The Sun. — London, England, 1849-04-27 00:00:00

FRANCE. It is positively asserted in well-informed circles that the French Government has notified to that of Austria that the occupation of Alessandria by the Austrians will be considered as a casus beili, and that, in such an event, a French army will forthwith enter Piedmont. The Committee charged to examine the accounts of the Provisional Government has coticluded its labours. According to the Dgbats, the report presented by M. Ducos caused long and sharp debates, the majority of the Committee having objected to it, whilst the minority, and M. Ducos himself, would not consent to any modification; eventually the majority of the Committee ceded, and the report was agreed to. "We are assured," says the Debuts, "that among the credits o f which the Committee does not approve is that of 123,000 f. granted' by M. Ledru-Rollin to M. Longepied, pre sident of the Club des Clubs, to send emissaries into the departments and among the soldiers to influence the elections ; the Committee also disapproves of the sum of 13,00 0 f., giv en to M. Oliver, ceminissary general in the department of the Bouches-du Rhone, and the sum of 6,000 f. to M. Joly, who exercised similar functions at Toulouse." The Committee charged to examine the Bill rela tive to the double command of General Changarnier yesterday nominated M. Grevy its reporter. By a majority of 7 to 6 the Committee has resolved to propose to the Assembly to reject the measure , and to require the Ministry to execute within eight-and forty hours the law on the National Guard. M. Thiers has left Paris to pass some days at Lille, partly on account of ill health, partly to settle some family affairs. The Siecle publishes the following letter, which has been addressed by M. Dufaure to M. Lefebvre, avocet at the Court of Cessation, who is recommended to the suffrage of the electors of Loir- " Par is, 14th of April. " The election of the 13th of May will be a solemn trial for oar country; accßepubordinglican to the Gov ern compment will osition of the next Assembly, the be definitively established for us, or it will be distinguished in the convulsions of a fresh revolution. It is the determination of my friends and myself to oppose with all our efforts this new revolution, under whatever standard it may present itself ; we are convinced that the republican form of government, well understood and well carried out, is perfectly compatible with all the great social necessities, and with the impe rishaBle rights of every citizen. We shall be happy to be assisted in the task which we have undertaken the last year, by men active, intelligert, younger than our selves, and who may continue the work, if it is to have an existence in the future. It is for that reason that I bear with a lively interest of your candidateship at the approaching elections in the department of the Loir-et- Ober, and I offer you my sincere wishes that the votes of your fellow-citizens may procure you a seat in the Na tional Assembly." The Siecle, in giving this letter, remarks that it is a document fraught with political instruction of high authority, and recommends it to the attention both of its friends, and of its adversaries. An elictoral meeting, known asthe " Union Demo cratique de la Seine," having called on M. de Lamar tine to allow himself to be put forward as a candidate, that gentleman has written a letter, in which, after thanking the Committee, he says : "I do not present myself. I believe that political men who are slighted, and who support the weight of a recent responsibility in one of the crises of their country, should accept without calling for the judgment, just or unjust, of their fellow-citizens. If .1 am called again, I will answer to the call; if I am forgotten or thrown aside, I shall con gratulate myself on laying down for a time the burden of the representation. I leave all to the spontaneous will of the electors. Perhaps new men would be at this moment more useful to the Ittpublic than men who, if not used up, are at least compromised in the past. Patience is a patriotic virtue, and your justice makes it easy to me." ENGLAND AND IRELAND.— SIR ROBERr PEEL'S PLAN. No. I. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—The student of history grieves over the pre sent condition of-Sicily, Egypt, and Barbary, once the granaries of the vast Roman empire; the partisan politician looks to the corn-covered plains of Tambov and South Russia as the future granary of our teeming population, and he descants on the exchange of Manchester spring patterns and Spital fields silks with the Cossacks and Tartars of that —.. . region ;_ or, if his predilections so lead him, over the number of acres of English wheat v hich are to be thrown out of cultivation by foreign corn. The granaries of the Romans were in their own keeping, ours are in the hands of the brutal Cossacks and jealous New Englanders, having in time of war the sea for our road, a road which can only be kept open by fighting for its mastery, and which when gone over may lead to disappointment; beset by enemies on our way, we reach the corn stores to find them shut against us by the fear of a famine, or by political hatred. Free•tra lers and Protectionists look with like distrust on this possible contingency, and all that can be said to soothe us is, Hope for the best." _ ---- --- These are days in which nothing can strike us with wonder; herds of crownless kings wander as beggars, the beggar and prisoner becomes a king ; the golden sands of California have realised all the wealth and all the daggers that the ancients dreamed of in the Golden Fleece of Colchis. IF, therefore, we were told of some new Sicily, we are ready to believe it. Suppose an island yielding fifteen or six teen millions quarters of grain, and which might be made to yield five and twenty millions. 'What if this island were lying at our doors ? What an extension of our political power, what a resource for our social wants ! Then all we want to fill up the measure of our national wealth would be given to us, and we must wait for years before our wants could press upon us to ask for more. What if this country were Ireland ? What if this country were Ireland—pair, beggared, starving Ireland? And yet it is so. \Ve have vast resources at our doors, and we neglect them. Ireland has a better soil than this island; and had our fathers, in their settlements among the Celts, chosen a field for husbandry instead of a seat of empire, Ireland would have become the thriving English island, and this the abode of miserable, pauperised Celts, and we should have been told the poorness of the soil was the cause of misery, and not the poorness of soul of the people. From the soil of Ireland a husbandry, the more back ward be cause improvident, raises sixteen millions of quarters of grain. This is the field for Protectionists and Free-traders; yet such is the political incapacity of our Legislature, for so we fear we must term ir, that not one measure is taken to make the resources o Ireland more available to us. Measures for the so called improvement of Ireland have, it is true, been carried from time to time, but when not political they have been expedients for perpetuating beggary by temporising with it. Seldom is it, however, that any measure other than political is attempted. In 1800 the Union was carried, in 1829 Roman Catholic Emancipation, in 1832 the Reform Bill, in 1838 the Poor-Law and the Tithe Commutation Act, in 1845 the Godless Colleges Act, while many political men sures, as Coercion Acts for instance, have been only temporary in their operation. Of these measures the most important undoubtedly is the Poor-law Act, yet how little is it compared with what is to be done to stimulate improvement in Ireland. The railway and drainage bills have been only partial in their operation, and the poor-law is rather directed to pre vent starvation than to increase the resources of the population. Part of the mischief is to be traced to legislating for Ireland on what are called English principles, but in the greater part to legislating on no principle at all. In England it is of less importance to legislate for the promotion of the industry of the country, as the people are better able to take care of themselves than the Legislature is able to take care of them ' • but in Ireland industry cannot be so left to itself. There every part of the social system is faulty, and works badly ; its constitution is so unhealthy that every scratch becomes a wound, and every sore a chronic cancer. A notice to quit figures as an ejectment and a clearance, and perhaps nothing is more illustrative than this of the perverse condition of the country. If in a country without charity and without resources an enemy's army laid waste a wide tract, burned the houses and carried off the crops, if, in fact, another nation of Palatines were cast adrift on the world, we could understand the tale of an Irish ejectment. England, take place in London and throughout priest tells us of old men, bearingrodaiwd but no parish women and suck ling children, turned into the their homes, or rather their graves, in the ditches, lying down to die. Our sentimentalists keep s' b th a e n i d r high-flown words and overdrawn tales for one grinders in the workhouse and hard-hearted