The Sun. — London, England, 1855-03-03 00:00:00

• right to expect. The feeling at which they had arrived WAS this, that the house had imposed on en e _ m a most serious and responsible duty. They v. et ...angto undertake that duty; but only on terms which would enable them to dis charge it satisfactorily. (Hear.) There were two requi sites which the committee had to attain. The first was, that the inquiry, delicate and difficult, should be c onducted with due care, circumspection, and prudence ; and t h e second requisite was, that it should be a searching inves 1- dition- Now, they could not comply with th ose two con tions unless this was made a secret inquiry, by prevent ing the insertion from day to dap of selected portions of the evidence in the public papers, toget h er with the com ments which would inevitably be made on the publication of these selected portions. The noble lord the member for Totness (Lora Seymour) said, if this was to be a secret committee, they would be led into a line of examination ix which they. would not otherwise indulge. Whatever confidence the house might be disposed to feel in this com mittee, he thought it was clear the noble lord had not got an y very great confidence in them. Again, the noble lord had told them that if this was a secret committee they would still be unable to prevent the public becoming aware of the evidence, because nothing would be expunged ex cept on motion, and - probably on division, and in one way or another, it would be brought before the house. He be lieved the noble lord to be entirely mistaken in that. He ventured, in the absence of any such decision, to say that the reason advanced by the noble lord in opposi tion to this being a secret committee did not exist, and . that the committee would have an absolute discretion as to what part of their evidence it would be desirable to lay before the house, and whether there was any part of it which, having due regard to individuals, they might think it desirable not to make public. The committee must ine vitably touch on matters of a very delicate and difficult nature. The feeling of the country and of the army had demanded this inquiry; the House of Commons had granted it ; but it was nevertheless incumbent on the gentlemen by whom it was conducted to take due care that it should be conducted so as not to injure those inte rests which it was their duty to promote, and so as not to inflict injustice on those individuals whose conduct must canvassed by them. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM—On a former occasion the house was so indulgent as to listen with patience to many reasons which I thought it then proper to adduce against the pro gress of this inquiry ; but, sir, the country having loudly demanded au inquiry, and this house, the representative of the public, having appointed a committee to prosecute that inquiry, I bow to their decision, and it would ill be come me to repeat er to refer to arguments which, at the right time, I offered in vain. I think rather that, occu pying again a private station, it becomes me, as taking part in this deliberative assembly, if difficulties have arisen, and if there should bo any degree of danger in this inquiry, to offer my opinion freely as to the best mode of avoiding these dangers raid of conducting the inquiry upon which this house has determined. I, therefore, shall ab stain from any farther reference to the former debate, or to any of the arguments which I then used. It does ap pear, certainl3, somewhat extraordinary, that at th© very first meeting of this committee, composed only of 11 mem bers, of wham nine wer e present, the house should beealled upon to place implicit confidence in those members. So great is this difference of opinion that already a division has arisen among the members composing the committee. Upon the very threshold of the inquiry, on the very day the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Roebuck) is voted into the chair, the committee find themselves involved in such great difficulties that really, in spite of all that has been said, it now becomes the duty of this house to rescue the inquiry from tho disgrace of falling into the hands of a hole-and-corner committee. Now, it is not a bare report with which the house has been presented. Though terse, it is very pointed, and contains the reasons which have induced the majority of the committee to make their re commendation to the house. It says that, in the opinion of the committee, the objects of the inquiry will be best attained, justice to individuals will be best observed, and the public interests will be most surely protected if the committee be made a secret committee. Secrecy, in the opinion of the majority of the committee, is the sure mode of prosecuting the inquiry in the most safe manner, of best protecting the public interests, and of mo,t sure'y avoiding injustice to individuals. Now, Sir, with all respect for the opinion of the majority of that committee, I detour to all their three reasons.'2(kshe -es.) I know that if this inquiry is to be proseceten—and it is quite right that I should now assume that it is to Le prosecuted—the public interest will best be promoted, tho inquiry will best be conducted, and injury and injustice to individuals will be most surely prevented by the committee not seeking the shelter of secrecy, but conducting the inquiry with publicity. (Hear, hear.) I stated on a former occasion—and I may just refer to it in passing, as I wish to guard mytelf against misap prehension—that I could not shut my eyes to the very con siderable danger which would attend even publicity; but I know no ground, except the discretion of the members of the committee, why the inquiry should not be conducted under the eye of the public, for where danger to the public interests begins there the inquiry ought to terminate. (Hear.) This is the limit which ought to be fixed to the inquiry, and beyond which the public ought not to de mand it to be pushed. As to precedents, I will not touch upon the ground taken by my right hon. friend the member for Midhurst (Mr. Walpole) further than to observe that • all the precedents upon which he relies, if I mistake not, relate to great naval and military operations, which had been brought to a close before an inquiry was instituted. Certainly, in reference to these precedents, I do not re member that ray right hon. friend cited one in which secrecy was the principle adopted. The last inquiry was an inquiry of the house, in a public manner, at the close of the Walcheren expedition, into the conduct of that expedition. There was certainly attending that com mittee of inquiry a committee of secrecy, but it had no reference to the conduct of the officers employed, being merely a communication on the past of the Government of certain information which it was not thought ex pedient to lay before the public. In fact, this in formation formed no integral part of the inquiry, but was merely an appendage to it. And now I must shortly remark to the house that it is important they should observe how different has been the view taken in the house of the composition of' the committee. By several majorities the naval, element has been excluded. (Hear.) Nothing could be more fair and honourable than the statement of the chairman of the committee as to the mode adopted with reference to the inquiry. The matter has been studiously and carefully balanced—balanced with reference to party, and balanced by agreement. Last night, by a small majority—l believe it is not irregular for me to name an hon. member in reference to the appointment of a committee of this kind—last night Sir J. Hanmer was chosen, and he will probably form the pivot on which the inquiry may be said to turn. The hon. member is se lected as the makeweight in this committee, holding, as it were, the balance of ingredients so compounded and so neutralised, that reason, truth, and justice are almost sus pended. It is, therefore, of the very highest importance that we should take care that the sacred cause of truth and justice is not injured by an inquiry conducted by a committee so composed. (Cheers.) Nothing can be more true than what was stated by the right hon. gentleman who has just sat down (Sir J. Pakington) as to the rule of this house with respect to secret committees. If this house adopts the report of the committee, and gives its fiat to secrecy, its whole power and control over the future con duct of the inquiry are gone, and gone for ever. (Hear.) There can be no appeal to this house on the part of. any member composing the committee—there can be no report except by the concurrence of the majority of this commit tee of 11. What was said by the right hon. gentleman is most true, with regard to these proceedings. I have great faith in publicity, as the great check where the cause of justice is at stake—(cheers)—and why is any tribune! here involving the conduct of public men, the character of admirals, of generals, and of statesmen, to be conducted on principles different to those which prevail in our courts of law? (Great cheering.) In our courts of law —life and property—and what are dearer than life and property—namely, the character and position of men in society—daily become the subject of investigation, and it is the life and spirit and the very soul of justice that publicity shall pervade and check all these proceedings. The sacred cause ofjnstice is promoted by it. Bystanders constantly afford the means of contradicting false evidence or suggest the means wanting to complete evidence. This tends to promote the cause of truth, and, if the same prin. pie be adopted in a committee of this kind, I am convinced it will have the same effect. (Hear.) The object of the committee is to satisfy the desire of the public that an in vestigation should take place. I believe that the desire on the part of the public is an honest desire to have the truth ascertained with a view of correctives being. applied to teal-administration, and I do not believe that there is any thing whatever vindictive in that desire. (Hear.) Perhaps the house will pardon me if I say that we, the representa tives of the people, acting upon the desire of the public are influenced by somewhat different motives. Party feelings and party objects have mingled in our discussions in refer ence to this subject. The existence of those feelings, swaying even the judgment of the most honest men, will interfere, unless you take due precautions, with the justice of the in vestigation, and I know no check so strong as that the name of every person who puts a question shall be known to the public. (Hear.) His motives will be well understood, his words will b 3 well weighed, and the salutary check of public opinion will be brought to bear upon the inquiry. I also conceive that the inquiry itself will be infinitely more guarded when every witness knows that what he says be fore the committee is certain to be submitted to the ordeal of publicity and the ordeal of public opinion. (Hear.) And now what is the assertion made by the right hon. gentle man the member for Droitwich (Sir J. Pa.ckington) ? He has reminded you, and he has reminded you rightly, that if you snake this a secret committee your power over the inquiryis gone, and it will depend entirely on the vote of a majority of thatcommittee, perhaps upon thevote of any one indivi t cal member o f it, w h e th e r a nyquestions th a t ma yb e th oug ht i d neonsistent with the secrecy