciprocal limitation of the naval Russia. Turkey is to have a cer tainnumber in the Bosphorus. the Black Sea, and an unlimited limited number of ship.soirnustli Russia is to have only a as many as she likes atNicol e Black Sea, but may build ships. hays seen thlra ateff, where she builds all hey floated thence to Sebastopol la four or five days, and rigged, ammunitioned, armed, and prepared in the course of another week. What then be comes of the treaty ? Suppose there is the most rigid, exact, and scrupulous observance of the treaty, all that Turkey gains is at the most an advantage in case of war of three or four weeks. But if that happens which is sure to happen—if Russia declares war, or manages, as she usually does, that Turkey shall declare war when Russia is quite ready and prepared for her—why, of course, you have a Russian fleet in the Black Sea before the diplo matic note is drawn up which can remonstrate against the violation of the treaty. It requires, therefore, but common forethought and prudence on the part of Russia to enable her to have in case of war a fleet in the Black Sea without sending to the United States for any of thosol3o gun ships of which we have heard so much. I think there are good reasons why the war should be con tinued ; but, according to the terms of the Government, war ia to be waged indefinitely because the Russian Go vernment will not agree to a condition which, totally irrespective of its impolicy, is utterly inefficient. (Hear, hear.) Suppose Russia should send troops, as she did before, to Scezepoli and Bourgas. If a fleet belonging t 3 the Western Powers bad passed the Bosphorus in 1818, the communications of the Russian troops at those pieces would have been cut off, and the whole army must have capitulated. I think that this propo sition, which the noble lord made the mainstay of his diplomacy, was also most impolitic ; because nothing can be more unwise than to insult an enemy with whom you wish to make peace—nothing more un wise than to humiliate a power which you recognise as an important an l necessary element in the Et ropean system. The right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle vindicated the noble lord from some observations which I had male, on the ground that the noble lord was quite justified in all the ar;angements in considering the ho nour of Russia. I did not blame thenoble lord - for making that an element of his system of negotiations. What I blamed him for was for making - the great and unneces sary admission that he would consider the honour of Russia, and thereby giving an excuse to Russia to avoid commencing the negotiations, and to answer every pro ' position which was made by alleging that the honour of Russia was concerned, of which Russia was the only judge. The noble lord has regulated the whole of his conduct apparently, on this question, by the treaty of Utrecht. I believe the noble lord was the author of the proposal of limitation. Lord J. RUSSELL—I made it in conjunction with my colleagues. Mr. DISRAELI—ExactIy. Iremember that at the end of July last, the noble lord reminded me in discussion of the case of Dunkirk, which was to be his guide on this ques tion. The dismantlement of Sebastopol could not be in sisted upon, because the cause of the war did not warrant the demand, and it was that proposition which took the more qualified share of thelimitationof the fleet. But does the noble lord forget the material difference which existed between the case of Dunkirk and the present. By the third article of the treaty of Utrecht, the destruction of the har bour of Dankirk and its fortifications was secured, but the allies made it a condition that the King of France should have an equivalent, and that which was fixed upon was not a slight one. The King of France demanded Lille and Tourney, and the great city of Lille was yielded up to him so that this nation, prostrate in fortune and exhausted in resources, submitted to such a condition as was now proposed for Russia only in return for a complete equiva lent. (Hear, hear.) But was the condition a successful one ? No sooner was it made than it was evaded. In the words of an authority whom I quote the more gladly that he is opposed to me in politics, " In order to evade the stipulation of the treaty with England, which compelled Lewis to fill up the port of Dunkirk, he made a canal at Mardyke, and persisted in continuing the work in spite of all remonstrance." At a spot, one league from Dunkirk, with a more capacious basin, and materials for a stronger position. he immediately commenced his second Sebasto pol. Who is my authority for this? I take the passage from the "History of England since the Peace of Utrecht," by Lord J. Russell. (Cheers.) The'noble lord, though a distinguished statesman, and unfortunately also an un successful negotiator, is still, I am sure, proud of being a man of letters, and he will excuse me for quoting his own words, in order further to show the condition to which France under Louis XIV. had been reduced at that mo ment. " The treaty of Utrecht," says the noble lord, " secured a peace only wrung from Louis XIV. when the nation was utterly exhausted by the expenses of a ruinous war, when his recruits had been conducted to the frontier chained like m defectors, when by that peace Louis XIV. had not to dread the presence of the enemy in his capital, or the cruel alternative of being obliged to dethrone his grand son by his own armies." So that the noble lord's his torical illustration offered at the Vienna conferences had two great merits—first, it humiliated Russia by impliedly stating that its monarch was in the forlorn and pitiable con dition I have just described in the nervous and picturesque language of the noble lord ; and again, the noble lord made a suggestion of conditions for the treaty, which perfidious Russia, as the noble lord deems her, might learn from his i own pages instantly and successfully to evade. (Hear.) The noble lord and his colleagues are apt to consider the question of preponderance as if it were something new in I °lilies —setae phenomenon recently introduces, the solu tion of which could hardly be counted upon from our want of experience in matters of this kind. But, after all, the history of modern Europe is the history of attempts to check and control the preponderance of a strong State over some contiguous weak one. We have heard most slanting harangues respecting the designs of Russia from the law •fficsrs of the Crown t - enight. Ido not suppose Russia is more free from ambitions designs than other great coon tries; lent have we not heard of the designs of France nron the low countries, prosecuted for more than a cen tury by individuals of as great genius 'and energy as nay Russian sovereigns, by Cardinal Richelieu, Lous XIV., and Napoleon? Yet those designs were baffled, and at no period of her history had the appro-ariation of Belgium been lona a foatnre of French policy than at the present moment. Belgium is a neutral Mate, and was so created 1 under the sanction and protection of united Europe ; bat - Ido net find that the noble lord and his colleagues have at any time started the idea that the neutrality of the • Principalities should be established. The neutrality of Switzerland else wins established by the Conference of Vienne in 1.81 r. What I complain of in the negotiations of her Majesty's Government is, that I see no evidence of a reenrronce to those methods by which statesmen or:great ability and unonestioned reputation have at tempted to solve such difficulties as once - fluter tis on the neeeent question. What would he the effect on Turkey if the Principalities were declared a neutral state, like Bel 7inm and Switzerland ? It would reduce her most ex poled frontier, that of the Danube, which is her worst point of danger. Suppose Russia tried to pass that liver, if she secceeded in doing so, she must plunge into the fell and ry , stiferons swamps of the Dobrutschs. On her left she wlrd.l have S , huml t, Varna, and