The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

vbirti Milton SUN OFIICE, Seven o'Clpck. QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY-) (sittings at Nisi Prius, before Mr. Justice EBLE and a Common Jury.) NESTER V. MANSFIELD. This was an action brought to recover compensation in damages for false imprisonment. The plaintiff and her sister resided with their father in the house of the defendant, who is a widow. residing in Red Lion-street, Holborn, and it appeared that the defendant, having missed a shawl from a room, gave them both into custody on a charge of felony. About one o'clock in the morning they were taken to the station-house, locked up in a cell, and next day brought before the magistrate, who dismissed the case. For the defence, the cause of action was admitted, the defendant, through counsel, expressing her sincere regret that she had eating im prisoned the plaintiff , bu t as there were good grounds for suspicion in her mind, it was urged that a small amount of damages would be sufficient. The Learned JUDGE said the jury w ould simply have to consider the amount of compensation which the plaintiff was entitled to. There could be no doubt. if twe respectable young girls were taken into custody and locked up in a cell all night upon such a charge, they would have to endure a certain amount of mental and bodily !suffering. found a The jury v erdict for the plaintiff — Damages 251 . HESTER v. MANSFIELD. In this case which was brought by the sister of the byefor plain tiff. upon the same grounds, a verdict for 25i. was taken consent Of the parties. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current of Feb. 2.) SCORE. —To-day the market for all sorts of Raw Sugar presented a favourable appearance, and prices of East India were supported, notwithstanding the large increase of supply. West India was sold to a lair extent, and all sorts realised fully former rates. The quan tity sold amounted to 430 hhds, &c. At public sale 4 hhds St. Kitts were sold at 36s 6d for low yellow. Raman.—To-day there was less passing in Refined goods for home trade purposes, and prices are not so Arm. There are sellers of brown grocery Lumps for forward delivery at 48s 6d. For Crushed Sugar the market is quiet at 28s to 298 per cwt. FOREIGN.—To-day there was no public sale of Foreign Sugar, but Privately several enquiries existed, and 800 chests of brown and yellow Bahia and Maceio were sold at 185 to 208. MACRITIIIS.—At auction 6,140 bags were all disposed of, fine and good yellow realized 38s 6d to 39s 6d, low to middling 368 to 38s, good and fine brown 349 to 35s 6d, low 315 to 31s 6d, ordinary to nue grey 36e to 39s 6d, washed 34 s to 385, syrupy 33s to n ary brown ditto 30s to 32s 6d, and good to fine strong white 45s to 499 per cwt. EAST Isans.—This afternoon the market wa4 more freely suppl ed with Bengal Sugar, and the public sales comprised 8,257 bags ; one parcel of 2.325 bags was withdrawn, owing to a dispute relative to the duty ; the remainder, however, nearly all sold upon full terms. MoLassEs.—This afternoon at public sale 199 hhds Bengal Treacle were taken in at 16s per cwt for good quality. Cocoa.—To -day at pubic sate 105 bags of Bahia Cocoa sold at 27s for fine red, and 268 to 268 6d for damaged, mm .—To day tbero was no public sale of Coffee; there was, Co however, muc h inquiry after Ceylon by private treaty. and p rices tend upwards, good and real pod ordinary Native realised 35s to 35e 6d per cwt. Rim—To -day East India Rice met with more attention privately at Pall rates, but 787 bags of Bengal at auction were taken in at lIS to 115 6d for good mid white, being rather above the value. Saoo.—To-day at auction 138 boxes of Pearl Sago were taken in M 248 to 25s for fine large white, and which are stiff rates. TEA.—A good :business has been concluded in Black, and former terms are well supported. Green net with rather more attention at the currency of last week. Scented Caper continues to be wanted. Scented and Pekoe Teas, however, met with little attention. SPICES. —To-day at auction 51 bgs of Sumatra Pepper sold at 2%d for good light black rather stalky, and damaged 2%d to 2 d ; 100 bgs East India Ginger, mid scraped 505, ord 425, damaged 265, good bold exportation sort 24s 6d, and damaged 145 to 22 ; 2 cases Mace midd is 10c1 to is Ild ; 2 cases of bold limed Nutmegs slightly mouldy 2s per lb. - SPIRITS.—East India is little required, and prices have still a downward tendency ; the value of :proof is Is 3d to Is 3%d. Lee ward Island proof is to be purchased at ist4d to is 4%d. Fine Jamaiea 35 to 38 over is worth 4s to to 4s 10d ; of inferior the amount on offer ;is large, plain and middling quality 28 to 34 per cent over proof can be bough' at L 25 8d to 3s, good middling and good 3s 2d to 3s Sd. The demand is limited for !ordinary and middling Demerara at from 2s to 2s 2d for 28 to 33 per cent. over rroof ; superior is wanted, and 34 to 40 per cent over proof woulp realise 2s 4d to 2s Sd. Brandy, Cngnac best marks of the vintage of 1847 realised 38 Sd to 3s 10d, ditto 1848 3s 4d to 4s 6d, and inferior 2s 4d to 3s 4d. COCHINEAL. —This afternoon Cochineal was in good demand, and at pqblic sale 135 bags mostly sold at full rates. SAITPETEZ.—To-day the market was much' better supplied, and six parcels, amounting to 4,122 bags of Calcutta were submitted to public competition. The demand was active, and all sold at firm rates. On.B.—This afternoon at pubic sale 15 tons Sydney Cocoa Nut 79l were takea in a: 36s to 37s ; 30 tons - perm sold at 801 for British, 1 for American, and 791 15 s to 801 Cu - Be ad -mat ter; 35 Seal, tinged 251105, straw 24110 s to 2515 e, yellow and brown 201 lOs to 241. TALLow.—To-day net more than 39s 3d could be obtained for fine P. Y. Candle on the spot, for large parcels. At public sale 736 packages South American only partly sold fit 35s to 40s 6d, very ordinary 'as to 34s 641; 210 casks New South Wales 36s 6d to 395, low 35s to 36s 3d ; 18 casks Gibraltar 4is to 43s ; 50 casks Odessa taken in at 38s esa ; 12 tons Naples partly sold at 36s to 36s 6d ; 180 casks Petersburah nearly all withdrawn. Soap Tallow was taken in at 35s for second sort. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. NEW WRITS. New writs were ordered for the county of Donegal, in the room of Colonel Connolly, deceased; and for Cardigan, in the room of Mr. P. Pryse, deceased. CARRIAGE OF LETTERS ON SUNDAY. Sir R. INGLIS presented petitions from several places in Oxfordshire, praying the House to take into consideration the propriety of altering the system of carrying letters on the Lord's day. TREATMENT OF THE POOR.—CHILDREN FARMED -BY UNION GUARDIANS. Mr. LUSHINGTOS presented a petition from the several persons present at a meoting at the Westminster Literary Institution last month, in which they expressed great dis gust at the treatment of the poor children farmed 'out by the guardians of the different unions, and the system adopted by those to whose charge the children had been committed, praying the, early attention of the House to the evidence which had been adduced, in order that it might be authori tatively published.. IRISH INLAND FISHERIES. Mr. ANSTEY presented two petitions from various pro prietors of land in the county of Cork, complaining that for 301130 years past measures bad been adopted whereby the supply of fish had been entirely stopped in the inland waters of Ireland, and stating that the fish had altogether deserted Blackwater, owing to the injury of the weir heads or other works above the range of the tideway. They prayed for the protection which had formerly existed, and at any - rate, for the restoration of the restrictions which existed under the Acts of 1841 and 1642. POORER CLERKS AND CANONS' OF PETERBO ROUGH CATHEDRAL. Mr. A. STAFFOR presented a petition praying that the revenues of the suppressed prebenda l stalls of Peterborough Cathedral might be applied to the support of the poorer clerks and minor canons. EMPLOYMENT OF THE POOR. Mr. HENLEY presented seve ral petitions, praying that the poor in the respective union-houses might be employed in the cultivation of waste lands. DEBTS FROM BIEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. Mr. MOFFATT gave notice that on Tuesday next he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the recovery of debts from persons having seats in Parliament. WAR EXPENDITURE. Mr. MITCHELL presented a petition, praying the House to cause treaties to be entered into with all 'foreign powers against expenditure in war, and in favour of referring national disputes to arbitration. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Sir JOHN PAKINGTON rose to put a question to the Noble Lord at the head of the Government on a subject in which he (Sir John Pakington) felt considerable interest, namely, whether it was his intention to propose any altera t' on in those rules and orders for the regulation of the House, in conformity with the recommendation of the Com mittee which sat at the close , of the last session on Parlia mentary business? Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he intended to propose certain resolutions in conformity with that recommendation, and to propose some other resolutions on the subject of the ses sional orders, which would, he thought, be improve ments in the mode of carrying on the business of the House. He shoitld take care that the resolutions which he should propose should be in the hands of the Members by to-morrow morning, and he proposed to bring on the question the first thing on Monday. RAJA OF SATT ARA. In reply to a question from "Lord J. RUSSELL said it was true that the Court of Di rectors of the East India Company and the Board of Control had sent out a dispatch to the Governor-General of India, desiring him, not as stated by the Hon. Gentleman, to de pose the descendant of the late Raja, for there was none living, but to take possession of the territory, which virtually belonged to the East India Company. Mr. HIIIIR then gave notice that on Monday he would move for a copy of the minutes of proceedings of the East India Company and the Board of Control. CHURCH REFORM. Mr. HORSMAN said he would postpone until this day week his question relative to the filling up of a vacancy in the diocese of the Bishop of Durham. He thought it would be desirable that the Noble Lord should be in the possession of some further information from the Bishop betore he an• swered the question. With respect to the meas ures expected during the session for some re orm in the Church, the Noble be good enough to state whether any Lord would, perhaps, measures had yet been prepared on the subject, and when understood to say that he they might be expected to be brought forward. Lord JOHN RUSSELL. was asunicatioonasedfr,omhoth(eLßoisrdho j p . , b ß u as t t aell) , had received some COM whatever alterations were .prtopeto. h With regard to the other had no power to alter or modity as a preliminary to question, it had been though t necessary advise the Crown to appoint a commission emore o t r o e i a n v q a u i r a e b l w e h t e o t t h h e e r leasehold property might not be m ad spiritual instruction of the members o fth u e o C ti h l u i r t c h h a . d in T a n d a e t Commission ha I lately been appointed ; but some progress, it was impossible for him to say either what measures would be proposed, or when they w ould be brought before the House. Colonel SIRTIIORP begged to ask the Noble Lord ) whether the C omm i ss i on was to b e a pa id one ?