overseers without. With an open road to England, Pated there can at the worst be no need for th homeless Irish to die in the ditches. Neither do they, though from a dishonest and idle liking to keep anything that comes in their way, they cling to their holdings to the last, and when the landlord has long ceased to get any rent, and is tired of offering the abandonment of his claims, the unroofing of the hut becomes the only means of getting rid of the tenant. E ve ry par. of the social system is faulty, but no measures are carried for its remedy, not for want of good ones, as many are proposed by practical men, and the question is seldom as to their efficiency, but f“, to which is the best. Under such circumstances, though it is necessary that a well combined course of, legislative measures should be carried out, it is nut necessary to discuss them here, for they would take top many words and it will be enou g h to take up those meas ures which are the immediate subject of this letter. The object of any measures in reference to the agriculture. of Irela n d may be twofold,firt TILE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENIN G, APRIL 27, 1049, are better acquainted with such transacticn3 and have all the appliances? How easy would it be to get together a corpora tion for the purchase and sale of lands in Ireland, not a Waste Land Improvement Company, but a buying and selling corporation. Companies for the improvement of waste land in Ireland do not so readily invite capital, because the operation of re covering waste land requires many years, whereas dealing in land gives a quicker return, is more suitable to the capitalists, and has the advantage of being more easily kept under control by the Legisla ture. Corporations for the improvement of waste land must be perpetual, but a land-selling corporation may be limited at the discretion of the Legislature, as are the Banks of England and Ireland, and the East India Company. This Irish Lund Corporation should have power to purchase lands sold by Chancery, or sold for rates, &c., and to purchase by consent waste lands, or lands requiring heavy drainage, &c. The Corporation to provide the lands with buildings, drains, fences, &c. ; to let them and to sell them. The mode of carrying this out shall be shown in another letter; meanwhile it may be said that this measure would give the best direction to the resources of Ireland, and would be a great boon to resident Irish landlords, as well as to the working classes, for the new farms would want bricks, stone, lime, sand, manure, stock, machines, &c. The amount of food would be increased, the national wealth placed on a sounder basis, the rich and the poor of both islands would benefit, while the common revenues would be improved. To do this, however, the operations must be directed, first, to meet the wants of the present generation, and then to provide resources for after ages HUMPHREY BROWN. Tewkesbury, April 20, 1849. No. 11. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. another letter I suggested the establish ment for Ireland of a great land corporation, the details of which I now propose to lay before the public. The corporation may be called the Irish Land Corporation, and as it is intended to carry out public objects, and to be amenable to the Legislature for their right performance, its charter may be limited— say for fourteen years. This would be unobjection able to capitalists, as the operations would be for short terms, and the capital could always be kept within control. This limitation of the charter would .... _ _ have a powerful influence in ensuring responsibility, the great difficulty in all schemes for laying out capital in Ireland. - The Corporation to have the power of purchasing lands with a Chancery title, or sold for non-payment of rates and taxes ; or of purchasing by private contract lands heavily incumbered, or requiring expensive operations for drainage and clearing ; or fur purchasing waste or bog land, or reclaimable lakes or waters. _ _ . Such lands the Corporation will bring into a proper state for high cultivation by erecting the necessary farm buildings, and by proper draining, fencing, and liming ; likewise by carrying out the proper engineering works where lands are to be reclaimed. This is a necessary sequel to the first step, which is to get rid of helpless landlords and incumbrancers. It is true, the title to the lands having been cleared, the lands might at once be disposed of to capitalists, who it may be sup posed, would be able and willing to bring the lands into a proper state, as is done by improving landlords in Ireland. This, however, is a contingency, and it must be made obligatory on the Corporation to bring all lands into a proper condition before sale ; therefore if the operations of the Corporation are carried out largely a considerable part of the acre- age of Ireland will be placed under the most fa vourable conditions. The Corporation should be obliged to make a yearly repirt to Parlia ment of their operations, and the Woods and Forests or Board of Works should like- wise be called upon to report on the operations, of the Corporation. A direct Government interference or inspection would be unadvisable, as it would tend only to impede the proceedings of the Corporation, who can be made immediately responsible. A further reason for the Corporation carrying out works of improvement is that thereby they will have a wider market for their land sales. There are many willing to buy land having an assured income, who are unwilling to undertake advances of the ex tent of which they do not feel certain, and the nature of which they do not understand, for it is to be ob served that purchasers of land often know more of dividends on consols, and calls on railway shares, than of the best modes of draining, subsoiling, irrigating, or erecting manure tanks. Therefore, by bringing the land to market with the improvements carried, out a greater number of purchasers will be accom modated. The ensuing proceeding is to let the lands to a suitable and solvent tenantry, and to bring them under crop and proper cultivation. The last stage is to sell the lands in the market, or by private contract. The class of purchasers may be considered a little later. To give the highest selling price to the land, and to give the Corporation the greatest profit, other sub sidiary measures are necessary. All lands of the Corporation must be surveyed, and numbered, and registered, as lands are in the colonies, in a General Land Register Office, the records of which shall be in duplicate in Dublin and London. All conveyances, mortgages, and leases of such lands must be registered in all time hereafter in the General Land Register Office. A conveyance of the register lands will limit itse to a single certificate, and a few words and numbers as in a land sale in America or Australia, instead of the sheets of parchment and scrawls of verbiage now rc quired for a conveyance. The assurance of title increases the value of the land, and facilitates its sale, or the raising of money on it. Land may be put up to auc tion and sold forthwith, instead of months being lost in perfecting a title. A bank or capitalists may at once advance money on mortgage, as on stock or railway share 4, without going through the tedious and expensive stage of a verification of titles. We shall not hear of lands being put up to sale several times, or of suits to enforce a purchase. The Corporation should be allowed to commute th it stamp duties for a small yearly fixed sum, be cause their purchase is really officious and not bene ficial to themselves, because it would be a forced transaction, and because they would render great services to the country. The Bank of England are allowed to commute for a fi.ied sum the stamp duties on their circulation. It mig'it perhaps be beneficial to allow the stamp duties on register lands to be arranged on a per centage scale, instead of being as now graduated. This would favour the sale and purchase of small allotments, and render very essential services to the landowner. It does not fol low this would have any great tendency to produce a cottier tenantry, but it would facilitate gradual and yearly investments in land by the accumulation of small purchases. Having shown the nature of the operations, the next step is to consider how the capital should be provided. It is necessary to premise that the capital required would be only in the nature of floating capital, and the operation is the more beneficial, because one sum will, by its re-application, produce great results. There can, therefore, be little objection to the nature of the advance required. The groundwork of the operations should be the stock of the Corporation, to be subscribed by indivi dual capitalists, or in the manner next provided. Five millions may be taken as sufficient for the first sub scription of such stock, but there might be power to increase it. The Banks of England and Ireland, and the three great Banks of Scotland, should have the power of subscribing for stock, and of naming jointly or severally one director for each 100,00/. of stock sub scribed and held. The Government to advance a proportion of three fourths of the purchase money on estates bought by the Corporation," charging 3.1 per