the grout fortress of Si liitrie, altogether presenting obstacles of such a gigantic character, as would require an age for her to surmount. I do not say yon could in Asia favour diplomacy so efficiently as on the Danube; but if you. have not natural harriers the nohle lord will not pretend that there are not means of making artificial barriers. There are means, and those not offensive or humiliating to Russia, whilh might have placed Turkey - in a position which for a longtime would have secured the peace of Europe, and rendered her an efficient member of the European Confederation. There is another most im portant poin', which the house ought never to allow for a moment to escape consideration, and that is the condition of the eastern coast of the Black 533. At this moment every fort on the Black Sea below Anapa, wish the excep tion of two in the possession of the Turks, is destroyed. When peace is concluded, if yon restore that coast to Rus sio, you have a right to stipnlate that these forts shall not he again raised. That is not a stipulation which would lin•niliate the feelings or injure the honour of any power, however great, but it would consolidate the power of Tur key and secure the possession of Constantinople to the Otto man empire. It is of the greatest consequence that when these crude schemes of the Government are placed before us —when they toll us neace could not be obtained, according to their own principles, because of the inefficient and useless methods that were employed at the conference—it is our duty to denounce a polihy so inefficient, and to awaken the country to the great means by which the great question of modern politics can in my opinion be alone solved. The right hon. gentleman the member for Carlisle has asked whet shall he done when the Turkish empire shall dis solve. which, he said, is inevitable? I cannot agree with the right hon. gentleman in that. I believe there are the elsments in Turkey, if it were fairly treated—which it never has been, and especially within the last two years—of se curing what is to us of vital interest, securing Constenti nople from being an appendageof anygreat military power. Bnt if you carry on the war for that end, you must do so with a more de . finite object, and by means more matured. We can only judge of your policy, your resources, and your ability to deal with those great difficulties from the records which you have placed on the table of the resources and con duct of your Government ; records more barren, and more calculated to impress me with the melancholy convictionof the incompetency of the statesmen dealing with the subject before rs, never yet met my eye or engaged my study. The noble lord may feel, though he may defy the words of those sitting opposite to him in this house—though he may be proud of the majorities collected, God knows how, end voting, God knows why—(a laugh)—that he and his colleagues are pursuing a coarse without sufficient know ledge, without ideas sufficiently clear, without a resolution sufficiently firm ; but if there is any wavering in their counsels—if there is any hesitation—if at this moment when they meet they have not a definite idea of the object for which they are struggling, and the means by which they are to accomplish the avowed object—namely, the preservation of Constantinople to the Ottoman Porte—we may rest assured that the utmost confusion and consterna tion will fall upon the Cabinet of which he is a member, that no Parliamentary power can sustain a Ministry deal. in g w ; i a t h n d if great tothey ey are conducting foreignthey a ren affairsot as tcompe tentthey h v__snl too3iceanktl _o n n 7 g iwy c io o ri n fg d tfh n reo ct mp e r d he in this country our home a ff a i rs hand to mouth, as w ell forming a s the p expedientsr e sen G t vernment—living - for the moment, with no matured system, no determined country is a f inexhaustible f gloom s to o ' support fpuutruproeseof no itli toote t rr he iM m e t fo h r e my imagination to cont emp l a t e. ironical (Cheers, and a n Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman has ad, verted to the motion which ho made before the late brief re. cess, and stated, in the first place, that it was far fl.om bens his intention to imply that if carried he wished the Govern ment to abandon their position ; and he mentioned a similar case of Lord Londonderry, in which that nobleman did not , resign. If we are to judge of the accuracy of the right hen. gentleman's information on these great subjects by the cor. rectness of his memory on the point I have mentioned, I am not much disposed to adopt his conclusions, for if the right hon. gentleman will refresh his memory by reference to the re cords of the transactions to which he has alluded, he will find that the house upon that question came to no division, and Lord Londonderry retained office out of deference to the feeling of the country. But I must own that the observations of the right hon. gentlemen, and the criticism which has fallen front him,contrastsome - whatstrangelywith the language he held before the late recess. What was the ground on which he proposed the resolution on which the house came to a decision ? He said, " I call upon the house to interpose, because I am convinced that if the Government is allowed to go to this proposed ten days' recess without cheek, they will during that time con clude a disgraceful and ignominious peace." (Hear.) With the papers before him he made that charge upon the Govern ment. What has be told us to-night ? He has told us that the Government has insisted upon terms too hard to be imposed upon Russia. (Hear, hear.) The whole of his speech has amounted to this, that we were demanding some limitation of her fleet which in honour she could not agree to. (Hear.) With regard to the amendments which we are called upon to discuss, I confess that, though the right hon. gentleman has repudiated ray agreement with him, and seems to be uneasy when we happened to concur in opinion, I, though perhaps' not, for 'madly the purse reams, NAG= With hiiu in the re. solution to which he has come. I stated some time ago that I had no objection to it on the first blush of the thing, but that I had a great objection to the last part of the amenditrent, and for the reasons which the right hon. gentleman himself has given. Ho says he has re-considered his reasons, and thought now r upon a full consideration, that there was no in- 1 vasion of the prerogative of the Crown in expressing an opinion as to the terms on which peace was made or war was continued. I will not put it upon that abstract principle, but I say that' it is highly inexpedient for this house to take into its hands negotiations with foreign powers, to state on the one hand what are to be the terms of peaee, or, on the other, what proposals ought to be rejected. Any expression of feeling on the part of this house cannot fail to be embarrass ing to those who are conducting the negotiations, and inju rious to the interests of the country. If that remark is ap plicable to a war in which we are singly engaged, it is infi nitely mere dangerous when we are engaged in concert with allies, with whom, step by step, and at every step, we must consult upon terms to be accepted or refused—(cheers)-- with 'whom we must agree in every step taken in the ne gotiation. It is evident, therefore, that for this house to lay down an opinion as to. the adoption or rejection of terms of peace and war is much to be deprecated, is highly injurious and embarrassing. If the right hon. gentleman does not take offence at my agreeing with him—(laughter)—l think there is so much force in the argument that the two amendments are so linked together that any objection that applies to the last applies equally to the first. (Hear.) So far, therefore, from not accepting that cautious bridge which the right hon. gentleman says has been constructed by my right hon. friend, so far from expressing an opinion averse to his amendment, I am prepared to vote for it, and the best thing I think the house could do is to take that amendment with part of the amendment of the hon. gentle man, and allow that to be the distinct question before it. (Heir, hear.) I hope the hon. and learned member will allow his - amendment to be cleared away—(laughter)—so that the house may come to a vote on the amendment of my right honourable friend. With regard to the course of the debat4, one circumstance impressed itself very much on my mind. We have been debating the most important matters, involving interests of the deepest nature, and the debate has in general been conducted with calmness and temper, and that deep consideration so becoming the gravity of the sub ject. The only exception to that rule has been evinced by the advocates of peace. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Those gentlemen had peace he their hearts, but they had war in their mouths. (Cheers.) They showed so much heat, and passion, and violence—their speeches were delivered in a manner that showed how angry passions were struggling for mastery within them—(cheers)—and to judge from those speeches—the manner, the substance, and the language of them—any one would say they were much fitter to be.a party for war at all hazards than a party for peace at any price. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) But their arguments were not such as are likely to have much influence in the debate. They have been complimented for their courage in standing forward as the champions of their par ticular opinions. Bat I even doubt if they deserved that compliment, for the danger of their opinions has not been much increased by the speeches in which they delivered them. The hon. member for the West Riding says that the periodical press goaded public opinion into a temper for this war. That was an assertion quite at variance with the histo rical fact. (Hear, hear.) So far from the periodical press goading the public feeling into an artificial excitement, the people of this country two years ago exhibited their delibe rate opinion and conviction ; they wanted no stimulant or excitement; they actedjrom their own instinct and feelings —those manly feelings which, in spite of the peace party, I hope will animate the people of England. (Hear.) But it is somewhat extraordinary that those gentlemen who had risen to eminence on the strength of public opinion upon a question on which public opinion went with them, should now re proach and taunt the members of this house with being un true organs of.public opinion. (Hear, hear.) After ving built their own fame on being the organs of public opinion and the . national will, it is strange that they should now endeavour to make it a reproach to this house and to the government that they were following the national feeling on this great question. (Hear, hear.) At this late hour I will not follow them in their many fallacies. (Hear, hear.) Their speeches abounded in fallacies. (Hear.) The hon, member for the West Riding, I believe, said that we proposed to limit the force of Russia in the Black Sea to 4 sail of the line and .4 frigates, but that Russia, by certain contrivances ; could make her fleet in the Black Sea greater than it was before. Well, if that be so, why did not Russia accept our proposal ? (Hear.) The hon. gentleman said that Russia, did not accept it, because it would have been incons i stent with her honour. It is, therefore, for her honour and glory that Russia is main taining this war, but the hon. gentleman Ills told us over and over again that honour and glory are not things for which a nation should fight—that we should fight only for other lower considerations which I will not further advert to. (Laugh ter.) The bon. gentleman, however, said that he would fight —(laughter;—hut that if the enemy were to come to Ports mouth—not to the e lsle of Wight—(laughter)—but to Ports mouth, he would—go into an hospital. (Loud laughter.) But many persons in this country—let not the hon. gentlemen deceive themselves upon it—think that that party ought to go into hospital indeed, but an hospital of a very different kind—an hospital which I shall not mention, but which every body understands. (Laughter.) Those gentlemen who are so anxious to make peace on their own terms say what madness it is to go to war with a nation numbering 60 millions of in habitants. But do they know that the population of England and Fiance also numbers about 60 millions, and that they have the further advantage of concentration, and all the arts and appliances which civilisation and science can give in addition to the national feelings which belong to nations in the condi • tion of England and France, but which never can be asserted by the unhappy serfs of the sovereign with whom they are contending The hon. member for Manchester, in a speech of nudounted talent, has been pleased to find fault with me for treating, as he says, grave subjects with unbecoming levity. (Hear.) lam not conscious of deserving that reproach ; but Oe house will not accuse him on that head, for certainly his kes had not much levity in them. (Laughter.) I heard with regret the change of opinion which had taken place in the minds of the right hon. gentlemen who had lately left the Government, because, as well and properly acknowledged by them, they were not only parties to the war, and t ) the terms which should in general be proposed as the terms of peace, but they were distinctly parties to the insisting upon that particular condition of the limitation of the naval forces of Russia in the Black Sea. (Hear, hear.) There was ode con dition which they stipulated should be made, but it is not the limitation of the naval forces of Russia in the Black Sea. (" Hear" from Sir J. Graham.) To that condition, therefore, • they must be supposed to have assented. But I will not al lude further to that sehject. I think it is hardly necessary at this time of day, and at this period of the debate, to urge the reason why it is right, and necessary, and just, that England and France should draw the sword in defence of Turkey. It is not necessary for me to follow in detail all the extensions of territory which has marked the advance of Russia for a long time. It would bo easy for me to follow her from the East era shores of Asia through Central Asia, through the Caspian Sra, through Armenia, Pa!aud, and the Danube, and then through the extreme confines of Norway and the Arctic Sea —it would be easy for me to show that in her treaties she never took any nataral boundary as the limit of her territory, but some artificial separation which would give her the pre tence or the occasion for fhrther aggression. When such has been the policy pursued by Russia, and when we find the pre sent Emperor of Russia declaring that his mission was to carry into effect the system pursued by Peter and Catherine, and Alexander and Nicholas, we felt that the time was come for defending the independence of Tarkey and of Europe from such aggression. (Hear.) War, therefore, was declared, and Austria having expressed her desire to bring that war to a termination by amicable means the treaty of December was concluded, the purport of which wasethat if peace was not secured by a certain time on the basis of the four points, Austria would—not take the fie'd—but enter into concert with England and France for devising means to carry out the object of the allies, that object being t o secure the indepen dence of Turkey. icar.) England and France would there fore have been blameable if they had not entered into these negotiations ; but had the operations of the war iu the mean time been suspended? On the contrary, they had been car ried on with the utmost vigour during the conferences. (Hear.) The right bon. gentleman had made several sugges tions, some of which were no doubt well deserving of consi deration. He wished, for instance, to have the Principalities declared to be neutral. He (the noble lord) was not disposed, however, to attach any great practical importance to that pro