required shall be expunged and altogether omitted. (Hear, hear.) Indeed, I know no reason, if such injustice should sway a majority of the committee, wh y may not b e ei eee even extracts front the answers of a wit ness house in the (Hear, hear.) The power of this mat e r t - allbe gone, and it will depend upon the committee w whether they merely they report the evidence at all, or T o e f p t oz e t ir the result produced on the merlins the majority la body. Nay, even the pro. gof tho committee ewehdo not b repo rted to house. You need not know e t he voted in favour of the will n e sa y be w t i h th e i r t ep a o l lit t o h f e on an ly . report, whatever it may be. a single member, and yet it w r ell aware thority of a report of this houpslea.ae(dile.aurt.larno that implicit reliance is to be of mem bars of this house. If the house decrees that the tee is to be secret , I do not believe that i ntentionall ' in a i n t ; member composing that committee will betray th e secrets which pass in the co mmittee. But still, even if they k, p a constant guard on all they say in public and am ong their friends, it must he remembered that witnesses will be exa mined over whom they can have no such control. (Hoar.) The witnesses will easily , ascertain, from the questions put to them, what is the tendency of the inqui ry , and a w nd hat they, are them, the feelings of the persons who quest ion not being placed immediately underyour con trol, will i, sir, nfal• New, libly disclose the proceedings of the commit tee. my belief is, that between No. 17 upstairs and Printing house-square a whi s p er ing-gallery will be established— (" Hear, hear," and laughter)—which day by day will dis close to the public, in a manner that I think most excep tionable—namely, partially and imperfectly—(hear, hear) --what takes place before your committee of secrecy. The desire to maintain the character and the position of this house is stronger than any othorfeeling which actuates me. That mace—that " bauble"—(pointing to the mace upon the clerk's table)—has encountered the sceptre of the Stuarts, and it overcame that sceptre. In my time the Reform Bill was carried by a majority of this house, de spite the opposition of aftnajority of the House of Lords. I entreat this house well to weigh the consequences of a con flict with the press of this country. (Somsecries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition benches, met by loud cheers.) If the house embarks in that conflict—(" Oh, oh," and in terruption) --I have before said that, with the permission of the house, Iwould e . xpress my opinion as a private a gentlem an in deliberativeassembly, amid great public difficulties, and thatwould warn the house of what oc- • . ~g THE SUN, LONDON. SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 3, 185 5, currod to me as dangers to be avoided. I say, Sir, that if this house does give an order of secrecy, and if that order of secrecy is constantly and deliberately violated, you will be lowered in public estimation if you have not the courage and the constancy to give effect to your decision. (Cheers.) But, if you are going to enter into a conflict with the press of thi% country, you must gird up your loins and prepare for a serious struggle ; and I warn you that in that conflict you will not succeed unless you are backed by public opinion. (hear, hear, and cheers.) My belief is that, if you engage in such a conflict, as matters now stand, you will not succeed. I will say more—that I think you ought not to succeed, because I believe that the public interests will not be promoted by your order of se crecy. Public opinion will be grossly violated by it, and justice to individuals will be placed in the utmost jeopardy. (Hear, hear.) I have told you of the danger of your en tering into an encounter with the press without reason or justice on your side, and in violation of public opinion ; but is there no other danger to be avoided ? Have you considered your relative position with reference to the House of Lords ? The House of Lords have, I believe, notified to you—at least, I saw the messenger here just now, though I am not aware whether his message has been delivered—that they have given their consent that one of their body shall attend the select committee of this house, if he should think fit to do so. You change the character of your tribunal. (Hear, hear.) You convert it into a secret tribunal. (Hear, hear.) Are you sure that the House of Lords will consent that one of their members shall attend a secret tribunal? (Hear, hear.) Your com mittee now becomes, not a court of justice, not a court of inquiry, but an Inquisition—(loud and continued cheering) —composed of 11 inquisitors, some of whom have prejudged the question which will be mainly at issue before them. I know net what the decision of the House of Lords may be, but I warn you how you come into conflict with the press of this country and with the privilege of the House of Lords in suck doubtful circumstances. I could, if I thought fit to detain yen, multiply instances of many coming dangers which I foresee from your proceedings ; but I think the two which I have mentioned incidentally, as lying on the very surface, are enough to warn you to be cautious in the proceedings you are about to take. If Ministers, Ad mirals, Generals are to be tried — if their conduct is to be submitted to this ordeal—if further sacrifices be necessary —immolate in the face of day. (Loud cheering.) Don't smother and stifle persons reputation which have hitherto stood the test of time in No. 17. Act as becomes the re presentatives of a free and generous people, who never seek concealment for their thoughts or for their actions. What they dare to do they are ever ready to avow. There are, perhaps, dangers in this inquiry. I shall not revert to them. -I stated them at too much length on a former oc casion. lam willing to intrust the inquiry to the 11. gen tlemen to whom you have committed it, if you will keep over that committee the constant check of publicity. I shall look upon that committee with apprehension greater than I shall state if you should, in an ill-omened moment, come to the decision to-night that the proceedings of the committee shall be secret. In that case I see dangers in numerable ; I think the object for which the committee was granted will net be obtained i and I entreat the house carefully to pause before they give effect to what I must consider a most injudicious recommendation. (Cheers.) Mr. LAYARD said that, when the question of the ap pointment of a committee was brought before the house, he expressed his opinion that it would give rise to (Teat inconvenience and would shackle the Executive. The ap pointment of the committee was carried by a large ma jority, and the Government themselves stated that they would accept that vote as a vote of confidence or no confi dence. The house was, therefore, obliged to deal with the question as it was placed by the Government, putting aside its merits. Upon that vote the Government went out of office. If the question had been brought forward since the present Government had been in office, and if they had placed it on the ground of a vote of confidence, he would have felt considerable difficulty in determining in what way he should give his vote, for ho could not say that either the houselor the country felt much confidence in the existing Administration. (A laugh.) He had en tertained objections to the appointment of the committee, because he did not think that the executive Government could be carried on by men whose conduct was under cri ticism up stairs ; but that objection had been removed by the retirement from the Administration of those members of the Government whose conduct had been impugned. The house having decided that inquiry should be prose cuted by a committee, it was his duty to ascertain in what way that inquiry could be- conducted with the greatest advantage to the public interests, and in a manner to secure the results which were expected by the country. He had been somewhat astonished to find that the two hon. members of the_ committee who had voted against secrecy were gentlemen who had voted against the com mittee of inquiry, and that, too, on the ground that the appointment of such a committee would be a mischievous and dangerous proceeding. Ho supposed, however, that they had some reasons for thus ostentatiously showing the country that they were now voting against secrecy. He was still more astonished at the line of argument pursued by the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) and some other hon. members. The noble member for Totness (Lord Sey mour) had asked whether any new facts had come to their knowledge? He (Mr. Layard) would at once reply that new facts had become known. The three right hon. gen tlemen near him had stated the other night that, if they were put upon their defence, and if this inquiry were prosecuted, they might be compelled to enter into very delicate matters and to call in question the conduct of our ally. They then expressed a strong opinion against the appointment of the committee, but to-night, forsooth, the right hon, baronet contended that the committ3e should be an open committee, and that all dangerous questions might be avoided, although it was only the other night that he told them they would have to enter into transactions which had taken place between the Go vernment of this country and our allies. One objection to the inquiry being an open ene was that it might affect private, character, and that was undoubtedly a strong ob jection ; but that was not a ground which would influence his vote, for he looked merely to the question of danger to the public interests in connection with our relations with our allies. It was said that secrecy was a novelty, bat this alliance was also a novelty—the union of two armies in one great enterprise was a novelty. There were three courses open to them. The first was to prosecute the in quiry by a committee open to the public. What was the objection to that come, putting aside any question with reference to private character ? They talked about private character, but was our ally to be criminated, either directly or indirectly, without having an opportunity of defendie„. himself ? The right hon. gentleman would insinuate Viet we were not the guilty parties; he did not say the right hon. gentleman would throw blame on our ally, but that was the inference which must be drawn, and we should then be in the position of carrying on the inquiry, our ally net having the means of defending himself, without know ing to what mischief it might lead. These being his ob jections to an open committee, they applied equally to a committee at which the members of this house would be allowed to be present.. The country would not consent to a half-and-half measure ; they would either have one thing or the other. This was a great question •it affected every man in the country ; there was not a cottager who did not feel as deeply upon it as any member of this house, and the public would not be satisfied if they were excluded when members ofParliamont were admitted. He wished to make no insinuation against any member of the house, but he would remind them that committees had sat be 6 re new to which members alone had been admitted. Such a commit tee sat last year, seriou-ly affecting the character of some of the members—and what was the result ? Why, the most scandalous accusations were