cent. per annum. Such advances not to exceed ten millions in the whole at any one time. This advance is necessary to give encouragement to the operations of the Corporation, and place it in activity, and it is justifiable on the same grounds that advances have heretofore been made for the drainage and improvement of Ireland. As too such advance would entail no real call on the Money Market, because it is taking money out of one pocket and putting it into the other, the Chancellor of the Exchequer can urge no objection to the adoption of a measure which, contradistinguished from most Irish loans, is unattended by the contingency of loss, and is limited in the time of its operation. The Corporation to have power of issuing deben tures, at such rate of interest as they shall think fit, for sums not less than 201., and free from stamp duty. The Banks of England and Ireland, and the char tered banks of Scotland, to have the power of taking debentures. Savings' banks and benefit societies in Ireland to have the power of taking debentures. Trustees in Ireland to have such power. Joint-stock banks in Ireland to have the power of taking shares and debentures ; and joint-stock banks in England and Scotland to have the power of taking debentures i For all the operat ions of the Corporation, the dt t h o e pu la b T i l sh he w l e d ek by ly i , tn the seTuhrietylriNsVhillLbaendits Corporation and the land held by it. The Irish Land Corporat Dublin and London Gazettes, accounts of Government Further, to loans, loans on debentures , land in hand, and other assets, likewise of purchases and sales. make a yearly return or report to Parliament of all transactions. The direction would be in the holders of stock, being chosen either by the holders generally, or by the banks in their respective properties. Such direction it is presumed would include leading capitalists and agriculturists, and would give the ference to Ireland, and next to England. On other questions the connexion of the interests of the two islands may not be so readily seen, but on that of agri culture the connexion is so close, that if the lot of the sister island lay in our hands alone, if we were indeed the Saxon taskmasters the Irish tell us we are, and not helpmates and brethren, sel fishness would be enough to spur us on to do all we could for her. By whatever measure the agriculture of Ireland has been bettered, by so much has our share in her exports been increased. Adam Smith, writing in 1776, only seventy years ago, doubted (" Wealth of Nations," Book iv., chap. 2), whether Irish cattle could be imported to any great extent, and he gives many reasons for it, whereas we now know, that through Glasgow, Fleetwood:, Liverpool, and Bristol, we get large supplies ; through Liver pool alone to the value of 3,000,0001. yearly, of Irish cattle. Of corn the import here has grown from a trifle to more than the average of our foreign imports. In 1804 the import of Irish grain into England was 316,958 quarters ; in 1816, 821,192 quarters; in 1821, 1,822,816 quarters; in 1828, 2,26,135 quarters; in 1836, 2,929,322 quar ters; in 1840, 2,324,204 quarters; and in 1844, 3,251,901 quarters. Thus the quantity of grain ex ported from Ireland has grown eight or tenfold. It is of no use to say that this is a further proof of the evils of absenteeism, and of the growing misery of Ireland. The number of absentee landlords would not be so much greater in 1844 and 1849 than in 1804 and 1816. It would not be tenfold. If anything, absenteeism has of late years lessened in Ireland, and the strong expression of public opinion here has tended materially to check it. Indeed, what can be so utterly foolish as to put down to ab senteeism the increasing exports of Irish food, and to lose sight of the growing imports into Ireland of English coals, iron, clothes, and other manufactures. Above a million tons of coals are yearly taken from this country to Ireland, yielding greatly to the comforts of the people. As too the husbandry of Ireland has improved, so has the demand for Eng lish implements,increased. As the condition of the people has improved, so has the consumption of English goods been extended. Therefore the in creased agricultural exports of Ireland are a true measure of the increased advantages to the people of both countries, nay, further, are they the most truthful reasons for promoting the agriculture of Ireland. The average yearly consumption of foreign corn in these islands, from 1842 to 1846, was 3,000,000 quar ters, which is far beneath the average of the exports from Ireland. It is true in 1847 the imports from abroad were 9,437,034 quarters, but that was the year of the great dearth. In every year, therefore, our great resource for corn is from Ireland. Taking our yearly consumption of foreign corn at two millions, or even three millions of quarters, it is worth asking whether the bounds of production have being already reached in Ireland, or whether it is still possible to extend production there, so as to get a further surplus of three million quarters. If that can be done, the solution of the corn-law difficulty has been reached, so far as touches provision for the chances of war. No one will think that the bounds of production have been reached, and the question can only be as to the three million quarters. The yield of grain in Ireland was in 1847 reckoned by the Government authorities at sixteen million quarters. The whole surface of Ireland is 20,8Q8,271 acres, of which, in 1847, 5,000,000 acres, or one quarter only, under crop, and of this two-thirds under corn-crops, and the rest under crops of potatoes, turnips, beans, flax, clover, grass seeds, &c. The live stock of Ireland in 1847 is likewise worth referring to, as a prcof of the growth of prosperity even in a year of difficulty, as compared with 1841 : 1841. 1847. Increase. Horses 552,569 ... 557.917 ... 5,348 Asses Cattle Sheep Swine Poultry The two latter heads show a falling off of 730,642 swine and 6,643,372 poultry, % hich, however great in themselves, are of little agricultural importance, and by this time have been nearly made up. There is, how ever, a great increase in horned stock, showing that the manure of 750,590 more beasts is available for corn crops. The ways of getting a greater quantity of corn from Ireland are thret fold ; first, by saving on the present crop ; next, by a greater yield from the land now sown ; third, by bringing more land under crop. The crop is now, it is true, sixteen million quar ters, but it is badly gathered and badly threshed, the threshing machine not being fully used in Ireland. Little care is shown in sowing the crops, so that, 30 far from the best way of sowing the seed being followed, much corn is wasted. A saving of five per cent. under these heads would give yearly, say, eight hun dred thousand quarters more, or nearly as much as the foreign corn taken into consumption in 1844 (982,287 quarters). The crop not being carefully grown, the corn is not so good in weight and quality as it might be. That a greater yield can be got from the ground now sown, all will say who know how badly the land in Ireland is drained, and how much it wants the help of lime and other manures. A better husbandry under these heads would, perhaps, of itself give the whole quantity of corn wanted. There is, however, much more land which can yet be brought under crop. Of 20,808,271 acres in Ireland 13,464,300 were in 1841 reckoned as tillable, being either then tilled, or in meadow or pasture ; 6,295,736 acres were untilled and waste, and 1,048,236 acres were in woodland, covered with towns and buildings, or under water. Of the wastes 4,600,000 acres are reclaimable. The hills of Ire land, it must be remembered, do not rise much above 3,000 feet high, and, instead of being bare like those of Scotland and IV ales, can commonly be ploughed to their tops. Twelve hundred thousand acres more under crop in Ireland will give three millions of quarters of grain yearly, and this does not touch the ques- tion of what are the ultimate resources of Ireland. The whole average under tillage in New South Wales is only 163,331 acres, and yet it ships corn. Here, again, we may turn back and ask what be yond the drainage loans has been done to make the agricultural resources of Ireland available to herself, and England, and the answer must be "nothing?' There is enough to be done and many ways of doing it. Sir Robert Peel's plan is one way, but whatever is tried, it must not be paltry, partial, tin kering, and Whiggish, but must be on some great scale. We may try as many plans as we like, but each must be great and comprehensive in itself. No totality of tinkering jobs will constitute a satisfactory aggregate. The plan about to be proposed complies with the required conditions, while it does not claim to be a panacea, nor to hinder other plans from being car ried out at the same time ; indeed, the more the better will be the success of each. If railways are promoted, so much the more successful will be any outlay for drainage. If a settlement of Connaught is to be made, so much the better for railways and drainage, but there must be enough of each. We must not make a plantation in the far- west of Con naught, drain a bog in Munster, make a canal in Leinster, and open a railway in Ulster, and sit down