—( Laughter. Lord. RUSSELL—I t i s an un p a id Commission. I ma y , however, state that the secretary to the Commission is a paid officer. (Laughter.) • POLICE. Mr. FRENCH gave notice that he would move for a return of the number of police employed during the last six months in collecting poor-rates. THE TOOTING AFFAIR. Colonel SIBTIIORP said, as there had been lately two important new appointments in connexion with the Poor law Board, he wished the Noble Lord to assure the House that the strictest inquiry would be instituted into the con duct of all the parties concerned in the Tooting transaction, and take steps to prevent any repetition of that calamity. Lord J. RUSSELL said the subject was under the consi deration of the Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment and the Poor-law Board, who, no doubt, would institute the fullest inquiry into the matter. INSURRECTION IN IRELAND. _ Mr. H. GRATTAN gave notice that, on Monday, e s h o uld move for the following returns :—First, the number i Of the troops of the line employed in the insurrection in Ireland, with a list of the number of killed and wounded, and of the number and description of the forces engaged on both sides; second, a return of the amount of expense incurred in send ing over troops from Great Britain to Ireland, and of main taining the several regiments and other armed forces em p! o yed in various parts of Ireland on the occasion of the recent outbreak; third, a return of the number of persons arrested. under the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act, and for what offences th e y were so arrested; specifying their situations in life, or their offices and callings, and the length It 4 r:W!.-11-,AIT3 they had been impriso ned. j - --- - 'S PE NSION OF THE . HABEAS CORPUS ACT. ( . 7: -- ", • . The\ oN. GENTLEMAN' al so stated that he should, upon _ _ _ = ~_cz the lit t Hon. Baronet the Sec retar y of Staze for the Home 14-' i, •, . " Depailun nt _proposing a continuance of the measure for sus .ll Pea ( OP *Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, move a call of the . ; 144 E ADDRESS.—ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr:AO. STAFFORD then rose to resume the adjourned de \ • _ ---' bate.on the Address lin answer to the Speech fro m the Throne. N. A licommace4l7gatiDg that he had thytight 4 ram WA. , 1 THE SUN,- LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING-, FEBRUARY 2, 1849: venient to move the adjournment of the debate on the first amendment of his Honourable Friend the Member for Buckinghamshire, because he felt it impossible to pass by the subject after what had been stated by the, Noble Lord at the head of the Government, without first making some further allusions to the subject of Ireland; and what the Noble Lord had stated this evening confirmed him in the view he had taken of the matter, and the necessity which existed for postponing the subject of Ire land till a future period.— (Hear.) He should, therefore, for the present address himself to some of the observations made by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Montrose. The Hon. Gentleman asked the agricultural Members what they proposed for the relief of their particular interest. And well he might ask that question; for not only was no allusion made to that interest in the Speech from the Throne, bat neither the Noble Lord who had moved, nor the Hon. Gentleman who seconded the motion for the adoption of the Address, adverted in the remotest way to that important topic.—(Hear, hear.) He was the more surprised at the silence of the Honourable Gentleman the Member for Bury on this subject, for that Hon. Gentle-. man's constituency was closely connected with an agricultural county, and the House, therefore, bad a right to expect from him some explanation. connected with the welfare of the agricultural interest of the country.—(Hear, hear.) He begged to ask the Honourable Gentleman whether Suffolk was very far from Cambridge shire, and whether he had not heard of certain agri cultural meetings which had recently been held in the latter county. If the Hon. Gentleman had heard of those meetings perhaps he would be good enough to inform the House whether some of those who attended those meet ings did not state the nature of their difficulties, and pro pound and enforce upon the - resident gentry of the neighbourhood a remedy for those difficulties, which remedy would probably be very acceptable to the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer.—(Hear.) If he understood the Honourable Gentleman (Mr. Hume) aright, his statement last night amounted to this, that the constituencies of this empire were so well satis fied with the working of the new system of free trade that they would not, under any pretence, ever return to the old system, which expired last night; but (proceeded the Honourable Gentleman, who, in the early part of his speech, was but indifferently heard in the gallery) if the Honourable Gentlemen would recollect the intelligence which they had learced yesterday of the reaction which had taken place in a neighbouring country—if he would turn to a country not far separated from us, he would find, though France had abolished her monarchy and her form of government, a dis position had been evinced to ,return to protective duties, and it was by no means chimerical to indulge the hope that the time was not far distant when France would adopt the protective system which England had abolished. Further, he would ask the Hon. Gentleman if he had not found in his intercourse with society, not with " besotted farmers," as agriculturists had been called, a wish expressed during these few weeks, that there should be a fair but a low duty upon corn. The Hon. Gentleman said that the faith in the present system was so strong that no fear need be entertained by those who advocated the new system that the old one would be adopted; but he wished to ask the Hon. Gentleman who had talked so loud in favour of the new course of policy, who rejoiced that yesterday the duties upon food were prac tically at an end, why those duties were alone made the object of reform ? Why, he asked, when they heard so much about the poor man's loaf; did they hear nothing about the poor man's loaf and the poor man's slice of cheese.— (Hear, hear.) He put this question to those consistent politicians, those free-trade economists, and disciples of the new school, which advocated the abolition of protective duties and the retrenchment of the national expenses, why, in the course of last session, when they had commenced their agita tion, their voices were not raised in behalf of the poor man's butter and the poor man's slice of cheese? — (Hear, hear.) They made no effort to cheapen these articles, and allowed the Chancellor of the Exchequer to swell his budget by their aid. Sharp accountants as they were, how he would ask were they to get the 300,0001 . ob tained by the sliding duties scale which expired yesterday? Did they think, though 5-6ths of the duty were paid by the foreigner, that the people of this country would be scared by a name, and which never could be more than a name and a delusion, from going back to the system which had afforded a fair return for their produce—by the adoption of a moderate system of import duties? The free-trader looked not to the interest of the consumer, but the Protectionists looked to the in terest of both producer and consumer. They could not forget the magnitude of the interests in volved, and the claims of their old labouring poor, and they were desirous of meeting the heavy charges by framing taxation in accordance with a statesmanlike system, and not in accordance with an impracticable theory. They must remember that they had assiduously endea voured to establish a system in which all duties on imports or for excise were to be done away with. It remained yet to be seen how far those who had been so ready to destroy a system, would be able to re-establish the means by which the several departments of the Government were to be sup ported.—(Hear, hear.) They must recollect that if they had in their endeavour to carry out certain theories developed certain principles, and set themselves against anything like protection, they might very probably have to resist the application of these principles against themselves. The farmers were considering even at the present time what to them was the advantage of an expensive Government, and when asked to look into the advantages which they en joyed, they merely replied that they had nothing to attend to but cheapness; and he had to inform the gentlemen opposite that there was even now a coalition among them, not weak, nor destitute of those elements of combined opera tion the evil effects of which they had so fatally expe rienced. He was himself about to attend a great public meeting in which the consideration of the retention of the malt tax would be actively taken up, in which those present would energeticallydiscuss the whole principles of import duties When asked to look at the importance of our colonial empire, they replied what was the colonial empire to them, for they found that the colonies were, in many respects, protected even against themselves. In making this assertion, they were, undoubtedly, going upon high ground. They had themselves set the example of attacking protection, and must expect that the arguments which they had so fluently used would be retorted with equal force and good will. Honourable Gentlemen would recollect that some time ago a considerable quantity of tabacco was grown in Ireland, and in some of the districts of England. But this growth had been stopped, and the home consumer had been sacrificed, in order to secure what had been deemed au unjust monopoly for the colonial producer. Was it not natural, then; that when this sacrifice had been made for the sake of revenue the home farmer should believe that there was as little consistency as prudence in their opponents. So long as we were to keep our invaluable, but at the same time our expensive form of Government, so long, he con tended, must we be able to levy taxes sufficient to meet the expenses of the Government, and also those of the public creditor, which he could not do unless Ministers returned to the system which they professed to denounce. For them to be scared by the term " protection," or to be in vited by the term " free-trade "—to form their financial sys tem on such a theory as they had promulgated—was not compatible with the institutions of this country. With re. spect to the relief of the poor in Ireland, he had heard with surprise and very great regret that it was not the intention of the Government to propound any measure, not even to lay down the principles of any measure ; but, instead of that, they proposed to throw the whole thing before a Committee of Irish Members, which was anything but statesman-like, manly, or bold, for the Government to do at the commence ment of the session. With regard to the Poor-law, whether the area be larger or smaller, the question was considered to be one at all events of first-rate importance. He was not going to discuss that question now. If there was one subject more than another on which the Government could obtain accurate and decisive information, it would be the very one subject on which Ministers now declined to legislate. He maintained the Com mission, and the Government through the Commission, was in full possession of the public opinion, either for or against the diminution of the area of taxation ; and as far as in formation want, at the rising of that Committee, no more valuable information could be obtained than that - which was at present before the House. Any measure which might be proposed ought to be of im mediate efficacy to Ireland, or it should not be passed by the House. It appeared that the Government had made up their mind to enlarge the area of taxation, but what he called upon them to do was to state to the House how far they were prepared to stand by the Irish Poor-law. Many opinions had been expressed on the subject. A very influential journal in Ireland protested against the relief of the able-bodied poor. There was a strong feeling among the clergy that the system of tithe commutation should be different to what it was; and, again, there was a large class who were of opinion that the burden of taxation should fall entirely upon the landlord. He, therefore, would ask the Government not to let another post go out to Ireland before they stated how far they were able to stand by the principle of the poor-law, what conces sions they were prepared to give, and what principles they were willing to. maintain.—(Hear.) He understood they could not bring forward any measure because the Government were not united in opinion upon the Irish poor-law, and therefore he charged them not to resort to the miserable excuse that it was impossible to legislate when Irish Mem bers could not agree on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The best way to act for the welfare of Ireland would be for some member of the Government to come forward in a states manlike manner with some definite proposition,_ and wait the issue whatever it might be.