position. In the first place, when a quarrel had arisen, and when it became desirable for the belligerent powers to possess the neutral territory, that neutrality had never been very re l'gionsly respected. Besides, were the principalities, if de clared neutral, to be continued a portion of the Ottoman em pire ? If they were not, then they would soon share the fate of Poland ; if they were not, then the moment hostilities broke out, Russiawould cease to respect their neutrality, for war die, solved all treaties. But the interests of the Principalities had not been neglected. It had been proposed to put them under the protection of the Five Powers, and to establish a system of internal defence. A force would have been established which, if not at once sufficient to resist a Russian invasion, would have supplied the foundation of a national defence. (Hear.) He (the noble lord) entirely differed from the right hon. gentleman in thinking that the Black Sea was the side on which Turkey was the least vulnerable. (Cheers.) On the contrary, he believed that it was on that side that Russia could strike her most quickly, and to the heart. (Hear, hear.) They all knew that the Turkish army at the commencement of the present war had kept the Russian forces on the Danube at bay for twelve months ; and on a previous occasion, when the invasion was made by a large army and under more favourable circumstances, it had taken the Russians two years to get to Adrianople. On the Asiatic side it was true that Russia had prepared a great for tress at a place called Gnmri, a place which jutted into the Turkish territory, and which was of no vahie except for pur poses of aggression. No doubt that by means of that fortress, in connection with Tiflis, she would be able to invade Turkey on the Asiatic side. But the march to Broussa was long, and the Russian force would have to encounter the Asiatic Turks, who were the most warlike of the Ottoman race. No doubt that there might be danger on this side, which ought to be provided against, but still the operation contem plated was ono that would require time. But how stood the case with reference to the Black Sea ? Why Constan= tinople was within forty-eight hours from Sebastopol. The right lion. gentletnan said that no great force could be despatched against that city, but an army might be col lected at Sebastopol, and might in a *cry short time be sent thither. The right hon. gentleman proposed to fortify the Bosphorile, but there were places not far north of the city where a large force might easily be put eh Apra. Why what o w o e o d m on en e ourselves h S o in rs e e e e th in e I t e h t e oi c k ri a m y e w a had landed h lo a 3 d , course of ten days we had , genie to i.tpatoria. (HOZ.) Thei'e had boon ttto Propoeitione with respect t? the se.fetee of Constantinople—the open straits and the clorete straits. Now, the former of these had been d 40,000 been Crimea; . and Vat i g entirely given up by every hon. gentlerean who had addteseed the house, with the exception of hon. member for the West Riding. AM za l'atter of fact, the straits were closed, and had itlii-eys been cl ose d by the inherent right of Sove reignty which every state possessed over its ownwatars. And this was no n ew th ing. It wes an eneibnt law of the Turkish empire that the s t ra i te shmild be closed; though we were the first in 1809 wib entered into a treaty to respect it. Now, supposing the straits were open tho Russien.fleet of 18 or 20 ships of the line might any tin; aPPetir off the Seraglio ; and there could b e no doubt that whatever demands might be made that were supported by a demonstration of that kind, they would be granted before night. But ,it Was said that the Turks might send for the English and French n h t e n o o n p l only e methodfriogsinhh ships theass toh be e therefores el danger gl t au b o an y l f flees. But where would they find them ? (Hear.) The attempt might be made at a time when—as happened once if— hweedhidadnootnlyexatwgogesrhaiteps theof trihnemlhineer_inoathneghMteerd)_itewrrhaeinteawne, Baharadeonthlyiniognwe would S d p o it c h c e u a r d and that it was intended to send to which they Why,could secure before re cannds ev tat e could equip a fleet the whole thing would be over. If the Straits were closed, precisely the sudden attack would bo to limit the Russia* fleet in the Black Sea. (Cheers,) It should be remembered that England and France would have a right to' keep as many ships in the E in might x egs f he o i n t i eceeerha,mosßussiaindependently tiog hhta ; vh a n eav d ien t b o h t f eh e e e a n r r n u aß y e r o keeeipsphi:Bosphorus number fl idm e b e s t of m Mar morn. (Hear.) He (the noble lord) tho y u a g ß h d u t s , :t h ia li e e wi t t f a h ot o oe u f , t 3i t l h o a a s r a t tb - y ; un a d n e d r t t h h a e t a ß t us t the n same proposition, time they if wouldTu Turkey e have y s h s o u u iffia ciently provided for the safety of Constantinople. But it was soafiddiglithiatt COURSE OF EXCH. Amsterdam 11 18 Ditto, three months 11 19% Bottordani ..u...••••• li 19% Antwerp 25 37 Brussels .... • • ........ 23 X/ il9.mbargh • • •• • • 13 71A ABMs • • ••..•• • • • • Farb.. • • • . .. • • .... 25 15 Ditto, three months .. 23 05 Marseilles ............. 25 37% BOurdeatut ,•••• .. • • .... Frerikcatt-on Maine 118% Belitn •• •• .• •• ••I• Ja Vientla.• •„: •....• 12 2# Trieste. • •••••• •• •• •. 12 40 Petiergbitrg • • • • 85% Madrid .........., ei 49 C,adtz •• •••• •••• •:., SO Bum:dna ei .• .• •• Of ',WC. .NGE.-YESTERDA: Gibraltar ......•• •• •• • Leghorn •• •• •• •• Genoa ••••••1 ililan •• •• •••• •• •• •••• Venlea•••• •• •••• •• •••• Naples Palermo ..... • Messina ... • Lisbon .. Oporto . •• ed •• 0,6 •••• •• Rio Janeiro ..... . •• Buenos Ayres.... • New York, 60 days' sigh' Philadelphia 131% 131 X 53 53% MORS OF BULLION, PER OZ. Foreign Gold in Bars £3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0 Mexican Dollars .... 0 , 0 0 New Dollars 0 0 0 Silver in bard . .. 0 5 1% The Italian actress, Mme. Ristori (Vrho, it appears, speaks French like a pative), has received an diet of an engagement at the Theatre Frangais, with a salary of 80'000f; a:year ' and two months' vacation. The lady; it 18 said, requires four taontbs vacation, and that, at present, is the sole obstacle to a contract. Rachel must look to her laurels. VinvgaTissmnirr.l Among the numerous extraordinary durCg -ciithOut Medicine, effected by Du Barry's delicious health-restoring Reileritel Arabt - ea - Food, the following are not the least remarkable :—Cure Tiridgebouse, Frim ley, 3d April, 1854.—Thirty-three years' diseased hinge / spit- Of bleed, liver derangement, deafness, singing in the ciarSi constipation detiliiY, shmtness of breath, and cough, have been removed by your Revaleuta Arabica. My lungs, liver, stomach, head and ears-are all right, my hearing perfect, and lily recovery, i 5 it marvel to all my acquaintances.—Jmos ROBERTS, Wood Merchant. —From the Venerable Arch deacon of Ross.—No. 32,836. Three years' excessive nervousness with pains in my neck and left arm, and general debility, which rendered my life very miserable, has been radically removed by Du Barry's health-restoring Food.—ALEXANDER STUART, Archdeacon of Ross,. Skibereen. In canisters, lib. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. 