contented. The plantation must have draining, roads, canals, and railways ; the lines of conveyance must have traffic. Sir R. Peel's plan undoubtedly touches a great evil, but the machinery of a Government Commission can never carry out the detail ; the evil remains to be dealt with. The complication of interests and titles in land constitutes, it must be owned, a monstrous difficulty in the way of agricultural improvement in Ireland, but no adequate means of remedying it have been pro vided by the Legislature. Their acts fail in this; they are permissive, they give the power to sell, but do not provide the buyers; they send an article into the market, no doubt, but not in a marketable con dition. Not only must the title be cleared, but the land must be drained, farm-buildings be put up, and a good tenantry be found. It is of no use to bring land into the market to the present class of buyers ; they are overdone, they have not the means of doing what is wanted, other classes of buyers are to be sought, and their requirements must be complied with. Those Irish capitalists who now invest in mortgages, stock, and shares, those English capitalists who hold Irish mortgages, those English agricul turists who seek a wider field of enterprise, are the classes who must be catered for. This must be done in the way pointed out, and on a large scale ; Go vernment cannot do it, single capitalists cannot cope with it, and a great corporation oly seems available. This latter resource does not seem to have come under inquiry; but it is worthy of it, and seems that which has the best sanction from ex perience, and the best working powers. Sir Robert P ee l hip, indeed, made ready the w a y for it, for the experience he has invoked is that im mediately applicable to a corporation. The Govern ment of James did little directly for the plan tations of Ulster,eee e effective was individual en terprise firmed, riseal e frtiie and all the companies om corporationspani e sof u o i f t d En e rtga England were invited to take part in the enterprise. The R M u e s r i c i h a a c nt om A p d a v n en y t h ur a e a rs b , a t r h e e ly E o a asp t of fuigh Company,forb i t ei he r England,d but own purposes, there was no B an k the great monetary corporations o f t he appealed to. Not only was this appeal directeal. theere Corporation of London, but to the several City com panies, from the rich Goldsmiths, the bankersofthe day, to the wardens of the poorest mystery. In that time were obtained the large estates of the Irish cor poration, of the Drapers' Company, and others. This (worked well enough then, and why not now that we opportunity to the agriculturAl Peers and Mel:Thers of the House of Commons to take a practical part in a great public measure. The seat of the direction to be in London, and not in Dublin. There is gooi access from London to Cork, Dublin, and Belfast, while London is the great money market, the residence of the greatest capi talists, and most practical men, and the metropolis of those who would be stockholders in the Corporation. It would be the interest of the holders of stock to choose persons as directors best able to advance the interest of the Corporation, while a timely check would be kept on the proceedings of the directors by the half-yearly meetings, to which reports of the operations would be made. Bad dividends, the index of bad working and inefficient management, would lead to changes in the direction ; while ambitious orators are always to be found in a body of stock holders ready to blazon forth any error in manage ment. The Governor and Court of Directors would choose efficient assistance in carrying out their opera tions; experienced surveyors, valuers, agriculturists, and engineers ; and as they would be able and willing to undertake the improvement of large estates, the management would be economical. The profits of the Corporation would be derived from the improved value of estates, consequent on clearance of title, effective condition, good tenantry, and good registry, to which would be added the differences between the rate at which they could get money from Government and on debenture, and the selling price of property, or the result of reproductive improvements. Such a Corporation must have the power of dis charging all the duties incident to a landowner, sub scription to railways, canals, drainage works, churches, chapels, and schools. A monstrous doctrine has been set up by the lawyers of the present day in reference to joint-stock companies, as, for instance, that railway companies have no power to subscribe to schools and hospitals, or to discharge any of the social duties. This is not a constitutional doctrine, for it does not apply to the Corporation of London or any of the old corporations, and if not checked will have the effect of creating in this country the evil, which it is now necessary to root up in Ireland—the exist ence of a large class enjoying all the emoluments of property, and exempted from the discharge of its duties. It is therefore necessary, regardless of the possibility of violation of conscience by contributing to parish-churches, mass-houses, or meetings, that the Land Corporation should be unre stricted by the Legislature, not that there is any fear of mercantile men committing an excess in the dis charge of its social obligations. Had the Irish Corporation or the Drapers' Company been so restricted, many of the most valuable institutions of the north of Ireland would have been destitute of support. It is not essential for such a plan as this that the Land Corporation should claim a monopoly ; but it should be fully understood that the Legislature would, it it so thought fit, give its sanction to other under. takings of a similar description, or profit by the working of this to extend the operations of such a system in Ireland. The great reason for proposing such a plan is, that it most effectually provides for all the exigencies of the case, overcomes all the difficulties, and is least fraught with evil. It is not proposed solely with the view of giving the profits to a cor poration, or of offering a bonus to the Lon don capitalists, but because by no other means can the same efficiency of working be obtained, while it ceases to be giving away a profit when it creates a gain and prevents loss. The main feature of the proposed Irish Land Corporation is its essential character of responsibility, the great desideratum in any measure for applying capital in Ireland. As matters now stand, there is no more security for the proper application of money in Ireland than there is in Hindostan, while there is much more jobbing. We have had too fatal experience of this in the miscalled loans to Ireland, where money has been either perverted to private purposes or thrown away in waste. If anything has been made known more sickening than the misery of Ireland, it is its social corruption—from the peer to the beggar jobbery and intrigue are preferred to industry and independence. It does not therefore follow that the necessity of a particular operation for the benefit of Ireland being acknowledged, a grant of English money should be the measure adopted. Whether for railways, drainage, or whatever purposes, the stumbling-block is the want of security for the proper application of the money, the want of security fur the regular payment of the interest, and the want of security for the return of the principal. As to the manner Government lays out money in Ireland, we want no example quoted to urge us to caution. Such expenditure is in waste, as being under no real responsibility, and it is subject to all the influences of local jobbery. Sir Robert Peel's plan is promising in its results, ;‘f the results were but realisable by the volition of the Legislature, or the assertion of honest purpose on the part of the Administration ; but it is almost impracticable, because it must be attempted to be carried out by the irresponsible agents of the Government. Such agents are ir responsible morally and pecuniarily ; the utmost punishment for the waste of a hundred thousand pounds of the national money would be the cashiering of a subaltern of engineers. Yet, daily as are our complaints of the waste and mismanagement of the Government departments, how rarely do we hear of the miserable retribution, which is all we are allowed to expect, now that the impeachment of a Minister is a bugbear that old women only believe in. The responsibility of such a body as the Irish Land Corporation would be both pecuniary and moral. To the Government they would afford full pecuniary se curity for all moneys advanced, and likewise the moral security that they would be properly applied, and the intentions of the Legislature be adequately fulfilled. This responsibility is secured by a large paid-up capital, by the inducements of self-interest, and by the certainty of efficient assistance. It would be in every way provided for by the control of the stock holders, the weekly publication of accounts, and the yearly returns to Parliament. These would be the in ducements to proper administration necessary to secu re a renewal of the Charter on the expiration of each term ; there would be in the hands of the Legislature the means of punishing neglect, or of obtaining fur ther security against it. How is this to he