The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-04 00:00:00

MORNING SUN OPENING of PARLIAMENT. THE ROYAL PROCESSION. Yesterday was the first gloomy, damp, and cheerless morning that has witnessed a Royal " Progress" since her Majesty's accessioi. On all other occasions the days have been nearly as bright and cheering as the prospects of her libe ral reign; yet the Park, and the approaches to the Palace and the Houses of Parliament, were prodigiously crowded. About one o'clock the Horse Guards, Blues, and Grenadiers, took up their position, forming an avenue from the Mar ble Gate to the House of Lords, and the bands of the Coldstream and Grenadiers commenced playing on the lawn, first, several marches, then " Rule Britannia," and, lastly, "God Save the Queen," as the Procession commenced its pro• gress, which was at half-past one precisely. The King of Prussia left the Palace in one of the Royal carriages, attended by fbur footmen, in the Royal State liveries, and a Guard of Honour from the Life Guards, shortly before the departure of her Majesty's cortege. His Majesty was recognised only in Whitehall and at the entrance to the House of Lords, in consequence of the rapid rate at which he was carried. The Queen was accompanied in the State car riage by his Royal Highness Prince Albert, and by the Master of the Horse and the Mis tress of the Robes. She looked remarkably well, and was greeted with continued cheering, along the route, by the vast assemblage, which perhaps outnumbered any that we have seen collected upon a similar occasion. It may be supposed that the great object of curiosity was to see the King of Prussia, which a very small number in deed of those whom it had brought together, were able to gratify. Her Majesty was also very much cheered upon her return to the Palace. On the arrival of the Royal Procession at the House of Peers, her Majesty was cheered most vociferously. The Duke of Wellington was likewise cheered, but the cheers for his Grace were not nearly so enthusiastic as those for her Majesty. The Duke of Cambridge was likewise very well received. When the King of Prussia and his suite arrived, Baron Von Humboldt, who was recognised by some one in the crowd, and was cheered by name, on alighting from his carriage to attend upon his Prussian Majesty, was received with loud cheering and clapping of hands. The King of Prussia was likewise received with loud cheer ing, but, with the exception of her Majesty, no one was cheered so heartily as Baron Von Humboldt. INTERIOR OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS. We have on many occasions witnessed the imposing ceremony of the opening of the Imperial Parliament by the Sovereign in person on the—Throne, but we never recollect an occasion upon which greater anxiety was displayed to obtain admission to the House of Lords. Long before the hour of admission the passages connected with the. House were crowded with ladies, in full dress, who most patiently waited the arrival of the hour of admission, nothing daunted by the cold and dampness of the day. The doors of the galleries, and those leading to the body of the House, were opened precisely at twelve o'clock, and very few places in the galleries appropriated to Members of the House of Commons and Strangers were unoccupied in a quarter of an hour from that time. All the seats were removed from these galleries, and the ladies by whom they were filled were obliged to stand from the hour of admission to the time of her Majesty leaving, an exertion which seemed to be thought nothing of in comparison with ob taining a sight of Royalty. The House, since the last Session, has undergone considerable alterations for the better, the dark red paper, with which the walls were then encumbered, has been removed, and in its place a warm stone-colour paint substituted, which gives the House a lighter and more pleasant appearance. The pannilling work on the ceiling is coloured in dark brown, which forms a very happy contrasts - with the stone colour in the interior of the pannels. The Throne has been newly gilt, andthe velvet re-decorated ; and at the foot of the Throne a new carpet has been laid down. To the right of the Throne, and on a level with, it is placed a most splendid Chair, of State for the Prince of Wales, the back of which is magnificently ornamented with the plume of his Royal Highness. To the left of the Throne, and one step below it, a chair of state has also been placed for his Royal Highness Prince Albert and to the right of the Throne, on the floor of the House, in front of the Archbishops' Bench, two chairs were placed, one for the King of Prussia. and the other for the reigning Duke of Saxe Cobourg Gotha. Seats were reserved in the House for the Foreign Ambassadors, Peeresses, and those Ladies who had been fortunate enough to obtain numbered cards for them from the Lord Great Chamberlain. _ Those ladies who had not been successful in obtaining such tickets, were obliged to stand in places appropriated for them in the body of the House. The arrangements for the conve nience of the reporters were excellent, the front seats being reserved for them. Amongst the earliest arrival of Peers we noticed Lord Wynford and Lord Glenelg. Among the Peeresses we noticed the Countess of El don, Lady Bloomfield, the Duchess of Richmond, the Marchioness of Camden. Lady Redesdale, Lady Dinorben, Lady Monteagle, Lady Campbell and Stratheden. Among the Peers present we observed the Earl of Chichester, Lord Glenelg, Lord Wynford, the Bishop of Norwich, the Earl of Redesdale, the Archbishop of Can terbury, the Earl of Camden, the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Exeter, Lord Hatherton, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Roden, Lord Dinorben, the Bishop of Worcester, the Earl of Sheffield, the Earl of Digby, Lord Forester, the Marquis of Thomond, Lord Lowther, Lord Monteagle, Lord Clifford of Chudeley, the Marquis of Clanricarde, Lord Vivian, Lord Hawarden, Lord Fitzgerald and Vesci, Lord Campbell, the Marquis of Nor manby, the Dukes of Buccleugh and Buck ingham, the Earl of Aberdeen, the Duke of Sutherland, the Marquises of Lansdowne and Anglesea, Earl Fitzwilliam, and several others. At a quarter past one o'clock the Lord Chancellor, _robed as a Peer, entered the House, and took his seat on the Woolsack. Shortly afterwards all the Judges entered and took their seats around the,Lord Chancellor. At half-past one the Duke of Cambridge, dressed in a Field Marshal's uniform, with his Royal robes, entered the llouse. accompanied by Prince George. In a few nnin'ites afterwards the reigning Duke of Saxe. Gotha, dressed in the uniform of the Austrian Hus sars, entered the House, and was conducted .by the Dvputr Usher 'of the Black Rod to the Chair Of State provided . for .Irlttf on the floor of the House. At twenty minutes to two his Majesty the King of Prussia entered the , House, dressed in the uniform of the Royal Prussian Guards, and wearing the collar of the Order of the Garter. His Majesty was preceded by the Duke of Wellington carrying the Sword of State and was conducted to the Chair of State appropriated for him, and immediately entered into conversation with the Duke of Cambridge and Pritice George. His Majesty's suite followed immediately, and took their seats among the Foreign Ambassadors. On his Majesty entering the House all present rose, and continued standing until the arrival of the Queen. At seven mi nutes after two o'clock the approach of her Ma jesty was announced by the tiring of cannon, and at a quarter past two her Majesty, preceded by her great Officers of State and accompanied by Prince Albert, entered the House, and took her seat on the Throne Her Majesty bowed graciously to the King of Prusga, and the Duke of Saxe Gotha, and after desiring their Lordships to be seated, commanded the Usher of the Black Rod to summon the Commons. Shortly afterwards the Speaker, attended, by a great number of Members, appeared at the Bar, and her Majesty then read the Speech from the Throne, which will be found in another column. Her Majesty was dressed in a splendid white satin dress, beautifully embroidered with gold, and seemed in excellent health and spirits. The general appearance of the House was magnificent in the extrem e and the display of beauty was eal t culated to impress the illustrious foreigners present Frih a high idea of the charms of our countrywomen. Ilrr Mitjesty left the House at twenty-five minutes before three, and returned to Buckingham Palace, accompanied as befor,!. The King of Prussia left immediately after her Ma jesty, and the House al.lourneil during pleasure. 13IPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LoRDS, e ft °i seat i a o n ns fi theeld The Earl of SHAFTESBURY t o -I ' o k ' b ' and their seats. Woolsack at Four o'Clock, %hen the Earl Seat on the and Earl of Westmoreland took the oaths a The LORD CHANCELLOR took his Woolsack at five minutes after Five. Shora g y ea a s t e fter this time Lord Brougham, Lord Melbourne, and the Opposition Members entered the House. several of The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the first read ing of the Select Vestries Bill. of MARRIAGE ACT. The Marquis CLANRICARDE gave notice that 110 should 1-,....._ op , on Monday next, put a question to the Noble v 7 rn " men i t zit t e, with resiect to the intentions of the Go introducing ' a to Ireland, ruo "' Marnags Act with regard l Aparticularly as it affected the marriages of Dissenters. TIIE ROYAL SPEECH. The LORD CHANCELLOR then read the Speech delivered this day by her Majesty from the Throne:— MY LOADS AND GENTLEMEN, I cannot meet you in Parliament assembled without making a public acknowledgment of my gratitude to Almighty God, on account of the birth of the Prince, my son—an event which has completed the measure of my domestic happiness —and has been hailed with every demonstration of affectionate at tachment to my person and Government, by Imy faithful and loyal people. I am confident that you will participate in the satisfaction which I have derived from the pre sence in this country of my good brother and ally the King of Prussia, who, at my request, undertook the office of Sponsor at the Christ ening of the Prince of Wales. I receive from all Princes and States the con tinued assurance of their earnest desire to main tain the most friendly relations with this country. It is with great satisfaction I, inform you that I have concluded, with the Emperor of Austria, the King of the French, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, a treaty for the more effectual suppression of the Slave-trade, which, when the ratifications shall have been exchanged, will be communicated to Parliament. There shall also be laid before you a Treaty which I have concluded with the same Powers, together with the Sultan, having for its object the security of the Turkish Empire, and the maintenance of the general tranquillity. The restoration of my diplomatic and friendly intercourse with the Court of Teheran has been followed by the completion of a Commercial Treaty with the King of Persia, which I have directed to be laid before you. I am engaged in negotiations with several Powers, which, I trust, by leading to conven tions, founded on the just principle of mutual advantage, may extend the trade and commerce of the country. I regret that I am not enabled to announce, to you the re-establishment of peaceful relations with the Government of China. The uniform success which has attended the hostile operations against that Power, and my confidence in the skill and gallantry of my Naval and Military Forces, encourage the hope on my part that our differences with the Go vernment of China will be brought to an early termination, and our commercial relations with that country placed on a satisfactory basis. