The Sun. — London, England, 1855-02-21 00:00:00

s 4' Ptt #I 4P I • • ' -` - SUN OffFIGE, Seven oTtock, PARLIAMENT. ......___.„ 4°°E OP COMMONS —{THIS DAY.) 4 SPE A TZER tnok the chair at two o'cicc. he f o l io PRI VATE .BILLS. :___Con gl, wiug bills were read a second time .4 i!IRH Inclosure, Gateshead and KelsoHexhare-road-,,r__ p4liie, Limerick and Ca , tleconnell Railway, 14' andß"' ;i ti q znd Bridgend Railways, London Necropolis . 0 °ll4l Mausoleum, Maryport and _an p eastle-uji der -Lyme Gas, Waterford and m Li erick 41Iw v. n lisle Railway, NEW WRIT. bo e th° r iect i o Y ( T I ,EE moved for the issue of a new writ for totlgh 0 t , a member to serve in Parliament for the 'te em . enansea, in the room of the late Mr. Vivian tek,, Te , Ti%l e , 'TAPL'E ELECTION COMMITTEE. 1. 4 "1e n' n. members app o i n t e d u p on this commission 4kr o 9to the table and were duly sworn—viz., aole:lrq Elandford, Lord Lovaine, Mr. Danby S y N . 1 , 1 (• U. Butt , and Mr. Hanmer. 44 E8 REMOVAL AND DISEASES Ate ELA TION ACTS AMENDMENT BILL. eill, e order of the day for the second reading of this % ii. ' ° ° l 4 i, l IALL observed that, on that occasion, it N 'e e' s more convenient, and would l ten a d tion to s Itleze I,asaion if hen ri stated the " r l to tt :e i 't el % 1)1. , ' d i this bill. Previous y a4 'eet r i i '„ ° a ° e P n " o e f this bill he had had some conver t° IVi:4 leis right bon friend, the Lord Advocate, in til e bill t'e Alterations h e . intended to intro duce . e tll ebe', 4 o the Lord Advocate was of opin ion that some ' O (4 ''iht not • its present form, and withou t h. h ° r 'Alio,. in , ;P"ollrabiapply to Deet,an , lille ati e friend the Secretary for Ireland re lative to its I a ll ' 4l to that country, and, ix accor d a n ce li with 4 Ireigteßtions of his honourable friend, a llugiox Ittl ek 4 ,, t ICI At present contained in the bill would a be ' h „; 44 , and the bill would therefore only app ly tle"ad and Wales. With regard to the o bjec ts hdie '4t 0f1:4.4811re they were twofold—the one embo di ed o i d . ' l ,oi, general application and the other th at of app i ,ith ~t'tder special and ' peculiar circumstances only. qreee'Peet to the first, it could apply for ail purposes in I to "ticee removal in England and Wnles , b t 1,511(1e°131(1 Point of view some of itsp rovisions ; 4 4: 11 17 be put in force under such c ircumstances 1° " T g • the past f kw - ' r ip Sh Pe llt 1 : he right hon. baronet then said he would 'th t 6-'lnbielf with iielply meving the second nadinng. ti, 'I ; but he should be happy to reply to a n y . i e);, 4 , telative to it which any hon. members might Lord t ant to hi m nl,,:ruouß. po inted out several points in which l eer ° ,„ut the bill r equ ired some further modifications n ; ite i ;:lt, at the sa l ine time, that as the right ho n. 4(1 1 4 (S it it. Ball) had alre a dy reformed many a b us e s: I'4l t e t i 'lleve d many objectionable features in connectio n ,1., e old en t e'lder et • ac ment, he would no . doubt give every e i rl tll oft 10 h il e ta m a e tiegestions for the still greater improve asure be had brought forward, and ,ke ta el i tht be considered in committee. litei:' DRITCHA.RD also made some remarks with t Af te -r t euden cy. Zte r e r i , " Words from Mr. WrracnisoN and Mr. H. l 'e r: Iit NLEV hr 4 'lith e b - eoetended that there were . some f.ea t' Dr °vie ' ll eeench, for instance, as its application ; I ° 4 / . 4 i of t°l 4 l ai order, and its reference to matters to_ t th as e PtioteOrter Sessions—which would reader i to t ` l , r • WiLeTIP operation as the olct law. 114 tigh t VetiVlS thought that much credit was due I it: l 'atlii ( 1 - + 7," • baronet for the manner in which he ie l - e ' t of e i t ;ge bill before the . house ; but as there were % lb.. tee, trProroi.ions which wo old very injuriously kliZ i tecl, hoaxes, in this country in which capital was v i _ 1 , 4 , 4 ,, ""' ' h o ped that the right hon. baronet . would . th e 1 ,` „. ; N . l ie to be taken in comm ittee on this point. b4 i4, 11 ) will e il e nELL said that cue of the clauses in 1441 111 144, W o , h ad reference to 'pools i a n nd mi p n o i n o d g s an a d s 41 % a tilti, s _ til d also operate injurious l y l it tt l 'eti -g4 ' ll etricts, where such pools were s r e e s enired and t '''aiP t „ler: o , llith machinery and other purpo ses 1 li ttl'tio e ' ll igeeted that in such cases exe m ption ' or 1%114'41k:141d be provided foie . lai e l e t . ->,, IP': W Contended that bills of such public i :,:hoejelelilliottiis:itei.zhegicohs of f nvolved a p rinciple so seriously private pr operty, ought to th be e t at ai ' N, k ) , 1 411 d their merits iinto a ter l' e s ' 4- ° n h t not to be referred to committees Plie e i e ele Ptt e was er e oto I 'l' whilst heartily concurring one or ? 'cline,. 'II before the hone e,_ ttd /llti: W ° IllancP ° PUlar and straigb t orw on , t '44 Leteoesr."ernents 104" that t a a int o _ , ete4t,toeuce,.. it. In 1.1., ee iu conneetio 1 0 1,. Let In eo rne lt ispectors under duties ee:4oo thera... o :t e tle: f or the which he thought in the f ard suggested h might be which le e th ou gh t might place be the t act ought to be which would de b 4greed with n ee as susargoeierteyoarffbayirpp.revHioeusaelsxo h. with ° eth (Aie Williams) la hon. frieind -rethme remarks s em r b e e l r at l v o e r ex il th e , e . . in . h is Beet 0 LuJartOUs operation . o f . some of the I t•O 4 some trades , and these be intended should NI ) , gee Llltltb4red modified. As the bill, 12.owover, t o a select comraitte e, which w w a o s udbea - 10 -5 h doubt every facilitj would be held out ,'l4,ito: ho of evidence on th ese and other p oe ui ci nt t s o , N 'lle . e lis tiess the bill would after‘vards be retur kke,4°ln a more improved shape . . Ili waAthoet discussion, in which Lord Ebrington, 1 41 1, ..iirtate, and Mr. Brad o y nd took t atr t ,i` l 4 _4 then read a see "' a eel t committee. w lt , e e time,l) part, ordered to ° ls t tk1:`',„ .1 1.4: 4 11 .03L1C HEALTH BLL. 'Ad i', 4 , All. e l talen rose to move thesecond reading 4 't , an an ted replied to the objections Removalwhieh qf erecr i t adrep t vr ,itli rec y ar d to the Nuisances : 441 ;t h e 0b; e 1. 4 te th e * suggestion s e those bills for "sated i, ' 0 lat e P ed that, in preemie,. 4 which had . been 1 14s dar 1 a k w - , a period in the session, he was ac '4 b ./ Pro v ;; ; 've to be prepared with . some of ex a te s n i d m e i d . l 'ete` Nti lsee i . - ": °4 8 against the visitation ejrstaitt i 411c1 ate e 4 ear - .