done by Sir Robert Peel's plan, and who are to do it ? The Woods and Forests—they are under ban. The Irish Board an o n ? Commissioners, These n of Works. Can it be th e R a il way Department rebo di o bodies accustomed h of the Board of Trade, the Ord nance, t h e C orps o f Royal Engineers, the Surv e y or -G enera l of t h e Eccle siasticalceustomed to spend the public money — some o f t h em of oldN y' t he Commission Sh standing, some of late institution—but there is no de • partment that we know of to which the Government can refer for efficient assistance. In fine, every argument that Sir Robert Peel can bring forward for his scheme is in favour of an Irish Land Corporation, every objection to Sir Robert Peel's scheme is provided for by the constitution of an Irish Land Corporation. Jobbing, the great evil of Ireland, can scarcely affect an establishment the members of which have every reason for resistin g jobbing, and little opportu nity of being led into it. The managers of the Cor poration will be amenable to their own interests, to the judgment of their constituents, the inspection of Parliament, the scrutiny of the press, and the influ ence of public opinion, a cumulative jurisdiction beyond any which the Government can invoke. This plan of a corporation is practicable too in in every point of view ; the capital can be got, efficient managers obtained, the operations be carried out, and buyers are ready to come into the market. The very process of purchase creates new buyers, for it forces the mortgagee and the incumbrancer to seek a new investment, and by the diminution of the old classes of investment, establishes the eligibility of the new investment. The English and Scotch farmers will have every inducement to settle on properties in good condition and where they have landlords on whom they can rely. How much preferable too is a measure of this kind to a rate in aid, which releases from responsibility those who have ill -managed their property, gives them a premium to continue their evil courses, and dimi nishes the means of the improving landlord, by taking from him and from under his control funds which would have been laid out on his own property, and brought a return to him and his labourers. How preferable, too, a measure the benefits of which must be lasting and the results the greater by the goodness of the example, whereas all other measures of the Government tend to encourage mendicancy and im providence even where they do not directly levy black mail on the well deserving, on behalf of those who will turn the largess to an ill use. In an institution of this kind the agricultural and commercial Members of both Houses of the Legis lature can take part, and while it can excite no opposition but the personal jealousy of rival projec tors, it has the better chance for adoption. Above all things, it satisfies a cardinal want of Ireland, reproduction. It is neither a palliation nor a corrective, it is neither alms nor a loan, it is not limited in the time or sphere of its application, but will permanently advance the resources of Ireland, and contribute to the welfare of the empire. HUMPHREY BROWN. Tewkesbury, April 22, 1849. The Dean of Westminster is resolved to apply a good portion of hi s revenue to the restoration of West minster Abbey. Its character would be restored the best if he abolished the prices of admission.—Puppet Show. ABERDEEN RAILWAY.—The works on this im portant undertaking are again in full operation. Abou the middle of the month there were 1,575 labourers em piled upon it. POLICE INTELLIGENCE GUILD 'FALL. Thos. flubhs, bailiff to Mr Sat3;rie of the Rut!and Arms Hotel, Newmarket, appeared before ALic,raian Lawrence on a f.umnaons granted by Alderman Gibbs, for unlaw fully sending to market two hind-quarteri and other por• tions of the carcase of a bullock unfit for human food, for the purpose of being expihed for sale on the 20. h _ _ Mr. Fisher, inspector• general of the city markets, said, that on Friday last, while passing Mr. Holmes' shop in the College Market, Warwick-lane, Newgate-street, he found four-quarters of beef in the shop, covered over with cloths, but not exposed for sale. The meat was unfit for human food, and he therefore seized it, and brought it to this court, when Mr. Alderman Carden, who was sitting, directed it to be destroyed, and at the same time urged upon witness the necessity of finding out the party who sent it, and having him or them summoned, as the condemnation of the meat appeared to have no effect in preventing the constant practice of sending diseased carcasses to London for sale. The salesman, Mr. Holmes, readily gave the address, and hence the appearance of the defendant. Mr. Robert Pocklington, inspector of meat at Nevvgate market, said that he also, at the request of Mr. Fisher, looked at the beer, and it was not fit fur human consump tion. In his opinion it had died, and was not killed. Hobbs—Why I saw it stuck, and some blood flowed. Alderman LAWRENCE—Was it not " blown" pre viously? Hobbs—lt certainly was. Mr. Fisher said, that in the hamper was found a piece of paper on which was written, " 19th of April.—One unfortunate beast from Hobbs." Alderman LAWRENCE asked the defendant if ho wrote what was on the pap+•r? ll,bbs replied that he knew nothing about it. Ho sent up the carcase to make the most of it for his master. _ _ _ Alderman LAWRENCE—And had it died you would have done the same? Hobbi—l don't know. Ithink not. The following letter was handed to the worthy Alder msn. It was addressed to Mr. Alderman Gibbs, who granted the summons on having the nature of the cast explained to him, and the light in which Mr. Alderman Carden viewed it:— " Rutland Arms Hotel, Newmarket, April 26. " Sir,—The bearer of this note is a servant of mine, or rather my farming bailiff (Thomas Hobbs). I was from home, -and had been for some days, when the animal' in question was taken,' or rather what is termed ' blown,' from eating too mach food. It had its throat cut, and was dressed and sent to London to be sold. The animal was not in the least diseased, but was per _ fictly well in health, and had always been so. " If the colour of the meat was bad it arose from lying too long before it was dressed. Had I been at home I should certainly not have sent it for sale; but the man, in his over anxiety did, thinking to have something to give me for the animal on my return. I trust you will deal as leniently as possible with the case. " I beg to remain, your obedient servant, TDOIVIAS FREDERICK SABINE. " To Mr. Alderman Gibbs." Alderman LAWRENCE asked how Mr. Fisher came to know the meat was bad? Mr. Fisher replied, that his suspicions were aroused from the manner in which the meat was covered up. Mr. Holmes was then sworn, and said that ho re ceived the meat on Friday morning, a few minutes be fore Mr. Fisher came round, and that it was only laid aside for his inspection. He had no intention of sell ing it. Alderman LAWRENCE—What do you say respecting the piece of paper containing the words, " One unfortu nate beast from Hobbs?" Mr. Holmes—Why, I concluded that an accident had occurred to the animal, and that it had been killed. Alderman LAWRENCE—Is it usual to make a dis tinction between " fortunate" and "unfortunate" animals? Mr. Holmes—Certainly not. I never received meat with such a paper before. Alderman LAWRENCE said, he should make the mas ter amenable through his bailiff, for the note showed that he knew all about the affair. He should direct the City Solicitor to prosecute him for sending bad meat to Lin don for sale to the detriment of the consumers; but he would take hail for the defendant, himself in 201. and one surety in a like amount, for his appearance to answer the ch-lige at the sessions. The required bail being given, defendant was liberated. [Tale is an offence at common law, and a fine, with or without imprisonment, can be inflicted, at the discre tion of the Court, it has usually been visited with a fine of 501] MARYLEBONE. Mr. Rob.rt Brown, a person of very respectable ap pearance, who, when before the inspector at the station gave his address No. 37, Upper George street, Edge. ware-road, was placed at the bar before Mr. Long, upon the serious charge of indecently assaulting police•consta ble Duvall 110 1). Buil was tsk"n for his appearance to answer the charge at the sessions, himself in 501. and two sureties in 251. each. L.42118ET11. James Mill, a private in the Fusilier Guards, was chArged before the Hon. G. U. Norton with obtaining money by falsehood and fraud. Fiema the evidence it appeared that on the day before the prisoner called at the shop of Mr. Charles James, a grocer and cheesemonger in the Lower Marsh, Lam beth, and represented that he was authorised to order goods for that portion of the re3iment quartered at Wellington Barracks, Birdcage-walk. le also said that the person who had served the regiment with gro cery goods had been detected in robbing the men, and they therefore bad determined upon changing him, and further had authorised Sergeant M'lntosh to select a euccssor, and the sergeant had chosen him. Tho prisoner then gave orders for no less than 285 packages of different descriptions of goods to be sent to the Wel lington Barracks, and Mr. James being aware that a neighbour of his knew some of the officers