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, The estimates of the year have been prepared, and will be laid before you. I rely, with entire confidence, on your disposi_ tion, while you enforce the principles of a wise economy, to make that provision for the service of the country which the public exigences re quire. You will have seen with regret that, for seve ral years past, the annual income has been ina dequate to bear the public charges; and I feel confident that, fully sensible of the evil which must result from a continued deficiency of this nature during peace, you will care fully consider the best means of averting it. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, I recommend to your immediate attention the State of the Finances, and of the Expenditure of the Country. I - recommend also to your consideration the state of 'the Laws which affect the Import of Corn, ,and of other Articles, the produce of Foreign Countries. Measures will be submitted for your considera tion for the amendment of the law of bank ruptcy, and for the improvement of the juris diction exercised by the Eccle3iastical Courts in England and Wales. It will also be desirable that you should con sider, with a view to their revision, the Laws which regulate the Registration of Electors of Members to serve in Parliament. I have observed with deep regret the continued distress in the manufacturing districts of the country. The sufferings and privations which have resulted from it have been borne with exemplary patience and fortitude. I feel assured that your deliberations on the various important matters which will occupy your attention, will be directed by a comprehensive regard for the interests and permanent welfare of all classes of my subjects, and,l fervently pray that they may tend in their result to improve the national resources, and to encourage the in iness of my peopl e . dustry and promote the happ THE ADDRESS. The Marquis of ABERCORN rose for the purpose of moving an humble Address in answer to the Speech. In doing so, he must beg of their Lordships for no ordinary share of indulgence. He must ask for more indulgence than was usually granted on such occasions,. because, in addition to, the important topics contained in the Speech, he could not but feel that this was the first time he had had the honour of addressing their Lordships. He was fully sensible of the important duty he had to perform -and he was anxious that nothing he might state,shonld interfere with a good understanding among their Lordships. Tie would occupy their Lord ships as shortly as possible, consistently with the im portant subjects contained in her Majesty's Speech, and the unusual interest taken in the topics it contained by the_people generally. He considered the first topic was paramount to Ireirtht: t r l e i s e t. Th T r he announcement of the Throne of England had been the. a:abject of congratulation in all part. of the coun t tri, and among all classes of her M a j es ty' s su bj ec t s . Th e I most lively demonstrations had taken place in all parts of the country, -and if such was the national joy on such an auspicious occasion, he was sure that their Lord shipi Would most gratefully participate with her Majesty -in the prayers that she offered up to the Almighty for his goodness. He was sure also that their Lordships would join with her Majest,y in the satisfaction she had expressed at the presencein.tius country of her brother and ally the King of Prussia, in order that he might stand sponsor to her Majesty's - son, the Prince of - Wales. Nothing, he was sure, had been wanting - by the people to ex press the high gratification they felt at the presence of the illustrious stranger on the present auspicious occasion. His Majesty the King of Prussia had not only, seen the tribute of respect paid to her Majesty by her devoted subjects, but also witnessed the affection of the people of England towards her Majesty displayed at a season when the happiness of the Queen was at its height.—(Elear, hear.) No other period of our history was so full of good promise for_ the future as was the present. It would not be becoming in him (the Marquis of Abercorn) to enter more into that subject at present ; but he must say, that this moment, pregnant with domestic happiness to the Sovereign, was also important to the welfare and happiness of the country. He would congratulate their Lordships on that portion of her Majesty's Speech, in which was mentioned the earnest desire of the great e r a e t iat es P owerswi with Europe to maintain the friendly state o f this country. Looking at the unsettled state of affairs in the East, and considering the disastrous results that must arise from a dismemberment of the Ottoman empire, they had reason to congratulate themselves on the conclusion of the treaty which referred to that sub ject. With respect to the Slave-trade, the announce ment of the successful result of the treaty which this country had concluded lately with the Powers of Europe on that question, would be received by their Lordships with all satisfaction. After the sacrifices which this coun try had made to effect the destruction of that detestable trade, it must be most gratifing to find that this treaty had completely efrected all those desirable objects which it had in view. The Powers of Europe were enlisted in the cause of humanity, and there could be no doubt that the extinction of that nefarious traffic would be ac complished. In the re-establishment of our friendly rela tions with the Court of Persia, their Lordships would see a guarantee of the extension of trade, and the mainte nance of tranquillity in that quarter of the globe. There were other matters respecting the exten sion of trade and commerce in foreign coun tries, which should be laid before Parliament in due time, and to which, therefore, it was not necessary for him to allude. As to the subject of China, it was a matter of regret that it was not in the power of her Ma jesty's Government to re-establish our peaceful intercourse with that empire; but that subject had been already dis.. cussed in Parliament, and he would say no more upon it than that the justice of our claims upon that country had been recognised, and the success of our arms, there w as every reason to belie% would lead to a satisfactory settlement of matters in such a way as would place our commerce with that empire in a most advantageous posi tion. He had now brought before their Lordships' atten tion all the principal matters connected with our foreign For some Hetim time past mow e v advert rena t our th d i o s m c e o s u ti a c t r b e e n e d n er e e x d ce i e t de i d mp by era t t h i e vel e 3 x . p n en ee di es t sa ur r e y t t o h a a n t esoxmteentrymlvehhai affairs.ean hds should be taken to remedy this evil. It had been thought practicable, by a former Government, to provide for this deficiency by continued reduction, and re trenchment had accordingly been carried out to the utmost limit which was consistent with the proper maintenance of the State.—(Hear, hear.) Not withstanding those reductions the expenditure had still continued to exceed the revenue to an alarming extent ; and experience having proved that no such re duction could be made as would bring them to the neces sary level, it was expedient for the public safety that the revenue itself should be raised to such an ex tent as would meet the exigencies of the case. He had no doubt that measures would be proposed which would meet with the concurrence of their Lord ships. There was another paragraph in her Majesty's Speech which would be regarded with deep interest by their Lordships, and by a great part of the country, he meant that which alluded to the law for regulating the importation of foreign corn.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It was most desirable that a - question of such serious importance—a question not only interest ing to the agricultural portion of the empire, but bearing such immediate relation to the commerce and manufac tures of the country—should be considered with the utmost caution ; and that no experiment should be hazarded which had not received the fullest and most serious attention.—(Hear, from the Duke of Wellington.) It was one of those questions which, from obvious causes, could only be brought forward, with advantage, by the Government of the country, and he was glad to see that it was likely to receive from her Majesty's Government that mature and profound consideration which the im portance of the interests affected by it and the present state of the country demanded.—(Hear, hear.) He (the Marquis of Abercorn) confidently anticipated, notwithstanding -the difficulty which surrounded the question, that some satisfactory settlement would be made, that something would be don& to prevent too great a fluctuation 'in the price of corn, while the interests of the grower and consumer were equally protected and advanced. He must be allowed to express his sense of the great error which those persons had fallen into, who had thought fit, on this question, to set the manufacturing and agricultural portion of the community at variance. Nothing could be more.untrue than the supposition that a due protection of the landed interest was incompatible with the success and acivancement of the manufacturer ; on the contrary, the pro.sperity and success of the manufacturer depended in a great degree on the success of the agriculturist. This interest then being thus closely connected, any long continued depression upon the one, or ill-advised with drawal of protection from the other would operate in the end with equal disadvantage to both parties.