—(Hear, hear.) They could bring forward coercive and restrictive measures without re ferring the matter to any Committee, and why could such a course not be adopted with regard to the poor-law? The fact was the Government were not united, and in order to shift the responsibility from their own shoulders they pro pneel the appointment of a Committee.—(Hear, hear) With regard to the points of the amendment, he had already trespassed too long upon the time of the House to say much upon them ; but with regard to the foreign policy of the country, he must b e a ll owe d to ex p ress his regret, that the Speech from the Throne did not contain the custo mary paragraph, stating that her Majesty still continued to receive assurances of friendship from her various foreign allies.—( Hear, hear.) With regard to Colonial matters, after the very grav e c h arge which the hon. gentleman the member for Montrose had made o be against the noble belordvery at ry mthueebhesaudprisoefdr th that j department, he h g e ent s l h em ou a l n d did not follow up that charge; while if the Hon. Gentlemen succeeded in turning out the present Secre tary he apprehended that the Noble Lord who at present filled that office would be quite ready to admit that the co lonies had grown too extensive to be governed properly by a nt —(Hear, hear.) He voted for the amend ment single department.—(Hear, . ' d the Member • of his Hon. Friend . for Buckinghamshire lwataison;orthebecause he telt that when other intneoretsttoshlAa'evree beenmaintained, omitted the oldest and largest interest ought flourish ingf r from the andth espe oughtec h ie haveti ther been the sin matter. for n congratulation agriculturat this time,because they could say ject of condolence ; but a l interest was suffering, and ought to have been sub way of sympathy. That was mined to say nothing in the no thing congratulatory, her Majesty's Government had deter- Crown. That was right to expect from the first Minister of thef rho . treatment which, he thought, the farmers of England had no not the course which the representatives o interest could allow to , pass unnoticed, and therefore they o agricultural had a right to propose this amendment. The agricultural interest had a claim to the sympathy of the Legislature, and those who conceded that claim would vote for the amend ment, while those who were indifferent as to whether the agricultural interest was flourishing or in diffi culties would no d ou b t vo t e aga i ns t it. But let him tell th e farmers would they found n o nouse and the Government that the experience the deepest regret when for their sufferings d had e re d b e a e n f hap al e le p r t e i d n t u e re o s n t ~ sympathy prevailed in the House ; but no t w ith s t an di ng the abuse which tretyw still t a b n a d d i n t g b e t m h e e y e n sweefr emaking - their representatives understand their feelings—they still had the means of punishing the silence of those who showed themselves indifferent to their interest.—(Hear hear. ) tjhuestex sat extraordinary the r Sir W. SOMMERVILLE said; after , statements of the Hon. Gentleman who had House would perhaps allow him to say a f ew words upon, the subject of the Irish Poor law, to which tie Hon. Gentleman had so often referred. The Hon. Gentleman accused the Government of tam Bring and trifling with th e quest i on, but Avow G9Ald the Witt Geilthautu bui3titilt 1114 charge, when it was remembered that the course the Government pursued on this very question last session met with almost the entire approval of all the Irish Members. Government asked them for delay in appointment of a Committee on the subject until they had received the report of a Commission as a foundation for their in quirie. But the Honourable Gentleman taunted them with indecision, and denounced them, because they did not at once enter upon the questionv by enlarging or reducing the area of taxation ; but let bun remind Hon. Gen tlemen that there were other maters connected with the Irish poor-law of more importance than the ilea of rating. Go vernment had determined to keep the 'promise they made last session that at the commencement of the present session they would concede the appointment of a Committee on this subject, and lookins at the immense importance of the question, he could not see what objection could be advanced against that course. The Govern ment were perfectly ready Co propose any measures which were likely to be calculated to alleviate the suf ferings of the people. With respect to what had been said concerning the Irish Poor-law Committee he had to reply, that it was not usually understood that the Members of the Committees entered upon the task with a determination to be unanimous? No; they entered upon the investigation for the purpose of hearing and collecting the best evidence, upon which they arrived at a re sult. He confessed he was surprised to hear the exagger ated statements of Mr. Grattan. That Honourable and Learned Gentleman had said he was :a ruined man.—(Roars of laughter.) Mr. GRATTAN (jumping up, and with much dmphasis)— No, no.—(Laughter.)) Sir J. SOMERVILLE thought he heard the Hon. and Learned Gentleman say that if he was a younger man he would go away from Ireland as• staying would lead to his becoming a ruined man. Mr. GRATAN—Hear, bear. Sir W. SOMERVILLE—Now what did the House think was the rate of taxation in Celbridge, the mine with which the Hon. Gentleman was connected, the rate was 7 3 / 4 d. in the pound —( Roars of laughter.) Mr. GRATTAN (raising his eyes and hands aloft)—Oh ! oh I—( Laughter. ) Sir W. SOMERVILLE—The expenditure was Md. in the pound, so that the Celbridge mine had now money in the bank. The Honourable and Lerrned Gentleman also said that 400,000 able-bodied men could not obtain em ployment, and that they were receiving rations of one penny a day : now this was an erroneous statement, since the highest number during the year in the receipt of relief was 65,000.—(Hear, hear.) He thought he had a right to complain of these exaggerated statements, statements which were eminently calculated to give English gentlemen erroneous information as to the real state of Ireland. He was bound to state that there were many parts of Ireland in which the people were not so poverty-stricken as was represented. Mr. GRATTAN exp:amed. Thank GoO, he was not an Irish Secretary.—(Cheers.) The rates in the Cellbridge Union, which were voluntarily contributed to by many of the landlords, amounted to Is. 3d. in the pound. They taxed themselves, and got rid of the Hon. Gentleman the Government had sent over from Downing-street. Colonel Conolly, whose death he deplored, Lord Cloncurry, Mr. Kil patick, and several others contributed sums of 101., 81., and 61. for this purpose, and one person employed 38 persons upon a piece of land of 20 acres, which showed what Irishmen could do when they liked. Sir JOHN WALSH blamed the Government for not de vising, ere the meeting of Parliament, measures to remedy the defects in the present poor-law. They must bear in mind that the condition of Ireland if been altogether changed since last year. Had not this change taken place, the charge of the Hon. Baronet might be well founded. On that occasion the Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary for the Home Department had stated that, in his opinion, he and hls friends had only wished to get rid, by a side wind, of the con sideration of the Poor-law altogether, they might retort the same accusation, for truly they had more reason to en tertain a similar apprehension. A Committee, in the hands of a dexterous politician, was of all things the most useful and convenient machine in the world, for postponing the consideration of any question whatever. Not that that he, and those who acted with him, would oppose a Committee. On the contrary they would do all in their power to promote the object of the Ministers, but they could not help feeling that the Government ought to be in the present receipt of sufficient information to proceed to a de cision without any further delay.— (Hear, Hear ) This was a matter which could not be postponed for a year for the simple object of getting at a conclusion which might already be given. There was a great and growing evil, which ought to be instantly met. He would now allude to a matter, which during the last session had excited much attention, and, to which the Noble Lord at the head of the Governmert had given at that time what he must say he thought an insufficient but an evasive reply. He olluded Ito the presence of a British fleet in the Bay of Naples. The first reason assigned was that a breach of international law had been committed by a Neapolitan vessel hoisting the British flag ( LEFT SPEAKING.) THE LONDON GAZETTE. (THIS EVENING.) FOREIGN-OFFICE, FEB. 2, 1849. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Cleland Cumber. lege, Esq., to be her Majesty's Consul at Tampico. WAR-OPFICF, FEC. 2. sth Dragoon Guards—Lieutenant George Rowan Hamil ton to be Captain, by purchase, vice Blackburne, who re tires, Feb. 2. Cornet George Duckworth to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Hamilton; William Inglis, Gent., to be Cornet, by pur- chase, vice Duckworth, Feb. 2. 15th Light Dragoons—Surgeon John Marshall from 84th Foot, to be Surgeon, vice Monet, deceased, Feb. 2. Ist Regiment of Foot—Captain William Gabbett Beare, from halt-pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice Trevor Da venport, who exchanges, Feb. 2. Lieutenant Joseph Doughty Windham to be Captain, by purchase, vice Beare, who retires, Feb. 2. Ensign Henry Francis 13ytbesea, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Windham, Feb. 2. Theobaald M'Kenna, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Bythesea, Feb. 2. 4th Foot—Jasper dal!, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase vice Collins, who retires, Feb. 2. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. William Thomas, timber merchant, Prendergast, Haver. furdw est. BANKRUPTS. John George Fuller, wine merchant, St. James's street. Thomas Rushworth , victualler, Leeds. Edward Howitt, miller, Lincoln. Thomas Davidson, carriage builder, Leeds. Joseph Flemming, printer, Cannon-street, city. William Anderson, engineer trader, City-road. Thomas Giimbly, grocer, Stratford-upon-Avon, Warwick shire. Henry Whitfield, builder, Stafford. Henry Philip Gilbert, carpenter, Plymonth. William Fuller, lamp manufacturer, Charles-street, Hat ton-garden. Thomas Stanley, printer, Dudley, Worcestershire. Bernard Cayenne, clothier, Wootton Basset. PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the returns made in the week ending January 30 1849. is 245. 2d. per cwt. ,The " Gazette" was not published till nearly seven o'clock, COURSE OF EXCHA Amsterdam 12 2% Ditto, at sight .... 12 0% Rotterdam .......... 12 214 Antwerp. • 25 80 ltamburgh —M.D. 13 11% Altana •• •• •••• Paris, 3 days'sight 25 40 Ditto, 3 months .... 25 65 tiarseilles 25 65 Bourdeaux . 25 70 Frankfort on Blaine.... 121% Petersburgh, Si!. Rble.. 36% Vienna, effec. So • • .... 11 27 Trieste, ditto.... •• 11 30 Madrid • • ••• • • .• .. 48% Cadiz .. ............ 48% Bilbao .• • . • • •• • • . • •• • Barcelona •• ........ • •• •• •• •• •. .NGE.-(THIS DAY 1 G1bra1tar.............. Leghorn ........•• ..•• 32 30 Geaoa•••• •••••••• •••• 26 1.0 3/Lilan •• •• •• •• .• •• •• Venice • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Maples ...... • • ...... 40% ralernio, 11834 Messina • • • • • • • • • • • . •• 119 Lisbon•• •• •• •••• • • • • 51% lOporto.• .. • • . • .. • • .... IRio Janeiro • • ........ Buenos Ayres -- STew York, 21 days'sight Philadelphia .. :.. . PRIORS OF BULLION, PEE 02 Foreign Gold in bars.. £3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0 Spanish Doubloons .. 0 0 0 New Dollars ...... 0 4 10 1 ,6 Silver in bars ........ 0 4 11N NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. Posrsmourff, THURSDAY.