of the regiment, thought it probable that he might have said something in the way of recommendation to forward his interest, and executed the order. The prisoner having ordered the goods for Sergeant M . latosh, gave a pass to Mr. James to go through the barrack-gate with his vehicle, and assuring Mr. James that it was to him he was principally indebted for the patronage of the regi ment, asked him what he was going to give him. Mr. James give him some ale and half-a-crown, saying that it all was right, and if the orders continued as promised, he should not put him off with that. Mr. James took the goods to the b irraeks, when he diseovi red that the Fu-ilier Guards were quartered at St. John's wood, and on going to the latter place found he had been im posed on. It was proved that the prisoner had attempted to prac tise a similar imposition on other tradesmen, but they declined his orders. Sergeant David Hampson, of the Fusilier Guards, de posed that Sergeant M'lntosh had died during the last month, and that the prisoner had no authority whatever to order goods from tradesmen. He furthtr said that the prisoner had before been convicted of felony, and had not be, n to barracks since the previous Monday. The prisoner denied having been tried, but admitted having been sentenced to 30 days' hard labour fer having stolen property about him. lie also with the utmost effrontery denied being the person who had ordered the goods. He was fully commuted for trial. THE MAY MEETINGS.—The anniversary mee ings of the religious and benevolent societies (commonly called " the May Meetingss"), although some of them are held in April and others in June, arc fixed to take place according to the following arrrengement:— April 2G, L mdon Hibernian Society, Hanover square Rooms, the Marquis of Cholmondeley, chairman; Baptist Mis sionary Society, Exeter-hall, S. M. Peto, Esq., M.P., chairman; April 27, British Society for the Propagation of Christianity amongst the Jews, Freemasons'-hall, John Dean Paul, E , q., chairman; British and Foreign Sailors' Society, London Tavern, Bishopsgate, the Lord Mayor in the chair; April 30, Home and Colonial School Society, the Institution, Gray's Inn-lane, the Earl of Chichester in the chair; Wesleyan Mis sionary Society, Exeter-ball, Sir Edward North Bux ton, Bart., M.P., in the chair; Naval and Mili tary Bible Society, Hanover-square Rooms, the Mar q lig of Cholmondeley in the chair; May 1, Church Missionary Society, Exeter-hall, the Earl of Chichester in the chair, morning, the Marquis of Cholmondeley, evening; Christian Instruction Society, Finsbury Chapel, Mr. Alderman Challis in the chair; May 2, British and Foreign Bible Society, Exeter-hall, Lord Bexley in the chair; May 3, London City Mission, Exeter-hall, John P. Plumptre, Esq., M.P., in the chair; Irish Society of London, Hanover-square Rooms, the Earl of Galloway in the chair; Sunday School Union, Exeter-hall, G. Hitchcock, Esq., in the chair; May 4, London Society for Promoting Christianity amongst the Jews, Exeter-hall, Lord Ashley, M.P., in the chair; Church of Scotland Missionary Association, Free masons'-hall, the Duke of Argyll in the chair; May 5, Sailors' Home and Destitute Sailors' Asylum, Hanover square Rooms, Admiral Bowles, C-8., M.P., in the chair; May 7, British and Foreign School Society, Exeter hall (no chairman named); Prayer-book and Ho mily Society, Hanover square Rooms, the Marquis of Cholmondeley in the chair; May 8, British Missions, Exeter- hall, James Kershaw, Esq , M.P., in the chair; Colonial Church Society, Freemason's-hail, J. I'. Plumptre, E , q., M.P., in the chair; Church Pastoral Aid Society, Exeter hall, Lord Ashley, M.P., in the chair; May 9, Protestant Association, Exeter-hall, G. R. Clarke, Esq , barrister-at-law, in the chair; May 10, London Missionary Society, Exeter-hall, Duke of Ar gyll in the chair; British Reformation Society, Ban over-square Rooms (no chairman yet named); May 11, Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, Hanover square Rooms, the Duke of Beaufort in the , chair; May 15, Foreign Aid Society, Hanover-square Rooms, the Marquis of Cholmondeley in the chair; May 16, Trinitarian Bible Society, Music-hall, Store -street, the Earl of Denbigh in the chair; June 8, London Fe male Penitentiary Institution, Pentonville, the Earl of Chichester in the chair. The days of meeting of some of the minor societies have not yet been fixed. TOE FATAL ACCIDENT AT KENSINOTON.—Mr J. Aus in Tuxford appeared weaker on Wednesday than on the previous night. Mr. James Merriman anti Mr. John Merriman are in constant attendance upon him. lie has been twice visited by Dr. Arnott, of Bedford square. Mrs. Rogerson, accompanied by her two dat!gli • ters, arrived at Kensington on Tuesday, and remained there in a most distressed state of mind till midnight, when the medical gentlemen prevailed upon her to !e -turn to Elm bank. One of her daughters remained with the body of her deceased sister at the Crown Inn. Mr. Tuxford's brother has also been constantly with him. The reports of the medical men give no hopes of the ultimate recovery o f M r . T ux ford. He has five ribs broken, and he has been gradually sinking. The de ceased young lady was about twenty-two years of age, and Mr. Tuxford, who is about forty years of age, was about to be married to one of her sisters. The boy, George Connor, whose thigh was fracture d, and the boy, Joseph Brucker,: whose head and left arm injured, and were and who were taken to St. Geared Hospital, are reported to be progrefieivg favourably. IMPERIAL PAR LIAMEN T HOUSE OF LORDS', April 26. The LORD CHANCELLOR tooi. 122 S beat On the Wool sack at Five o'clock. The KA - a of EGLINTON presented a petition from Glasgow complaining, of tire immigration of paupers. NEW SOUTH WALES LAND BILL. On the motion of Earl GREY, this all was read liird time. SMOKE PROHIBITION BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. PETITIONS. The Earl of CARLISLE presented petitions against trading in prostitution, a.nd praying for the enactment of some measure of regulating beer-houses. Lord CAMPBELL presented several petitions com plaining of the persecution to which the Rev. James Shore had been subjected. LEASEROLD TENURE (IRELAND) BILL. The LOlt) CHANCELLOR, melted the second reading of this 1111. This Bi'l was intcndi d to remedy many evils which exited with rt gar.l to leasehold tenure in Ireland, and it would raise the value of landed property in that country. In many cases leases were renewable for ever on certain conditiois, and therefore the real own• r h►d only a very small interest in the land. In this country owners of land would not grant leases of land for lives renewable for ever. This specks of tenure led to a bad cultivation of the land, and inflicted an injury upon the proprietors. The Noble and Learned Lord then wort into a h ngtbened detail with regard to the various enactments which had at different times been passed on this subject, and de tailed at large the evils which were the consequence of the existing state of the law. The object of this law was to make the assignment of leases compulsory on application of the owner of the land. This compulsory sale of leases, renewable for ever to the owner of the land, would obviate all the evils complained of, and would tend to the improvement of cultivation, by discouraging subletting, for the great subletters were the owners of the leases renewable for ever. The Noble and Learned Lord concluded by moving that the Bill he reed a second time. Lord BEAUMONT complained that the machinery of the Bill was unnecessarily complicate d, and suggested that such machinery should be simplified. The object of the Bill was good, but the machinery by which it was sought to carry it out wns bad. Lord MONTEAGLE said that the magnitude of the interests involved in this Bill were more extensive than any Noble Lord uecon• nected with Ireland could imagine. These perpetual leases extended over the greater portion of Ireland, and the greater portion of the buildings in the towns of Ireland had been erected upon the faith of these leases. The subject was so important that he hoped his Noble and Learned Friend would not press the measure forward, but would allow time for consultation with the various parties residing in Ireland whose interests would be affected by the Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW thought the Bill was well intended as to purpose, and was well calculated to carry that purpose into effect. Lord ItEDESDALE observed, that if he alsented to the second reading of the Bill, it was not because he agreed in the principle, but solely on account of the pe• culiar difficulties by which the question of land tenure was surrounded in Ireland, and from the feeling that it was necessary to attempt to deal with these diffi culties. He was opposed to the mode in which i was proposed to act with respect to copyhold pro perty. lie thought all compulsory inter!ereuce with property was bad in principle, and of the most dangerous character. _ _ L':rd CAMPBELL said, that whenever land was mischievously burdened, it was desirable that these burdens should be changed without injury either to landlord or tenant. That was the object of this Bill, and he did not think there was any ground for the alarm which the Noble Lord had expressed with regard to some of its provisions. It was most de sirable to reduce all tenures to what was called " ten ancy in socage," where the holder bad the interest in the property trom the centre to the surface. The mea sure proposed by his Noble and Learned Friend was calculated to be very beneficial to the parties to whom its provisions applied, and he hoped that it would receive the approbation of the Legislature. The LORD CHANCELLOR briefly replied, and the Bill was then read a second time. The Earl of W HARNCLIFFE moved for certain re- :urns connected with the mercantile mv.rine, and the hir ping interest generally. He understood that the President off' the B )ard of Tracle assented to their pro duction.