—(Hear, hear.) The distress which had prevailed to so alarming an extent in many parts of the coun try, and especially in the manufacturing districts, must be a subject of sincere regret to their Lordships, as it had been of feeling allusion inner Majesty's Speech. The occasional recurrence of distress in a country like this was one of those evils ,which the Government could not entirely prevent. He would not attempt to enter into the causes of the distress, or the proper measures of relief, but he was confident that whatever alleviations could be proposed consistent with the general interest of the country would not be withheld. There were just grounds for hoping that the negotiations by which our commercial relations with foreign countries had been extended, and the measures to be brought for ward, would have the effect of restoring the mann fly:tures of this country to that state of prosperity froin which they had fallen.—(Cheers.) If anything were required to enhance the desire for alleviating the sufferlngs of the people, -it would be found in the exemplary patience with which those suffer ings had been borne, and the total absence of disturbance throughout the country.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the worth of the measures now about to be submitted to the consideration of Parlia ment—whatever might be the degree of beneficial change that might arise, he would venture to remind their Lordships that all ill-considered changes, that all rash and hazardous experiments, bearing, indeed, a semblance of expediency, but full of unsoundness within, were much to be avoided in the settlement of this important question, and that though a transitory appearance of relief might be obtained from such sources, yet in the end they might be found to aggravate the evils they were intended to remedy.—(Hear, hear.) He would not now detain their Lordships longer, but should conclude by thanking them for the attention and patience with which they had heard him.—(Hear, hear.) He begged to move that a humble address be presented to her Majesty, thanking her Majesty for her most gracious speech. His Lordship then proceeeded to head the Address, which was, as usual, an echo of the Speech from the Throne. Earl DALHOITSIE said that he felt great pleasure in rising to second the Address in answer to her Ma jesty's most gracious Speech from the Throne. Its various topics had been already so fully alluded to, and the ground before him had been traversed by his Noble Friend with so much more skill and ability than he could pretend to, that he felt himself relieved from the necessity of occupying very much of their i Lords.hips' time upon that occasion. It was perhaps the less ne t ,:essary that he should enter at any length into the„topics alluded to in the Address, because he flattered..himself with the belief that there was nothing contained in it which could necessarily cause that division of opinion which it was always held as desirable. should be absent on an occasion of the kind. He hoped the Address would carry with it to the throne the ad ditional recommendation of having been adopted with the unanimous approval and the entire concurrence of their Lordships' house. But if he should be mistaken in that opinion, he would nevertheless enter with the most pee& 3t confidence and tranquillity upon the considera tion of the first topic which presented itself in the Ad drew—a topic upon which there could be but one opi nio, I—upon which there was but one unanimous feel ing in the House and the country.—(Loud cheer ing.) Their Lordships would anticipate that he alit led to the congratulations to her Majesty upon the birtl a of a Prince of Wales.--(Cheers.) It was very true that; the time had long since passed by when the birth of an heir to the Throne was a subject of. anxiety as 1)312 ch as of congratulation to the country. inasmuch as the n depended upon the event the future destinies of the Cro w n, and the happiness and tranquillity of the people. The. birth of the present Prince was a most conspicuous ever sty, and worthy of all congratulation, inasmuch as it sect wed the continuance of the regal power in a direct and xembroken line in the hands of that illustrious family who . had so long and so prosperously swayed the sceptre of th ese realms. Their Lordships would find matter for shill farther congratulation, in seeing that the Royal PHI m e was sprung-from parents who, in their public and priv ti ;e life, had hitherto earned the respect and attach men t of the people of this country.—(Hear.) One of those Illustrious personages, though placed upon the Thron e in early life, had discharged the duties of a high station i with an integrity and impartiality, and an a .0:11 ierence to this strict line, which must have entitled he to. the gratitude and approval of all.—(Cheers.) The other • was a Prince who, during the time he had lived among : us had displayed such unspotted purity of cha racter. , and such consummate judgment, that no breath of sla .nder, subtle and penetrating as it was, had ventir red to tarnish his name even with a sin gle v ihisper.—(Cheers.) He (Earl Dalhousie) was well :aware that any man who ventured to pay a compli men Lt to persons of such exalted station was open to un favo unable suspicions. He knew that many would be read .1: to say that conpliments paid to persons in such a posi 20 n meant little or nothing, or that they were in a gr. 3a.i ter or lesser degree intended as flatteries. He, how 4. net •r, had no intention of the kind. In adverting to the birth of ' the Prince of Wales he had ventured to allude to the cl in meter and conduct of his Royal parents ; and he did s o because he sincerely believed that their example would 1 lave an influence upon the youthful Prince, which would render his life a blessing _to those ON er whom. he reigned, instead of a subject of regret. He ww so confident of the circumstances that had made an in qn :ession on his mind, that he looked with the utmost confi , ie ace to their Lordships' hailing with the highest -- -- - s7tiisl 114 ;don the birth of tlig Prince Of Wales as a-sub ject alf the highest importance to the country in every point , a f view. —(Hear.) He knew that their Lordships looked upon the Sovereign not as a mere machine for the put pose of carrying on the Government, but as a per son . 14 . 4 whose domestic comfort they felt the greatest anxiety` , and such being the case he was sure the( their ,I4Ord. t ih ips would have heard, with the greatest pleasure, .thest ;a1 Letnent of her Majesty, that the birth of a son had filled ul ) her domestic happiness.—(Hear, hear.) If any .tliieg. cw - ere wanting to convince ,their Lordships of the please r 4 ! her Majesty felt in the auspicious event that had t 1.14 en place, it would be found in the statement of her:-Al _ajesty herself. The presence of the King of Prussia i lgshdi ie)pira had I. t goetr h iniai k i ihts_ ii s :. , l el; o patoe U ti:sio n eogr. had si t e r tteaah y rttyle , uo : iyan ' , l oti l iun o oinnogn; s travelled p a o g r rg s t e d is o t f a n s ctaeh, anddistanding had P o r i,e inc e e o , hd w u a e s t a or circumstance m s ta , n ,e c r e eig o n f felti that n hadthisil this h i csocuu hitherto t n r ht y re e,hntaoed entertained theironly ter ta oldest i neincreaseddofProtes tant him i the n y a . tr y I , anti thesedli a d con circumstancesfir m eth ), e hig h h e a l t v t a a c s ips would find abundant cause o of joy, and they h s n l u e r e n t n' t h h i e e i h r Lord this con s a h l l at t i a to l d n e the words of the wont i : with the utmost sincerity gr j r o )ms Almighty , iie not was Addr et is, and express their and truly God ib] • the birth of a Prince.--(Loud cheers.) sure : a ll eir.iai ground, Lorclsh i Lordships t w b o ec u would because edtohpety sthosesincerely rteely;on any , desired it.—(Hear, hear.) lie trusted that the young - Prince; when he arrived at manhood, would provei blessir4 to the empire. —(Hear.) He was sure their Lordsli ps would receive with satisfaction the assuratt yes her Majesty stated she had received from all Foam sign Powers of their desire to maintain the most frier ii relations with this country; and he thought their :r o; .4.s in the ensuing paragraphs in the Address, :had pi Tetical evidence of the surety of the maintenance of t:'io se friendly relations, because he there found that her - . 1 Anjesty stated she had entered into seve ral I It portant treaties with Foreign Powers, especially the t reaty with respect to the slave-trade, the obje et of which was to effect its abolition.—(Hear.) It was on these principles that a treatl had been con cinch ,d between the Great Powers of Europe, which, it was 113)1 red, would have the effect of repressing that traffic whie:D. :., England had made such great exertions and sa'.:rifiet. 'a to destroy. Their Lordships would - tecogni ie as a result of the friendly feeling I b e tween these Great Powers, a treaty, which had for its fobjet i ..he placing the command of the Black Sea in th& .1 4 ands of its natural guardian, the Sultan, by whi e h i nea :isthe Powers had settled a question which, at , one per. 'od, threatened the peace of Europe. Thei." Lortl.illiPs would be gratified to hear that there would be laid on their Lord ships' . table, 0, comm erc i a l t rea ty b e t wee n this coon try :a nd the ,S e itah of Persia, and with regard to the gum r a l sotte of •affairs between the two countries, there - Tilt' SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 184`z.1 were reasons to hope that all things would return into - that peaceful channel and pacific state that existed pre vious to the .late dissensions. The success of the nego ciations, . which had been carried on in that . par' of the world, justified thelconfidence expressed in that portion of her , Majesty!s .Speech,, wherein she trusted that affairs would be settled to the mutual advantage, with respect. 'to trade and commerce, of that part of our foreign possessions.. In.the midst of all this, your Lord ships will naturally regret that her Majesty is unable to announce ~ t he conclusion' of the- war in China: It was not . his business, nor .did he mean to enter -into an examination of previous questions con nected with that war, nor of the measures that would probably be adopted,with respect to it by, the present Government.... . 