*() that with which we were afflicted . _ n • h might be given i reek. oe t, 44 , .. evidence tee 4 °f t h e • in g iii any way to _ q it e s bill an dadap ting it such an emer improve the corn for . l ' 3l. '• . °ll, lcl ' iselvs and of course be his duty, le r e f vAttive every attention d t o m ' e and ordered to e/e ltee treci t: a I: el n ee r t ea o d a m7ttee. , 'lt_ °4 i i ,, L AW PROCEDURE nI ACT AMEND bIt-o" 4 1te e 4 NT (IRELAND . ) BILL. Iller e i t ,cet then left the chair, and the house went slams b " 'Von this bill, and the bill was reported lldenent. 13 4 th SUPPLY. 1111 "nati on f Y t q a :ed to h o y Mr ) t to pay s off and dts . chs d r bed WILSO of 17,18 . 3,00% 14 . • -er o e tkar M gol e o g n y the Aids of 1855, unpl t(Ill:1):111tilt134111, m 0 SAYS (If Y & S ir. A W ND ILS M O E N I , N it S w . as agreed that t ,f 44 ,' A ng good the supply granted to her M ajesty, 0 od 10 e4 c r ,0 00,000/, be granted out of the Coesll 11 , 4 1 462 f the United Kingdom of Great B r i tain 18"it.ted to 7 • that, towards making good the supply 0 te r ,: e' r, Majesty, for the deficiency in the gran t s 1.10 , th e "eo of the year ending the 31st day of March , on k e ' t j'at e4 "to of 1 300 000/ be granted out of the C . . • ktk 14 1 . " of the ' Unite ' d Kingdom of Great Britain 141114:1 PE EL, ACT AMENDMENT BILL. r ;EL, in moving the second reading of t his t. kitNlexPlained that the object sought to be l a t. h,‘" Government by its means was the en ru i i s te tillilel°lldiere of more mature age than the trseoc well N!' 4 4 tlioined the army, and who were n 6 Crimean ° Withstand the • fatigues of the kild li4i ter a few o b serva ti on s from Col. FORRESTER Th's.4rltoua was then read a second t ime. e 'e MUTINY AND MUTINY BIL LS. „ were read a second time. sells _ • iyAriREACH OF BLOCKADE. ~rr d tlAd er ‘AlELL moved for a return of all vessels of blockade, for ,;11N, bg h; neutral flags for breac h ie the 4°lllated papers or goods contraband of names of 'i t t i ' l eve ra rb day of March, 1854, with the th - l ea Ptains, and of the ships, or of th n e am autho: 4 tl. i ds 'ev er ,' seized the same, with the dates of til e ' l e 0 4' Beizures, and when proceedings were taken t e 4l :t ol c i tl " ti- It s t tit o ti f ti A on dm ; iralty, with the dates of condemnao - tbe nature of the car n e , 4 ), P' and the amount of the sale of 4 - 4 1 ) .6 5, Z a4 d of the cargo, with the amount of all costs, Nt 4 t % of 4, e xPenses incurred ; thedng hin the ex °Q;' Stid u r eeveral proceedings u C l' ourt g of Admi 'lllo v " amount of fees in each ose paid to the N lA llt ' t of t u ,! C rown and counsel einßi a ed, with the t he f) 111. % an d balance remaining for distribution °Y to the Itp". 4 rett e. " w hen notice of the same was published in tIISI,I')aiNMILITARY COLLEGE, SANDHUR ST. toti k A h ;' 4 4 ,s e e — th ° e it Ta brought under the consideration of hit:ll r egulations of the Royal Military College N.4in, respecting the admission of t d he orp han armes he that o facer g of the army, navy, a " Opt obitervez4tablishinent. The present regulations, m ay 0 1., a , Pe r , hy which a student had t o ,4 4 kn ee 11 ' 1 01 4 , I n had rendered it . im h po...sible for the %al anY of the o ffi cers to avail . t t h emselves of that 14 i 3' Ibt arY instruction. The widow o an ef e a ns e i s g p n . ke t 4 60 1. vred 30 /. per year, of a lieutenant 40 1., 4°1 . '414 i ti t " r't a major 701. ; and out of these small 'llls th e ' a " of course impossible for them him for t h e ',aVocation of a son and to provide for hi 11 4' 11 e kit" ) , 8 . (Heat, hear.) moved He ther!inforthe army, cl iq t , or 014 43 .k0n of ten orplaros of officers 'se a rl Pne , , into the college, to be . educated, 4 -Isel Y hoarded, free of expense, which would Oo th ey tUrning to the old regulations as they stood ° T h e net 1.,,,?re altered, °GtqtA9X seconded the motion. 4 a 41 4td ti '-ER said that the motion, inasmuc h o as n. i y t " expenditure of 'public money, cou ld I t et ol ur , e1 ken ":.t, committee of the whole house ; and . /I s o . '"3l:tT aa ccor din g lyp o stponed it until a eca ß i on po fO thelltlBll CHANCERY REORMS. th e to ;;:. ti °n a Mr, WHITESIDE, leave was given . 1 , ' 1 , 1 R11 6 10 g in a series of bills relating to reforms in 144;'s bit 3 °° r of Chancery in Ireland. time were accordingly of, tide °th e , brought up and were read *ge utleinese on the paper having been disposed 4. adjourned at ten minutes past five o'clock, _ , ~-r._ le _ 4 - 6 4 - 6 1 -- ?ti - 30 - 1 6 o ar 2p 17 - 19 1 3 3 : Id 14A - 16, ' 7 d 6 1 . 14 - 0 - 2 " 5 - t 6 31 - 1 1 - 2 21 ••• --"' ''''' ~% o successful oteet of rue "heatret Sot tOt it° tit is Witbdos 101tti: Ice other nofeltiet to to rality the rat °f.roit an d A t, handed his PO efo4 Leithtinue to roffid 1,171. expooss oor troLlj P:°. For thibene6t; I),t, the folioerieg _morning perforoltl?i those 101° 'these occasierooloo order of Vii* TEIEJT O 00 4 1 ; Ininates the e. evbs 40 To-raorow o , r g!d• so, the of of Oil ,t o, , entation ustain the Pg,ll no doubt 1$.100P• thi s lady W ill op, the occasions. ,ter, Lttractions , 3 Celebrated S'' 1 0 e are given 0:4 se, attended is theatre on Vie , ted lessee bos a ,b 0 .nd, from woto,' 1 1 :4 ,41 eat shortly. chat the thot tl , h the exerts` mtitle him te. :1----'-j"---- -- 'T AN fl4I .d.,' .---. Dif o i l p ed report of th e o . f r, this day preeotiOU, 17 halfyearlf ID A 1 7 sgate-str est, 1" v i o g the above tie °. i t rO have bees laus stito Ps e plan are any difficult)ilg 1 0 uch of fur e5*4.r1144 well state tat trl inset' And b et o7„,o utset it witi )ides having a brd, o great distance ffi Jeavlng this statioo j rill be convenient t° ,i bd, Oxford -street, di will be open to P t r o es adjacent to 40 i's-park, The t i o ' f°' i ante beyond d tbe,,,, ad roads, iiI II iv • l i , rt branch wi t ocltlilA Euston:•squate•ustilt le sixth Will_n,""o,l n immediate Gv-1101$1111 ,eat-IsTorthern,, t o re; 0 1 llel with stboei'v od„,f, ;h in the lic4/341. Pe) Part of frole'-'llO d i the Post-olßee. .11 , o A 0 ' fl t i ;phy of La..