—The Centaur steam-frigate, Captain C. H. M. Buckle, is to proceed hence to Plymouth, at which place she is to be paid advance, and embark Com modore Fanshawe, C.B. She hauled off from the jetty this afternoon. _ _ The Arrogant, 46, was hauled from alongside the Victo rious to the jetty this morning. The Sprightly steam-vessel, Lieutenant-Commander H. Barnard, was put out of commission last evening. The Racer, 16, Lieutenant-Commander Bacon, is hourly expected here from Plymouth. She is ordered on her arrival to be prepared for sea immediately. In the recent trip to Plymouth of the five steamers— Growler, Driver, Salamander, Rattler, and Jackal, the latter proved the fastest vessel, which is confirmed by the statements of various persons who were on board the re spective steamers. It is well known to those who were in the vessels that when the signal was made at daylight on Sunday for the squadron to proceed without reference to seniority, the Jackal, although her steam was down at the time and then being twelve miles off Plymouth, was the first into Hamoaze ; the Growler followed. The Jackal is one of the condemned half-dozen iron vessels. Wind, S.E. by E., light breezes and thick hazy weather, with drizzling rain. METROPOLITAN SEWERS COMMISSION.-011Thurs day, at noon, the justices connected with the Consolidated Commission of Sewers, met in their Board room, Greek street, Soho, for the dispatch of business. Viscount Ebring ton, M.P., presided. A large number of the Commissioners were present, including Sir Henry de la Beche, Dr. South wood Smith, the' Hon. F. Byng, Richard Lambert Jones, Esq., Edwin Chadwick, Esq., and the Rev. W. Stone. A considerable amount of financial business was transacted, which occupied the chief part of the sitting. Subsequently Mr. Haddon was appointed clerk of the accompts, vice Mr. Stable, pensioned by ordea of the Commissioners. Sir Peter Laurie, Bart., was then chosen treasurer to the Commission, the Act 11 and 12 Victoria, cap. 112, requiring the appoint ment of such an officer. Upon the motion of Sir Henry de la Beche, seconded by Mr. Buller, a committee was appointed, it being considered desirable that the laws should be amended, by which the business of the special and general courts is regulated, and for fixing the days for future meetings, and shortly afterwards the Commissioners adjourned until Thurs day, Thet mhcclosthminesrte. ial advices from Bombay continue favourable as regards imports of British manufactures. Both in cotton goods and metals it will observed that a general ad vance in prices is reported. 4Among the noble refugees driven to this country by the late events in Vienna, is the accomplished Princess Czatoriska nes ltad 41,111. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 1. QUEEN'S SPEECH.—THE ADDRESS. (Continued from our Fourth Edition of last night.) Mr. DISRAELI spoke as follows :—I am sure that he Majesty, since her accession, has never yet delivered a gracious speech to her Parliament in which she has felt it her duty to allude to subjects of such great importance as in that Speech to which we have listened to-day; but I am bound to say, that both in that Speech, which her Ma jesty has been advised to address to her Parliament, and in that answer which has now been proposed for. us to offer at the foot of the Throne, I do not find that a fair and candid statement as to the condition of this country is con veyed to those whom we represent—(Hear, hear) 7uot a caaclicl atatoanail Eegarcl4 tho internal condition of this country or its external relations.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") At this mo ment, important and numerous as are the subjects for our consideration, doubtless the most exigent would seem to be the state of Ireland ; the language which I find in the note which I have made of the Speech does not convey to me the impression that her Majesty's Ministers are of opinion that the state of Ireland re- quires any immediate remedy.—(" Hear, hear," from se veral Irish Members.) The language is obscure, and, if it can be satisfactorily explained, it will show the advan- tage of discussion in the present instance. I find it stated that the seperation of the laws for the relief of the poor in Ireland will properly be a subject of early inquiry; " and any measures by which those laws may be beneficially amended, and the condition of the people may,be improved, will receive my cordial assent." "Now, I think it is of very great importance to know what her Majesty's Ministers mean to convey by the phrase "early inquiry."-(Hear.) Is it an inquiry, for example, by a Committee of the House of Commons? In that case the "inquiry," no doubt, might be early, but the conclusion most probably would be delayed.-(Hear, hear.) And wh y an inquiry by a Commit • tee of the House of Commons? lVe have had sufficient ex perience, I think, - of what inquiries ,by Committees of the House of Commons may accomplish upon subjects upon which an Administration, duly informed, ought to have initiated measures. Ido not see why, in the present in stance, for example, the case. of the poor -law in Ireland should be an exception to that rule. You have a Poor-law Commission in Ireland, you have a Government Board in Ireland, and I want to know from what sources can the Administration obtain more ample and satisfac tory information than from such quarters? They ought to be in possession of the information; if they think there ought to he an alteration in the laws, they ought to be prepared to legislate upon that well digested information. They have had sufficient time well to consider the authentic information that has reached them ; and certainly, in the present state of Ireland, if the only measure that her Majesty's Ministers are about to bring forward with respect to that country is the proposition of an inquiry into the operation of the poor-law by a Parliamen tary Committee, I think that is a course neither satisfactory nor statesmanlike.-(Hear, hear.) I do not doubt for a moment-no one can-the urgency of the state of Ireland. Honourable Gentlemen who represent that country have much to answer for, in my opinion, by their conduct with respect to their constituents,--(Hear, hear)-they have to consider whether the state of iteland is merely brought about by the present operation of the poor-laws-whether it may not in a great measure have been occasioned and aggravated by other measures which they supported-(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition benches)-and by the non-adoption of other measures which they oppose - (Hear, hear)-mea sures to which, by-the-by, they gave their private en couragement and offered their public opposition.-(Hear, hear.) Therefore, when gentlemen representing Ireland come forward and complain of the condition of Ireland, it is well that they should recollect how far they individually may be responsible for the present state of Ireland.- (Hear hear.) I believe I see a gentleman opposite who represents a county in Ireland-I read a speech of his at a county meeting the other day-I read the reasons he alleged for the present condition of Ireland; and one of the weightiest was the repeal of the eorn-law in the year of our Lord 1846. But when I referred to the list of those who voted for that repeal, I found in it the name of that worthy knight of the shire.-(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I think it is well for us to consider whether these circumstances-Irish Members complaining so much who supported that repeal, and who opposed measures that were brought forward on this side of the Hoube, privately encouraged at meetings holden by those very same Members - (Hear, hear)-are to be forgotten at this moment.-(Hear, bear.) I confess it is a subject upon which I have no inclination or heart to dwell upon the present occasion. - (The Hon. Member paused a moment, apparently somewhat embarrassed by his feelings.) There was a policy once proposed in this House with respect to Ireland-(Hear) -which by the Irish Mem bers was defeated-(Hear) - but which, if it had been pur sued, would have produced a very different effect from what we now see in that country-(Hear, hear)-a policy which was obliged to be part:ally pursued, even by the Govern ment who then opposed it.- (Hear, hear.) The proposer of that policy is no longer among us. At a time when every thing that is occurring vindicates his prescience and de mands his energy, we have no longer his sagacity to guide or his courage to sustain us.-(Hear, hear.) In the midst of the Parliamentary strife his plume can soar no more for us to rally round.-(Hear.) But he has left us the legacy of heroes-the memory of his great name, and the inspiration of his great example. Sir, there is one subject, I confess, with regard to Ireland, which I am glad to see has been omitted from her Majesty's Speech. I think I may con gratulate the House, the country, and the Government, that they have not brought forward a measure with respect to Ireland, the only recommendation of which was the tradi tionary approbation of statesmen who existed half a cen tury ago, and who, if they were not mistaken in the opinion that they then adopted, at least formed that opinion under circumstances very different to those under which we unhap pily now liYe-(Hear)-a measure which it was rumoured was to be introduced the moment Parliament assembled, the rumour assuming at one time all the colour of authen ticity. I think it is a matter of congratulation, with all the difficulties which we have to encounter, that we have not that measure introduced-(Hear) - a measure which, while it would violate principle, as it appears to me, could not accomplish any of the objects of policy-which must, un. der all circumstances, be a great blow to the Church, from sanctioning a too prevalent misconception as to the tenure under which the ecclesiastical estate is holden-a measure which would not conciliate those whom it was projected to please, and which would at the same time have outraged the sentiments and convictions of the great majority of the popu lation of the three kingdoms.-(" Hear, hear," from the Op position benches.) I thitik that omission from her Majesty's Speech is a significant subject for congratulation.-(Hear.) It argues, I think, rather a want c resouree in th..tatesmen of the present age, that their only-expedient for the cure of Irish evils should be the revival of an antiquated project, which really is not suited to the spirit of the age in which we live, or to the present condition of these kingdoms.- (Hear, hear.) I trust we shall hear no more of that project. -(Hear.) Of this I tun certain, that it will never bear dis cussion in this House, and that no Parliament will pass it that fairly represents the opinion of the people of these realms.-(Hear, hear.) Sir, there are three paragraphs in her Majesty's Speech which I must describe as congratula tory paragraphs; they refer to the state of commerce, to the state of manufactures, and to the state of the revenue. There can be no difference of feeling among gentlemen on either side of the House in respect of pleasure at hearing that there is an increase of employment in the manufacturing dis tricts, especially among those gentlemen who come from rural regions, because certainly they cannot assure the House that there is any great increase of employment in that quarter.-( Hear, hear.) But lam bound to say that when I am called upon to express great satisfaction that commerce is reviving from those checks which during the last session we had to deplore, I am required to assent to a statement which appears to me contrary to fact, and which, under the authority of Parliament, is calculated to convey to the people a very deceptive conclusion.-(Hear, hear.) I must take a general view of the commerci3l position of this country at the present moment. It appears to me that the commerce of this country is greatly suffering. I find that the exports have fallen off by millions; I find that the decay has been, though rapid, in a certain sense gradual, and that it has taken place under a new commercial system.