1 - isliquicl confine himself to his pro per task, which was to express his sentiments of congratulation at the .uniform success that had attended the British . arms, and the gallantry and skill. of the British .forces. Ire did not mean to say that the conduct of those forces placed them in all re and impo r t ance o f th e ir ope rations,of a for mer p er i o d. H e w ould extravagant an assertion ; but he s il p: t ct N. equal g i u to ea l theotiol operationshsroil l ia might say that they had done their duty in the face of the enemy, both with gallantry and skill. They had done it too in the face of such disheartening things as sickness and suffering, and in spite of such temptations to diSorder, as were quite as formidable as any enemy. It would be impossible to conjecture what the success of the negotiations with China might be; but he trusted with perfect confidence that, as far as human efforts can avail, the conduct of affairs in China would be distinguished by gallantry and guided by the skill and experience of the officers her Majesty had selected to command in that country. Their Lordships would .be able parti cularly to assure her Majesty that they would enter on the consideration of those, matters of grave moment par ticularly recommended to their deliberation on points connected with the finances. It was in vain for their Lordships to shut their eyes to the fact that fur several years past the annual revenue had not been sufficient to meet the annual demands upon it, (Hear, hear.) It would be perfectly preposterous to dwell on points, of detail for th e p ur p o se. of showing the danger of such a state of things. Be was sure their Lordships would turn their instant attention to a remedy, and while they enforced the most rigid economy con sistent with the perfect efficiency . of the public service, that they would institute an inquiry into the state of the finances and the mode of their application, and that their Lordships would' be prepared with such measures as Parliament in its wisdom might think proper to accept. Their Lordships would also have to take. into their consi sideration the, state of the laws affecting our imports. The question of a duty.on foreign corn had for some time excited much and warm discussion, and he was loath to introduce it on this occasion lest it might pro voke that discussion which it was so desirable, on an oc casion of this kind, to avoid. lie was unwilling to in trude his poor opinion on their Lordships on a question of such magnitude and importance, in which all were interested. - At all events lie would not venture to do so on the present occasion, in the absence of all know ledge on the subject. But he might express his satisfac tion that a measure was to be proposed on this subject from the only quarter from which such a measure would prove effectual, from the Government ,of the country. When the details of that measure were unfolded, every Member of that House would be prepared to give it a calm and impartial consideration, and view the measure both in itself and in the bearings which it had on every class of her Majesty's subjects. Their Lordships would also pay the closest attention to a measure proposed to be intro duced with regard to the law of marriage, and to a mea sure affecting the registration. He trusted that every class would be enabled to have the full exercise of their privileges without delay . and without distinction. In the whole range Of topics contained in her Majesty's speech, there was not one in which their Lordships would more cordially agree than with the statements referring to the distress prevailing in the manufacturing districts, except the expression of admiration of the fortitude with which that distress had been borne. Notwithstand ing all the temptations which poverty and suf ferings held out to crime, their privations had been borne with the greatest patience. Their Lordships asked earnestly whether there could be devised any measure which would have the effect of mitigating and preventing the recurrence of those scenes which he (the Earl of Dalhousie) thought, that, while the world remained as it is, could never be by any human sagacity foreseen, nor by any amount of human wisdom be altogether pre vented. He (the Earl of Dalhousie) had endeavoured to discharge the duty with which he had the honour to be entrusted, and no man was more sensible than he was of the deficient manner •in which he had acquitted himself. He trusted, hoWever, that their Lordships would excuse him for the very insufficient manner in which he had treated those important sub jects. He had unnecessarily wasted their Lordships, time.—(Hear, hear.) Viscount MELBOURNE—The Noble Lord who had moved the. Address, and the Noble Lord who had seconded him, had properly- stated that there were occasions on which it was most difficult to acquit oneself, and that such ate occasion was the present. He ( Viscount Melbourne) ex pressed his entire concurrence both in the. Speech which her Majesty had been advised to deliver from the Throne, and also in the Address which had been moved by the Noble Lord opposite ; and unquestionably if there was nothing in that Speech or in the Address, which should excite opposition, there, was certainly nothing either in the speech of the Noble Lord who had moved it, nor of the Noble Lord who had seconded it, to warrant opposition. Upon no occasion had he (Viscount Melbourne) heard a speech of more ability and propriety than that in which the Address had been moved nn the present occasion. The Noble Lord who seconded the Address had already given .to their Lordships specimens of great • ability on former occasions, and he ( Viscount. Melbourne) was sure that their Lord ships had heard, with satisfaction, the manner in which 'he acquitted himself on the present occasion. With re: pest to those matters which formed the first part of the Speech, there could be but one feeling in joining in that voice of gratulation to her Majesty on the joyous event which had recently occurred. Connected with that event was the arrival in this country of that Illustrious Monarch whose coming and whose character had been treated with so much just and proper eulogy. Not treating othe r c ou n t r ies with dis respect, he ( Viscount M. ) must be allowed to say, that he always lo , ked, with peculiar interest to the kingdom of Prussia. Never did he feel more regret than when causes of difference and alienation had arisen to prevent any concurrence of our country with that kingdom, with which, by simila• rity of ieligion, and by most intimate ties of blood, and by considerations of public interest, we were united. He (Viscount Melbourne) thought that what had happened on the present occasion would be an additional guarantee for the future union of the two nations upon all occasions, for the benefit of, the human race, purpose of advancing the and the preservation of the peace of Europe. It was for the good of human affairs that those entrusted with the Govern. merit of a country shOuld hold a good opinion of the state of af. fairs entrusted to them, and upon the present occasion it *as impossible not to congratulate Ministers upon the more com fortable view which they took of affairs now than on the 24th of August last.--( Hear, hear, and cheers..) It was impos-. sible for him (Viscount Melbourne) not to rejoice that upon a more intimate acquaintance wit') the transactions which had been and were still going on, Ministers had found that affairs were not so desperate nor so hopeless as had been supposed. He particularly congratulated the Noble Lord the the President of the Board of Trade, who took perhaps the most melancholy view of any person, knowing as he did that Noble Lord's anxiety for the public welfare ; he could not but congratulate him at finding affairs in many quarters of the Noble in a better situ ation than he had anticipated. That Noble Lord had talked of the strange and anomalous war in China, which he (the Noble Lord) had seen no hope of bringing to a conclusion. Now his Noble Friend was so far changed in opinion on that subject, that he now joined in that Speech which stated that what had taken place encouraged a hope that the skill and gallantry of our naval and military forces would soon put an early termination to that war. He would next refer to the Corn law. He supposed there were measures intended to be introduced on this subject ; he begged leave to say that he hoped her Ma jesty's Ministers would reconsider the sliding scale. He hoped they would re-consider the sliding scale—( Cheers and hear)— that measure which they had brought forward with so much f ,rmality and solemnity, but he would remind them that no so lemnity could sanction such an absurdity as that was. tie did hope they would re-consider the sliding scale.—( Loud cheers.) It was all that was ridiculous in romance—such things might be read of in Rabelais ; he knew there was nothing to which men might not be driven by absurdity—( Hear, hear) — but he did think that this was the greatest absurdity that he had ever heard of—an absurdity which made it necessary for the leaders of the great Conservative party—great and pow erful as it was, to declare their opinions on the Corn-laws.— (Loud cheers.) They had laid their heads together, and they had come down to the House of Parliament—the leader of their party and his Honourable Friends, Lord Stanley and Sir James- Graham—and they could not say one word on the subject; but one thing they did say, that they would still steed by the sliding scale. They never would do anything with the siding scale, or the t r h i e s y e in the price o f corn.—(Hear, never would do anythi ng , but f h a e ll a , r. a ) nd w si i u t k h in tea average system —(Hear, hear)—with a scale rising with the with th system the add to the uncertainty, insecurity, and instability of.a: trade already in its own nature uncertain, insecure, and un stable.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") He agreed with the the Noble Lord who moved the address, that it was not, the time to go into the detail of those topics; but he would express his hope that the Noble Lords opposite, before they introduced their measu res , wou ld re-consider tha t point of the slid ing scale, an d th a t they would n ot made.—(Hear, and laugher.) be governed in have ich #o ight dealin with it ban en agemen Th s e l w ast ic the on whir l w he would make any remark was that in which her Majesty was beep diaries h . h advised to express her sympathy for the ess w ic pre vaile 1, Whatever could be done yrt measures to prevent its recurrence, to alleviate that distress, or should be dune with the utmt promptitude. But it os was decidedly his opinion that no measure could altogether prevent the recurrence of such di,stress. He fully concurred with the Noble Lord t opposite(the Marquis of Abercoru) that in a manufacturing conntrylike this having a large mass of population depending uponast it e and fashion, and the uncertain demand of foreign countries, wo uld be a delu sion to hold out any promise of measures which could prevent the recurrence of distress—ef great fluctuation in employment, a nd in the wages of the working people._ ( Hear, hear.) When such distress recurred it was, at dif fefent periods, attributed to various causes, to which he never thought they could be referred. Thus it was now attributed to the Corn-laws, which he did not be lieve to be the cause, but the uncertain nature of the employment, or its being inevitably subject to periodical , depression.