° a f 0 r 0 , 0 4 lectios will IS'reot),,,i, Voistern, an . t o ,o te l i ast advanteg° ii i/ t i Or locomotion tb o , 0 iderable, and ofiel leted the jive woo' na nny and elt° ,i _-,-_—_,-------- b old labinet ConOe i i vi rdig -ii -street, rote i „, , 1 Viscount,l4o,ojl., iville, the v(701191 Sir Georgq I ', lo c l ,' 'e, the Cliace°,l, !rot' ,M, Sir Claso;oi 0 iunt CanDa 1,0 ,t two hours., tsl,,ri gave a bal], l' is ,t A Lich Embalo9l ir O s 41F11:i' " AN. —A reteritlii 0 tl'i aid and apP:',ooo,c' r the itelOiroo 1 ~ west, and to ' o o ii, balance civeioo°,lp; )01 to 15,viPI:y4 e i 1 ; [Anterl".---'ellll Of % t jib* VI ja , y acts oi o ctl ,p ,wards the ilioo6f e i , :chanics! eft t O to ~ tr Virintl6°r'ero°`atofft ' —The 000c1,110e, °1 0 ;1 0 I : 1 gave a c ° l Igo i a r ee l ions; got e i ?': hi° 3erned clie A t ;,/ [acdonaP sr, 7 l ea ,407. , t s I. r. 4 rq ivms.-- k. , to flo p , ',,, 1 ative pori',ool,YA ao-d'i dente 01 .4.01,0111t0,ify lil lenatb) -ofiej. le i lately e lliP 10/4 aii,4c° his inter:rd plc 014 i ItS'e ' tbe° ..ji• wore p or ,ert in el° 0 Vri , i Of ° l s " 4 "'' a ineetingrao 0 IV i, .0 0 ipany 6 d pe r 90.21,153, ,t 131;) • 6s. 6d. Pjesi trs i r Wag 21, 9 '' : coo' to , e nt 0 1 ' 11 to fe o' iaym • able ii ; fight 101'16 ~fo jr, ..r. stil33l%°lfi •oi of the ..1,,,e540, gof i d yeeter(!jjo 019 I been Pi' niore i Sl. ,19e. 1 cl• ~e 3 a ett* ePP O Inc coul-,cll tre °P r a t this cheat the 4, via author . vitiiii IV e st ", Num 'Virglj • 11l ` E oil' r spe(" -st 4 A i ' nzan c 0 , e , i A i„i', 1 Land'6;el:,:ter, wdrify, Lid an. d ' 6- e 1 .{ter , ~il i; ed, bevin.g; to OA 07 athero elial'"Poever",ipoi ,curing theirichy 013 diti . 0 1 the reasoe,a oe 0, Ins. geese, "d i0,,,,,ej lir--are Outiof POO2 districts. so pl f: and breed lii etbeir;4ol, Arctc! tbAl3 tbe 0 14 , • us are tb o tic rego rrhas it, u th ward. _iyer j!iticer, fi ted goof, escop 6 1 vi t t; V,ldeu r'ditridthe-orelid that ere te 3l, 6- o p d, widgeon, q, be,. Gres' logs cr t here. , i te*l a 0 pi ,eon A"' toile if ° , 'and 00/0,111,k, 013.,,i.P:4 tv scauP 01-- , 0 to ' 'e d otr, 4 0 30 of . an ce, an it 0^ e re' ,it• [for sale. d on Pi th e , y west war ~..,, we re t v , It conspie rn::' woe jt ; j : , L ip A- 1 3 0.00 pee l A fe le , Itptureds, vol. 0.0,11 ,-.j , , I Y r n olden o fe. .e,ve e°- •beteo Italy &sal • 29 8:1 47} it i THE SUN S LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21, 1_855, MPE RI A L PA R L ENT. ~~, HOUSE OF LORDS--(YE:STEREUI The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the vool.iack at five o'clock. _ _ - • - The Duke of CAMBRIDGE appeared in the house for the first time since his return from the Crimea. His Royal Highness appeared in excellent health, and shook hands with several peers. ARMY SERVICE ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Lord PANMURE moved the second reading of this bill. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH—I re ally expected, my lords, that in moving the second reading of this very im portant measure the noble baron would at least have made a statement to the house—similar to that which has been made on all occasions when a great alteration has been proposed in the mode of supplying deficiencies in the army—of the ope ration of the present mode of enlistment ; that he would have stated the amount of the establishment, and the amount of the present effective force which we possess ; and, like wise, that he would have informed us of. the number of re cruits obtained at different times, so that we might be enabled to judge of the practical effect of the present mode of recruit ing the army. The noble baron has afforded us no informa tion whatever of this kind. I must confess, however, that under the circumstances of the country and of the army, as they appear to me at the present moment, I am not disposed to make any opposition whatever to the bill which is now proposed to us (hear, hear) ; but at the same time I must venture to suggest to the noble baron that this is a very strong measure, and one which deserves the greatest conside ration before the house adopts it. We ought, I say, very seriously to consider whether we should make so very great an alteration in the system of recruiting the army without limiting the period for which that alteration is to continue (hear,' hear), because the necessity is one which we may hope may be at an end at the expiration of three years, and, even if the necessity should still remain after that period, there can be no difficulty in coming ,again to Parliament to ask an extension of the duration of this alteration. I shall, therefore, suggest in committee that the noble baron should limit the duration of the powers contained in the bill to the period of three years, and I am quite sure that if, when those powers expire, the need should still continue, Parliament will make no difficulty in granting an extension of them. I have looked into the army estimates of this year, and I confess, my lords, that the -view I take of our military establish ments, and the means of furnishing the amount of force re quiredJor the public service according to these estimates, is one of coi.siderable alarm. I observe that the number of re cruits expected or desired to be obtained during the present year is 60,000 men, and I find also that the increase of the establishment proposed in this year is 35,869, but I appre hend at the present moment, considering the great losses sus tained in the Crimea, it cannot be supposed that the effec tives will be very materially increased. Taking the effectives on the establishment at 24,131, the number in which the pre sent establishment is deficient and the number by which it is to be increased would only bring it up to the 60,000 for which provision is made. If, indeed, the 60,000 recruits could be obtained in one day, no doubt on that day the army would be in a perfect state of efficiency, and up to the complement which has been voted by the House of Commons. But ob serve—in this calculation no provision has been made for the casualties which are to be expected during the present year. I apprehend, under ordinary circumstances, if we were not engaged in actual war, we could not expect that the casual ties from various causes would be much less than 12,000 men, and I am sure I take a very low estimate of the probable casualties of war when I put them at 18,000 more ; and, therefore, in addition to the 60,000 recruits required to com plete the establishment, if they were obtained to-morrow, you will require 30,000 more in order, on the 31st of March, 1856, to have the actualtestablishment up to the strength of 60,000 men now voted by