spread abroad, against those gentlemen whose conduct was the subject of inquiry. Would the right hon. gentleman make no distinction be tween 11 members, with a proper sense of responsibility, and 600 members, any of whom might come into the room, and who had no sense of the responsibility at all ? If the committee were strictly secret, of course if anything tran spired they would know exactly the number of persons who were accountable for it. The right hon. gentleman said the press would be against us ; hut he must say that was a popular prejudice which the right hon. gentleman ought to have avoided. His hon. and learned friend had given notice of this resolution last night, and, if the press had been so opposed to it, would not the press have spoken out upon the subject this morning, before the house came to a decision ? (Hear.) If the press took so deep an interest in the question—if it attached such importance to the inquiry being an open one—would not an expression of its opinion have appeared this morning in every newspa per ? Would not a strong appeal have been made t) the public, such as the leading papers know how to make ? Would not an appeal have been made to the house to reject the resolution ? But no such appeal had been made, and he regretted that the right hon. gentleman was trying to get up a feeling upon tho question for party purposes. The press had too high a sense of the immense interests at stake in this question to cry out after a majority of the commit tee had decided that it should be a secret committee ; it had too deep a feeling of responsibility to compel the house by public clamour to adopt a measure dangerous to the public interest. The character of his hon. and learned friend who had for so many years been connected with the popular party was sufficiently well known to bo a guarantee to the public that the resolution of the committee had not keen adopted upon light motives. No man had more to lose than himself (Mr. Iriyard) by having voted in its favour; but he would not be aco ward. When he saw that an act of duty was necessary he would perform it, and he believed it was essential to the interests of the country that this should not be an open committee. The right hon. gentleman had repeatedly told them that they must rest their defence upon the conduct of our ally ; the right hon. baronet had used the expression that the inquiry must "run up" into our connexion with France. If that were so, our ally must either rest under the accusations made against him, although they might be calumnious, or the right hon. gentlemen must be refused the means of justifying themselves, should the inquiry be an open one. fie had, therefore, with great regret, and after mature deliberation, being fully aware Of the ingeni ous arguments which might be urged by the right hon. gentleman, who, he knew, would take the opportunity, if possible, to damage his character in the eyes of the country, arrived at this conclusion, but nothing would compel him to withdraw from the opinion he had formed. if s h a d now stated his motives for voting in favour of the resolu- --.. ......,....... _____._._ _ _ __. tion ; he ... did not regret baying done so, and he thought it his duty to stand by that resolution. (Cheers.) Mr. H. HERBERT said that the hon. member who had last addressed the house had exemplified in the strongest manner, by his own conduct, the necessity of having this inquiry an open one. If he recollected rightly, there ap peared a short time since in the public papers an accusa tion by that gentleman the most galling and offensive which could be made by any one man against a gallant ad miral employed by this country. Ile believed it was an accusation of cowardice upon a gallant admiral in the ser vice of the country, and that accusation was made upon the ground of the hon. member having seen some letter which b ho believed had never yet been made public, upon of the which the lion. member put that construction, which lie gallant ga., considered himself justified in making. Thanks to the Publicity given to that letter by the press,. the statement be a n d . m m i member went abroad and met the eyes of the ant ral i who was the subject of the accusation. into the proceedings That The Tesult was that the would talcs such immediately gave notice that he as would lead to a full inves tigationof the charge brought against him. other letter which re was published in the papers some appeared r f. to be a retractation and apo logy for the hon. member what ho had stated. Apply ing these circumstances to the case before the house, might ,reortiE3olllo other evidence, secret committee, there not be some other le accused would Lave the in nt it ho i i te t t h e o e n t . o cn c ei o ne m sme e : which would be produced before which would induce the member s of the i to a conclusion equally erroneous as that of mem ber, and which the party accu quence of the secrecy of the committee, nity of contradicting ? With respect to the prol°,(l,lll‘,.tu making the committee a secret one, he felt that, if 'lc% for making had the honour of being either directly or indirectly con nected w ith any public office, or with any command in th e army or navy, he certainly would refus e to give a single answer to a single question put to him by a secret com mittee, but would appeal to the justice and honour of the , English people, and he felt confident such app eal wo uld not be made in vain. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LAYARD complained, after the steps he had taken in order to set himself right is the case to which the hon. member had alluded, that'oither he or any other hon. mem ber should have brought the subject before the notice of the her.sr. S, much man-rprr —iitr„tine 11,1, how. 7er, ex isted with respect to his conduct, that he claimed the at tention of hon. members while he explained what were the real facts of the case so far as he was personally concerned. First of all there was in the letter, es it appeared in the public press, the words, "from the maintop of the Aga memnon." These words were not in the letter which he had written, they were a perfect myth. The letter was written from the Agamemnon, the ship in which he had been stay ing for some time ; he had previously been travelling with a gentleuian-for six weeks on terms of the greatest inti macy. When ho left him at the Agamemnon, he (Mr. Layarcl) agreed to write to him, and although that gentle man was a member of the press in London, he separated him from his employment and profession ' and having a great personal esteem E'er him, he wrote two letters upoa one occasion, which were sent off by the same post. One letter contained a statement of various facts which might have been published by any one, and the letter concluded with the words, " You are at liberty to make use of the facts, but do not print the letter." That letter contained no reflection whatever upon Admiral Dundas, but there was a private letter in which those remarks were made which had given offence to the gallant admiral. He had been ac cused, very unjustly, of betraying confidence by referring to a private letter, with the contents of which he had been made acquainted. But what were the facts connected with the case ? A captain in the navy brought a letter to a table at which there were present some 15 or 20 persons, some civilians, and others officers in the army and navy. That letter was read at the table, and it contained the ex pression which was made use of in his letter what had been published. That expression was to the effect that Admiral Dundas rejoiced at the sinking of the Russian fleet. The moment he (Mr.Layard) saw the private letter whichhe had written had been published, he wont to see Admiral Lyons, and to the captain who had read the letter at the table, and apologised for the indiscretion of which he had been guilty, and told them that the letter was a private one, and that it was against his wishes that it had been published. With Admiral Dundas he was not able to have any communica tion, as he was out at sea. He had not for a moment the slightest notion of casting any imputation upon the private character of the gallant admiral, or to insinuate that he did not possess that courage which was shared by every Eng lishman in the army or in the navy. On the return of Ad miral Dundas to this country reports were spread about that proceedings were about to be taken against him, and he told all the friends of the gallant gentleman that he was perfectly willing to explain - away the statement he had made in any manner they might desire. When, therefore, his hon. friend the member for West Surrey (Mr. Drum mond) came to him, he (Mr. Layard) said, whatever you will dictate I will write and sign as a man of honour. The letter which had recently been made public was written at his hon. friend's dictation, and Admiral Dundee had ad mitted that the explanation was perfectly satisfactory. The gallant admiral stated that he did not rejoice that the Russians had sunk their ships in any other sense except that by so doing they had saved him the trouble of doing it for them. He (Mr. Layard) accepted the phrase as so inter preted, he had written the" letter dictated by his hon. friend, and thought that no hon. member would have thought of bringing his conduct in this respect before the house. He was perfectly ready to admit that he had acted with indiscretion, but hoped that, at the same time, he had acted aft erwards as az honourableman intho affair. (Hear. ) Mr. 11. HERBERT explained that it was not his inten- tion to have charged the hon. member with having com mitted any breach of confidence, but had alluded to the case with the view of showing the danger of those pro-, ceedings being conducted in private. Sir B. Hall said that he had voted against the original motion for inquiry, because he felt that if the committee were granted, and a full and searching inquiry were reads, it would lead to most serious and disastrous results, and might perhaps cause disruption between ourselves and our only ally, or rather, perhaps, our only sincere ally. If the house did not really want the inquiry to be fully gone into, and intended by the motion merely to remove the Government, it would have been muck more honest, and would have shown much greater moral courage and candour if it had come boldly forward with a resolution declaring its want of confidence in the then existing Government. Ho felt thankful that he had voted against the committee, for it now appeared that, having granted it, the house had only created a Frankenstein, which it found itself unable to control. Ho objected to the proposal to have the commit tee a secret one ; and when the right hon. baronet the late First Lord of the Admiralty stated that it would be diffi cult to keep the proceedings from the public press, and said vary truly that the press exerted a great moral in finance in the country, and that it was unadvisab'e to in terfere rashly with that moral influence, he was certainly surprised to hear the hon. member for Aylesbury charac terise the power of the presi as "a popular prejudice." (Hear.) Who was there in that horse who indulged More in that popular prejudice than the hon. member himself ? (Hear, hear.) But the house had now received a message frOm the House of Loris—and the right hon. baronet had previously alluded to this fact—to the effect that a person holding the highest rank in this country would be called before the committee. If