-(Hear, hear.) That commercial system was introduced to our notice and adopted by our votes, on the ob servation of three years ; and now I bring to the consi deration of its results also the observation of a period of equal duration. lam perfectly willing to admit-more than willing to admit, I am anxious to enforce-the expe diency and extreme necessity of the most unimpassioned spirit in discussing now our commercial tystem. When these alterations were proposed, they were theoretical projects, and our apprehensions were equally theoretical: it is not at all surprising that under such circumstances there should have been some heat and passion;, but when we have results be fore us, when we have facts to deal with that are official, conclusions that cannot be contradicted, all that we have got to do is to exercise the common sense which I trust we all possess, and draw those deductions which no one can deny, if they are founded upon data, the authenticity of which no one disputes.-(Hear, hear.) In my opinion the new commercial system, the results of which are referred to in the Speech, has had a trial, a fair trial, and has failed.-(" Hear, hear," and some murmurs.) lam per fectly aware of everything that can be said on the other hand; I hear murmurs that are repeating the arguments which are daily brought forward ; it will be said, " True it is, the new commercial system has been on trial for some three years, but it has had to encounter exceptional circum stances which no one could have anticipated."-(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Hear, hear !- exactly ; I am perfectly prepared for your giving in your adherence to my statement of your own case. "The new commercial system has had to encounter a famine of corn in Europe, a famine of cotton in America; it has had to encounter more than these two great disadvantages-it has had to encounter convulsion throughout the continent; you cannot, therefore, be surprised that the system under such circumstances should have failed." Now let us look at the facts of the case. I am anxious to test the state of commerce in this country in a manner most advantageous to the opinions of gentlemen opposite; I test the effect of your measures upon the markets which you have most lauded -your chosen markets, and with reference to the effect upon that branch of industry whose interest you most advocate, and which all must acknowledge to be the most important in the country, because all interests in the country in turn are obliged to bow to it. I will see, for ex ample, how your new commercial system has worked be tween England and the United States; and I will take with every advantage your chosen item of the cotton manufac ture. I will not weary you with statistics. I will give you the conclusions at which I have arrived upon official state mopepnotrst,ntnoiwtyhoicfhraefonuticng can tahperopea.l; and if you doubt my con clusions, in the course o f the s es l s n io t n he th y e e r a e r w l i B l 4 l 7 b t e h p e le im nt p y o o r f impor tations in f the A romth in e e U ri n ea it n edStates into this country were the greatest in amount up on r ecord. There was an importation of language is called " breadstuffs "- (A laugh)-to so great an amount that the extra profit of the Americans upon breadstuffs, as compared with the prices in 1848, amounted to 5,300,000/. sterling; so that besides the ample and oaenedesoufffiperiieenet is Brolfit4t7,he Ameticans would have obtained under any circumstances, by the prices of 1848 for example, in consequence of the famine of corn in Europe, gave them an extra profit of 5,300,000/. ; while, in consequence of the famine of cotton in the United States, although they sent a much lesser quantity than in the preceding or subsequent years, the extra profits upon cotton amounted to 3,200,000/. ; therefore the Americans re ceived from us an extra profit that year of 8,500,0001. Now, that was a year extremely favourable to commercial in terchange, and therefore your two great evils of your corn famine in Europe and your cotton famine in America com bined together to test the principles of your new commercial system with every possible ad w va e n h ta a g v e e . t r l h 'h e e e n o a m tt p u le a t l e g r u e e t s a ti r o n n a tish,easvehcaitreduidintshtaenAcemse?ricNanoswt,ake from us in exchange unde r upon this point before us; and I find that they took of our cotton manufactures, i n round numbers, 60,000,000 of yards extra.-(H ear , hear.) Instead of 25,000,000, which they took from us before the change of the law, they took in 1841, under the remarkable circum stances I have stated 85,000,0 00 o f y ards ; a n amount not equal to that whi c h the whole Levantine market takes at the present moment. The question, therefore, for you to consider is whether taking 66,000,000 yards more of your manufactures is an equivalent exchange for the immense importations you received from , and the immense price you paid to the Unit e d S tates -(Hear, hear.) But it so hap.. operation that returns b e f ore us prove that even these 60,000,000 of yards were n o t an exc h a nge at all on reference to the rnsNvh o i f eh I the new law, because it appears by American tslic t ut tl ur wrei r eoe e ee S adar i ot Y l Low possess, that American home manufac -itrtna.toe);nrefe, importa s iteahua i ne n rtd. n g hi et a hoh tuele year 1847, o r lae a Bnire t n4e e ue ef7afo o ra:ro f eei n 3 dta: O lycrt , 0 : se: u O inar O stcme ini b iyuma a udee l ee e ahtn s rnaccn p oeth e teoo r ee teat amaptnktheanherenuanutmht manufac ture al lowed t couldeahlerlceireamo. r " breadstuffs," she would have taken your piece goods all the 64114 C. 4'149 inveyed by ;ho patent fact OA aio re- sumed her own manufactures; and that your expo 4 eve consequently fallen off more than 30,000,000 of ylr f.— (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, these two famines combine! t 4ive you a chance with the United States which it is c 13.. you can never again enjoy in your commercial intercourse with her.—(Hear.) With regard to the third exceptional circum stance, Hon. Gentlemen on the other side point to the convulsions that have taken place upon the Continent, and attribute that as a cause of the failure of their commercial system. Have we not had every daily organ, every morning journal, and every evening paper—aye, every oracular weekly published on the Saturday— ( A laugh)—reminding us that this was only what they had from the first anticipated and expected. One and all of these writers maintained that, in the present state of the Continent, English manufactures could not by any possibi lity be disposed of. But what is the fact? It now appears that, in 1848, more English manufactured goods were ex ported to the Continent than ever.—(Hear.) The third great cause turns out, therefore, to be a circumstance—excep tional, if you will—but a circumstance also highly favour able to the development of your commercial system.— ( Hear and a laugh.) There are two other circumstances that would likewise be alleged as exceptional, no doubt, but which are likewise highly favourable to the system. They have not been referred to; but their influence cannot be calculated upon any longer. In the first place, the corn famine on the Continent prevented agricultural distress in this country from ,being felt as it was now begun to be felt. That is a fourth exceptional circumstance. There is another, a fifth, which is also one of importance. Men who have considered the subject of the na tional distress in all its bearings—men who have considered it calmly in the closet, and without re ference or connexion with any party in the State—these calm, dispassionate, thinking men have always held that if you attempt to fight hostile tariffs with free imports. and so to endeavour to get rid of those evils, or alleged evils, that existed in respect to the commercial intercourse of one coun try with another, the consequence of that course of policy would be an injurious effect produced on the distribution of the precious metals—an effect that would be more hurtful to England than any other country, because of her fixed debt, her fixed rate of payments, and her unchangeable standard of value. But what has happened in respect to this circum stance? The convulsion on the Continent, which you so much deprecate, has saved you from the effects of that disturbance in distribution which would otherwise have ensued, and poured the precious metals into the lap of this country, not by means of a commercial, but by means of a political action. —(Hear, hear.) In fact your alleged five great causes of failure—your five exceptional circumstances—have acted altogether in favour of your commercial system—have given it a support which it can never expect again, and have softened down and rendered harmless for the time its in evitable evil to the country. And yet you go about the country telling the people in all parts that these circum stances have been the cause of the failure of your system. —(Hear, hear.) Why has your system failed? and why has the commerce of the country been in an unprosperous state? I will tell you. Because the countries whose pro ducts you take will not take your products.—(Loud cheers.) I have shown you how the United States, with a corn famine in Europe and a cotton famine in America, only took from you 60,000,000 of yards one year, and in the next only 30,000,000 of yards, though they received of your money eight and a half millions sterling in the same period. —( Hear, hear.) Look at our position with respect to Brazil. You will all recollect that Brazil was the pet place of the Ministry ; you will all recollect the glo;Ting accounts given by the late Vice-President of the Board of Trade of its manufacturing-consuming capabilities. Yet in 1648 there were 25,500,0001. worth of property sacrificed in that country ; and so glutted was the market that Eng lish goods were selling at Bahia at half the cost price. I hold in my hand a letter from a merchant resident in that country, dated December 2, 1848, in which the writer says, " The state of trade in this country is truly alarming. What the result of increased imports may be we cannot foresee. We have cargo after cargo sent out here. The future is an enigma which I cannot solve. What will become of the goods already received is inconceivable. The stores and warehouses, even the custom-houses, are fall to repletion. If we continue to import, we may shortly wit ness piece goods sold below the prime cost in the country of their production." This is the state of the markets of Brazil. I have already shown the House the state of the market of the United States.' All this has been caused by the adoption of your commercial system. Your position in Europe is no better. Russia is hermetically sealed against you, and Prussia is not yet shook.—(Laughter and hear.) I know that some gentlemen will say " It is no matter how much we export, it is all a question of import ; inasmuch as foreigners will not give us their goods without getting some thing from us in return." This is all very true. But the country is looking at this moment to what terms of exchange in the matter may be most beneficial. You may force the markets and glut the markets abroad as much as you choose ; but I forewarn you that the only effect of such operations against hostile tariffs will be that you will exchange more and more of your own labour every year for less and less of an equivalent ; that you will, therefore, render British labour and native industry year by year less efficient — that you will degrade it by lessening profits, and there fore by lessening wages—and that you will, as the phi losophers have foretold you, effect that distribution of the precious metals which will be most injurious to this country. Therefore it is that I advocate reciprocity—therefore it is that I believe all practical men now advocate reciprocity as the basis of our commercial system. I have always sup ported it in this House—not on those principles amusingly attributed to me by Hon. Gentle Men opposite, but on those principles propounded in the treaty of Utrecht, those principles copied and acted upon by Mr. Pitt, those principles which formed the foundation of Mr. Eden's instruction, those principles, in a word, which were fully adopted and wisely applied by the Cabinet of Lord Liverpool, and which we abandoned in 1846. There is another reason why you should no longer delay— though you may think you are able to justify delay—in dealing with the question, on what commercial principle the policy of this empire ought to be conducted? You can no longer delay the consideration of the state of our colonies.