Parliament. • This is a very serious state of things. (Hear.) In the same army estimates it is pro posed that 60,000 recruits are to be obtained for the militia, or rather are wanted for the militia ; but, as there is a very large reduction in the expenditure for these recruits, amount ing to 700,000/., which may be taken to represent 28,000 men, I apprehend that it is supposed that 28,000 men will be transferred from the militia to the regular army. There can be no doubt, however, that a very large number of men will be required for the purpose of keeping the militia up to its 'establishment, even after the deduc tion of the 28,000 troops ' for which provision has been made. All ithe consideration I have ever been able to give to this subject has led me to the conclusion that the only solid foundation for an efficient army in this country is a full militia—a militia full up to its complement. But of this I must say I am quite sure, that, unless Parliament shall take very energetic measures, and unless individuals will exert themselves for the public service to the full extent of their personal iniuence (hear, hear)—in the localities in which they have that influence, it will be perfectly impossible to effect this object. I, therefore, earnestly recommend the noble bares to communicate with the Home Secretary, that the Home Secretary may write to the lords-lieutenant of counties, mating the requirenients of the country and the absolute necessity of individual exertion, and that the lords lieutenant may then call together the deputies-lieutenant, and state to turn, each as he may best think fit, the wants of the public service and the duties imposed upon them. (Hear, hear.) I must say, too, having considered this matter to the best of my ability, I have come to the conclusion which I have more than once expressed in this house, that it would be advisable that the Government should avail itself of the power which is granted in the act passed two or three years ago, to make the Poor Law unions the districts to which the quotas of the militia are to be apportioned. I feel, too, that some measure of coercion should be adoptod, though I should be most unwilling at the present moment to resort to the ballot ; but it appears to me that the most convenient mode of stimulating their energy would be to inflict a fine upon the union for every militia man of the quota apportioned to the district, not provided. I have had a great deal to do at dif ferent times with the practical operation of Poor Law unions, and having sat a great deal in Boards of Guardians. I know the great power which that establishment possesses, and I am perfectly confident that if the chairman of the Boards of Guardians--men always of the first influence in the union— in co-operation with the guardians, a great many of whom aro continued from year to year, and in co-operation with these with whom they have been connected in former years, would really exert themselves for the purpose of obtaining a suffi cient supply of militiamen, the fine would rarely be imposed, and the militia would, generally be maintained up to its full complement. In the present state of the country, however, and of this war, I am convinced that it is necessary not merely to resort to those measures which may be passed by Parlia ment with this view, but that the personal exertions of every individual, wherever he maybe able to make those exertions, are required for the purpose of filling the ranks of the militia, and enabling it to supply the army with that force which is absolutely needed for the maintenance of the public interests and the national honour. There is something that strikes me very much, in looking into these army estimates, as defective in the present organisation of the army, and I beg to submit the subject to the consideration of the noble lord the War Minister. I perceive that there has been a very great addi tion to the number of the officers in the army in the lourse of last year. In one page of the Army Estimates I find it stated that that addition has amounted to 1,962. Ido not find, however, that that number corresponds with the num ber which I should calculate from the details given; and which, on the contrary, appears when added together, to be in the total 1,669. But your lordships will observe that while the addition of majors'is proportional to the addition of cap tains and other officers, se that the chance of promotion to the rank of major remains the same as before, yet not only is there no addition to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, but, in point of fact, the latter are one less than when the subordi nate officers were fewer. This is a matter which appears,to me of material importance, for not only is all advancement taken from officers in the ranks of lieutenant and captain, but the service sustains a very serious loss, for there could be no doubt that it was most desirable that persons in a con siderable number should be placed in the rank of lieutenant colonel, and should in that rank have the command of a suf ficient body of men to acquire the power of moving batta lions, so as to qualify themselves for higher appointme nts in the army. I object generally to the enormous increase in the numerical strength of the regiments. I see that the regiment is made to amount to more than 2,200 men ; but it is not intended that this body should ever be brought together in one mass ; but some were to be kept in depot at Corfu, others at Malta, while the main body would be em ployed in the Crimea. But the men so employed, amounting to more than 1,400, would be infinitely too large to be hand led by the ordinary regimental officers. They would form the ordinary strength of a brigade, and not of a regiment ; it would be necessary to bring them into wings, and thus alto gether to destroy their usefulness as a substantive unit, for battalion should be a unit in the army organisation. But there is this further objection to the proposed arrangement, that one-third or more of the battalions would be dispersed in small bodies in a fragmental state, and no officer command ing a fragment could obtain any knowledge of his duty so as to command a regiment hereafter. In what position should we then be when the only force in England would consist of these fragmentary regiments, and when there would be no possibility of bringing together a military force of any amount, for you could not