—( Hear, hear.) H e would never consent to hold out the expectation that such distress would be alleviated by great and organic changes in the Constitution, or by change of the persons by whom the Government of the country was administered. If that were once admitted there would no longer be any stability in the institutions of the country.— ( Hear, hear.) We had passed through times of much change and reparation of the Constitution, and it was said that those ' who supported those measures had lost their popularity. But if those changes had fallen into discredit, it was not on account of their own demerits, but on account of the disappointment occasioned by their not having effected all that was expected from them. If Catholic emancipation disap pointed the people in its effects, it was because it did not produce all the good that was expected from it. The Reform Bill also bad not fulfilled all the good that was expected from it. But with respect to those mea sures, their failnre to give satisfaction was not because they had not worked well—he believed they had worked well —but it was on account of the wild, unmeasured, and exaggerated expectations held out from them.—( Hear, hear.) He never was a Party to ' raising those unfounded expectations, and he hoped that what whatever course might be taken at present, nothing more might be an ticipated than what the measure of the Noble Lords opposite might be calculated to effect, or otherwise the same disappoint ment would follow.—( Hear. ) The Earl of RIPON said that any one who listened to the speech of his Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne), would perceive that he had nothing to oppose to the observations of the Noble Lords who moved and seconded the Address ; for he could find nothing to hang his remarks upon but what fell from him (the Earl of Ripon) in the last Session of Parliament. He was sorry that on that occasion he did not please his Noble Friend —( Hear, hear, and a laugh )—and still more so if he had given his Noble Friend offence, than which nothing could be further from his mind. But if the effect of that motion had been to place them (the Ministers) in a situation to meet the difficul ties of the country, and to obtain the calm consideration of both Houses of Parliament, he could not regret that he had brought it forward.—( Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend said that Ministers had found the difficulties of the country not so very dangerous as they thought they were in August last—and that what he (Lord. Ripon) had called a ridiculous war in China was likely to be brought to an early and satiJactory conclusion. Now he (Lord Ripon) never said that it was not likely to be brought to an early and satisfactery termination. What he had said was that it was a peculiar war, with an enemy that would not fight.—( Hear, and a laugh.) Was it not an extraordinary war, with a people like none other in the world ?—and when proceedings, which were attended with certain results in other countries were attended with none in that.—( Hear.) Neither had he ever said that there was no prospect of a friendly settlement with Persia.—( Hear, hoar. ) He had said the reverse. He had said that from the charac ter of the Envoy that settlement was likely to be effected, and such had been the case. It was not neces-ary for him to go into the various topics of the Address, which had been fully discussed by his Noble Friend (the Marquis of AbercJrn) as was acknowledged by the Noble Viscount opposite.— ( Hear.) But the Noble Viscount, in reference to one subject, advised the Ministers to re-consider their measures. He ad vised them not to regard the opinions which they had expressed or to redeem the pledges they had made. He told them not to care if the existence of their Government depended upon the measure in question—not to mind that, but to take his advice and act in opposition to their own arowed opinions and the painciples of their Administration.—( Hear, and a laugh.) But no ; they had an example for that. —( Cheers and great laughter.) He would not then go into any explanation or de. tail of the course which would be taken, for an imperfect explanation could only produce misapprehension.—( Hear. ) He agreed with the Noble Viscount that it would be a fatal error to hold out expectations that any measure could, in the complicated machinery of society which England presents,—that it would be possible by any legis lative enactment to prevent that occasional distress which fluc- tuations in trade inevitably produce.—( Hear, hear. ) Lord BEAUMONT said, that having expressed a very stroeg opinion in favour of the existing Corn-laws lastsession, he could not allow this occasion to pass without makinga few observations. We understood the Noble Lord to say that he thought it might be possible to make some such improvement in the law as would enable the agriculturist to know better than at present what he had to depend upon, and he would even admit that the present mode of taking ,the averages was attended with fraud; for he knew of an instance of 3,000 quarters of corn being nominally sold to a factor at Hull, and then sent to Wakefield, and there again nominally sold at another price, without a single quarter ever being delivered, the object being only toa ffect tke averages. Lord BROUGHAM did not rise to go into any long debate on the various topic' of the Address, but he would not do his duty if he did not observe upon one-or two of them. The most important was the severe distress which pre vailed, and which, then ' h far from universal, was so severe that its severity could not be exaggerated, especially in the West Riding of Yorkshire and in Lancashire. He believed that the distress was in its present extent transitory,but he feared he must agree with his noble Friend that in this country peri odical distress and reverse of fortune was almost indispensible to the highly artificial state of society. For centuries, nay f,r ages, this country had been manufacturing not only for itself, bet for the world, and such a country might well apprehend a gradual decline of some branches in which other nations would take to supply themselves. But that was no reason for not making every practical effort to stay the de cline of such manufactures, and to open other markets. It was with most especial satisfaction that he had perceived in her Majesty's most gracious Speech an indication that it was the intention of Ministers to undertake a revision of the Corn- laws—of which the worst operation was, in his opinion, that they had a tendency to stunt the manufacturing industry of the country, by obstructing the channels of foreign trade.—(Hear, hear.) He had always considered that the only effectual way of dealing with this subject, indeed the only safe way, was to legislate for a total and complete repeal of the Corn-laws—gradual and progressive, but entire and uncon ditional in its ultimate result. This was the character of the measure he thought would alone do any good; but to correct the conjectures or alarms of those who, on the one hand,thought that the consequence of such a measure would be to lower the price of food, or, on the other hand, to reduce the rent of land, he begged to refer to the authority of a Noble Friend who he regretted was not here now, connected with the counties of Nottingham and Hampshire (Earl Spencer), who moved the Address last August, and who, in advocating the entire repeal of the Corn-laws, added his conviction that such a measure would neither lower the price of food nor reduce the rent of land. But his Noble Friend stated, and in this view, at least, he (Lord B.) fully agreed, that it would have the effect of opening new channels of foreign trade—of staying the decline of our commerce— of arresting the do wnfal of our manufactures. That those effects would be the result, he had no more doubt than that he was at that moment standing there and having the honour of addressing their Lordships. Until he saw what measures his Noble Friend was about to propose, he (Lord B.) would only say he hoped his Noble Friend saw the ab solute necessity of relieving commerce, not by regulating the Corn-laws alone, but by regulating generally those duties that pressed upon consumption and production.—(Hear, hear.) That his Noble Friend felt this necessity, he (Lord Brougham) most earnestly and fervently hoped. That passage in her Majesty's Speech, which spoke of our agree ment with the various Powers with which we are negotiating, held forth very cheering prospects. In respect of, one subject, the slave trade, it was necessary, in consequence of what had recently passed, that he (Lord Brougham) should for a moment solicit their Lordships' attention—particula-ly that of his No ble Friend on the Woolsack, as he (Lord B.) was going to allude to a matter of very great importance—he meant slavery, and an occurrence which had recently taken place, and which at first sight might seem to have an untoward aspect on a ne gotiation about to be commenced, and which he hoped would be carried on with success—he meant the proposed negotiation with the United States of America. He purposely abstained from enterinv on the question between her Majesty's Government and the United States with regard to the right of search. He thought, if the law of the question were perfectly understood, it would at once put an end to all negotiations on :the subject, and show how impossible it was, whatever disposition her Majesty's Government might have, of which, of course, he knew nothing, and of which he could predicate nothing for them to do, for it was alleged it was about to be demanded of them, for the law of Eng land clearly precluded the impossibility of their acceding to such a demand. The case was thus, the slaves on board the vessel in question had risen on the captain and crew in a voyage, perfectly legal according to the laws of America ; slavery being up to this hour recognised as a legal state. A voyage then was lawful, from one part of America to another, with what is called a cargo of slaves ; and we had no right so fastidiously to com plain of the horrors of slavery, since it was only eight or nine years age that we, by our own laWs, must have called the same persons on board the same ship, then an English ship, a cargo of slaves. It did not become us to turn round upon them, and express our horror at the terms which we, within the last few years, would have our selves employed. But with this cargo of slaves from one American port to another, the slaves had exercised