11s. ; 121 b. 225: The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Barry Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, London ; also at 182, Piccadilly; 60, Gracecharch-street ; 330, and 451, Strand; 4, Cheapside ; 60 - and 68, Cornhill ; 49, Bishopsgate-street; 55, Charing-cross; 54, Upper Bak er - s t ree t ; 63 and 15 0 , Oxford-street ; 89, High-street, Camden-town ; 18, Tall man ; 7, ; 132, New Bond-street ; 24, Mei comb-street ; 13, King William-street, City 30, Conduit street; 21; Cockspur-street; 96, Farringdon-street ; 67, St. Pails GliurchYord; 6, Edward-ctroot, Portman-00w' Alderman Wire—l do not say that I will not hear the witness, I say distinctly that I will not hear you un less you appear in some character distincarom that of an advocate of a witness. If the witness is present, let him be put into the box. ' Mr. Steele—A case was heard only yesterday at Guildhall in which the advocate was allowed to appear fora witness. Alderman Wire—l do not know that that advocate had any right to appear there at all. Mr. Lewis—All this is done for the purpose of pre judicing the case against the prisoner, Mr. Steele—No, it is not ; you said the other day there was no proof of any robbery having been corn mitted. Alderman Wire—l cannot take any other course, un less I say to the gentleman, there is the door. Mr. Steele—Then I will not Fay another word. Mr. Chaplin is here to give evidence if you wish to hear him. His evidence ought to follow that of other persons in court, but it is idle to call him without also examining these persons to show the delivery. to him of certain packages. Mr. Lewis—This is one of theinconveniences resulting from the fact of there being two competing bodies pre s-nt to prove their blamelessness. The South-Eastern Railway Company on the one side, and Messrs. Chaplin on the other. Mr. Steele—No, that is not so. Mr. John Chaplin, of the Spread Eagle, Gracechurch street, carrier, then entered the witness-box, and having been sworn, said—When I was here the other day I hear 1 Mr. Lewis, the prisoner's solicitor, say that no robl e-y of gold bad been represented. I attend to prove that a robbery has been committed. Mr. Goodman (the chief clerk).—Be good enough to consider that vou attend not as an advocate, but as a witness. Simply state what you know. Never mind what the solicitor for the prisoner stated. If you have lost anything, or if you have had anything pass through your hands, and know anything about it, state the par. ti culars. _ _ Witness— In one case a box, said to contain gold coin, was brought to my office in Gracechurch-street, by a clerk or servant of Mr. Speilman, money-changer, of Lombard-street. The box was delivered into my hands on the 15th ult. Mr. Goodman—What did you do with that particular box ? Witnesg*--I placed it on the counter before me, until Iha I made out the waybill which was going to the railway. I then took the box with ms in a cab to the South-Eastern Railway, at the London-bridge, and de livered it to the station : master, Mr. Weatherell. The address upon it I copied in a book, which I.have not with .me. It was "V. Spellman, Paris." I think it was -26, Rue Rivoli. The packet was weighed, and I left it, and took a receipt for it. It was booked, and the value declared at 7001. That was not the only packet I took at that time. I also received a box, which I believed to contain gold, from Messrs. Samuel, Thomas and Co., and which was booked as a parcel of value. Its value was declared at upwards of 6,0001. I also re c 'ived on the same day, from Messrs. Bult, a parcel which was declared to consist of bar gold. I delivered all three parcels together. They Is ere weighed in my presence, and I took receipts for them. They were ad dressed to different persons. That from Messrs. Samuel, Thomas and Co., I belies , . was marked " P. D.," and had no further address on it, but I had documents stat ing its intended destination, which I delivered with the box at the railway station. Messrs. Bult's parcel was marked " L," and had a number on it, but I do not re collect what it wap. — Cross.examined by Mr. Lewis—l have been applied to for the value of the parcels in two of the cases, namely, Messrs. Thomas and Mr. Spellman, but no actions hate been brought against me. I have attended the two former examinations at this court, and was able to give evidence of the same facts on these occasions. Mr. Lewis—Then why did you not do so ? At whose instigation are you doing it to-day? Witness—l do so because, when I was here the other day I heard you say that no robbery had been commit ted, and I thought I could prove that the gold had been stolen. Mr. T. Rance, assistant to Messrs. Samuel, Thomas, an'l Co., bullion-dealers, of Royal Exchange-buildings, said—On the 15th ult. 'I packed a box of gold in bars, marked "P. D. 184." I then delivered it to Messrs. Chaplin's men, who took it from our office. Cross-examined by Lewis—l have not examined the gold produced. That which I packed was nearly pure gold—it was better than standard. Its gross weight was 2,125& ounces. (The witness he're examined the bar gold produced by the. officer.) This is not like our gold, and is inferior to it. (The granulated gold was then shown to the witness.) I cannot at all tell what this is; it is not like our gold. Ours was in six bars, and was not like this. Haydon, the officer, havinc , stated that he was not prepared with any further evidence at present, Mr: Lewis submitted that no case of unlawful posses sion of the gold had been made out' against his client, who had purchased it at the docks of a man who had recently come from Australia, as he stated to the officer at the time of his apprehension. He (Mr. Lewis) also submitted that in the event of the Bench thinking that the ends of justice would not be satisfied without a farther remand, it was a case of such slight suspicion, that his client's own personal recognisance only ought to be accepted as bail for his appearance on a future occasion. Alderman Wire, after consulting with Sir R., W. Car den and Mr. Goodman, said the prisoner must be fur ther remanded, but he would take bail. The prisoner must enter into his own recognisance in the sum of 1,0001. and find two sureties for• 5001. each. FATAL ACCIDENT AT FLETCHER'S SHIP-YARD, LIME - HoDsE.—On Thursday, John Seymour, aged 56 year, in the service of Messrs. Fletcher, ship-builders, Limehouse, was engaged between decks of a large vessel in course of construction, when he by some means lost his equili brium, and fell a depth of fifteen feet, whereby he sus tained a fracture of the base of the skull and other injuries, which caused death. The body awaits an inquest. The Court of Assizes of the Herault has just been oc cupied three days in trying a woman named Gras, and a man named Arnaud, for poisoning the husband of the woman. On the 11th January the man Gras took to his bed, suffering from violent vomitings and pains, which increased, and on the 15th he died. Foul play being suspected, the body was examined, and a quantity of arsenic was found in it. It was then ascertained that both the woman and Arnaud (with whom she was sus pected of intriguing) bad frequently purchased arsenic, and that they had both been-seen to mix some substance with the food prepared fbr the victim. The jury declared both the prisoners guilty, but with extenuating circum stances, and the Court sentenced them to hard labour for life. The woman, 011 hearing the sentence, uttered loud cries, but the man was perfectly unmoved. [AJWERTISEMENT.] —MN WAR IN TliS EAST. —Powsiu 9 PATENT RECONNOITRING GLASIES.— Messrs. and B. Solo mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe opposite the York Betel. • By her Majesty's Royal Letters Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvements in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race 'course, Opera, and Perspective (lasses, to know the distances of objects viewed through them—of great importance to the army, navy, and others. These telescopes possess such extra ordinary powers that some 3i inches, with an extra eye piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring, ' and the double stars; with the same telescope can be seen.k person's countenance three miles and a half distant, and an object from 16 to 20 Miles. They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing p.,wers accord in g l y ; while their vary. ins rom 4 to 6 inches enable us to discover more than the above, and the Geor g ian, with his 6 sate llites, &e.—The Royal Eabibition, 1651.