put together occasionally and for extraordinary purposes of war two or three bodies of 200 or 300 men, commanded, perhaps, by accidental captains for a short time. The system about to be adopted is practically nullifying the efficiency of the army. By the deductions made from the militia, from the regular force by detachments at 1 , Malta and elsewhere, and by the enormous force in the Cri mea, you will have at home men, but army none—nothing in the shape of an army, and that appears to me to be contrary to all military principle and reason. (Hear.) It is with very deeV regret that lam compelled to come to the conclusion that our military institutions are utterly inadequate for the support, of an army of the strength of that originally sent to the Crimea. That army, no doubt, has been subject to extra ordinary but, even had it only bee n sub j ect to the or dinaryn emeans us lo' se of s sme: t l ; of cani ng war, we had not in our m ilitar y institutions the such an army to its full complement. The consequence of 'that deficiency has been that we have been taking most extraordinary measures for the - pur pose of maintaining' the number originally sent out. For this purpose we have denuded the colonies, shuffling regiments together, and dislocating them, so that a regiment found itself composed, not of its own men, for they had been transferred to other regiments. (Hear, hear.) The whole army was thus shuffled together ; the esprit de cor ps would be entirely destroyed, and all the effect of discipline done away with. (Hear, hear.) Thus, instead of sending out a perfectly well disciplined and equipped army, perfect in all respects as the one we ought in al l circumstances to send abroad—if we send an army abroad at all—we have sent out the present one deficient in all the economy and qua lities which ought to distinguish an army, except that courage which is innate in the British soldier. (Hear, hear.) What is the consequence i In the endeavour to keep up the number of the army, the Government is compelled, day after day, to send troops to the Crimea utterly unfit for the ser vice. I have seen a regiment sent out to the Crimea corn posed of boys of from 19 to 20 years of age, not of usual stature, full of spirit, but utterly unable to contend with the difficulties of a campaign. The consequence is, that you are throwing regiment after regiment into a bottomless pit, where they could do no public service, and must die, because nature compels them to sink under the exertions and priva tions to which they are subject. (Hear, hear.) It is most painful to see this state of things, which has resulted alto gether from the extraordinary notion of sending out every man you could lay your hands on, without considering whe ther it was possible to maintain the army up to the comple ment at which it was sent out, and thus all these calamities have arisen. (Hear, hear.) I confess I look with very great regret on the conduct of is war. It is very painful for me to see that, while the Vigis were fighting at Silistria, our troops were dying at Varna ; and when our troops were fighting before Sebastopol, the Turks were not yet in the Crimea. (Hear, hear.) All this is very unsatisfactory. It shows a want of system and of combination in the opera tions between the three armies, and either that there was no knowledge of the principles and &ode of conducting war, or, if there were that knowledge, that there was some im practicability in applying it. (Hear,. bear.) I rejoice that in the midst of a great deal of regret on various subjects, I have at least to congratulate the noble earl at the head of the Foreign Department on two events which appear to me to be a very good augury and extremely valuable in tberaselves. iirr How far diplomacy has affected them I know not,.but I really envy the satisfaction which the noble earl must have enjoyed , n the conv,ntion - signed with Pielmont. (Hear.) I look upon that as contributing lava:lD:Lie force to tho compeer exertions of the Western Powers. (Hear, hear.) I envy him the satisfaction he must have enjoyed, because I must say that of all the events which have occurred since 1848—events which have generally been creditable to the smaller constitu tional Powers of Europe, whose conduct almost universally has been far superior to that of the grew; Powers in the emer gency in which they were placed—l say of all the measures adopted, that which most conduces to the credit of the Pied montese statesmen by whom it was adopted—that whichmost conduces not only to their present credit, but to the future interests of their country is that convention, by which Pied mont joins the Western Powers. (Hear.) That, of all other measures is destined to find a place in history as one of the most admirable transaotious and most remarkable acts of a long.sighted Government. I congratulate the noble earl and the statesman at the head of the Piedmontese Government — the people and the army of Piedmont, on that event. (Hear, hear.) They have taken by it a new position in Europe, and have justified the expectations entertained of their virtue and wisdom, and I most earnestly hope that they may get the re ward they so justly deserve in the advantage to be derived from the measure in question to their country, and in the honour which they deserve to have for themselves. (Cheers.) I deplore the loss of the Duke of Genoa, as noble , a soldier as ever met an enemy in the field, and who, if he had been spared, would have shed another ray of honour—of that honour which never deserts them—on the head of the illus trious military family of which he was so great an ornament. (Hear.) There is another subject on which I have to congra tulate the noble earl, and that is the recent convention with Turkey ; that also adds a very material force to the army which is to be employed in this war. Undoubtedly, it would have been a subject of very great satisfaction if that conven tion had been made ten months ago. Whether it was impos sible to overcome Turkish scruples sooner, I know not, or whether the ordinary means were adopted for the purpose of effecting that great object, I know not, but this I will say, that it is an object fraught with advantages, not only to the prosecution of military operations, but more especially to the actual position of Turkey itself; because we must not think that if we can save Turkey, in this war we have done all. (Hear.) We have done