—(itear.) Tins is a question that is no longer a mere question of differential duties. You, the disciples of political economy, on every occasion have enunciated as an admitted principle that our colonies are to be regarded as an integral part of the empire. But though you proless this principle, Ido not find that you act on it. You have acted on opposite principles with respect to your colonies. You will therefore have to consider your relations with the colonies, if you agree on the expediency of the principle of commercial reciprocity. This is the only principle on which you can re-construct your commercial system, so as to make it an advantage to the mother country and to the, other side. This principle is consonant with every principle of common sense. It is not a mere phi losophical abstraction, but it rests on the principles of ab solute truth—it is the only expansive system by which a commerce can be established advantageous to the •country. We must give up the idea of fighting hostile tariffs with free imports, for so long as such a course of policy is pursued so long will it prove injurious to commerce. And what has been the result of your system? Every year you come down here, not to congratulate the House of Commons on the state of commerce, but to explain why the colonies are undergoing sufferings and privations; and all you now ven ture to say in the Speech is, that the colonies are recovering from the unparalleled checks which they have received.— (Cheers.) lam not going to trouble the House with much statistical detail. I give you my conclusions founded on facts whibh are accessible to all—there is no mystery in the statements I refer to, they are drawn from official returns in the library; and I have no other advantage in referring to them except that they are comprehensive and accurate. Though I will not trouble the House with the details, I will give them my conclusions as to the value of that system which has recently been in the ascendant, even on that branch of national industry—the industry of Lancashire —we being taught that to the interest of our Lanca shire trade all legislation must bend.—(Hear, hear.) The returns which I shall read will surprise some Hon. Gentlemen in this House, and many more in the country. The exports of calico, plain and printed, from the year 1831 to 1846, show us the progress of the trade to our British pos sessions and to foreign countries. During these 16 years, for it is only from such a general view that we can form an idea of the colonial trade with all foreign parts, the ex ports were 5,913 millions of yards; to the British colonies they were so that our colonies have taken 313,000,000 yards more than the rest of the world in the same period; in the same period Canada and other North American colonies took 680 millions of yards, while the United States, for whose sake we have ventured so much, took only 514,000,000 of yards. Our American colonies, there fore, took in the same period 165,000,000 yards more than the whole of the United States in the sixteen years I have referred to. In the same period, the West Indies took more than the foreign colonies by 86,000,000 of yards. India and China, compared with the Brazils, ex ceeded, in the same period, 903,000,000 of yards. I know what will be said—that so large a period as sixteen years ought not to be taken, because at that time the colonies were highly protected, and trade was not in its proper state. To meet this difficulty, I will divide the sixteen years into two parts of eight years each, and show you that the result will be the same. I find that during the last eight years, as com pared with the first, there has been an increased export of Manchester goods, to the British possessions, of one billion 566 millions, while to all foreign possessions there has. been an increase of one billion, showing an advantage, in favour of the British possessions, of 566 millions. To the British West Indies there has been increased export to the extent of 69 millions of yards, while to the United States there has been, during the last eight years, a falling off of 105 millions yards.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to these facts I wish to make one observation to the House, and that is, that during the last year, since the changes in our commercial legislation, the total decrease in our exports to all parts has amounted to 174 millions of yards. Here are changes since you changed the principles cf your commercial code. These are instructive data—this is the moral of your new com mercial system ; and yet, in the face of documents drawn up by your own officers, and sometimes doctored by your own officers—(Hear, and a laugh)—you call on the House of Commons to express an opinion which in substance is that at present there is a substantial and wholesome revival of trade. The Address does not dwell very forcibly on the re venue. It seems to me that her Majesty's Government were unwilling to use very strong terms in referring to this sub ject. And when I recollect that the principal source of the in crease in the revenue has expired just now I am not sur prised at the modesty of tone adopted; yet I certainly can not feel there is room to congratulate the country on the state of this question. On the contrary, I should have thought that the state of the revenue would have forced her Majesty's Mininister to consider the question on what course of policy the commerce of this country shall be per tdanently established, and to have added that the experience of late years had induced them to declare that reciprocity was to be the acknowledged principle of our tariff, and that this was the only principle on which the tariff could be con stituted for the advantage of our commercial system. — (Cheers.) I now approach a more interesting portion of her Majesty's Speech, and I have only delayed referring to this part before, because I felt it to be my duty, in vindication of opinions in which, however we may be outnumbered, we are prepared to own, to state those opinions fairly to the house and to the country--confident always, and never more confident than now, that ulti mately they will be adopted by the force of that public opinion which, from experience, we know is being raised against our views.—( Hear.) I will now call the attention of the House to those more lively and stimulating. parts, which form the more stirring portions of her Majesty's Speech. And when I listened to her Majesty's Speech and the well-trained echo which it called forth, I was surprised, I confess, at the moral courage of the Government. It is the first time since I have had the honour of a seat in this House that the Sove reign has met Parliament and has not been able to congratu late the House of Commons that she has received from all her allies expressions of continued amity. This is a most significant omission.—(Hear.) However, her Majesty has been advised " to feel it satisfactory to be enabled to state that both in the north and south of Europe the contend ing parties have consented to a suspension of arms for the purpose of negotiating terms of peace." Now, that expression appears to me to be very obscure—more dip lomatie than Parliamentary. Who are the contending parties? Are they her Majesty's allies who are referred to in the words the north of Europe? Last session Iha the honour of calling attention, in May last, to the position of Denmark, and I believe that had it not been for that suspen -619n Of RUM; the CQUIItrY TAW 11M CPPY i tho c911§13,, quences of peace. Let us hope we shall be enlightened on redactions in the estimates of last year? Why, when we this subject. by some of her Majesty's Ministers. Then as to met last year her Majesty had allies. Her Majesty had not the South of Europe, has there been a suspension of arms in I only allies, but sovereigns have since been her guests in her Sicily or Italy? Let us receive information from her Ma- I own Castle. Foreign affairs last year were so tranquil, that jesty's Government on these matters without delay. I ' it was with difficulty that the Noble Lord who presides over thought at first that this suspension of arms must have been the foreign department could furnish his quota of the Royal a mistake, that the paragraph had not been enunciated con- Speech, in which he stated that there had been a treaty con rectly, and lam still at a loss to give any definite idea to it; eluded with an American Republic, the name of which per for we have been told that in the affairs of the island of Si- haps no six Honourable Members had ever heard of. This cily the British Admiral was, from motives of humanity, in- was the tranquillity which prevailed in foreign matters. Our duced to interfere in order to put a stop to further effusion revenue last year, Sir , was not more prosperous than it is at of blood. Are we to understand that this further present., our trade was not more successful or brisk than it effusion of blood was stayed by a British Admiral with- is at present. But in the face of all the circumstances I out instructions from the Queen of England ? Was have stated, the Government propose these reductions. thepolicy of the Queen of England dictated by a French The Minister last year did not come forward with reduc admiral ? Nothing would have been considered more un- tions, but he proposed an increased expenditure—not with likely than this if I had not recollected a debate in which a proposition for the relief of the burdens of - the people, inquiry was made of her Majesty's Government as to the but with a proposal for increased taxation. We were conduct, not of a French, but of a British Admiral. After then to have an increase of the forces—the militia was to the answer that was made, I must say that it would appear be called out; and what has happened since? One of to me to be a very strong proceeding for an admiral, without my objects is, if possible, to extract the information that instructions from his Government, to interfere between a there should be a necessity for retrenchment. It is not sun. foreign Sovereign and his people.—(Hear, hear.) If this be prising in a Government which tampered with the resources a suspension of arms, I am sorry I cannot understand the of the country for years. It is not a year ago since one case, and must hope, therefore, that the House will be whose loss we all deplore told you that a less reduction than further enlightened in the matter. Then the next para- 25 per cent. on all salaries would not be satisfactory or suf graph does not give us much illustrative light. It goes ficient. But, Sir, lam quite sure that no one on this side of on to say—" I availed myself of the interval to propose, the House will agree to any retrenchment that is not really in conjunction with France, to the King of Naples, a just retrenchment, occasioned by the circumstances of an arrangement calculated to produce a permanent the case, not implied by some mysterious reasons which we settlement of affairs." In the first place, I have have not yet fathomed. Last a all, when a Government no idea who the King of Naples is. He may in a like spirit meddles with the navy of the country—let it be some member of her Majesty's Government. In be remembered that the fleet influences the Cabinets of other these days of great diplomatic confusion and change, for nations more than any missions, and that our English regi aught I know, the King of Naples may be some new power ments become as famous as the Roman legions. Yet large 1 who is not yet recognised ; but, certainly, I should as soon reductions are to be made in the estimates of last year, and have thought of a Speech from the Queen of London, this is to be done under " the present aspect of affairs." as an Address in allusion to the King of Naples. Is this Sir, it cannot be that her Majesty's Ministers are converts change of titles preparatory to more important changes? to the perpetual peace theory. Because, if that be the case, Then we are told in the next paragraph that " negotiations and they co ntinue to be Ministers, I