—aluable, newly-invented, very small, a person cast be seen and known Ludes , th ey answer powerful waistcoat - pocket glas s,the size o d f is a t wa t ln . ut, by which a ra cht h m ou g s , ,e te s, and eei - a t the 1 n g o , . p y e countryevery scenery, purpose on the race-course, e clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles and tourists. Opera, d • stalk' • They are invaluabl a e n f d or sh st oatirng, sportsmett, gentlemen, gamekeepers, s t le Lenses of race-course, camp, and PersPentive glasses, with wonderful power.—Newlythe gr.eat edThe vision advantage . derived est transparen t p ower. this invention is, that visiou becoming impaired is preserve d and streng thened, and very aged persona are enabled to employ their sight at the most minute occu pation—can see with these lenses of a mach less magnify ing power—and they do not require the frequent changes to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Deaf ness—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, an extraordi nary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness, ent i re ly different from all others, to aurpass anytleng of the ki n d that has been, or probably ever can be, poduced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it 'enables (leaf persons to hear distinctly at church old at pu blic assemblies ; the unpleasant sensation of singing u2ises iu the ears is entirely removed ; and it affords all the as't;st auce that possibly could be desired. 39, Albemarle-stree, Piccadilly. Observe —opposite the York lietel. COUNT !?,Y ARKETS e--- LIVERPOOL-- JUNE 8. The demand for the leading articles of the trade slack, and Tuesday's prices scarcely maintained. Indian corn being scarce, brought an advance over the prices of ,t, y , day se'nnight of le 6d per qr. on white, and la on Yei i° and mixed. The very favourableW --- AlEFwleEatLhDet--dJauriic:g B t . he week .40 it, this day effect on the wheat trade to-day, and although there anxiety t o p ress s ales, yet millers have been enabled to OP: ply their im me diate wants on rather lower terms than of• • Beans t se'onight. -Barley , the turn in favour of e bur; •8-eadY• In oats and shelling no material thensao • toClOOlts CORN.—In EXETER-40XE 6. l a o l ur tin ra g. abrakreletyv: h4esaotdmtoay4sbe6dqu;ogritedudfi Od to Os Ch.. Oats, 3s Oil to 3s 9d. Beans, 0 Od. Peas, 00s Od to 00s Od. I-1 Od t° 16° FLOUR. —Fine, 56s Od to 58:3 Od ; seconds, ..) 5 ed per sack. CATTLE.—Prime beef, 12s 6d per score . cow s s aria p a r clv e° 10/. ON to 16/. ; butchers' calves, 5d to 5Ad per lb_., r od to rsnosniocidoto.o3, 7: calves —s to s each. Sheep, 6d to Bd. Latni)t. , 1 ;„r, 5 Od per lb. Store hogs, large ze, 00s to 003 e sci . ct , e 7i i ,. 00s to 00s ; small, 00s to OOs. Bough fat, 40 p er score. Pork carcases from lOs Od to I.os 6d p INVERNESS.—JvAT 5. Oa 13". 31: ° O R d if .. - 0 -Wil ats, es 2 l ls te ley, chevalier,.3ls Od to 32s per r" . 4 °raw."' 3° Od ; datuo, c 1 • (1 0) 111 s ' ' t 255 Ck " SP EAL.—Oatmeal, per imp boll 24s Oc o ,6, wo(hiittoe,32 o q l 74s Oci to 76s . od 6s 6d to sc i to 9d; second, OOs Od to Os Od ; barlernea l, peasemeal, 16s 6d to 20s Ocl ; bran, per ston, Os 4Ss th l g Ist flour, per 2SOlb, 57s- Od to 60s Od ;2d ditto, . 31 .) 00S Od. ; oatmeal, best, per at. of 141 b ituP °ll o l 4 83 to Os Ocl ; ditto second, Os 0d to Os Od ; barleYl33B4 each, to OOs Ocl ; peasemeal, is 10d to Os Oa ; Ist flour , 3s 6d credit; 2d ditto, 2s 6d cash, 2s 9d credit. BRISTOL SUGAR —JOE 8. d o ne ill There has not been a large amount of bus' There i s B , u . Taw sugars, and the narkat the shade sasicri j ' ris k 6 1 nufac turer 3 r improved demand for refiner's produce, d3-1` 'less might have been done, were it ntutytarts,i)3lipearsicarese.:ticl'h show an unwillingness to submit to stocks of rum are quite exhausted, and 511 PP wanted. THE SUN, LiONDo;, SATURDAY EV EN I NG, JUNE 9 '1855. feel herself menaced, she would be at liberty to call in her allies. But the fact was that the Russian proposal was that Turkey should be at liberty to call in any foreign fleet ; and therefore that condition would have enabled any R uss ian ministry in Turkey, by means which it would be un necessary to describe, but which would be perfectly well un derstood, to prevail upon the Turkish minister to call in a Russian fleet under pretence of some danger which did not really exist. (Hear.) It was said again that the Turks under the old treaties were obliged to keep the straits shut except in case of actual war. But it was nonsense to suppose that a sovereign who saw a danger th rea t en i ng hi m could be pre vented from asking the aid of the allies. It was no longer a state of peace in the souse of the treaty, when an ambitious and aggressive neighbour was menacing his capital. (Hear.) He contended that this condition was one which, having the consent of his right hon. friends below the gangway, having the consent of the French government and the ap probation of Austria, as well as the concurrence of Eng land and France, which it was fitting to propose to Russia as a fulfilment of those points:lay which she had agreed that her preponderance in the Black Sea should cease. (Hear.) That that preponderance might have been made to cease by other moans was quite unquestionable ; and they did not make it, in the stri"t sense of the word, a sine qua non. It was the best method they could imagine; Russia proposed two other methods, both of which were insufficient ; and she having nothing else to propose, the conferences naturally came to an end. That being the case, the question was what the house was to do in the present state of things. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) had given the house an opportunity before the recess of determining whether the conduct of the war should be left in the hands in which it - now was, or transferred to the hands of those who sat oppdsite. The house had answered the question by a majority of 101). (Cheers.) Surely gentlemen opposite did not wish to try the question a second time ? They said they expected the Government would have come down with a message from the Crown, and have proposed an address pledging the house to support her Majesty in a vigorous prosecution of the war. That was unnecessary, for Mr. Dis raeli had done that himself. That which remained of his reso lution, coupled with the introductory passage proposed by Sir F. Baring, would form precisely the resolution which the Go vernment, had it taken the initiative, would have proposed to the house. Next week, when they were able to lay on the table the remaining portions of the negotiation, the Govern ment would have broadly asked the house to agree to such a resolution. He had offered, if this motion were swept away, to propose an expression of the opinion of Parliament on this state of things, when the remaining papers were produced. The house had determined to go on with the debate. Being now ready to come toi a division, it was childish to ask them to withdraw the resolution, which the right hon. gentleman' seemed afraid of meeting. He was perfectly content to take the sense of the house upon that assurance of support which the right hon. gentleman, very much to his credit, proposed that the house should express. Such an assurance would be doubly valuable to the Government, following, as it did, the large majority on the last division, by which it was clear that they were the Government to whom that support was to be given. (Cheers.) But they were asked to say what were the objects of the war. The war was undertaken to repress the aggressions of Russia upon Turkey—he would not say to de fend Constantinople, for that was a narrow and limited view of the matter; if Turkey had nothing left but Constantinople it would not be worth many years' purchase ; but it was to defend the. Turkish empire from being swallowed up by Rus sia ; it was for that that England and France were fighting. They had been blandly and civilly told by the Russian Go vernment thst Turkey must fall, that the man was sick, that his deathbed was approaching, that there was an in heritance to be divided, and that if Egypt and Candia would suit us, we