—Agreed to. Their Lordships adjourned at seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, April 26. The SPEAKER, took the Chair shortly before Four o'clock. EiinUBLIN, ASHBOURNE, AND DROGHEDA ROADS ACT CONTINUATION AND AMEND. MENT BILL. On the motion that this Bill be read a second time, Mr. REYNOLDS felt bound to oppose the motion, and to move that it be read a second time that day t,ix months. The Hon. Member also presented several pe titions against the Bill. Mr. J. O'CONNELL seconded the amendment. Mr. HAMILTON supported the second reading of the 13111. After a short discussion the House divided, when there appeared— For the second reading ... ..• 46 Against it 16 • • Majority for the second readitig ... —3O The 801 was then r& ad a second time, and ordertd to be commuted. Mr FAGAN presented petitions praying that the attention of the House might be directed to the charities of Ireland, from Cork and scveral other pi ices; slio petitions from the Corparation of Cork, against the abolition of the process of attachment in the Record Court of Cot k. Mr. C. BRUCE presented petitions from places in nirayshire ag,iirtit the Marrisgo Bill. Mr. DUNCAN presented petitions from several parts of Dundee to the same effect. Mr. DEEDES presented petitions from Kent com plaining of agricultural distress. Colonel THOMPSON presented a petition from the Mechanics' Institution of Bradford, praying that national disputes might be settled by arbitration. Mr. CO WAN presented petitions from various parts of Sentlend, complaining of agricultural distress. Mr. CROWDER presented a petition from the officers of St. Martin's Union, praying for the establishment of a superannuation fund. Sir W. MOLES WORTH presented a petition from Van Diemen's Land, against the present system of transporting convicts to that colony. Mr. REYNOLDS press nted a petition from an Irish man, who had been recently employed in the Ordnance Department of the Tower, complaining that he had b,sen dismissed from his situation through a prejudice which prevailed in that department against his coun trymen. Mr. WYLD presented a petition from Bodmin, pray ing the Ilouse to take into consideration the case of the Rev. J. t-hone, with the view to his immediate release also a petition from the Alieged Lunatics'Friend Society, praying fur an alteration in the law of lunacy. Mr. LOCKE presented a petition from the Town Council of Edinburgh, stating that the attaching of pas senger carriages to the Sunday trains on the Scotch railways was not only desirable but absolutely called for, and praying the House to take the matter into their serious consideration. Mr. ADDERLEY presented a petition from Sheffield praying for an alteration in the poor-law. Sir G. GREY presented a petition from Northumber land in favour of the Clergy Relief Bill. Lnrd DUDLEY STUART presented a petition com plaining,; of the manner in which justice was adminis tered Cy the Palace Court. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Mr. HUIIE postponed his motion with respect to Parliamentary Reform until the 15th of next month. PRISON DISCIPLINE. Mr. CHARLES PEARSON gave notice that on the 15th of next month he would move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into and report upon the practicability of establishing one uniform system of discipline, purely reformatory and self-supporting, to be applied to all prisoners convicted of crime. POOR-LAW (IRELAND.) _ _ Mr. J. O'CONNELL gave notice that he would move for a return of the number of notices served u ion relieving-officers with respect to the eviction of tenants in Ireland. CALAMITIES ON BOARD STEAMERS. Mr. J. O'CONNELL rose to aEk the President of the Board of Trade whethe r it is the intention of the Go- vernment to bring in any measure so to regulate the carriage of passengers in merchant vessels, between various ports of the United Kingdom, as may prevent the recurrence of such calamities as occurred on board the Londonderry steamer? He would beg to ask the President of the Beard of Trede also whether his atten tion had b: en drawn to an inquest which bad been held at Liverpool within the last few days in reference to the loss of life which had happened on board the Bri tannia steamer, during a gale of wind, when no less than 214 of the deck passengers were exposed to the greatest distress and danger, many of them having been com pelled to take refuge on the paddle-boxes, and in conse quence of which exposure a woman and her child had perished? Mr. LABOUCHERE said he was happy to state that the attention of the Government had been called to the consequences of the overcrowding and the exposure of deck passengers to the weather, on board of passenger boats plying between Irdand and England, not only from the ca tastrophe which had occurred on board the Londonderry but from other causes. The Government, however, were desirous of not throwing any o bstructions in the way of the peasantry of Ireland coming over to England in harvest time. hitherto the power of limiting the num ber of passengers on board steam-vessels had only been applied to river boats; and it could only be extended to vessels sailing on the open sea after mature de:iberation. He had, however, to state that the Government had sent an officer down to Liverpool to institute an inquiry into th e circumstances connected with the case of the Bri tannia. Mr. CARDWELL said it was his duty, on the part of the parochial authorities at Liverpool, to express the satisfaction which he felt at Captain Denham's having been directed to institute that inquiry. THE NEW HOUSE OF COMMONS. Mr. B. COCHRANE rose to ask Mr. Greene whether there was any probability of the House of Commons being ready for tha reception of Members by the session of 1850; whether it might not be ready if a larger grant were made for the purpose; what amount would enable such to be effected; and whether a great ultimate saving might not be obtained by a more liberal grant during the present you.? Mr. GREENE said, in reply to the first question, h could only state, tha the Ikese itst:llmight be rendered Cc.. for toe oceupitim: Bert; r:, but 11 the various 0 coLnectad with it could not be conveniently fi!itsl , cd. So tar, therefore, as t;le House itself was cat- arced. it et:mid be conveniently wed and occupied by the Members. L 3 answ,A. to the second question he hid to say, perh4ps the }louse might be suffiei , .tndy finished, together with the libraries and other offices, providA an additional sum, over that which had ben granted this year, to the amount of about 50.000 L, could be allowcd po,sibly for that pur pose. With respect to the last question, there could be doubt whatever that a very ccnsiderable saving might be ultimately cfc, etc d by going on with the works a little mere rapidly.—(ll - ear, hear.) Mr. COCHRANE would then ask the Noble Lord at the head of the Government whether he would not con- Sider himself' justifi• d in proposing an increased grant for the new House of Commons? Lord J. RUSSELL said the amount of the grant mu .t be regulated very much by the expenditure of the year.—(Laughter.) 'VILE RATE IN AID. Lord J. RUSSELL s,aid he would not be able to bring on the Rate in Aid Bill this evening. What he would propose was to postpone the Committee on that 8111 until to-morrow. Ho thought the Bill should be taken the first thing to-morrow on the orders of the day ; and if the House went into Committee on the ]3►ll on that (lay, he proposed that the report he talten on Saturday. He woul.l then be able to put the third reading first on the orders of the day on Monday. The question was ono of great emergency—(Hear, hear)—and be trusted the Ilouse would agree to his proposal. Mr. H. GRATTAN hoped the Hon. Gentleman would not persevere at that crisis, and would withdraw his motion. Mr. SLANEY said he bad alrealy postponed the mo :ion for the convenience of the Government, and he thought it would be unfair to ask him again to do so, unle;i a thy were assigned to him cm which he could bring it. on. Sir R. PEEL said he was not sure whether or not ho had understood the Noble Lord correctly. Ho was, therefore, desirous of knowing if the withdrawal of the . _ motion would affect the position of the Billi for the Effectual R, lief of a stittite Poor, and fur Facilitating lhe Sale of Encumbered Estates. Lord J. RUSSELL replied that it would not. Mr. BRIG HT said, the question of alleviating the con dition of Ireland waa a great one at the present moment; but he thought the Hon. Gentleman would meet with as much attention on Friday, it he were to postpone his mo. tion until that day, as he would tu-night.