he (Sir B. Hall) were placed in the position of the Duke of Newcastle, and if he had given his consent to appear before a select committee, and was afterwards informed that it was to be a secret committee, he would at once rise in his place and say that he would not go before that committee and allow five or six gentle. men to extract from his evidence whatever they might please, and place it before the house perhaps in a very dif ferent light from that in which it should appear according to the tenour of the whol evidence. It was impossible to say what might happen as regarded the character of that noble duke. Why was he to be called before the com mittee, except in order that he might tell the whole truth as regarded the conduct of this war when he was Secre tary of State for the War Department ? That noble duke might feel it his duty to give such evidence in order to exculpate himself as might place the blame very properly upon other shoulders than his own. Why, then, should his evidence be subject to be tampered with, and portions of it struck out, by hon. members? He hoped that, the house having granted the committee, the inquiry would go on, and that it might b© a full and searching inquiry, conducted in the face of the public. If hon. members who composed the committee were afraid of the duties they had undertaken, and afraid of conducting the inquiry in the face of the public, he hoped they would have the courage at once to come down to the house and say so at once, and let the inquiry be either proceeded with in rea lity or be given up altogether. (Hear, hear.) Mr. G. M. BUTT was at a loss to understand how the proposed inquiry could be a satisfactory one unless con ducted in a public manner. He felt certain, indeed, that the inquiry could never be fair or just, never could be right, unless it were conducted in such a manner as that those who might be subjected to charges could know what the charges were, by whom and in what form they were made, so as to be able to give the evidence which might be necessary for their defence or exculpation. With re spect to the original motion, he denied that he had given his vote with anything like hostile feelings towards the Duke of Newcastle. Ho gave his vote for the inquiry, be cause he really felt no confidence in the Government, all the members of which were equally responsible for that state of things which, in his opinion, had rendered in quiry necessary. (Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said—l wish, sir, to state shortly to tho house the grounds upon which I am adverse to the motion now before the house. When this motion was first announced yesterday, I confess my own impression was strongly against it, but at the same time I wished to hear what reasons might be assigned, if any, for the course which it was intended to adopt. I have listened with great attention to everything which has passed in the course of this discussion, and I am bound to say that I have heard nothing which has in any degree altered the opinion which at first sight I had formed on the subject. No doubt, when this committee was first proposed, I felt and expressed the same objections against its appointment which have now been urged by the hon. and learned member for Sheffield as a ground for making the committee a secret one. I felt that it was possible—and I so stated it to the house—that it was very likely the course of inquiry might lead to mat ters involving danger• to the relations so happily subsisting between us and our great ally. The house overruled that consideration; and this was urged not by one, but bymany hon. members, that that was an evil which might arise from the investigation. The house, however, with a full knowledge of that possibility, notwithstanding determined twico—nay, thrice—that the inquiry should be prosecuted. I stated, when the question was as to naming the com mittee, that, in my own opinion, it was not desirable to fetter the committee by any instructions. I thought that if wo submitted this inquiry to men of discretion and judgment, it would be better not to fetter their _investiga tions or their proceedings by any instructions from this house. The same principle indeced me to think that we should not impose a restriction as to secrecy. There are - occasions when it might be necessary to impose the restric tion of secrecy. If you had to lay before the committee documents which could not be made public without incon venience to the public service, or documents which might involve danger to individuals, in that case it might be ne ceseary to make your committee a secret one. There are certain reasons which require a• committee to be secret, and there is a power to make it so. There are occasions ►hen witnesses have to bo examined touching their own affairs, in which great delicacy must be observed, and who may with much justice require that their evidence should not be made public, and on those occasions you have a secret committee. But here you are to examine witnesses with respect to matters in which they have no private in terest whatever for requiring secrecy, and though members may observe, and doubtless would observe, secrecy, you could have no restratut on them whatever. They would go home from the committee-room, and if they printed the proceedingsyou might stop them, but yen would have no power whatever to prevent them from stating iu conversation the matters they had heard ; therefore the secrecy you would impose on the committee would be of no value whatever. Then there is this inconvenience beyond what I have stated, that the public would never be satisfied with an inquiry of which they did not know the result. They would think it was a mere juggle. They would think that the House of Commons wasmerely redeeming a pledge, and that the, inquiry would be a proceeding replete with injustice to many persons whose conduct would be made the subject of the investigation. For these reasons I shall certainly give my vote against making this a secret com mittee. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI said—There is no doubt that the ap pointment of a secret committee is a proceeding which the House of Commons should hesitate to sanction without clear necessity. There has been only one instance in which a secret committee was appointed since I had the honour of a seat in this house, and I felt it my duty to resist that motion. It was a subject of great interest which it was then proposed to investigate—the conduct of the Post-office in opening the letters of foreign refugees. That subject was brought bettre the house by the hon. member for Fins bury; and the conduct of the Government of Sir R. Peel, I think in 1841, was called in question, and a select com mittee was proposed by the hon. member for Finsbury to inquire into the circumstances, and into the state of the law . in reference to this matter. One of the most distin gnished members of this a membei of the Govern ment, and, I believe, himself responsible for the act in question, although it was performed through a colleague— the right hon. gentleman who has given us the information to-night that he is now only a private member of Parlia ment—the right honourable member for Carlisle, then in structed the house as to the line of conduct it ought to tette. He stated that if it was to be a committee of in quiry, it should be a searching committee; and, if a searching committee, that it should be a secret one ; and the right hon. gentleman moved an amendment, to the motion to the honourable member for Finsbury, to the effect that the proposed committee of inquiry should be a Committee of secrecy, and the house adopted that amend ei tittle n u o n 3 I•b. joeuf kl t l f: o yre n eti o l t eidre si poeo l i ; t t mehn t oe h nbu a est t efoo u ftr - o a sea know hne a cao n rtwe o ct c to c hcm a oa s mmt i o nmi n totit i et n toeenehe, which assbi eunvgt ever re l t transpired. I mention this as an answer to the observation Made by the righthon gentleman that a committee cannot keep secrets. There is a great authority, that if you desire to make your inquiry a searching one, you should make it secret, and it obtains confirmation from the right hon. c'entlorian's Si( ' .p%:.,:JAcim;.l is 10;i1 •ul using a st3lo of rlenoree u waren he is a great inaeter, which I may designate as the oratory of terror—(a laugh)— and on this occasion he has indulged in that style of ora tory, and has accumulated every possible and impossible danger which he says might arise from a secret committee, in order to influence the house. I think that, should this committee be secret or select, it will be beneficial ; and I de not anticipate any of those dangers shadowed by the right bon. gentleman. I hardly recollect an occasion of importance on which the right hon. gentleman has not ap pealed to the mace on that table, and has not knocked down the house with it. (Laughter.) There is s . however, one circumstance in this discussion which excites in my mind some suspicion, and which must have some influence on the decision of the house—that every person who is op posed to a secret inquiry has also been opposed to the ori ginal inquiry. That circumstance makes me lock with considerable suspicion on the proposal. I cannot admit the arguments adduced by the right hon. gentleman, that a court of justice should never be a secret one, for wehave precedents for inquiries of a secret nature by such tribu nals, as, fur instance, that by the grand jury. Then again it has been argued theta is impossible to maintainthatsecrecy which is th object of this motion. I cannot conceal from myself that from the nature of this inquiry, from its being of so multifarious and comprehensive a character, the diffi culties of maintaieingsecrecy will be proportionately great; nor can I understand how you can draw a line between the admission of the public and of members of this house. You would probably have garbled accounts of the pro ceedings and evidence published. I cannot credit for a moment that if this were to be a secret committee, the secrecy would not be honourably kept. I would have confidence in the common sense and honour of the mem bers of this house, and I would :not believe that the se crecy would be violated. I le)lieve this, that practically, by excluding both the public and members, you might ob tain the object of this motion ; but against that conveni ence there is the great disadvantage that must be expe rienced if an inquiry of national interest, in which the feelings and honour of the country are centered, should be carried on in a manner which would excite suspicion and distrust. I think the balance is in favour of a public inquiry. (Hear.) Ido not myself anticipate those disas trous consequences from this inquiry to the maintenance of the friendship between ourselves and our ally which has been so frequently - and so needlessly referred to. I repeat that I put my trust in the discretion and ability of those whom we have appointed to inquire. Prudence and cau tion are the characteristics of a select committee of the House of Commons. (Hear.) I do not pretend to say that there are net objections and advantages of another class to those I have mentioned, but I think the balance of advantage is greatly in favour of an open inquiry. Al though it may be for the personal convenience of members that the public should not be admitted, I think it would be advantageous if, in this public inquiry, means could be taken that the results of the inquiry