little or nothing unless we place Tur key in a position in which she will be able to protect herself until the other Powers of Europe may come to her assistance. I know nothing that can tend so directly to the revival of the Turkish empire as the revival of the Turkish army. (Hear.) It has had at nu distant period an army more instructed, more disciplined, and more scientific than any army known in Europe at the time, though that was tho time of Charles V. I know not why at this time she should not be capable of producing an army of equal merit, but this I know, that in States such as that is, the only possible chance of revival is in the reconstruction of an army. (Hear.) When a State is , falling in virtue, the last place virtue leaves is the army in the field. It was so in the fall of the Roman empire, when the highest virtues still adorned the army, while everything that is corrupt existed in the court. And, my lords, I feel satisfied that if you can in any way reconstruct the Turkish army, you will give to that country the chance of reconstruction in other respects which it has never yet had, and which may free the future Government of that country from many difficul ties and dangers to which it has been recently exposed. (Hear.) But I must say that I think the extent to which the employ ment of Turkish troops in our service is to be made avail able is very insufficient ; and I think that it is not in our own service only, but in the service of the French also, that a very large body of Turks ought to Le employed. In stead of 15,000, we should at least have 30,000 Turkish sol diers in the service of this country ; and I should earnestly desire to see the same number in the service of France, offi cered by French officers, to serve on the Pruth, as our Turk ish contingent should be by English officers to serve in Asia ; for, my lords, I have no doubt whatever, that, so long as we , attempt to conduct this war against Russia without attempt ing any diversions whatever—allowing her to bring her whole forces over the hardened snows, with all their means of tran sport and all their artillery, to attack our forces, at a most inclement season, and at a distance of 3,000 miles, without an adequate artillery perhaps, certainly without the adequate equipment that an army in the position before Sebastopol ought to have—l say we shall meet with difficulties which it will be impossible to withstand, unless we take means to make necessary diversions. (Hear.) My lords, has been to me a deep subject of regret, from the commencement of this war, that her Majesty,s Government should not have paid that attention which I think they ought to have done to the importance of the war in Asia. (Hear.) I entirely concur, my lords, in all that has been said and written by that able gentleman who, more than any other, is acquainted with the affairs of Asia—l mean Mr. Layard. I entirely concur in all that he has said. We are not only a European but an Asiatic pbwer. (Hear, hear.) To us this war has a double interest and importance. It affects us, not merely as regards the coasts of the Mediterranean, or the manner in which Russia may get possession of Constantinople and establish her fleet iu the Black Sea, with a view to the destruction of our commerce and our position there as a naval power ; it is of importance to us, as it affects greatly our position in the East. (Hear, hear.) Upon the result of this war depends the communication with India through Egypt. Upon the result of this war depends the question whether Turkey shall possess any independent strength in Asia Minor. If Russia conquers that strength will fall. All communication be tween Turkey and Persia is cut off. Persia becomes sub ject to Russia, and all the power of Persia, through Russia, will be against us in India. (Hear.) I say, therefore, the im portance of the war in Asia is incalculable to us. It is quite a different thing to us whether she succeeds in Asia than it is to any of the other Powers engaged in this war ; and there fore I most earnestly desire that in addition to these Turkish troops we should also have the aid of Persian soldiers. The Persians form the very best soldiers, equally able with those of other countries to bear heat and cold, bravo as their swords, and obedient to their officers whenever they are paid. I most earnestly desire to see that army officered as the irregular forces are under the East India Company, by a commandant, a second in command, and an adjutant ; rand I feel satisfied that, so officered, those troops would be equal to any service to which they might be called. But, my lords, there is another Power whose assistance I think we have a right to claim in this war—a Power most deeply interested, whose existence as connected with India is, I willnot say, dependent on the result of this war, but most materially connected with it—l mean the Government of India. (Hear.) Is the Govern ment of India to stand aloof in this war, which affects Persia and which affects the communication through Egypt ! Is that Government to do nothing ! Is she to bo the Prussia of the East ? Is she to let others fight her battles ? I think not. I think not only that the available forces of India should be brought into the fi'eld, but that the Government of India should pay for them, as it is for their interest and for their safety that they would have to fight. (Hear.) In addition to 30,000 Persian soldiers that could with great effect be opposed to Russia in Asia, why should we not have the use of the noblest artillery in the world —the native artillery of India. You can have 48 guns without the smallest inconvenience to the service in India—not served by men who will run away when the enemy is advancing to their muzzles, but who will die at their guns—(hear)—who may have their guns taken from them, no doubt, but who will never desert them, standing at their posts till left dead men. (Hear.) Then there is the irregular cavalry, than which there is no nobler body of men in the world. (Hear. hear.) ' The offi cers are selected from the whole army of India—men full of daring, full of knowledge, genius, and zeal, to whom the sol diers are devoted, and who would follow them to the end of the world. (Hear, hear.) Of those you can easily have 3 000 officered by the best men in the world, and the men, being Mahomedans, might bring over with them volunteers from the various regiments in the- service