—(Hear.) Mr. SLANEY repeated that he would postpone the motion if a day was assigned to him on which he could bring it on. _ . Mr. P. SCROPE urged the Hon. Gentleman to post pone his motion. Lord J. RUSSELL said be could not fix a day. He proposed to move air: Rate in Aid Bill as it stood. Mr. SLANEY said, looking at the feeling on both sides of the House, he should postpone his motion, and when he again brought it on he hoped the House would give him a fair and patient hearing. MARITIME INTERCOURSE. Mr. MACGREGOR postponed the following motion: I. That considering the magnitude of the maritime com merce of the British empire, and that no vessel or ship, with a cargo, in ballast, or with passengers, can, when engaged either in the coasting, colonial, or foreign trade, arrive at, discharge, or take in a lading, or passengers, or depart from any port in the United Kingdom, without the interference of the officers and submitting to the regulations and laws of the Customs, it has become necessary for Parliament to take into consideration the whole subject of the administration, organization, management, and regulations of that depart ment : 2. That the friendly and peaceable relations, and reciprocal social benefits, and commercial advantages between the United Kingdom and all foreign countries, can be most harmoniously and durably maintained by the maritime and trading intercourse bein; rendered as free as the security of the revenue may allow from all vexatious, ignorant, and useless restrictions, delays, and expenses : 3. That with a view to facilitate maritime intercourse be tween British and all foreign ports, and to effect a direct re sponsibility of duties and efficiency of services in regard to the security of the revenue, and the quick dispatch of the commercial and shipping business of the United Kingdom, it appears the following changes are absolutely necessary First. A complete refOrm of the system of regulations, orders, and management of the Customs. Second:An abolition of the present administrative organization of appointments, and especially that of the Board of Commissioners. Third. That for the purposes of responsibility of duties, the security of the revenue, and the quick and efficient dispatch of ships and their cargoes, an efficient re-arrangement of the personal organization of the Customs department appears necessary. 4. That considering the effect which the commerce and the financial legislation of the United Kingdom have, at all times, upon the employment of the people, the prosperity of i the empire, and the public revenue and credit, it appears - . . necessary to inquire into the progress of the trade and navi gation between the United Kingdom and foreign countries , and also between the United Kingdom and the British pos sessions abroad, including India, from the sth day of Januar'', 1827, to the sth day of January, k 49. PACKET SERVICE. On the motion of Mr. HENLEY, a Select Committee was appinted to inquire into the contract packet service. POOR RELIEF (IRELAND). Lord J. RUSSELL then rose to move, pursuant to notice, for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Act for she m. re effeetusil relict of the destitute poor in Leaved. He had stated on a former occasion the nature of the amendments ho had intended to introduce himself. What he had now to propose he proposed on the responsibility of the Government. The first and most important alteration was the introduc ion of a maximum both with regard to the rates upon each separate elec toral division and the rates upon all electoral divisions. I s provision, to hat( ver its amount might be, he admitted was contrary to the general principles of the poor-law of that country, but it must be remem bered that in Ireland the attempt to carry out the principle of the poor-law as in this country, that of relieving pauperism by a rate in support of the poor, and by a rate setting to work the able bodied poor. had been found to be productive of great distress, and great scarcity, and such oppression oa the tenant farmer of the country and the property of the country, as to create great alarm Such being the case, the Poor-law Commissioners hai considered whether it Vk ould not be desirable to propose a maximum rate. That question had been considered by the Government, and it was thought by them that maximum rate ought to be enforced. What he, therefore , proposed by this Bill was, that supposing there was one electoral division that had incurred expenses to the amount of 75., and that electoral division could only pay as., the other electoral division should pay 2s. in addition to their ordinary rates. He was told that it was objected to this proposal that it would be an inducement to electoral divisions to extend their expen liture to the full amount limited by the law la order to obtain the aid given by the additional rate of 25. on another electoral daliion. He could not however, think that that would be the case, because :I t was obvious that if an electoral division were enabled to support its poor with a 4s. rate there was no inducement for them to increase the rates to 75., i n order to obtain the trifling relief he had mentioned from some other electoral division. Now, some persons were of opinion that it would be advisable to lay the rate upon the electoral division, which should not have raised A certain amount, but he was afraid if that propositio n wereadopted, the result would not be that which they were anxious to arrive at. While some electoral divisionsmig" expend a sum beyond the rate of 75., there might: h e . other divisions where rates might b e un d e r 55., and yet be able to support their own pauperism by having re course to a rigid system of economy; and it ur peered to him that it would be unfair to call upon that division to contribute towards th e , support of another that might n o t h ave b een so c areful in its expenditure. It seemed to him, however, that the guardians of the unions would have a certain control over the expenditure of each electoral division s and l) ! course the guardians would take care that th e expenditure was regulated by the strictest economy' This proposal was widely different from a general rate.in aid extending over the whole of the country, because 10 the case of a rate in aid there would be a difficulty in controlling the expenditure, which could not be urged against this proposal, because the guardial?' of the different unions would find it to their interest to look sharply after the expenditure. 1 2 3 : main objection to this proposal was, that the oi'a, tress of late years had so crippled the resources of nsau s Y , unions, that some of the electoral divisions were excee d ' ing a 7s. rate. The Committee, however, which had sea' upon the subject had found that this objection applie s only to the western divisions, and he thought it w it much better to adopt this proposal than have recourse to unlimited rates in aid, ash gave security to the occupie r, and owners of land that these rates should never g o beyond a certain limit, and would have the erre°, of inducing many parties to expend their oap itni upon the land who were now deterred from doing so by the fear of excessive rates. lie Pre posed, further, that the Poor-law Commission ers should hive the power of settling and determining the past liabilities of certain electoral divisions, in contemplation of a new division of union . ; Upon this part of the subj. ct a ae por d had been made by a Commission apPoi nte n last year. It was, however, impossible to adopt he the recommendations contained in that report, but might state generally t h at he was d i spos ed t e adopt the views contained in the report from time to tiro as the Poor-law Co mm i ss i oners s h ou ld t hi n k fi t . At the same time he th oug h t t h e quest i on relat i ng to t h e We — r houses might de di spose d of now, an d as tar as t h e y d eer concerned ho was prepared at once to adopt the opinw of the report, th at i t would trot be safe to make a furt her Oivisiou of unions without accompanying such measure with a proposal for increasing the number 0_ vi orkhouses.—(ll ear , hear.) He proposed to intro duce a clause, the effect of which he had alluded to on a fold mer eccasion, namely, that the owner of land re fs sh have paver of deducting a portion of the r . ) , on account of his rent ch a rges.— (Hear, h e ' a s Ha proposed to mak e an i m p or t an t a l tera t ion in the P visions of the p oor -l aw , w i t h res p ec t t o the reduet• ,:roo which a tenant me& in his rent for the Purll s e of paying the poor-rate. He intended, b „ the future, that the tenant should have the power of deducting half the rate to which he was " T i e trom the rent. He also proposed to introduce a Pr ° t be sion with reference to the improvements which wig" re made upon the land—viz., that in order tS h o u ld vent any disputes and litigation, a valuation be made of the improvements, and that there shola.l_deabde no increased valuation for a period of seven years- I , ha d Fern complained in petitions and memorials whiciL soo . been presented to the House, that there was great di t no ragement given to the improvement of estates value of sooner bad a landed proprietor improved the vat' b e his property than the amount of rates ivhio"