should appear before the public in a complete and impartial manner. If the house determine that this shall not be a secret committee, I trust that the committee will take care that the reports of Its prooeedings shall be authentic. (Hoar.) Mr. H. DRUMMOND, as one of those stigmatised as an inquisitor, hoped he would be permitted to make a few remarks. He had not given a factious vote when the com mittee was appointed, for there was only one consideration then present to his mind-- what would be the effect on the minds of our soldiers should the House of Commons refuse such an inquiry. It was well known to what objects the inquiry was to be confined ; and he saw no possible danger that' could arise from inquiry why the house that day should vote 4,000 horses to go to the Crimea when they had not a morsel of hay there to feed them. (A. laugh.) He had heard much use made of those suspicious words, a full and searching inquiry; and every one expressed a con viction that there was danger in it to our alliance. He was not enamoured of that alliance. He doubted that al liance, and . perhaps before the session was over he might state his opinion with respect to it. But it was not before this committee that that question could arise. He thought that the policy of the war, and of our national and rnilitar y proceedin g s, should be altogether excluded from inquiry. The right hon. gentleman bad talked of the press, and he (Mr. Drummond) knew that there were men who had a cowardly fear of the press ; and it was beciuse he knew that these were not the men who wielded that bauble, the mace, against the House of Stuart, that he thought there was any danger at the present moment. But the danger was now from an opposite side ; and there was not a man who dared do leis duty against that danger. Of all the cringing baseness that over apparel in English heart's, commend him to the cringing conduct of Liberals to the daily press. Mr. ELLICE was in favour of a close committee, pub lishing its evideace from time to time, as certain portions of it were completed. Mr. ROCHE said they had better hand the matter over to the Government, and abandon their idea of a committee, for a majority of the members appointed were already ap palled at the task which they had undertaken. After a few words from Mr. J. BALL and Mr. BENTINCK, Mr. T. DUNCO)IBE, in consequence of some observa tions made by the noble viscount the First Lord of the Treasury, had put a-question to the hon. and learned mem ber for Seheffield, for the purpose of ascertaining if it were his intention to press the inquiry. The hon. and learned gentleman answered that he was in earnest, and, come what might, he would prosecute the inqiiiry. (Hear.) Not one word was thou said about a secret committee, though secrecy was certainly advocated by many hon. and right hon. gentlemen who opposed the appointment of any corr. mittee, and objected to any investigation at all. (Hear.) Wheathe right hen, baronet the member for Droitwich was appointed on the committee, he was exceedingly can did. He said he would act upon it on the condition that there should be the most searching inquiry into the state of the army, and he saw no danger, then, in the investiga tion. He never said a word about the committee being. secret. That was not one of the conditions. He said, " I shall be a sort of ferret on this inquiry ;" but he never stated as one of the conditions on which he would consent to serve that it should be a secret committee. The right hon. gentleman, however, told them that evening that the condition on which the majority of the committee would consent to serve would be secrecy. Then let them appoint 'another committee. Nine other names could be got as good as the nine who would only serve on that condition. The committee was appointed in accordance with public feeling, and that public feeling would not allow that'in quiry to be stifled, evaded, garbled, compromised, or mys tified. The objects of the committee would be more effec tively attained by publicity, and less injustice to indivi duals would be done by the committee being public. (Hear, hear.) When the late Secretary-at-War opposed the committee the other evening, he was ready to agree to an inquiry into the conduct of those whose duty it was to administer to the wants of the army in the Crimea. He said he was quite ready that his conduct should be inquired into, and was it right that his vindication —if it should be a vindication—should not go forth to the public. (Hear, hear.) He would say the same thing of the Duke of New castle. In the course of his experience, he (Mr. Duncembe) did not recollect any public man who was so loaded with obloquy as the Duke of Newcastle, and was it quite right that he should have no opportunity of coming before that committee? (Hear, hear.) Whatever his vindication might be, it should be as public as the obloquy ; and if he had no vindication to offer, let the obloquy rest upon him. They must recollect the opinion that had been given by the noble lord the member for the city of London, and the correspondence that had been read, from which it appeared that great credit was due to-the Duke of Newcastle for the manner in which he had discharged his duty ; that it was the fault of the system, and that he was controlled by others. (Hear, hear.) The Duke of Newcastle made an other statement in another place, and the public generally thought that the statement made by him was perfectly satisfactory. He (Mr. Dnncombe) had never heard that statement controverted in that house. (Hear.) The noble duke should go before the committee, and the committee should publish the evidence they received, and the only instraction to the committee should be that they should report from day to day, and thereby tray misrepresentation on the part of the public press or any other person in the room would be avoided. (Hear.) They were told that they would in some way or other injure their alliance with France ; but they had appointed no committee to inquire committee o m an it y te th e connectedwould goulit b ejustified uwfiietd in with tseto iino. any P p r ) encharmy, and the inquiry con nected with France. (Hear, hear.) The public wanted to know what had become of the army that had bean sent to the Crimea—who had starved them, who had refused them shelter, and why disease had overtaken them— but they did not want to go into the policy of the war. (Hear, hear.) Supposo the Duke of Newcastle, the First Lord of the Admiralty, or the late Secretary-at-War ' said they would only give their evidence on the-condition of the committee being secret, there would be cause for the committee to come to that house, but at present they had no cause to come there ; they had examined no one ; they were in no difficulty, but there was a little squabble amongst themselves. (Hear.) It was really time that something should be demo with the committee. They should have members on it who bad some fortitude, etreegth, and courage about them—(hear, boar)—and they should not be troubled with such childishness. (Hear.) The wrongs of which the people complained had been pa -1 railed in the face of the world, and they required that those disasters - and wrongs should be inquired into by the light of day. (Hoar.) Mr. NAPIER thought the tribunal appointed to inquire into this matter was the best judge of the mode in which tho inquiry should be conducted. He felt that the com mittee were sincere in the opinion they had given ; and he should, therefore, give his vote for the motion. Me. CROSSLEY said that if the committee were to sit with closed doors, members only being allowed to outer, reports of the proceedings would be published from day -to day in an incorrect manner. If they had a committee at all, let it be public, and let every question put and answer given be fully reported. He was satisfied the public would soon PCO that what had been referred to this committee could never be done by it, and that if this war were to be managed at all it must be managed by the executive Government. (Hear, hear.) Sir H.WILLOUGHBY thought it was the duty of the hone° to take care that the inquiry should enter a safe channel. It was quite clear that if they attempted to make the committee secret, they would occasion evils of the greatest magnitude, and he should, therefore, join with the noble lord the member for Totness in resisting the motion. (Hear.) Mr. BOWYER understood that the proposition fer a secret committee was advocated because the committee would thereby be enabled to erase such portions of the evidence as in their opinion ought not to be published. That, at first sight, might appear to be a specious argu ment; but unless the public were to hear not only the truth but the whole truth they would not be satisfied. Mr. ROEBUCK, in reply, said the proposal he had made to the house was of an extraordinary nature, whilst the instrument which he had asked permission to employ for the purpose of this inquiry was equally exceptional ; but the unequivocal expression of opinion which herd been pronounced against both would preclude his going to a di vision. (Hear.) He should yield to the almost unani mous opinion of the house in favour of publicity, and pro ceed with the inquiry in the ordinary manner, resolving, nevertheless, to have a thorough and searching investiga tion. (Hear, hear.) His, colleagues wished for a thorough and searching investigation, but they thought it could only be had through the means of a secret investigation. The home, however, seemed to be of a different opinion; but it was somewhat strange that the great majority of the per sons. who opposed secrecy were those very members who were opposed to the appointment of a committee altogether. To use the language of the hon. - member for Aylesbury, they considered this motion as a triumph on their part; but to bring in aid a homely expression, " what was sauce for the goose. was sauce for the gander," and although he did not mean to say that either he was the ono and the right hon. baronet the member for Cara lisle was the other—(a laugh)—he must yet remind the right hon. baronet and the house that, when it was pro posed in July, 1814. that a committee of inquiry should be appointed into the conduct of the Post-office with regard to opening letters, the right honourable baronet was an advocate for secrecy, but he did not think the matter could be fully investigated before a simple select committee. (Hoar, hoer.) Now, that- was pro. cisely this case. There could not be a thorough and searching investig,ation in a select committee, ing evidence nudes the plea that disclosures woulu involve the public safety, and the anxiety of the committee in ask ing for secrecy was to do away with that excuse. The dif ficulties in the way of the committee were very great, but neither he nor his colleagues wore of the cowardly disposi tion attributed to them by the hon. member for Finsbury, and believing the inquiry could yet be made "thorough and searching," through the instrumentality of an ordinary select committee, he should bow to the wish of the house, and endeavour to devise the best means for obtaining a satisfactory result. He believed this inquiry had already done good—indeed the appointment of the committee had spurred on the Government to make reforms in the army ; and in withdrawing the present motion he must express a confident hope that the labours of the committee were des tined to lead to stillgreaterreforms. (Hear, hear.) The motion