hall not be satisfied are still pending." What negotiations? Has her Majesty with a large reduction which must carry out that principle; and the King of the Two Sicilies agreed to enter into nego- and seeing what may be the effect of their having been tiations—has a suspension of arms been agreed to, has any cognisant of pamphlets which have been largely circa mediation been accepted, or are we to adhere to the media- lated, it is my business to discover whether they have in tion of the English and French Admirals? These are spired any portion of her Majesty's Speech. There was a points which we have a right to ask for an explicit and an hudget, a celebrated budget, which was received with accla intelligible explanation of. Instead of there being any negoe matron some little time ago ; and no sooner had the lumi. tiations going on, we can onlyperceive that no one is nego - nary o verto pp ed the political horizon in the northern atmos tinting but ourselves. Then we are told that it is the con- phere, than there was its parhelion opposed to it in mitigated stant desire of the Sovereign to maintain with all foreign splendour, and almost received with equal ardour in the eco states friendly relations ; but we are not told that all foreign nomic world. In reference to these two positions I should states entertain the same anxiety to maintain friendly rela- say, certainly, I have no objection to the burdens of the . tions with us. At least it would" be satisfactory to know if people of this country being removed to the amount named all our allies are also our well-wishers, and that our diplo- by the Hon. Member for the West Riding, or the Hon. macy had so progressed that we still had an ally whom we Member for Glasgow—only we have a right to ascertain, or could address iu terms of amity, and who would reply to us rather to stipulate as to the sources from whence these in the same spirit. I am not surprised to find that her savings are to be realised. Where so much is promised I Majesty's. Government has found it necessary to address might quote the words of the poet : Parliament in terms so vague, unsatisfactory, and obscure on " Quibus divitias pollicentur ab illis drachmae petunt our relations with Foreign Powers, considering the great De divitiis deducant drachman." changes which have occurred on the Continent, and the part Effect your savings by all means; but I say to those Hon. which England has taken in the transactions which have Gentlemen who propose them, deduct your 10,000,0001. or occurred. Look at the state of France—and the state of your 5,000,000/. from that immense treasury—that more the centre of Europe. I find in France a Republic with- than California gold mine—the 100,000,000/. per annum, or out Republicans—in Germany, an empire without an Em- 2,000,0001. sterling per week which was to be realised by the peror. This is progress.—(Cries of "Hear, bear.") This repeal of the corn-laws.—(Great cheering from the Protec is a settlement—this is an achievement of universal tienists.) It is hardly possible that her Majesty's Ministers suffrage.—(Hear, hear.) This is the constitutional mode— are going arbitrarily to assume a particular period for the these are the political exemplars who are to fashion the fu- expenditure of this country, and not to regulate that expen ewe fame a nd fate of England.—(Hear.) The whole is a diture by the necessities of the kingdom. This I know, scene of unrivalled absurdity, where all the circumstances that whenever a Minister in this country has advocated re are only calculated to create our indignation and contempt trenchment, not ' from justifiable circumstances, and as to (Hear.) We appear to have been mediating without an ob- the amicable state of our foreign relations or to a state of ject, and I have a right to ask, what has been the object of domestic tranquillity, but with reference to " the present your mediation? Look at the unhappy case of Denmark. aspect of affairs," the . consequence which has always fol- Had you acted with proper firmness at the outset, it is quite lowed such rash and unadvised retrenchment has been an possible that the disgraceful proceedings in the case of Den • increased expenditure.—(Cheers from the Protectionists and mark and Schleswig-Holstein would have terminated. by Mr. Goulburn.) lam obliged to my Right Hon, Friend Here was an ancient and independent kingdom attacked by the Member for the University of Cambridge for his cheer, an Assembly meeting in a German town. I speak of the but when he hears me out I rather think he will not cheer Frankfort Assembly as a German romance.—(Laughter.) me again. There was, it is true, a considerable saving in the But then a German romance may be a pernicious article, and year 1835 ; but we had at the time a very weak Government, in my opinion there is nothing more unjust, violent, and un- though composed of very able men, and I regret their fall; warranted, than the conduct of the Frankfort Assembly. but that I have always felt that the retrenchments effected in England might have had the support of France to terminate 1835 were too much in consequence of the political position of these disgraceful proceedings; but I should not have been the party then in power; but what followed? The moment surprised had Government felt it to be their duty, under they made these retrenchments—from causes not arising existing circumstances, to have refused to act with France. from the external condition of the country, but rather On a former occasion I described the case of France in a from a political and irrational cry— Foreign Powers manner to excite the indignation of her Majesty's Ministers; (this was in 1835-6) observing that this country was but her Majesty's Ministers are not in a condition to speak reducing its establishments without any reference to their against an offer by the Provisional Government of France. policy, but to its own political position, immediately in- The Provisional Government of France was recognised, and creased their force, and commenced pursuing a policy which as soon as it was recognised it fell.—(Laughter.) M. Louis we were ultimately obliged to check. A very short time Blanc was not recognised, and in the policy Government after the fall of the Government of 1835 there was a great pursued they acted according to prudence and precedent. increase of expenditure. So again, in 1830 we also, unfor- The editors of the National and the soldier who was brought tunately, had a weak Government, though formed of able forward to support them were recognised, and an opportunity men, that made retrenchments merely to please the public; might have been found to have saved Denmark. The state of and what happened? No sooner had the Government, led the question remains, after the lapse of a year, its as vague and by a man no less eminent and illustrious than the Duke of as unsatisfactory a state as heretofore, and I defy you to point Wellington, fallen than the whole toreign policy had changed ; out the parties about which the Government are mediating. and had it not been for the revolution in 1830, an alliance What was your next mediation? You mediated in the would have taken place between Russia and France to ob case of Austria, which was then engaged in a dispute with a taro those objects which your policy had always opposed. part of her subjects. In the case of that ancient monarchy The same consequence has followed the passing of the Reform you declared that Austria should be blotted out of the list of Bill and the repeal of the corn-laws. But I cannot believe nations! It is thus you interfere—that is to say, that, you that the Government will regulate the expenditure arbi mediate. Why the Emperor was never consulted ! Other trarily and with reference to a particular year, and not by parties have never been consulted! But since then that the exigency of the case. But if by exigency of the ease, empire had shown, as she has always done, the wideness what difference is there between the circumstances of this and profundity of its resources; it has asserted its sove- year and the last ? There is not a member of the Go reignty in a manner so distinguished, that she stands in the vernment who might not most appositely come forward eyes of Europe in a more distinguished position than she and represent his particular department upon all the inte bad acquired before this struggle ; she had settled the resting subjects of comparison which the two last years question of the kingdom of Bohemia—its rebelliou3 king- present in regard to its revenue, to its foreign relations, and dim ! It has asserted its authority in her ancient capital, to the state of its Indian empire. And when the Noble Lord which is not to be questioned; and in the same manner that the Premier shall sum up the case, it will tax the utmost empire has shown how completely the great body of the artifice of that rhetoric of which he is a master to put the population have established the sovereignty of Hungary. question satisfactorily before the country.—(Cheers.) What There was another place where they consented to a suspen sion of arms, where victory was about to decide the dispute. tain a candid exposition of the state of the country. I must Then again, if we look to Lombardy—Lombardy was recon- ascertain, if possible, what the present aspect of affairs is. quered by the same empire. If I look to the case of the I must follow the strategy of the great master of rhetoric kingdom of Naples, there is not the slightest evidence that and exhaust my subject. I must endeavour to ascertain if there were ever two panics to that mediation.—(Cheers.) her Majesty's Government are influenced by the oracles and There is not up to this moment, I say, the slightest evidence by the people of Blanchester.—(Cheers.) There have been Oven several reasons why it is totally imp os sible that this to show that any person was engaged in this mediation sa v e and except the French Admiral. The King of Na p les was ' e country can ever go to war, and, therefore, why the exp n placed in the same position in respect to his rebellious sub- diture may be cut down to 10,000,0001. But is this the jects, as our own Sovereign was placed in reference to her re- o p inion of the Noble Lord the Secretary of State for bellious subjects in Ireland. Like our own Sovereign, the Foreign Affairs? Is it the opinion of his colleagues ? King of Naples was prepared to assert his authority , and it There has, also, beers an opinion broached that would have been a great mistake at that moment to say that the French nation can never go to war again in he should not vindicate his authority. But you allowed him consequence of the tenure of the landed property in that to vanquish one city in the rebellious island, and when country—the land being subdivided the people bore the burßut - the rebels were on the point of giving up , t h en den of taxation, and would not, therefore, go to war. you come forward and say that the rest must be when I remember that the same tenure of property existed done by means of mediation. What was the con- in that country forty and fifty years ago—during the Consu sequence ? There have been two consequences resulting late and the Empire—that the amount of property held from your mediation, both 'of which are most dan- under that tenure was, in comparison to the populatior, gerous. First of all, in consequence of this mock media- equally great to what it is at present, and that with that tion, nothing is settled. If Austria had been let alone, I tenure of land we had wars between the whole Contineht and believe that Denmark would have been let alone—certainly the French empire, I doubt the soundness of the reason the kingdom of Naples would have been left alone—and I thus assigned why France cannot go to war. But that believe that all Europe would have been in tranqu illit y by is one reason put forth by the Manchester oracles , and I this time. That tranquillity has not taken place, and why? want to know whether it is a convincing reason with her because you have been mediating.