that natu ral right which they were entitled to use, an which every human being had a right to use, if a human being dared to oppress them contrary to human nature. They arise against the Captain, they seize the vessel, and they bring her into an English port ; in the course of the scuffle a human life was unfortunately lost ; on arriving at the port 120 slaves were landed, and the remaining 18 of the crew were taken into custody on a charge, partly of murder and partly of piracy. Now, if it be de manded to have the slaves given up, every one must see that compliance with such a demand would be wholly unlawful. By the laws of this country if a slave come to our shores, where slavery does not exist, or to the West Indian colonies, where slavery has not existed since the 31st of August, 1834, by the law of England, when he comes there he instantly becomes free, and whether he may have come there at his own desire, whetber he may have been forcibly brought there, or even if he had run away from his master, he was free by the law of the land, and could not be demanded; and since the Treaty of 1772 there existed no power by law in the port of Nassau by which the Government could give up one of those slaves, or deal with them otherwise than if they were British subjects. A question then arises as to the eighteen who were said to be the wrong doers, and who were charged with the offence, incident to this loss of life. He ( Lord Brougham) ventured to state that it was quite certain that if any person, whether he were a British subject returning from abroad, or whether he were an alien come into this country, were charged with having committed an offence out of the jurisdiction of this country, there was no power whatever, either to seize, detain, or to give him up to any foreign Go vernment whatever. For example, if an Englishman iu France should have committed an offence—even murder—and should escape to this country—or if a Frenchman in France should commit a like offence, and escape into this country, the French Government might in vain apply to this country to have that alleged murderer given up for the purpose of being tried for the offence in that country. It was true that between this country and France, and between this country and the United States, there had been treaties for the mutual surrender of per sons charged with offences ; but there seas no law which gave power to the Government to give them up, as the common law of England knows no power such as that which could make the Government give them up. It was necessary to pass special Acts of Parliament to enable the Government to perform that obligation; and ac cordingly, the Act of the 42d Geo. 111., commonly called the Alien Act, not satisfied with the usual clause of the Alien Act, had a clause, in the case of the American and French treaty, arming the Government with the power to surrender, arrest, and detain parties. He (Lord Brougham) hoped he should be excused for entering at so great length into this subject, but he had not said more than he deemed the urgency of the ques tion demanded.—( Hear, hear.) The surrender of the alas es, of the persons charged with felony, the murder having le.en committed beyond the territory of the British Crown, was to tally unallowed by law, and was consequently totally illegal.— ( Hear, hear.) Supposing a piracy takes place, a doubt might arise whether it was a piracy or not, and then the proper course would be to have a judicial investigation, for the pur pose of having the facts and the law determined. He trusted that this accidental occurrence connected with the capture, and se . zure,:and bringing into port of the Creole, . when rightly considered, would not have Cie effect of putting aside the consideration of that important question, which his Noble Friend, to his honour, had brought forward, and which he believed would tend greatly to the ad vantage of the two countries who were so highly interested in the perpetuation of these friendly relations.—( Hear, hear. ) Before he sat down, he would add his congratulations to those which had already been given upon the happy event that had been announced that day to the House and the country, in the introductory part of her Majesty's Speech.—(Hear, hear.) He entirely agreed with the mover and seconder of the Ad dress in all they had said, both with respect to the loyalty shown through the country, and the joy of their Lordships at the increased domestic happiness of their Illustrious Sovereign. —( Hear, hear.) He believed there never was a people who had shown their loyalty in a more ardent manner than the people of England had done on the birth of the Prince of Wales ; and he (Lord Brougham) would even go further. He knew of no people—and he had had opportunities of seeing and asso ciating much with the inhabitants of almost all the countries of Europe—he had had the happiness of experiencing friend ship and friendly intercourse with the inhabitants of all those countries, and ha no country which it was his fortune to visit had he ever known a people more fond of loyalty, and more devoted to the throne, than were the people of this country. How did he (Lord Brougham) fortify that conclusion ? Ile did it by referring to the past. When his Prussian Majesty was in this country in 1814, there was, he might well remem ber, the same overflowing loyalty and affection. Even though the Allied Sovereigns whom his Majesty then accompanied had returned triumphant with the illustrious warrior in whose pre sence he (Lord Brougham) had the honour of speaking, whose ally they had brut in those illustrious exploits that threw a lustre round his name, and secured the peace of the world— even on that occasion, in the year 1814, he (Lord isr:Jugham) would venture to 1,41. y his .'ilajesty 4iid ooi any appearance of greater loyalty and of greater d,votion to the Crown than he had seen on the present, in 1t342. He (Lord Brougham) would draw a conclusion from that presently, but he first wished to advert to another circum stance. If it so happened that his Majesty had visited this country, a few years subsequent to the former period, he would have found our joy turned into grief—he would have found the whole of the people of England ° plunged into the deepest sor row by the death of the Princess Charlotte—a calamity that was felt in every part of this country, as if each family had suf fered a similar deprivation. Now, his Majesty came in 1842 and he found that upon the birth of an heir to the Throne there was as great joy and universal exultation, all over Eng land, as if there had been born an heir to every family in the kingdom.—( Hear.) From that two conclusions might well be drawn by the Prussian Monarch. Since his former visit very great changes had taken place in the Constitution of this country, and a very large increase of the privileges of the people had been effected, and a very ample extension of the representative system had been con solidated by that which same people ca'led a revolution. He (Lord Brougham) denied it all, and he should always deny the accuracy of that expression, but by a very great reform, a very great change, and a very great extension to the popular prin ciples, and a very ample increase to the representative power, and a very great admission of the people to privileges within the pale of the Constitution during the interval since his Ma jesty last visited us. Did his Majesty find that there was any truth in the fears expressed as to the effect of Parliamentary Reform ? Did he see any of those dangers which they were told strewed the path of the Reformers—did he find that the people's love for the Crown was diminished—did he find, as it was said would be the case, that the foundations of the Throne were shaken? On the contrary, he found now, that if a change at all had taken place, it was evinced in an increase of that devotion and loyalty to the Crown which hut ever characterised the people of this country, and which he (Lord Brougham) was proud to say still existed, notwithstanding all those extensions of privileges.—( Hear. ) And, peradventure, ene conclusion might be drawn by his Majesty, with respect to his own country, and an other conclusion by ourselves with respect to our own. There was not in all Europe, at the present time, he believed there never had been, a more benevolent, a more philanthropic, a more kind and humane Prince, on any of the thrones of Europe. He was a Prince of large and liberal views —he was a Prince universally beloved by his own people— and universally respected abroad—(Hear, hear)—and unlike many Princes, at least of former times, of him it mightbe truly said, that he was the more beloved and the more respected the better he was known. He believed that the result of his Majesty's observation in this country would be thithe would be encouraged to proceed in those nstost beneficial reforms he was making in the constitution of his own coun try, because it would show him that there is no Langer, but only safety in those measures, which, fulfilling the promises made by his predecessor—promises on the faith of which his predecessors raised the Prnssian people, and were enabled by their aid to repel the invasion of France, and to restore the independence of the Prussian Crown. The fulfilment of those promises, by giving his people a representa tive Government, would be safe and beneficial, and would even tend to the security of his Crown and the Monarchy of his country. He (Lord Brougham) drew the same conclusion with respect to their own country, and he ventured to say that those who had been alarmed at the idea of admitting larger numbers to the elective franchise, ten years since, no longer held such fears, but looked on it as judicious to extend the franchise, so as to admit within the pale of the Constitution the great bulk and body of the working-classes. He entirely concurred in the observations made by his Noble Friend, the Noble Viscount, on the Corn-laws on the first day of the last Sessien. His Noble Friend then warned their Lordships, and warned the landed interest, against allowing a state of things to continue that was neither safe for them, nor safe for the Constitution of the country. Here, he said, was a code of laws made by one House of Parliament, and in a great part by another, consist ing almost exclusively of one interest. That was not a sate system which was liable to suspicion, and it ought to be altered for the safety of the landowners and of the two Houses of _Par liament themselves. He did not think that was a safe state o: things, either for the two Houses of Parliament, for the Crown, or for the general stability of the Constitution of this country, to have a representative system from which all were excluded except those who were owners of property. In