was then withdrawn. SUPPLY. Ou the motion for going into a committee of supply, Mr. RICH, who had the following notice on the paper, said he should postpone it until a more convenient opportu nity, viz., On going into committee of supply of the army estimates, to move " That it is expedient that measures be taken for promoting the efficiency of our military academies and other established provisions for preparing officers for regimental and staff appointments." Sir H. WILLOUGHBY wished to know if there would be any further supplemental estimates in connection with the army ? Mr. PEEL replied in the negative, except the commissariat estimates. The house then went into committee of supply on the army estimates, commencing with vote 10. On the question that 64,0001. be voted to defray the charge of the pay of general officers in her Majesty's forces not being colonels of regiments, Mr. WILLIAMS asked for some further information re specting the clothing of regiments. He gathered from what fell from the hon. Uder-Secretary the other night that it was still to be left in the hands of the colonels, although they would not pay for it. Now if that were so the saving to the State would be nil. Mr. PEEL said the colonels had superintended the - clothing for the ensuing year, but in all future years it would be abso lutely undertaken by the Government themselves. Mr. PHINN asked whether a general order had been issued relative to the promotion of general officers, and if so, whether it contained a provision that any officer who had served six years as equerry to her Majesty would be entitled to rank as a general officer ? Mr. PEEL said an order had been issued, but it contained no such provision. (Hear, hear.) The vete was then agreed to, as was also a vote for 55,0001. to defray the charge of full pay of reduced and retired officers in her Majesty's forces. , On the question that 318,0001. be voted to defray the I charge for half-pay and military allowances to reduced and retired officers in her Majesty's land forces, Mr. P. O'BRIEN took the opportunity of complaining that officers on half-pay had been promoted in preference to younger officers who had obtained distinction iu the Crimea simply because they had not the means to purchase their pro motions. Mr. WILLIAMS objected to the existing system of half-pay. Officers ought to be called into active service upon full pay, or compelled to sell out. None lout wounded and disabled officers should be entitled to half-pay: Col. NORTH was glad to hear this testimony of the hon. member for Lambeth in favour of the purchase system. Mr. S. KNOX said this remark only showed the hon. mem ber's ignorance of the service. Surely if one man sold out a purcqaser came in, and how could that reduce the half-pay list? The hon. member should inquire into these matters before he ventured to lecture the house upon them. After a few words from Mr. OTWAY and Lord LOVAINE, Col. DUNNE observed that it had been stated that Govern ment had sold commissions which had lapsed by death ; he should be glad to know if that were so; and, if it was, what became of the money ? Mr. PEEL replied that such commissions had beeji sold, and the money applied to the reduction of the half-pay list. Col. NORTH entered into an explanation with regard to tho case of the private in the 26th Regiment who was tried and punished at Newcastle-upon-Tyne for theft. The hon. member for Lambeth had said the man was found guilty by the officers of the regiment to gratify the commander ; but, so far from that being the case, the man was tried, not by a regimental court-martial, but by a district court-martial, the offence being insubordination and robbery from a comrade. The hon. member was also mistaken in sup posing that corporal punishment only prevailed in the •Uritish army, because in the Prussian army it was much more strictly enforced. Mr. WILLIAMS said he had made the statement originally on What ho considered reliable authority, it having come to him from a most respectable source. He objected entirely to the punishment of flogging, the maintenance or abolition of which depended in a great degree on the officers of the regi- meut. Captain BELLEW thought members were bound to make more strict inquiry before hazarding statements which sub sequently turned out groundless or exaggerated. Mr. GILPIN strongly objected to the sale of commissions by Government. The reasons alleged for tolerating the ex istence of the practice between private parties did not exist in the case of the public. Mr. PEEL would not wish to defend the principle of such u t d h e e r ms o e r l d v i e n s a j r u y st c i i fi r e m a i m n- r s a e t a s n o rc methodt e i s n ; g b t o u o f t fi G l i o l n i v n e t g h r neum emergencye n e t om h a n a d st of fnu commissions present crisis. Mr. HENLEY inquired what became of the money received from this sale of commissions by the public ? Mr. PEEL said the sum realised was invested in public securities, and would be held for the purpose of reducing the charge on the half-pay list which otherwise would arise when the.number of officers on active service was reduced on the termination of the present war. Mr. HENLEY wanted to knovi in what office the money was lodged ?. Mr. F. PEEL said he imagined it was in the office of the Commander-in-Chief. As to the names in which the money was invested, he could not say withoat inquiry. The vote was then agreed to. 15,7071. for half-pay reduced allowances to foreign troops, and for pensions to wounded officers. Colonel DUNNE asked whether the Government bad ob tained those foreign troops Mr. F. PEEL was understood to say that as it took 20 regiments to compose a legion, he should say that they were certainly not in existence. The vote was agreed to. 124,4741. for pensions to widows and officers. Mr. MAGUIRE paid he wished to allude to a subject of the greatest importance. This vote was to provide pensions for the widows and orphans of officers in the army; but he could not, for his part, understand why the widows and orphans of the humble soldiers in the ranks should not be as much the objects of the consideration of the state. (Hear.) The pro vision which existed for them was of a temporary and purely eleemosynary kind ; and, great as was the amount raised by the Patriotic Fund, it would not be long before it was the duty of the state to provide for the emergency that would then ensue. Colonel KNOX confessed that he could not see the justice of providing for one class and not for another. (Hear.) It 'was most objectionable to be sending round the begging-box, shutting up other charitable institutions, and calling upon the public to do that which it was the duty of the state to do. In his opinion her Majesty's Government ought to, make some statement as to what wero the intentions of the Royal commission, with regard to the large sum they had at their disposal. The Patriotic Fund of the last war was badly managed, and he believed the balance, amounting to not less than 80,004., found its' way to the National Debt Office; 'at all events, if it were not there, it had never been satisfactorily accounted for. In the present case, he trusted the GoYernment would take on itself the responsibility of making provision for the widows and orphans of the soldiers, and not leave them to depend for their subsistence on the uncertain charity of the public. Be fore sitting down, he could not refrain from alluding to the services of his gallant friend, Major Powis (hear, hear), who had so zealously and indefatigably assisted in providing for the comfort and welfare of hundreds of women and children, who, but for his exertions and those of the gentlemen with whom he had acted, would now have been starving in the streets, or pining away their existence in the workhouses. (Hear, hear.) Mr. S. ADAIR, as a member of the executive committee of the Patriotic Fund, said he was confident that that fund would be administered in the most judicious and efficient manner. The first cases the committee had considered were those of the widows and orphans of warrant officers, non commissioned officers, private soldiers, sailors, and marines ; and for these several classes they had agreed upon a scale of allowances which took effect from the let instant. The committee felt themselves debarred to a considerable extent from contributing to the relief of those who mi g ht not come within the terms of th o Royal warran t, and whom there desire would lead them to relieve, considering that the families of non-commissioned officers, private soldiers, and sailors were the first objects of their care. Nevertheless, they thought that in cases of. urgent necessity they might give some relief—of course limited in its amount—to the widows and families of officers who had also perished in this war ; and he had reason to believe, that if it were known to the public generally that the executive committee were precluded from giving such relief as - they could wish to the widows and families of officers, the public would be dis posed to provide a special fund for that purpose. (Hear.) He could assure th e ga ll an t o ffi cer, i n conclusion, that the I utmost care and the . most constant supervision were exer cised by the committee hi the distribution of the fund. Lord A. PAGET wished to know if there was any chance of either the price of the commission, or compensation for it, being given to the widow or orphans of the officers who fell in the Crimea ? At the battle of the Alma, at the famous charge of cavalry at Balakiava, and again at the battle of Inkerman, there was not a colonel of a regiment of whom it might not be said that he had, from 8,0001. to 10,0al. hang ing round his neck---that was to say, if he were killed in ac tion the whole of that money would be sacrificed. He had often heart it stated that too much money was given for commis sions ; but they all knew that the officer who once refused to give full price for a commission was afterwards looked upon as a "black sheep," and his chance of promotion very much retarded. (Hear, hear.) He had relations in the Crimea. One of these was a younger brother, who had a wife and four children at home ; if he had fallen in action hisefamily would have lost their all. He had also a very near and dear relative in the cavalry charge at Balaklava—(hear, hear)—and if he had been killed in the action he would have left his widow with no more than 7,0001. or 8,0001. to subsist upon. (H ar, hear.) Surely the price of the commission, or some compen sation for it, ought to be given in such cases. Mr. F. PEEL reminded the committee of the unsatisfac tory alternative which was always presented to the Govern ment in dealing with these questions. In time of war, when the patriotic feelings of this house and the country were stirred to their utmost depths by the gallant deeds of our soldiers and sailors, the Government had pressed upon it every case of charity, and was called upon to be liberal, and even profuse, in dealing with such cases. But, if it yielded to all these applications, what was the consequence 7 As soon as the war terminated, then questions of economy were taken up by the house, and in their turn pressed with equal vigour upon the Government, who would probably be charged with extravagance and forgetfulness of the principles of economy in conducting the affairs of the nation. (Hear.) It was said to-night that they were voting a large sum of money as pensions for the widows and orphans of