of the Government of India, so that thus you might have 8 or 10 battalions officered by men—some of whom we know by name,—equal to any you possess in the army. (Hear.) Thus, then, including the Turkish and Persian troops, you might have an army of 50,000 men, which would be strong enough to give you Tiflis and Georgia. Observe that in this war before Sebastopol you are' enclosed by the town and by the enemy, and you have no means of contact with the people of the country. But in Georgia you would have the feeling of the nationality of the country in your favour. We would have allies by our side. We would have Schamyl and the Circassians, and would have an opportunity of attacking Russia with the arms she has herself used for the purpose of subjugating a large portion of Europe. (Hear.) You would attack her with her own arms, and you may depend it that in this war you must fail unless you determine to appeal to nations and not alone to armies —(hear)—unless you will avail yourselves of the means which the national feeling of the people more recently annexed to Russia places at your disposal, (Hear.) This is a war, I re gret to say, ad internationem, and it is absolutely necessary that you should avail yourselves of every means in your power, for the purpose of bringing it to a conclusion honour able to this country, safe for us, and safe for the rest of the world. (Loud cheers.) The Earl of HARROWBY expressed his concurrence in the observations which had fallen from the noble earl who had just addreased the house with respect to the import ance of appealing to the feelings of nationality against Russia. In Asia, the Georgians and Circassia ns had, b y their own unaided strength, almost obtained a victory over Russia, but he believed that if we assisted them, nothing could resist them. But it was Poland which was the one really weak point of Russia. He was 'surprised to hear the noble lord who had just gone to Vienna talk as if under no circumstance were we to look for an alteration in the territorial distribu tion of the Russian empire. But in that case what were we fighting for ? Whit substantial guarantee could we have against Russia except in a substantial alteration of her terri torial constitution. (Hear.) That, however, could not be done except we turned our attention both to Poland and the Caucasus.• And yet, strange to say, in neither quarter had anything been done by the allies. (Hear.) Let us raise the standard of Poland and we should aaiso seventeen millions of men the most warlike in Europe, and the most opposed to Russia, both in the Baltic and the Black Sea. Nor, when he considered what sacrifices Prince Metternich was willing to make at the Congress of Vienna, and •when he looked to what had occurred since, could be doubt that Austria would be willing to make some sacrifices of territory in order to raise a more effectual barrier against the power of Russia. Whether our Government were or were not prepared to take steps for appealing to the national feeling of the Poles, he did, now ever, hope that our minister would not go to Vienna prepared to pledge this country that under no circumstances should any alteration be effected in the territorial extent of Russia. r d a r i e i s i s a e m d e t n h t e s h h o o u u s l e d a g p ra p n ea t r t e h d e t c o r t o h wn ink a i n t w u a n s li i m ne i Lord PANMURE said that th e no bl e ear l w h o h a d j us t ad.. x t e p d e d p i e o n w t e t r h o a f t curtailing the period of enlistment in the army. And as he (Lord Panmure) to some extent participated iu the opinions he had expressed, he should be quite willing to limit the operation of this measure to three years. And with this amendment and limitation of the period for which it was to be in force, he trusted that the house would have no difficulty in agreeing to a mea sure the object of which was to enaclo the Government to'en list in tho army men of sufficient age, with sufficient strength, and with constitutions sufficiently formed, to enter at once on the arduous duty of a campaign, instead of being com pelled, as at present, to take boys of eighteen, who had to be fed and trained for two or three years hefore they are fit to undertake the commonest warlike operations. (Hear, hear.) Passing from the.bill before the house, the noble earl had then adverted to a number of points connected with the army in general, and had in particular adverted to the number of recruits which would be required to fill up the army to the effective strength voted by the House of Commons on the previous evening. Those who were conversant with the de tails of the army knew that at no period was it possible to maintain its effective strength at the number voted in the estimates. And if that was tho case iu time of peace, much more so must it be the case in time of war. In time of peace, the casualties from sickness and otherwise reduced an army of 100,000 men by 12,000. Of course, the casualties out of an army of 190,000 in time of war must be much more nu merous, and a much larger number of recruits must be re quired to fill np the deficiency thus created. Ile was not, however, afraid of getting the requisite supplies of men by recruiting ; and for this purpose the Government relied, not only on their own measure, but also upon the assistance of every lord-lieutenant, every deputy-lieutenant, every man interested in the welfare of the country by the ties either of landed or commercial property, to induce men to enter ,the service of their Queen and country. For the more speedily we could employ an efficient force, the more speedily would a conclusion be put to a state of things which disturbed all the relations of the country, landed, commercial, and social, In regard to the militia regiments, he wail lorry to say that some of them bad not shown so much ensr and vigour in furnishing their quota to the line as had as sn anticipated. And it was his intention to take energetic means for in ducing those regiments to supply their quoat. Before taking lhose steps, ho trusted, however, that an appeal which be had made to the commanding officers of the several militia regiments might have its effect. (Hear, hear.) He ad mitted that the full number of the militia which the Govern ment were empowered to enroll had not yet been raised ; but, nevertheless, be did not think it would be advisable to enforce the ballot, to which there were insuperable