what way they were to admit those other classes, by what degrees, by what slow degrees if they would—but in what way they would break down that line which places all the property of the country on one side, and all the members of society not possessed of pro perty, if ? not in conflict, at least in opposition—by what rules, what means, what degrees, he cared not how slow, how gradual their operation might be, by what means they might best and most safely get rid of the unhappy state of things that now prevailed, he could not determine. But that a beginning must be made, and that right speedily—that a beginning must be made, however cautiously, however carefully, however guard edly—that a beginning must be made for the purpose of showing the:people that it was not their determination thatmatters should for ever remain in their present state, 'was a proposition, of the truth of which he was as satisfied as with the truth of any pro • position in law or physics. He knew that that was a subject on which he had not the happiness of agreeing with the ma jority of their Lordships. On many former occasions he had frequently felt it to be his duty to state his opinion to their Lordships on those points. The difference of opinion between them, however, he was happy to say, did not extend to the earlier topics of the Address; he meant those alluding to our relations with Foreign Powers ; and with regard to one of those Powers, he could only repeat the earne,t hope, which he had before expressed, that our negotiations with that Power might be brought to a speedy, a safe, and a satisfactory termination. Earl FITZ WILLIAM could not but be surpriseed at the conclusion of his Noble Friend's speech. Ile believed his Noble Friend had alluded to an expression which had been made use of by him (Earl Fitzwilliam) in reference to the Reform Bill, which he had denominated as in essence a revo lution. He would not then enter into that discussion, or al lude further to what, had fallen from his. Noble Friend on the subject ; but he felt anxious to say a few words on one of the subjects alluded to in the Address ; the more so, because he was apprehensive that if he were to remain entirely silent on that subject," his silence might be attributed to motives by which he was not actuated. He felt the most entire gt atitude to her Majesty's Ministers for the course which they had adopt ed, as far as that Course was known. He felt gratitude to her Ma jesty's Ministers for having directed the attention of the House to that particular law to which, under auspices less favourable, it had been his lot to endeavour to direct their Lordships' a tt en ti on , during several former Sessions of Parliament.' He had not, however, met with much support or attention from the majo rity at least of their Lordships. Although he had earnestly en deavoured to draw their Lordships' attention to the subject he bad failed to impress the importance of the question upon the majority at least of their Lordships, and a large majority had thought proper to negative those propositions which he ha I had the temerity to propose to their Lordships. And now, at the end of those three years, since he endeavoured unsuccessfully to draw the attention of the House to this subject, he had the sa tisfaction of hearing it recommended to Parliament by the Ad ministration in power some months ago, and now by the Ad ministration which had overthrown them, and overthrown them not by the power of their Lordships only, but by that power which they were able to obtain from the agriculturists, and which was distinctly at variance with those interests which they were told they had in the present law. He had now the satisfaction of seeing her Majesty's Government recommending the consideration of the Corn-laws to Parliament.—(Cheers.) He did not exactly know in what relation to the Administra tion a Noble Duke of great authority in the country, and whom every man who knows him respects, stood, but he had been for many years the leader of the party now in power in their Lordships House. But it was a marvel to him, and it only illustrated the proverb 6' that marvels never cease," that he who might be supposed to be the inspired genius of the Ad ministration, who, without holding office himself, was a leader in the Administration, and who had a sort of fraternal affection for the Corn-laws, should now agree to recommend its conside ration to Parliament, though, of course, he could not know whether he had been present at the Council in which it was determined to recommend it.—(Hear, hear.) He was sur prised, after all he heard of the well-working of the law from him, that he should now be one of those who recommended Parliament to consider it. This recommendation, he thought, must mean something—( Hear, hear)—it could not mean that nothing was to follow from it, or only something so small as to require a political microscope to discover it. He did not know what assurance he might have, because another Noble Duke had ceased to be a member of her Majesty's Administra tion. He was desirous of knowing, and he was sure a large class of the community were desirous of knowing, the precise difference between the one Duke and the other, knowing well the sacrifices which one Noble Duke had made for the party of whose interests he was the great organ. He was sure he would not be singular in expressing himself most curious to know the particular points that constituted the difference be tween the Noble Duke and the Noble Lord who had succeeded to him. He was, no doubt, as anxious to protect the interests of agriculture as the Noble Duke who had seceded, and who thought it so injurious to alter the present law.--( Hear.) But it was time the public should be disabused, and be put in posses sion of their position in regard to a law so important to them. Ile collected, from all that had passed that evening, that some very great and important change was about to be made in the Corn-laws—the greater the better. He hoped the Govern ment would introduce a large and comprehensive measure— he hoped that the Noble Duke, who was the inspiring genius of the Cabinet, was about to deal with the Corn-laws as he had before dealt with the question of Catholic Emancipation. —(Hear, hear.) He hoped the Noble Duke would repeat in 1842 that campaign, as useful as any of those which he had conducted in time of war, so glorious to himself and so im portant to the country, which had distinguished his Adminis tration in 1829. There was some resemblance in the history of the two epochs. He had no doubt but many of their Lord ships now felt as much surprise at the announcement of the determination of the Government to effect a change in the Corn-laws, as they had formerly felt in 1829, when they were told that they were to swallow that large measure of Catholic Emancipation. The country required the contemplated altera tion. Let it not, however, be supposed that he was one of those who considered such a measure as a nostrum for all the evils under which the country laboured. He had never expressed such an opinion —he had never so con sidered the. question. But this was his opinion of the Corn laws, that of all the various causes which could be discovered of the distress which now prevailed throughout the nation, there was no one which was anything like so efficient as the opera tion of the Corn-laws. He did, not, however, go so far as to say that even a large alteration of the Corn-laws would go to retredy all the evils of the country ; nor did he say that those evils were remediable. He meant to go further—he believed they could not go back to that state of prosperity which they had before enjoyed. This had been no case of fluctuation— there had been a gradual declension—( Hear, hear, from a Noble Peer on the Ministerial benches.) He was glad to have the assent of his Noble Friend opposite to that assertion—of one who was so well acquainted with the manufacturing districts. Each successive year had been worse than the preceding; and he understood from high authority, that even at the present moieent there was not the slightest ap pearance of any improvement. They had gone on too long in a course of mischievous legislation. They had gone on too tong upon an exclusive commercial system, and they could not now recover the position which they had gradually lost. But that was no reason why they should not use every means in their power to arrest the progress of decadence. Ha had often urged it upon their Lordships, and he (lid so again, to go into the full question, and devise some remedy for the state of the country. He was aware that a great change had just taken place in the Cabinet—a great and important change undoubt edly it was. Their Lordships who formed so large a majority in this House, and the individual Members of that majority, were not the persons who would say it was of no consequence who were the Members of the Governmeiit,or who were the Members of the Cabinet. They woisld not say look to numbers anti not t• persons, as was the case at the opening of the fit st Session of the present Parliament, about five months ago. His Noble Friend the President of the Board of Trade, at that time moved an address to be presented to her Majesty, in which was this paragraph :—" But we feel it, however, to be our duty humbly to represent to your Majesty, that it is essential tc our deliberations on this and other matters, that your Ma jesty's Government should possess the confidence of this House and the country, and that that confidence is not reposed in your Majesty's Ministers." The majority of the House held that op tk' on—a pretty co:ivineing per ,of that a majority of this House held a doctrine which he (arl Fitzwilliam) undoubt edly held with them, that they were sometimes to look to persons as well as to measures. He thought that doe- MORNING SUN trine would go out of doors ; and the ques tion soul be asked, what has been the cause of that importiL chance which had taken pine in the Ministry within ",7, last few days ? tie hoped that whatever measures were brou, t forward, they would not be founded on the sliding scale. /. f a t. principle of th e s lidi ng - scr l e was the principle of prOtec t ' the principl e o f p ro t ec ti on was th e principle 'of exelesiew.