officers, and declining to recognise the claims of the widows and orphans of private soldiers. But was that the case ? Did they recog nise the claims of officers of the army who had their widows and orphans pensioned by the country ? The fact was that the f principle f o t f h t e h o i s m v c o e t r e s w w a h s o c d o i m e d p e o n f s at the e o n valuer o t f h t o h loss o b m y m t ihse sions. Ry the fifth vote a sum of 22,3671. was proposed ex clusively for the education and maintenance of the children of common soldiers. By means of that vote no less a number of boys than 800 or 900 were provided for, so that the proposal was not so one-sided as the hon. gentleman opposite supposed. Mr. MACARTNEY thought it was the duty of the Government, when the country had been driven into a war by the msmanagement of the late Prime Minister, to bring forward some provision on a liberal scale for the wives and children of officers who perished in the war. He was quite sure that Parliament would not hesitate to provide for the children of officers, as well as for those of private soldiers. Mr. NEWPECLA,Tg could not help fooling that it was very hard that the widows and children of officers who fell in the war sholzicl lose the whole rabic of offlo eom- families of officers should partake of the Patriotic Fund, because that fund was not subscribed for the officers of the army, but for the widows and children of non-commissioned officers and privates. At the same time he thought that the claims of officers who had purchased their commissions, and who had been killed in battle, should be taken into consideration. Colonel NORTH knew an instance of a gentleman who had subscribed 5001. to the Patriotic Fund on the express condition that officers' widows and children would be par; tAkers of it. He should do everything in his power to sup port the claims of officers' widows and children to a part of that fund. Mr. OTWAY called the attention of the Government to the case of Colonel Moore, who had, withihis regiment, em barked on board of a transport which had not a sufficient number of boats, and who had perished with the vessel. He believed that the various steps iu that officer's promotion had cost him not less than 14,0001. or 15,0001. Now, 901. a year was a poor compensation for the widow of that officer. He thought the whole of the regulation price of the commission should be returned to the,widow in such cases. Captain BELLEW was willing to provide for the widows of soldiers who had been killed in the service. At the same time he should like to see some measure for providin g for the families of soldiers who died either in battle, or from disease, in the service of their country. Mr. PEEL said that the Government did not contemplate proposing any such provision. Mr. WHITESIDE put the case of an officer killed 'after having been two or three days in the trenches. Would not his widow have the same claim iu that case as she would have if her husband had been killed in battle I' Mr. PEEL said it was intended to place the widow of sich an officer on the same footing as if her husband had bee* killed in action. Captain ARCHDALL reminded the committee that in ad dition to the allowance of 90/. a-year to the widow of Colonel Moore, 1001. had been granted by her Majesty out of her own purse. (Hear.) Lord PALMERSTON requested the committee to consider whet had been suggested by the Under Secretary of War. At the present moment, when operations were going on, and when the generous feeling of the 'public were excited by the gallant deeds of our officers and soldiers, the national im pulse was to deal liberally and generously in all those mat ters that concerned the families of the officers of the army. Pensions for wouuds, • for widows, and provisions for or phans, were liberally made. But peace came, and then committees were appointed to inquire into the amount of the army estimates, and reports were made as to the great and. heavy amount of the charge. Government was then urged to pare down and diminish the provisions made in the momenta liberality, and the allowances made were taken away on the plea of an economical prudence. The house ought, therefore, to preserve the greatest caution not to embark in grants which might be irksome to the country afterwards to maintain, and which they could not; in good faith or without causing disappointment, take away or diminish. That applied especially to the proposition made I for pensions to the widows of soldiers. What had just hap- Pened was an instance how these grants would increase. The first suggestion was to pension suitably the widows of sol diers killed in action. Then another motion proposed that pensions ought to be given to the widows of all soldiers who died of disease in the service of their country, whether in time of war or of peace. He hoped these matters would be left to the discretion of Government, because the house might feel sure that the Government shared in those feelings of gra titude for the services of officers and men which the country entertained. But it must be kept in mind that it was neither wise nor prudent—that it was not really conferring a benefit on any class to grant one day what on a future day they would take away. In the last war there were a great many grants given, and afterwards narrowed and cut down by suc cessive committees and votes of that house. Of course that created great disappointment to the class to which it was applied. The grants to the upper classes might be so dimi nished, but if grants were made to the widows of soldiers, and not permanently maintained, great injury would be clone to the service, and great disappointment would be created among those classes from which the army was recruited. After some further conversation the vote was agreed to ; as was also a vote of 81,0001. to defray the expenses of com passionate allowances. - A vote of 31,1671. for Kihmainham Hospital having been proposed, - Colonel GREVILLE said that the hon. gentleman the Under Secretary for the War Department had stated that eywsing ; in answer to a question which he lial put to him, that the rate of pay, in the case of the clergymen of the Church of England and th e Roman Catholic chaplains in the Crimea, was somewhat in proportion to the scale of living to which the clergymen of the two churches were accustomed. Now he wished to ask the hon. gentleman what his idea was of the scale of living of the Roman. Catholic chaplain to Kilmainham Hospital, for whom last year a salary of 501. had been provided, but for whom no allowance was set down in the estimates this year? (Hear, hear.) Mr. VANCE wished to know how it was that while there was accommodation for 300 persons in Kilmainham Hospital, provision was made for only 144 persons? Mr. PEEL said he was not aware why there had been an omission in the estimates this year with reference to the salary of the Roman Catholic chaplain at Kilmainham. If that cler gyman continued to discharge the same duties as last year, he saw no reason why he should not receive the same amount of salary. (Hear, bear). Mr. WHITESIDE said that the duties of the Protestant clergyman at Kilmainham were of a much more onerous de scription than those of the Roman Catholic chaplain. Mr. S. HERBERT observed, that while the Protestant clergyman at Kilmainham had no other source of income than that which he derived from the discharge of the duties con nected with his office there, the Roman Catholic chaplain had, besides his salary, certain parochial dues. (Hear.) Mr. BUTT wished to know if the rumour that it was the intention of the Government to reduce the establishment at Kilmainham was correct? The warrant of 1845 ordered that there should be four resident captains, and 700 in-door pensioners, in that institution. The noble lord, the present Secretary of War, had, however, undertaken, upon his own responsibility, to make a reduction in that number some years ago. That order of the noble lord had, however, been rescinded by a resolution of that house upon a motion which he about two years since had had the honour to propose. But the right hon. gentleman, the late Secretary of War, bad not acted in accordance with that resolution, and the number of inmates in the hospital at Kilmainham had continued at the number to which it had been reduced by the order of Lord Panmure. He thought the right hoe. gentle man might be considered to have committed a petty larceny iu that respect—(hear, hear,and laughter)—the original order having been little.short •of downright robbery. (Renewed laughter.) He wished, therefore, to learn what were the in tentions of the Government upon the subject.? Colonel DUNNE said that the present was a time at which instead of reducing the establishment at Kilmainham, in creased accommodation should be provided. It was per fectly clear that there would be, during the war, a great num ber of wounded soldiers for whom such accommodation would be found necessary. Mr. PEEL said that it was not the intention of Government to make any reduction in the establishment at Kilmainham at present. _ _ Colonel GREVILLE contended that to give the Catholic chaplain at Kilmainham only one-fifth of the salary which was received by the Protestant clergyman was not placing them in the same favourable position as that in which they stood in the Crimea, where their salary was one-half. Mr. VANCE would ask what was the meaning of the sum of 501. on a former vote if it was not for a Roman Catholic chaplaht ? Mr. F. PEEL—That was for the widow of the Protestant chaplain. (Laughter.) The vote was then agreed to. 1,885,5891. to defray the charge of out-pensioners of Kil mainham.—Agreed to. 33,7001. for retiring allowances and out-pensioners.— Agreed to. The house resumed. Mr. BOUVERIE brought up the report on the Customs Act. The Exchequer Bills (17,183,0001.) Bill went through committee. MEMBERS' QUALIFICATION . • I Mr. MURROUGH hoped tho house would allow him to introduce a bill to abolish the property qualification for members. Mr. MACARTNEY objected to courtesy being shown to hon. members who brought• in bills at that late hour. He should oppose its introduction on that ground. Mr. HADFIELD thought that no Property qualification ought to be required, as it was a restraint on popular selec tion. If the provisions of the act were stringently enforced it would exclude all the men of genius in the kingdom. Mr. HENLEY said as this was part of a larger_ question, he hoped the question would be allowed to stand over until the larger question was ripe for discussion. He hoped the hon. gentleman would withdraw his bill, and not distract the house with such questions when more important matters were in existence. Colonel SIBTHORP, so far from wishing to diminish the property qualification, wished the qualification was ten times as much. Talk of men of genius, why he thought that the fact of a member possessing property of his own made him more careful of the people's property. If the property quali fication were abolished, the house would be nothing but tag rag and bobtail, without a shirt among them, and any kind of dirt would find an entrance into the legislature. (Laughter.) He had been a member of the House of Commons for 26 years, and was sorry to say that he found it going down, and sink ing lower in respectability every session. -- Keep up the re spectability of the House of Commons by property men, and the people at large would be more satisfied that their true interests were