might wink at the partition of the rest by other parties. (Hear, hear.) The intention of Russia to par tition Turkey was manifest as the sun et noonday ; it was to prevent that that the war had been undertaken. And let no man imagine, if Turkey was in the possession of Russia, if that gigantic power were to stride over Europe like a colossus, with one foot upon the Baltic and the other in the Mediterranean, that the great interests of this country would not be'imperilled. Nor let the "peace-at-any-price" party imagine that their interests would not suffer. (Hear.) Instead of things being as they now were-40,000 bales of cotton being weekly manufactured at Manchester in the place of 30,000—a1l that lucrative trade up the Mediterranean to the East would be subjected to heavy incumbrances, if it did not actually disappear. The noble lord concluded by adjuring the house not to make this a conflict of parties, but to show them selves true representatives of the national feeling by giving their support to a vigorous prosecution of the war. (Cheers.) Sir J. GRAHAM wished to explain that hu.and his right hon. friends near him, though they were parties to the ar rangement of the proposition to be made to Russia, did not insist upon it as an ultimatum or sine qua non. Mr. LOWE rose to speak midst loud cries of " Divide," and " spoke" The CHAIRMAN told him that he had the opportunity of addressing the house when he moved his amendment, and could not do so now. . _ _ The question was then put; and preparations were made for a division. . _ Sir W. HEATHCOTE'S amendmen,t was negatived. . Mr. PHILLIMORE withdrew his amendment. Mr. LOWE withdrew his amendment. The question was put on the amendment of Sir F. BARum, upon which, i Mr. WA LPOLE said that although the wording of the amendment was not satisfactory, he would not damage the appearance of unanimity on the subject of the war by offer ing it any opposition, Mr. GLADSTONE, although disapproving of the terms of the amendment, would not offer any opposition, as he thought it the duty of the house to offer her Majesty their best sup port in the prosecution of the war. The motion before the house (Sir F. T. Baring's) was then unanimously agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-past 2 o'clock. ;AMWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS. TRA: 'FICJ RETURNS FOR THE PAST WEEK. Mlles opened, NAME 07 RAILWAY. Barritlll. Aberdeen • ed. •• a• o• t• g• •••• •111.1 Belfast and Ballymena • • •• • • •• •• •• •• Belfast and County I)own• • • • • • • • •• •• BTrlcenhead, Lan aash:re, and Cheshire Bolton, Blackburn, and West York .... Bristol and Exeter • • .. • . •••• • • • • •. •• Calcdonlan..• •• • • • ••• • . •a•••••• •• •• Cheeter and Cork, Blackroelt, and Passage •• • • Cork and Bandon Dublin and Belfast Junetien •• Dublin and Deogheda...... ......... Dublin and Kingstown D:lrflas and Arbroath .............. Duildoo, Porn, and berdeen Junction Dundalk an, •....... Jr•tiSt •• •• •••• •••• •• Elst Lai - least:ire . • . • . ..• •• •• •• Eastern Counties ant Norfolk.. Eastern Unlon • • • .. • • • •• • • ...• • • .. E Unburgli and (11a4gorr .• • • • • • • • • • • • )t nburfel, Pert l 3, and Dundee Exeter and Creditors•• • • .. • • • • .• • • • • Furimss Railway •• • ••,.•••• •• • • • • G'tggOW, and Grelt Northern and E. Groat Southern and Western (Ireland) Grettt I-Vet-Item Irish South Haltom •• •• •• •• •• • • Lana. - stfl• •••• • • • • • • Latteashire and •• •• Leeds Northern .• • • •-• • • •• •• " '• •• " Liverpool, Crosby, and S6utbport•• •• London and North Watern .•• • • •• •• London and Black wall .. .• .• •• •• •• London, Brighton, and South Coast.. London and Snntb Western..... Londonderry and Enniskillen j••• Mancheitcr, ENlttOn, and Matlock, &c. 91inchester, Sheffield,and Lincolnst.ire Manchester and South Junction .• .• Maryport and Carlisle .• •• •• •• •• •• •, Midland •• •• • •• •• •• .. Midland Great Western (Irish) Monklands •• -• •• •• •• •• •• •••• Newcastle,and Carlisle North British .• •• .......... North Staffordshire North-Westorn Scottish Czmtral geottiih Midland ••• • • ... Shrewsbury and Birmingham Shrewsbury and Chester Shropshire Union gouth Devon South Eastern South Wales ........ South York., Doncaster, and Goole .• Taff Vide •• • • .• • • .• •• •• •• •• Ulster..... •... Waterford and Limerick . .... • • .. West Cornwall ...... .... ••• •• Whitehaven Junction ..• ••• • • • •• •• York and Newcastle, and Berwick & York and North Midland & Leeds..' FOEFIGN. Dutch Rhenish • •• • • •• •• Lyons and Mediterranean • • •• •• •• •• Montereau and Troyes .......... • • .. Namur and Liege ............ • • • • •• Northern of France ••• • • • •• • • ••• • •• Orleans and Central* .. •• •••• •• Paris and Lyons .... •• • • •• • • Paris and Rouen. ••••• • •••• •• •• •• •• Paris and Strasburgh • ••••• • .. • • Rouen and Havre • • ..... • • • . Vr es tern of Franco itecolpts. 1864. 5,521 19,803 185 5, THE LATE BULLION ROBBERY. - Samuel Seal, a jeweller, who bas been twice remanded, upon a charge of having in his possession 106 dunces of gold, of the value of 3711., supposed to have been stolen, was brought before Mr. Alderman Wire and Sir R. W, Carden, at the'Mansion-house, in custody of .Haydon, the detective officer, for further - examination. The court was densely crowded during the investigation with, bullion dealers, railway officials. and carriers, bullion of . which the above is supposed to have formed part, of the value of 14,0001., having recently been either lost or stolen, on its passage from Gracechurch-street to Paris. Mr. Steele, a solicitor, attended on the part of Messrs. Chaplin and Co., the carriers ; Mr. Lewis again appeared for the prisoner. _ Mr. Steele—l attend, sir, for the purpose of watching the proceedings on the part of Messrs. Chaplin. I ap prehend that anybody may appear for the purpose of tendering evidence. Alderman Wire—Do you appear as solicitor for the prosecution ? - - - Mr. Steele—Certainly not. Mr. Chaplin is here to give evidence of what he knows about the matter, and not as a prosecutor. Alderman Wire—lf he is a rwitness who can throw aby light upon the transaction I am ,bound to hear him. I am not hound to hear anybody on his behalf. Mr. Steele—Messrs. Chaplin are booking-office keepers to the South-Eastern Railway Company. . Alderman Wire—lf there is any witness who you think may further the ends of justice, I am perfectly ready to hear him, but it is not my duty to hear any body on his behalf. Mr. Steele—At the last hearing the solicitor for the prisoner laid great emphasis upon the fact of no robbery having been proved to have taken place. Alderman Wire—l cannot hear you, you know that ; you know that it is contrary to law. Mr. Steele—lt is a course pursued 'every day—that the magistrate should be informed of what evidence can be given. Alderman Wire—Put the witness into the box, and we shall hear his own statement. Mr. Steele—l will tell you what it is, if you will not receive it. 30 :5 25 a COAL MARK] Piices of Coal per ton at t EM—Jtaig 8• lot, dose of the Or ‘23 a. d . w gerthir•-:::::,:3 0 Holywell lB 3 Ca_94: nes er t3') l : ..‘.. 's X Skiborwen Merthyr 22 6 Ships at market... ' 7 I Sold ....... IVO S. WIND AND WEA.TBER v, - - -" e r " t .b State Over esst. Val fin©. VerY fin e Veil fl ee ' Fine. CloudY• fin e. Fi n e. Fine. Clou dy. Fine' Fine' Fine' Cloudy. Fine — Fine. Fine' Fine. Fine. Fine. Fine. Fine. Clou d y ClondY . Fine ciondY' Clou dy. Fine. Fine. Fine. Fine' Fine. Woo. l o Verl p Fine. Clnal' Very fi n & Fine. Fine. Fine. Very sue" Very fl n " Fine. Vol Very fin Fine' Clou d y Very fine. Fine' Fi n e. Fi n e. Vine. Fine' o af. F art ! ' ci Part!' 15r 6°l p a rtial Itsirli Stations. Course of Wind. Greenwich S. b Lothury S. Manchester S.W. • ........ Sheffield S.W Stoke-on-Trent ... S. Whitehaven S. Lancaster ... S.W Carlisle Maryport . I ~3 etls Holyhead. S.E. ......... Liverpool ll ablin Great Grimsby Boston ..... Gainsborough S Derby S.W. ......... sr ottingham 5.W.......... Leii,ester Leamington S. Cambridge S.W .......... Lowestoft N.W ...... ••• Yarmouth W ............ N.N E.- •-• S.W .......... Brighton Bristol Plymouth Gloucester Cardiff S.W••• Haverfordwest Swansea S.E. ........ Shrewsbury.. 5.W.... ...... Hague W S.W ..... Harwich N.E. ......... Ipswich N.N.W. • ••• Southampton S.W .......... Cowes ,S W... ...... Portsmouth Poole ---, N. 8... ....... York Aberdeen. . S.E. ......... Perth - Dundee Edinburg II S.W.••• ...... Glasgow W.S.W ...... Greenock.. W. ........... Hull W.S.W ..... Sunderland N.B. ......... Berwick NJV Darlington . Whitby Scarborough W. Newcastle - ...... Dover ,S.W Strood Tunbridge! S. SEA 0 ; , 'iVe MAILS. 1 0 trO tllci (N eignlfies that the mall 3 are re.nt from the cie4 .1 ty th 3 night —and Mby latch.) (N ognines tnat tne maul are !Wu , IL tJua ... , y th 3 night—and Mby the morning--despatc h.) Vill ' e ' se pit do e od , Day when tna. - ie i.:l rroe„„ 1 gfig,' ," rg.) l 3N - Tii.l.E. in (I:3neral ?Wet- I :i,/int% , /t,fo ll Office, London.. Di5P , :„...... -- poll --...--. —_---- .----r - 1 ... , America(byßrit.pack)N Every Friday .... Lived ° ;pal 6 Americp. (by United Sts. Live l P " packet) ..........N o America (by U. States ~,,e2Pie $l packet) ..........N •••.• • .. • ' • Solib`• lane Australia (via • South- tharaP Y , ampton) .. ..... ...Ai . so.- ~ .1 u p Ditto (via Marseilles) lit Ditto (via Cape of Goad' ..... ... .... Dover'' ... ' er v i rg; Hope) ...... • • ....N .. ••••• • • • • . 01 ,0 1114 •. ' Africa (West Coast) ..1"; 9 , 3 d of the month.. ••• ~,v ' l Alexandria.. • • ......N S, 9,24, &30 of ro• P.jii i0 ,05 , ,,t 0 " L , 1 ~,,, Alexandria.... • ... .. Ai 4th 1k 20th of mon. S ° 03 MP' '1 ),I • 18 ~‘ Soil -• .• • , foe 6 Bahamas ......11 17th of the roon ,, if .,,, cc r •••,,,, .• allllOl icily .......... • • l'"„tweiPt,,,, ii ßraz il • • • • • • • • .. .. .. 3i 9th of the month • • ,:;0,0 1 ? 4 , 1,1 0 Buenos Ayres ...... .. 31 9th of the montli•• , i;;; o o.9P ° ' Cape of Good Hope ,• N t o Cape of Good Hope - I N P SoU in° al l Cape do Verde ......N 9th of t. 170 Montt • 0 4- Ceylon (see India) Ceylon „ .... N . tniliaP Wr 4 goa- Ja y e ! Channel Isles ........N Mon ~Wed.,&Fri,l. ,a.atha 2,-, ..0 & )7tr, of moot' a- ..••• 0 China .... Constantinople ......i, 8,13,18,23,&2s or ~ .. 0u tn50.r . .,.. - , / Comtantinople Cont. of Europe M & N Twice daily •• • • ' ...• Egypt (see India) .. trove' jotol l 1 France .. ilf & N Twice daily • • •:,,, s o uth , lops Gibraltar ...... Li 4,7,17. 20 . 27e ' . )to , Greece (see India) ,lOn , J e t " nibn. "' ri •••••• O Greytown ...... „ „p,/, 1 .1 , nd & 17th ot ~.D oa do,p w i+o , oll flapburgh .. ........ N i l• leSdaY Ej moultFrilSo ~....• Idl e Havannah .... ~.... At 24.10 of the ~ po or • p p, J O, so , Holland ............ I; Dah.v'• ' • • • • • • m outh. 0 India Honduras (v iat,,, 0 . a . t , h . a . 1 n . , 1 ; c) Aj:‘ll 4th &' .41fottlihe enfiorinic,tHl:involvroisoll...::ll.o4l.l6ol India (via Marseilles)lll,9thEt •.!51. 11 of O f ° raw , Do ver , a s .0 ri pe lonian isles (seo Lidia)l7, 17 , &.' 27 °• • li el3ll :oP t° ' 16 Ireland ........M & N Twice dail),;',• f . n ; . south_,,oteecittee Lisbon ..............IBC 7,9, 17, & 2 ' ,'„ ut blsou o i,it ..• _ sisisi Nf .aad a ali d tte e .,tai i r r ( a a.5.e .. e. ... i. . n: d .... i.a ... ) ... ...... .....:M}1.... ItuitilB6:ft&mt2lolBne Othf l: o v . n . t i. „ ,I , I.;: o v v e te : P r3..ns . : oalso 0 1 alei l • -- Mauritius (see India) e Mauritius .. ••• .. ..N 1140 of the i t %• SO '' .• " 0 /14 01 -.Wm' of the 01.:2 1 1;,„:'p0vieL • ,.;pi0. , !0 6 . Greece (see India) 1 Greytown . . „, m i l. l ,nd & 17th of inta Hap hurgli „ „ „ .. „„ „ N i l , le sd a y g; Frid." l : l Havannah .... ~ M 2fial of the moot!' India (via Marseilles)M Holland .... IT 1)8 1 . 1 . 7 " '•••• . • • •• Honduras „„ _ _ Ai 170, of the tuouth. India (viatloutham • pt )M 4th & filth heft im!. lonian isles (sec i„dia)l7, 17, d r , 2 7 of well Ireland ~......M & NiTwice deal) . "•• ' '• 4b°ll ' • " •• .. —lO 7,9, 17, & 27 of m.: Madeira ...... __ N 1 9th of the rrout" Iladelra '•• • • • t 23d of month "• • Malta (see India) Malta .... . 1 ,7 8,15, &28 of alorl'i Mauritius (lice _lndia) !vol t") Mauritius ....... N tl4th of the illOnti'solitil- I 9th&251,:h of wont!, Mexico .. „... „, LI 2nd of the ni0nt1.....,,0c,r ~.;‘,Ol NaPle3•• •• ......1 N,sthl6tll2.sthorra°,Fi•Wifirtraor7, • • :iove r .,. • lp ' so t; 00 New Granada „„ _ ~,y .2d it 17th of mon' ' t v a rio o r - ~. Now Zaaland _ By private shit) Papal States ~ , ld stillah2nhoan°„,"•,;oatbg'„,„,for met Peninsula .... lt! Ithrth27thafrn°l"'"utlia'';',ort '" Peru ......., _.„ 3,1 2d k 97th of Itl° 3 :,Tololl 5 r,. , Port Natal NBy private ship. • , ov er .. °: „L a o . Sicily ........,, ~, N sthleth2sthohnoth -I',„ ..r . r ve / tolil Tuacany ,N 5thl5th25t1103101:!•!•!,01301 1 Venezuela .........„ Al 2d 3; 1:7111 Oitlaont 7l l Pv 1 01 ' 6 Van Dietnen's Land (ee . 0 0 0 Australia) West Indies ,A; 21 & 17th o I m onth'' 04 Si: I t ; ttes tall co A Sunda'', t1,,e.:0f tIV ig day, with the r y ! ) , di' D , OP lefts, 1) .„.......... 2 1"r will° _., . _ ii iet li : '--- Atiperioloolt [ADVERTISEMENT.j—IioIIoway'O pills 3.---Veele:f °Veil Fine for the cure of Stomach Complainta• ~ c ore u.oy to able pills surpass all other medicines iv thv espechse oir complaint incidental to the human frame, to t. 11 ,,,,0 Ji :i persons of debilitated conAtitutions, wh ile or to eg °- d e fering from derangement of the stotoac",;tbivg " 0 01 s', orders of the liver or kidneys, there is 11 , - es at o p t e "; them, as they can be taken by both s efr er ge ls 3 be e" with the utmost safety. Thousands of f t , 0 10 , 0 vo, tify to their efficacy by been restored bad WWI by taking them after every ether teoslY.o.olefOrna 9 ' Sold by all Medicine Venders, and 3 ,t ;;;doe, °- way's establishments 244 Straud, ).'" Maiden-lane, New York. ' '-`"- '=•"--'"'"'""-------""--------__. BIRVI S. 4, lOtili On the 7th inst., at 13,0 F GArseft.ol°E°4Qtr-eCe."' ' llll' 1:: star, the wife of Hnry S. Seating', gi-11;;Ii0gto°' On the 7th inst., at West Lodge, -- Dale. P ft' V' DAVGIITVII. f ir. 0f tb° ' . OP When any of these dal spatched on the followin Southampton),and the .5 preced Walter Graves. T ooting 6th inst., ore ABatters —ea, O tho w On the Bth inst., at L ower n Tooting; Stirrel' tbe Chapman, Esq., surge on. o 9(11 D o MAIZEIP' Thorpe:, ,f, WB. . A'' . On the 7th inst., at St. James's, • to Slik , 0 , ,4.? her Majesty's Ordnance, Poi tonoutb: ( goat /te r daughter of the late Henri Turner4sq,:er D. f' d ( 10 0 ) On the 7th inst., at Great Chart, a, ocon of Finn House, Singswortb, to gars l A ll _, Tj t ' COO L ' of George Paine, Esq of Great Char ~ Kent. rif ig' CO 13 1 E D' of 1 6, pi' On the 7th inst., Mr. Patrick Car limed' , Al f ' cross, aged 68. .1:00, 401, On aged the Bth inst., at Singston- a, o t OP O ', , mend Jordan, aged 23. 1 F o re 1 01 1 of i A On the 29th ult., at the:ipolPoift:l:o7;t:r:et, ailAt;tig, :tfa:o; ropouxk,eLoirwit.elimenngrtyorafinagnant, R.N -t,..itio 11( 7 , 1. il fr , On the 11th March, at sea, John ;,.-Lto7, o go 1 of os of the Rev. Maitland, of Drigrfo, Pl., On the 31st ult., Walter Barton .0". .• Castle, aged 72. ~11119° PrinteJ and Publiere Iby 11"-`, e, of No. 11.?., Strand, Printer, at /7-te utcte-000" Strinad, in the Precinct of the Savoy, 03 aiddlowax, Oattuclay, Juno 9, 1866, ..✓'''. 204 189% 9114 81;4 417 1 , 1.1 553 , 4 5% 174 267 171 N _914 498 3 4 126% 37 78% 149 b 7% 239 162% 2,116 899 2,457 5,75 4 11,074 0069 211 249 901 1,408 1,552 082 813 863 5,582 22,778 5,463 2,992 968 (',024 17,860 5,420 25,482 395 56,897 1,555 18,809 14,755 501 3 : 826 768 849 25,891 2,685 4,437 988 2,340 900 1,037 2,122 790 16,437 4.843 1,592 1,363 2,929 2,467 823 2,254 5,959 11, 9 ,57 4,903 164 240 1,033 1,291 1,13) 521 865 BS6 8,057 24,094 5,459 3,021 (67 6,206 20.502 6,2 6 27,C02 5,791 24,721 283 59,102 1,566 15,133 15,597 574 12,152 1,251 951 2g,230 5,033 1,005 2,5 8 968 1,435 2,355 907 2,407 18,831 5,324 1,934 3,572 '572 . 291 2,292 3,348 N~