-ra the principle of exclusion was to embarras the comtUsrP.o the prosperity of the country. Their Lordships sliouid r t o up their minds; they should not oscillate betweenprOtc i°l ' o o non-protection. They should make up their mittdviode course or the other. He was not so much oll'r e C i Z4- system of protection with a view to see the prices ofet ries lowered—a s t o encourage gsr commercial intercour s e bet those countries, wh ose on ly commo dity for intetcuu r iS. the raw material. He h o p e d th ey would act upon this-pn?r ple, and not until they did so would they benefit the coilltre o ; bi The Duke of WELLINGTON w i s h e d to say, ,itkea tbs upon the subject under consideration of the Houle, same time his Grace begged leave to decline sayingl o r' ' ;, or adverting to any topic which might have the effect` 0 1 ", pending for a moment the good temper which had prersit,,, , his great satisfaction throughout the whole of the debateuLTA P° 4ed. the Address, which his Noble Friends had pro A: A not seconded; his Grace begged leave to state h e di d wish to enter into any detail of the measur e 4,3! tbe it was intended to be submitted to that wher House of Parliament by her Majesty's Ge 4e L i tess That measure, when it was brought before the House to/ whose duty it would be to bring it forward, would:4lo7.oe they had acted consistently with their former eour ie tit hoped that it would give entire satisfaction to the cotintifttod he did not feel called upon to say more upon the subieg t ' t hat he was sure he could not say more with any advantag e : p i t bs which appeared to be the object best suited to the sysnfr...,tiso country.—(His Grace was so inaudible that it was alOir, 7l ' possible to collect even the substince of his observationi.i,difr The Duke of BUCKINGH AIM would endeavour . fcCsi th i e the curiosity of his Noble Friend who had asked what trer i e . hog e reasons which induced him to act as he had clone? B ed opinions he had formerly expressed remained the ssur t iett were upon those subjects unchanged. A measure Willi of proposed to him (the Duke of Buckingham), to the dot" ;bis which he could not honestly adhere, and he thought tt,_. t b . duty, as an honest man, and acting consistently opinions, to retire from that office which he held in tht wtth- 0 0,4 net.—( Hear, hear.) Since he had the honour i f u „*is' a seat in her Majesty's Government, he had not had tn t isa. fortune of differing from his colleagues on any other g lie li o ula But he differed from them upon that subject, and 101 00 feel it his duty to give it his most strenuous oppesiti 4l3 „hicb it came before that House. But on . all other wieasuteo oti "; they intended to propose, he'should give them his 'W ee cordial support.—(Cheers.) , , • ADDRESS TO PRINCE ALBERT. its' Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved 'an address of eOnr i ;t the tion to his Royal Highness Prince Albert, on the bitt Prince of Wales, which was agreed to. chsfte r The Duke of WELLINGTON p r opo se d the Eirl of ''% d os , bury as Chairman of the Committee of th • L I bips'''Thui their s The LORD CHANCELLOR, secondi n g the nur 0 4: . 1 %14 said he could not allow this occasion to pass without, . g* s ible his testimony to the zeal and efficiency (with which a!!' it Friend had always performed the duties of his office. :.:: 461 1,tt The motion was then agreed to, and the House &akin - , Eight o'Cl9ck to Half-past Three to-morrew. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 3. The doors of the Gallery were not opened lin j irtt after one o'clock, at which hour not more thelt'"'"sif Members were in the House ; among whoa' ,V l rieo George Strickland, Mr. Wakley, who had takell-W4aet on the front Opposition bench ; Mr. F. Shaw, Mr ivi ; r'fitr and Colonel Sibthorp. Sir R. H. Inglis shorteitte wards entered the House. Members now conit!!00 , arrive at intervals until 20 minutes to two VeleTater the Speaker entered, and took his seat, immedisi' ai. which prayers were r e ad. - j or- Several Members entered the House as the ee tio orli. amo ng prayers was concluded, whom: we par observed Mr. Wallace. The first Cabinet Alinistet:fir made his appearance was Sir Henry Hardinge,'",till rived shortly before two o'clock, and took his se at s? ~, Treasury bench, on which Colonel SibtliOrp, left .e".1; 1 4i seat, and joining Sir Henry on the Treasury b.f,p,,,60 mained in conversation with him some time. 4- itoo; minutes after two o'clock the booming of the'cann°,oo flounced the approach of her Majesty; and' a i of Members rushed into the House, en u- t . their places, and from this time the Bar °Oh. House was thronged. At a quarter after two oel, °e t o e , Gentlemen Usher of the Black Rod appeared et oe, table, and summoned the House to attend at the le the House of Peers. The Speaker immediatelY_, ° the summons, and was accompanied by the greartior ber of the Members present, who crowded aroun" inconveniently, that in his way down the floorid6ol House the Right Hon. Gentleman was compelled;:. round and call " Order, order!" three or four of goo At half-after two the Speaker returned, a nd ihe. t ;; ~, adjourned to a•Quarter before Four. ttifele The SPEAKER t oo k th e Ch a i r a t a QuartOr L i s el t Four o'Clock, and i mme di a t e l y upon takingT,o o he informed the House that in the interim ',De!- Att the last and the present session he had, under 0;4 of empowering him to do so, issued a new writ' ° ea sea' city of Dublin, in the room of Mr. West,' dee, 0 0 Sir Thomas Hepburne took the oaths ancl . r for the 'Haddington Burghs. - tY Mr. PENDARVES moved for a new wri t 0 fp- Western DiviSion of Cornwall, in the room. °kr Falmouth, now called to the House of Lords. ot the Sir THOMAS FREEMANTLE moved f r j/ following new writs—For the borough ° ,454 4 minster, in the room of James Wigrerili Ilex; who had accepted the office of Vice-Chen. IW' for the borough of Bandon Bridge, in the roeni be' Sergeant Jackson, who had accepted the offic°,„ tY Majesty's Solicitor-General f or Irelalid;; ilif T. University of Dublin, i n th e room o f t h e it i g7oo l7 Thomas Lefroy, I yho h a d accep t e d th e officThstiil l of her Majesty's - C our t o f E x Ch eque r in '.":„; for the borough of King's Lynn, in the toot,ipte' Right Hon. Sir Stratford Canning, who • hatl'n44 lo !( the dike of Steward' of her Majesty's Chiitt, oo ol dreds ; for the'berough of Liverpool, in ih e LePt e ; Willi- Cr 11 Cr 41, E, -esswei ..;resswen, _ ,sq., who the office of one of her Majesty's Judges Oft` y 0 0 of Common Pleas. i ti w The SPEAKER informed the House that,r 4o 4, l ; had been presented against the returns for the u'" a ir of Bridport and Sunderland, and that the S ec .4 were unexceptionable. the Sir T. FREEMANTLE gave notice, on w ow, o of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he for t''„; move to-morrow for leave to bring in a 1 31 P4 i , $ 11 ; application to the service of 1841 of 0 0 0 granted in the two last sessions of Par' l s , e ct e Also on the part of the Noble Lord th e ,we tf tj tart' of the Colonies that he would Morrow for leave to' bring in the • J':, amend the Act of th e sth and 6th of Willi , '" 0° for regulating the carr i age o f passengers 11Pri: chant vessels. Also, on the part of the saln Lord, that he w o u ld move to bring in a Bill t 4 lating the sale o f l an d s belonging to the CroOthot4,'" Australian col on i es an d N ew Zealand, and „., 1 10 9 ; would also move to b r i n g i n a Bill for rev 13f ie the salaries of Bishops and Clerks in Jaln_yaiton, badoes, and the Leeward Islands. The fo v- Itifi ij i Member also gave notice, on the part of I t ' s 000 Honourable Friend, the Vice-President of t h o oP te of Trade, that on the Bth of February he w° 11 , 4 for leave to bring in a Bill to amend and e°llrit'so the laws for regulating the trade ( 9f it ,• t stt* possessions, and to make certain 1 ' 4 09 in the duties on goods, wares, and M er l ; brought from British possessions ; also that Be ti o , on the same day move to bring in a Bill forthw re regulation of railways. The Hon. Member S t o l l eo l tice on the part of the Chancellor oi Exchequer that on the 15th of February he vi ,. ° of I ,r the attention of the House to the s ubiee' be4l', l , r late frauds connected with the issue of the P lc ,fic etw o bills; and on the part of the Noble Lord the tlif ilth,;ll of the Duchy of Lancaster, that en the. o February he would move for leave to bring l oor De to provide more effectually for the inspections ° fo r t licensed by Magistrates at Quarter SeF , sitsr o leg A *4 reception of insane persons in England and `T i tes' r e Mr. WALLACE gave notice that on g P next he would move that 'an hu m ble add-re, s ; 0 , 0 1 d sented to her Majesty, praying h e r Maie s ' e Jditita graciously pleased to command th a t a n inun d diligent inquiry be made into the nature n ie of the misery and destitution u n d er wtte fre ws°; t ill bitants of Paisley, and other towns in e li a ;rd have been suffering for so long a period, 111) ,,,, enduring. And further, that her Ma.ittv graciously pleased to command that tae, the to ~„.0 quiry be pros ecu t e d r i gorous l y, so thl e „ bewo suits may be laid as soon as po ss t.4l l t ll l ri this House, with a view to its proviclinq,int°', e o o speed against the longer continuance of i tli n itnia'l able distress ; as also against the evident arl o ittS, u '4o l danger and disease and pestilence following„ -ii'- r tof course, thereby causing more numerous ef le cold and hunger, and actual starvation, tha, o o o f th oj? as well as increasing the ruinous tendenc i i i ,vh° g! appalling evils on the moral character of the rR directly affected by them, or who live Ns'it hill g as: f ' of their influence. Tho r . _ Mr. D'ISRAELI gave notice that on oosuleeri the 10th inst., he would bring under the oo t of tion of the House the Consular Establish'" , $ 1 Empire. ple P Dr. BOWRING gave notice that Lions wbett next he would move for any commun ica lionle -° had been addressed from Bolton to tir fr. got t ,) ott during the late recess, with respect to s hoT.o" l , o , Col. SIBTHORP gave notice that Pe i3il", t° ll , e t , a future day move for leave to bring itt 3 F A selleq l ;r/ lish the present office of Comptroller of " Sir G. CLERK gave notice that he t row move the Sessional Orders. B e l l° re The Hon. Member also brought 1 1 P stir tion the Lords of the Treasury on an hive f ei would to-in specting the issue of Exchequer Bills. was - A Bill respecting Clandestine Outlay 'Y - VW a first time, and ordered to lie on the table. he for - e At this period Mr. Wakley, 3leln— p e r ding t° for bury, entered the House, and, on proe— otione(ll,lo,, his seat on the Opposition benches, wa s 11l c . r ol 3 r ward towards the Ministerial side by the 11°11s' • hers, amidst the cheers and laug,hter of ig e THE CORN-LAt/eNrirdSe.d, and. 8 141 The House being now well at . kere of some moments having elapsed, ,r. S ee Sir ROBERT PEEL rose and said, 111 /r ot ' cu ` J I wish now to give notice that on lire if dlierinii to a. Comte shall move that this House resolv e itse' • c ons mittee of the whole House for the I)urp osP ortvo t,fore i r dering the laws which affect the inT,Q th ereee r L e corn.—(General cries of " Hear, Ifea,rf, I would have named an earlier (TaY7