—(Cheers.) liut suppose Majesty's Government? Again, I wish to ask, is it true war occurs in consequence, and will not allow peace that her' Majesty's Government are of opinion that the to flourish? Then what must be the conseque nce ? No Present state of Europe is a state not of war but of revolu confidence would be felt on the part of any country be- tion, and that there is no danger to be apprehended ? I cause you have offended them. But take , aples—the case should, like to know the Noble Lord's opinion upon that. of the King of the Two Sicilies, for example. You, First, as an abstract proposition, I doubt it; I think the by your language in Parliament, and your hostile state of the continent is almost a state of war. It is a state demonstration by the presence of a fleet in the in which dissatisfaction prevails in the minds of all men, in Bay of Naples, made the Sicilians feel certain that you which the honest pursuits of industry are paralysed, in which were about to undertake their cause ! They are beaten, and property is uncertain, and in which the whole of the popu lation are controlled by urinary power instead of the civil you leave them ; therefore they feel the deception doubly , and at that moment you deprive the King of Naples of and constitutional modes adopted in peaceable times. We victory, and you alienate the hearts of his rebellious sub- had a revolution in this country in 1638—a revolution by jects. I will not take advantage of her Majesty's Govern- which the loyal dynasty was changed; but the new Soya ment whatever their position may be—l am not about to reign did not reign in the hearts of his people; and 60 use the hacknied language of the day about non interven- years elapsed before the new dynasty could be firmly esta tion ; but, circumstanced as we are, I say that the presence blished in this country; and yet , after that re volution we of an English fleet is the best guarantee of peace! But that entered into war which was not the least glorious in its should be in a character, or the least co mprehensive in its object, when come the stipulations ordance with the law of nations, and ofwith treaties which you are bound to observe, pared with other wars in which England has been en g a g ed. in which, as the champi ns of the law , tour interference But it may be said that that was an arist ocratic war, and might be advocated. But what you do is contrary to the made to promote the fortunes of young men of birth. But law of nations—contrary to the stipulations of treaties—and France was not an arietocratib state. I have read a speech contrary to the policy of Europe. I took the liberty of delivered by Robespierre in the Convention that was worthy asking her Majesty's Government last year when they began of the Free Trade Hall itself - , and I have no doubt, had he this eccentric course of policy—what were the principles lived in the present day, he would have been a Leaguer, and, of foreign policy which they were adopting? When for aught I know, would have been as honest and able a one I heard of their unexampled interference I asked—Are as any Member for Manchester could be.—(Cheers and: you to interfere politically or sentimentally If your laughter.) Another reasouhas been assignedwhich I cannot policy is only to arm to fulfil rights—if you mean to take up believe her Majesty's Government can assent to, for be the nonsense of the day—the principle of nationality—then lieving that war is impossible. It has been said that cone stitutional Governments are established in Europe, and there change yout policy; and you are bound to come to the House and say we dave altered our policy, and thus allow is no chance of war, because constitutional Governments us to discuss that policy. Nothing can bte more dangerous never go to war. The Noble Lord opposite (Lord Palmer than that this policy, which is so revolutionary, should be ston) will tell the House whether the Governments thathave been established are constitutional Governments; but if they adopted. Before I make any observations on the interesting topic of the day, I feel bound to those who are not imme be, I cannot help thinking that the first thing they do is t o diately my constituents, but whose interests lam bound interfere with their neighbours. Ido not agree with the argument that no nation will now attempt con to advocate in this House — to make another inquiry in re - st hundred years there was spect to the mediation, not any mock mediation , which has quest, because during the l so long been carried on-1 mean our interference in the no nation which had not repented of their conquests and waters of the La Plata? In this very extraordinary case found them a source of weakness. Will those who pro there has been no less than six confidential agents employed mulgate that position tell me that the conquest of Malta hag by her Majesty's Government, and they have all failed! The been a source of weakness to this country ? — (Che ers. ) I last agent, if not expressly treated with personal indignity, might ask the same question with regard to Gibraltar.- -- was treated by a second-rate colony in the same manner as (Cheers.) Are those acquisitions a sort of weakness? What do you think of the conquest of Silesia by Prussia. an ambassador had been treated in the capital of the mother which converted Prussia from a second-rate power, not only country.—(Hear.) Is it possible to imagine that negocia to a first rate, but to a power whose possible he i g ht at this tions are still going on, or are we engaged in such important transactions that six missions have failed ? The House of moment we are not capable of estimating? What thin k y ou of the acquisitions of Servia and of Transylvania by - Ans- Commons has never been informed of:the instructions which tria, which laid the foundation of its greatness, and twice were given to Lord Howden by the Earl of Aberdeen. When saved the empire? What think you also of the conquests I asked for this information I was told it was inconvenient at of Russia? I speak not of her ancient colonies, nor of her that moment, be, suse another envoy was then on his passage con nest is uest of Poland—though I believe it constitutes the out with fresh instructions; but the envoy who was on his another had failed since. There- greatest strength of Russia—but I look at her provinces passage had failed then, and the south of Europe, in Jekaterinoslay, in Kherson , and is fore, I say, I should like to have the instructions to Lord Howden; for, like the dynasties of Macbeth, " another to Bessarabia, the immense wealth of which districts form S another still succeeds;" —but that is the only thing they great part of the resources of Russia. There is one more do not do—they do not succeed.—(Laughter.) But one reason given why it is held by these oracles to be totally ins" hears so much of the affairs of the La Plata as possible that nations can enter into war—because a new prin ciple has risen up, that of the nationality of races. It is ciation, who have proved satisfactorily to the country quite impossible for the Emperor of Austria to conquer Lott"! that the diplomatic profession is merely intended to hardy, because the people of Lombardy have discovered that; employ the aristocracy, and that the wooden walls of they are of the Italian race. This must be a principle which t the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs cannot England were the only means of maintaining the younger possibly embrace. I should like to ask these gentlemen& sons. But unhappily it turns out that the merchants of oracles whether they have ever read Dante, and it so, wile- Liverpool, and the persons engaged in the Liverpool Finan ther they have not risen`from the study of that great F lO- cial Reform Association , are the very men to whom we ar e ren tine with the conviction that the whole history of moiler indebted for the expense attending six missions to La Italy, i s , i n f ac t, that of th e h o ldi ng o f th e coun try by tb.! Plata, for the destruction of our commercial interests, and Germans over the Italians. But this principle of races s' all the injuries which we have experienced. And this leads unfortunately one of the reasons why I fear war ma)` me to to a most important subject, namely, the immense always exist, because race implies difference, differen c e changes which have occurred since I last addressed you, Sir. i - nplies superiority, nti and superiority leads to predominali n _; Empires have fallen—the Pope is no longer to be found in Rome. Her Majesty's Government has met Parliament, and The gentlemen adopted Lin et e , n I have set up this theory of ill e g a l have, tacitly admits that her Majesty has no allies. But Porten- . a principle totally opposed to al' el , which is the foundation of the whole scheme of Um., tons as these changes are, nothing is so marvellous as the s .stem which has , been vaunted within the last.(7., years,? because the principle of race is opposed to the Prl o .',l l , fact in, which is included the contingency that her Majesty's ps e es h o a r v equatity, fraternity, and social economics, of evlt l io ., Government have become converts to financial reform.-- • plea of .. (Cheers.) The age of miracles has not passed.—(Laughter.) recently heard so much.—(Cheers from the —A It would, however, be satisfactory, when statements of this w tectioni e st .) lam told that England must be content kind are brought before the House, and when the Noble Lord with a less demonstration of brute force. - I am not prepare the mover of the Address states that he has proposed an to h , _ a r o sontradict that doctrine ; but I should like to have a c le ar Address to the Crowu which he thinks offers no ground for definition of what brute force is. In my opinion, hig t o f difference of opinion, it would be extremely desirable that some Member of her Majesty's Government should rise in disciplined army employed in a great performance—tba ..,,,,e the defence of the country, the maintenance of ardor, his his place and explain this part of the Speech from the . Throne, which is brief, but very pithy :—" I have directed vindication of a nation's honour, or the , consolidation et t' - ', national wealth and greatness—that a body of men thuerue'nv the estimates for the service of the year to be laid before you; they will be framed with the most anxious attention to a ciplined, influenced, and led by some of the most ett!i s i r , wise economy. The present aspect of affairs has enabled generals, by an Alexander, a Cycler, or our own Wel c l e in to year. as is one in which moral force is as much entere,, fi n d me to make large reductions on the estimates of last Were the estimates which were presented last year framed as physical.—(Cheers.) But if, for instance, ti h eee- , with " every possible attention to a a ise economy" also? a inan possessing a certain facility of °P er ot But, Sir, it is rather strange that we should be told that the happily adapted to his cause, addressing a great present aspect of aflairs has enabled us to make these large body of his fellow- men in inflammatory a pp the reductions! This question naturally arises, we ask our- to their passions, and stirring them up againsecree, selves what is the aspect of affairs Is it what I read up institutions of the country, that is what I call brute.' t r b el ti le here in another part of the Speech, "The ineurrection in (Loud cheering from the Protectionists)—whin n l it h o ut• Ireland has not been renewed, but a spirit of dissaffection this country would be very well content to do ! v __ ol eo, still exists"— is that it? Is it what 1 read up here, " A and which, if there be any sense or spirit left t ie' *bo y rebellion of a formidable character has broken out in the or any men of heart and right feeling in the coun ortasin'ioto will resolve to put down as an intolerable and igtnctionists. Punjaub," &c.—is that the aspect of affairs which justifies these reductions? Is it the fact that at this moment tyranny.—(Tremendous cheering from the Pto . e_ e o ften and counter cheering front the Free-traders.) 1 n .... av 'wolf 2,000,000 of armed dissatisfied men are moving about in the observed that the hangers-on of the new systen, al i cioter face of Europe in hostile array ? Is that the aspect of affairs 4111Cleg whicla her Majesty's Ci9yoniunt plight t, gliglic igge I°ll4 9f cit//4ticilliPg the " 9th T 4 14 4 g;l*°/"411m