protected. (Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said, as a matter of courtesy, it was usual to allow an hon. member to bring forward a bill the contents of which were not known, and to explain the bill to the house ; but this was not a case of that sort, for all knew the nature of the measure. In Scotland, it was true, there was no property qualification ; but that was one of the stipulations of the Act of Union. That was an exception ; and it. was contrary to true logic that the ex ception should form the rule. This was not a proper time to enter into the reasons why it was not desirable that the bill should be read a fii st time. He would take the broad ground that the bill formed part of a projected system of reform, which, by arrangement and understanding, had been postponed for the present, and therefore it ought not to be proceeded with further. After a short conversation, Mr. MURROUGH said he did not moan to pledge any member upon that occasion to support the bill in its future stages; but he hoped the courtesy would be extended to him of allowing him to introduce it to the consideration of the house. The house then divided : For the motion 27 Against it ..................... Majority against the intFoduction of the bill —1 Mr. J. BALL moved for a copy of any instructions issued to postmasters in Ireland in regard to the reduced rates of postage on letters addressed to France with the date at which such instructions were issued. Mr. WILSON did not object to the motion. The warrant for the change in the rates of postage was not drawn up un til the 22d December in London; and some days necessarily elapsed before instructions could be communicated to Ireland, which 'was done on the 7th January, In reply to an HON. MEMBER, Mr. WILSON said no steps had been taken to make four penny stamps ; but he would communicate with the Board of Inland Revenue on the subject. Return ordered. INCOME TAX ON ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY. On the motion of Mr. NAPIER, leave was given to bring in a bill to amend the Act 3d and 4th Will. IV., c. 37, by providing that the property or income tax payable in respect of income from ecclesiastical property in Ireland shall be a deduction in estimating the value of such property for the purpose of taxation by the ecclesiastical commissioners. THIRD SECRETARY OF STATE. Lord PALMERSTON moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable a Third Secretary and Under Secretary of State to Bit in the House of Commons.—Leave given. The house adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. Mr. T. PITINS, M.P. for Bath, paired, ill LTCPUT a Lord Giodericles zavtio, with Air s AT ! FOUL, PA UT AMENT r Y DIFTSIO HOUSE OF COMMONS.—NARca 2. MEMBERS' QUALIFICATION. be Motion made, and question proposed, " That lea" to bring in a bill to abolish the property go' members of Parliament." The house divide,'' 'l` noes 28. AI ES-27. Ball, E. Evelyn, W. J. B .11, J. Hadfield, George Bell, J. Kennedy. T. Bellew, T. M•Can• , J. Bouverle, Hon. E. P. MacGteor, James Brocklehurst, J. Maguire, J. F. Cogan, W. IL F. Mall, E. Cowan, C. Michell, William Cro.sley - , F. O'Brien, P. Di.lwyr, L. L. O'Connell, D. NOES-28. Archdall, Capt. M. Gwyn, Hovvel Ts it ta o a3 c if. Roche, 8 ,c 4 0,,,,,,,. el t. Berkeley, G. Hai ter, IV. Bramston, T. W. Henley, J. Butt, I. Herbet t, H. Christy, Samuel llama, W. Cowper, IV. Macartney, G. Dunne, Colonel Mulgra, e, t• arl of Fitzgerald, W. R. S. Na ier, J. ,Frewen, C. H. /North, Col. J. Grey, Rt. Hon. .Sir G. Paget, Loid A. Grogan, Edward Palmerston, Viscount I;l';:abYbiltiTisetl:enr'll'iPl'j::;l°H::: Otts'aY , Faxtor , PilKington, COUNTRY 41A.81J3T8. LIVERPOOL—MAROS 2. 141511 The imports minas Tuesday are—.of wheat, America, 4,504 qrs. from the Mediterranat tbe from France, with 8,762 qrs. cf Indian corn fond/ States. The grain train is still inactive. Vi e° oi ur t o may be considered unaltered for wheat, fir r i 'l tell e o articles, except oats, which must be quot ea 4i bushel lower than the value of that daY. business in any article. tY WAKEFIELD—MAROS 2. • ST . ;„ There has been a moderate arrival of 6rlD l l;:4 week. Wheat a steady sale to-day, and Pri ce- ve eePt ported. Other articles were rather cheaper, t ; t ae , which were without alteration, the finer Or fAir inquiry. EXETER—FEB. 28. noted fl" - o,c, CORN.—In our market wheat may be quo,.. dit e to 9s Od. Malting barley, 3s 6d to 4s Od ; od. to Os Ot.. Oats, 35 6d to 4a Od. Sean old; Od. Peas, OOs Od to 60s Od. FLOUR. —Fine, 52s Od to 53s Od ; seconds, sei Oct per sack. sr 3°, CATTLE.—Prime beef, 10s Od per score; ib,, ‘3l 121. to 16/. ; butchers' calves, 6d to Od P er y s ob!' calves OOs to OOs each. Sheep, 6d to 6 : 1 3 ( 1 . e gb;,gl ° Od per lb. Store hogs, large size, 40s to f t 0 1 ' 25s to 35s ; small, Os to 00s. Rough Pork carcases from 8s 6tl to 9s 3d per s core. a. INVERNESS:—FEB. 21. 6 y , , g..,CP4 CORN.—Wheat, white, per qr., 64s Ott ley, chevalier, 28s Od to 29s Od ; ditto, COI 27s Od. Oats, 26s Od to 27s Od. 0 24 MEAL.—Oatmeal, per imp. boll 23s 4 d 0119 V tv, o second, OOs Od to Os Od; barleymea l , l _,, u '' 00`„,ViO peasemeal, I7s 6d to On Od ; bran, per stelms", ; 4o, !,1" e l - Ist flour, per 2801 b, 50s Od to 56s ;2d per 1 ;11 1 . 1 uos 0(1; oatmeal, best, per st. of 14 1 b, it e "Or to O . Od ; ditto second, Os Od to Os Oil • to OOs Od. ; peasemeal, is 8d to Os Oil ; 1 : 4 ',ll - 6d credit ; 2d ditto, 2s 6d cash, 2s cid ere ~ BRISTOL SUGAR --.KABC'l, r 4e'bee°:t Owing to the scanty manner in which t10"0011rote, are supplied, the business in West India I ° o 4' a small extent. The sale for refiners' goo! littl e about the late values. In rum there is V' COAL MARKS Fricos of Coal E.or too at t ET.-3IARcil o ft e/ ' ;hu. close of a ° Belmont ......... 13raddyll ...... ietton ........ laswell ........... .„ . 01 iepier Grang e Mummer •••••",„• , 2 1 s o uth Hatton .0.0,1 ;towart's . ....... lartlepool .• • Hough 110.) 1 . Junwiek ••• "''',„•,' South Kelloe.••• 1, I .. Pees..... BirehgroveGr',,„•",/ Cowpen ..... Anthracite sl' 8. d Burnhopp l7 0 Can's Hartley lB ( Davisou's West Hartley 19 " t Long fidgets Wst Hartley 19 I Raveusworth Hartley lB Reclheugh Main 15 ( Tanfield Moor Butes 17 Walker Primrose Grey's West Hartley lB Wylam 19 Wallsend, &c. Gesforth l9 0 Harton l9 Heaton Lawson l7 b Riddell Wliarnciiffe ee l COURSE OF EXCHANGE.— A.rnsterdam...—....... 11 16 1 4 Gibraltar •• ' Ditto, three :months .. II 18 ix, Leg Lora Rotterdam 11 184 Genoa ••" • - Antwerp 25 30. ,••• ' , filen • • • .• ...• les Brussels ............ I.ainburgh •• •. •• •• •• 25 30 13 6% Venice. Naple' Utona .. ............ Palerte Paris .. • • .... 25 15 i Ditto. three ;months .. 25 40 Niarseilles 25 40 Riessins ..• .„.. Lisbon •• Oporto •• " .0 ' Bourdeaux ht N'z ankfort•on:lUalrie •• .. 118% -Buenos AY I 0 Berlin New York ,. 1 , Vienna •• .: 12 55 Philadelphia ..;10 1e ..' Trieste 12 55 PRICES Or gfP 1 Petersburg yi Foreign Gold ' c o. 0 Madrid •' " 49N Portugal 00 1 L, 0 , 0 Ca diz • • • • ••• • • • 50% Mexican Do ll 7 ." 0 Barcelona •• • • ''''' • • p o llarr • • • • • .• • • .• SEA B ORYT, ,41 - A I LS. • .11 11 coop mails are sent It orn the morning—fte9P3eca. (N signifies the.t the : by the night—iuid Ai by FO l5 r t el. COUNTRIES. Day when male op In General Post ' Office, London.* ta i v erco luverPo'l Every Friday • • • • America(byßrit.pack)N kmeriee. by United Sts. packet) ,N America (by U. States packet) „ „N Australia (via _South. araptcn) ........ M Ditto (via Mars oilles) N Ditto (via Cape of Good Hope) •• ..... •• • • ' Africa (West C,)ast)..N,33d of tile month Alexandria NIB, 9, 24, & 30 of In • „ml4th & 20th of moil. Bahamas ~mll7th of the month Belgium .... • • • • • • Brazil ........... . . . 3i 9th of the month.. Buenos Ayre5.........M 9th of the month • • Cape of Good Hope ..N Cape of Good Hope ..N Cape de Verds 9th of the month Ceylon (see India) Ceylon .......• ....N Channel Isles.. ....N Mon.,Wed.,&Frit .. „jkl 2d & 17th of moot! , China .... ......... !Once a month.. • • Constantinople ;8,13,18,23,&28 01°. Constantinople . at 20tli of mon. Cont. of Europe & N Twice daily ..... • Egypt (see India) France & NlTwice daily . • • • Gibraltar . . ...M 4, 7,17, 20, 27 of u , Greece (see India) Greytown M 2nd & 17th of mon. liambiargh Tuesday & Frida),' Uftvannah • • • • Mi2nd of the moot' Holland .. . I Daiiy .. ••.•• • • *1 Honduras .. 17th of the month fndia (viaSouthanopt.)3l.l4th & 20th of men India (via Mar seitles) . lonian Isles (see Indi a ) 7, 17, & 27 of law , M 9 lhgc,`2s th of niooll. Ireland N Twice daily ...• • • 7,9, 17, & 27 of Itt• Madeira 9th of the niontl , Madeira ..........N 23d of month •• •• Malta (see India) • Don t le' Malta '6, 18, &28 of 11 - 1 ° - ' )`' Mauritius (see /Jidda) - • sa l !. t4 ll Mauritius ....N 14th of the tron v , 5,30 1 1: „ ~, Mexico .... •.... •...21ind of the month. pos , v Naples ..N !Mh 15 th2s tholnlC'l4oo l lo Now Granada ......M '2d & 17th of month w on, New Ze Aland By private shiP Papal States ........N ithlsth2;thofition.,• P eninsula • • • • • • ....M 7th 17 th27thonnon.7 P,,_. • moil, 00l et utb VI M° Docat °' ;t° 10 5 to"[ 0 :!1 , ;70 1° e0 1:; 4 ' 111 00° s o gt,„itcyl SOU I: o3f" iil; l°.' ' S , q. 1 ,1 DO Cer " OT of 0 P 01' S'0110". ,07S.° 0 1 e , 1SOU"!: DOV e ,;;;411 0 : 0.11 us _rd! 501' 11 7,0 1 1 , 7 go u ' l' Over° 41 ' 0 1° 10 0 00 1.41, 1 10 0 1 f ol l o ,t eragr. 27th of mon' frei .• „ . 13 1 at , Port Natal . .. ....N sth IBy privat shill. • 'r e f t'„oft 5 th2s titotmOpe t oor k Tuscany ...„ „ t i h 25 th.:in0,,,30 Venezuela At 2d & 17th ofinoow la nd t Van Menton's :tan d (see .sat 4 11 00 Australia) .. pet e ¢ The West Indies .. m 1 Xt: 17t an ye" 0 4 ( 111 0 oillg or Ses A l A [ADVERTISMIIINT.I-11ollowaY c ler'oefr remedy for tlae Cure of Bile and "::vicl the,,10 5e ,4 extraordinar y cures effected by th e— beel ) „ " a 'ol' truly astonis Bing, and which ha ve „ote ; " 50 tis bringing .thern into the highest svo h r ;, pe r o b, r o• society, in e . very part of the nivil is a fety vioona t he r i b/ be taken at el times with perfect 9 oge cl ; o te i , fcring from bile, indizestion, d e r c oroP, l3 tee ° P ie lf ordered liver,_ or 'any other interll3' perties they possess strengthen tie ;Joosplicib9 aEsle* debilitated, .and add vigour to th e s° . cc AY ° irk dg family medicine th e y are unequa -lie o°ilo ad don of niedL?.ine, and at Prifessorzta 80, lishments, 244., Strand, London, 3 New York. On the Ist inst., BIBTIIS. og , "I' tglAC°l° OF A SO . DO fil wife of J. T. Tit h ' f I`. * inn. anp ry, Ei(i., °- 1 , fe ttar Or A DA.tral-all• club, to Onizathe On the 28th • 0 alt., at the "Whittingto Som m e . rset, Holborn,. Mrs . Henry Y. Br::ce. ---__ id' at 21 Westbrailleara, Ic'ell i lP MABB/ED* b ~r , Jane, lsf' 8 : feecOgoWnnr second theldian u g l j g ! Ist ni t in e r g . s t. f s ,a n t h i Y e t - h as l - : a l I !S e ::: I h a j' iv4:ll:Cr:3sl:lij ' o il g r : l r e r : 31:9 : 13, le4:1: O lk i a; e ri; u Y n, Esq., a 28, Thr•satteul°'s , Esq . ' On the 2d hut., second lnt daughter thhtervlofrilh:ochtirlicA:iiiretiC:l;l,l4o TY ---------- - r is, D 1 E k ccenri°r o'o , n_ w th m e .R st a i r, nat., aged 94. of S ° et, On the 2d, ittst , Mr. Wm. 1101100:;:oHotre New -road, lj ~13t''r j' - roaL, South . Lambeth, and 31.11 at Blackhaath-Virl''' u. ,030,,',/ a, fir`` ~,, minde r' aged 40 On the let ins . t., at 8Z Ifontpollierr° ~60 Ross' Esq ., aged 61. 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