objec tions, nor the system of fines which prevailed, and which failed during the last war. It was clear, however, that means must be found, if not by voluntary enlistment, by com pulsion, for meeting the requirements of her Majesty's ser vice, and for enabling the war to be carried on with the re quisite vigour. With reference to the remarks which the noble earl had made with respect to the disproportion which he thought existed between the number of c )mmanding offi cers and of subalterns in the regiments now serving in the Crimea, he (Lord Panmure) had to state that he had already instructed the Commander-In-Chief to make the establish ment of these reg ments, in future, two lieutenant-colonels and two majors, instead of one lieutenant-colonel and three majors, as at present. When, therefore, the regiment was separated into two divisions, both the portion whichremained at home and that which was engaged at the seat of war would have the advantage of being commanded by a lieutenant colonel. It was proposed to raise the strength of each regi ment serving in the Crimea to 2,300 men, half of whom were to be sent to the East, while half remained at home. It was supposed that, making allowance for sickness and other casu alties, the division of the regiment despatched to the seat of war would be able to bring into the field about 800 men, which he believed all military men agreed was the number which could be most easily handled and most easily put through the requisite manceuvres. A depot of 400 men would then be stationed in the Crimea from which the vacancies which occurred in the Crimea might be more easily replaced, and the remainder of the regiment, '6OO men, would remain at home under the command of a lieutenant-colonel. That he thought was not by any means a despicable' strength for a depot, seeing that the regiments that were sent out to the colonies a few years ago only numbered 650 men, or 50 more than the number of the depot which it was now proposed to retain at home. The noble earl had next ad verted to the manner in which the complement of the regiments first embarked for the East was made up. (Hear.) He agreed with him as to the inconvenience which arose front the course which was then followed. But when the Commander-in-Chief was suddenly called upon to raise the strength of the regiments destined for foreign ser vice from 800 to 1,000. he did not see what he could have done better than call upon those portions of the army remain ing at home to supply, by volunteering, the vacancies which existed in the regiments ordered on foreign service. He did not believe, at all events, that the plan then adopted had led to any permanent inconvenience. The noble earl had next addressed the house on various.matters of high policy connec ted with the conduct of the war. He concurred with him in every word that he had said with respect to the course taken by Piedmont in joining this alliance, and he might further mention, in order to show the sincerity which the Piedmon tese Government had shown in this matter, that they had not only sent the flower of their troops to the assistance of the Western Powers, but had sent them under the command of the present Minister of War, whom they deemed the man most fitted to conduct them. He also concurred with the noble earl in the feelings of satisfaction he had expressed with reference to the signature of the convention of Turkey, from which he anticipated great advantages. It would, of course, be unbecoming in him, occupying the position he had the honour to hold, to enter into all the details of a campaign upon which his no t ble friend had commented, but he could not help deprecating the idea that England was in this war fighting for any peculiar interest of her own. This war was, in his opinion, undertaken against the aggressive policy of a great Power in Europe. It was undertaken with no aggres sive purpose on our part, but to restrain the power and ambition of Russia ; and he hoped that England would not seek either to extend its territory or to tura to its individual advantage the force which might be brought together in the field by ourselves and our allies. With regard to the remarks which the noble earl Arad made in respect to the Indian army, no doubt the noble earl was better ac quainted with the exigencies of the Indian empire, and the feelings of the Indian empire, than 'was he (Lord Panmure ) But it must bo a very serious consideration when it was pro posed to denude our Indian empire of such troops as formed _ its best safeguard, and he could not venture to express an opinion upon that subject without being thoroughly ao• quainted with the views of the Governor General of India at this moment as to the safetyi of India. Nor, further than withdrawing those few regiments of the Queen's service, to which the Governor-General had given his cheerful acquisi eseence, would he venture, merely for the sake of employing Indian troops iu the Crimea, to deprive India of forces on which she ought to rely, either to resist an attack upon her own territory or to maintain that order within its limits which he was ,happy to say now existed throughout the whole extent of our Indian dominions. He moved the second read ing of this bill solely with the view of grafting on her Majes ty's service a body of mon who might be capable of discharg ing the duties of hard services more perfectly and at lest cost of health and life than the class from which our recruits were at present.taken. He proposed to limit th• term of enlist ment for three.years, and should powers be required to en able the Crown still further to diminish it, he could not doubt that their lordships would grant them as readily and willingly as they would those conferred by the present measure. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH observed that he had not spoken of withdrawing a single European •regiment from India, or of employing native troops in the Crimea. - - - The Earl of MALMES'BURY said the tone adopted by the noble lord in speaking of the militia had alarmed him in a certain degree, and he believed a strong feeling of jealousy existed with respect to the course taken by Government as to some arrangements for that service. Not very long ago, as was done in the last war, recruiting regiments were sent down to raise men from the militia regiments for the line, and the consequence was that those regiments were thrown for a week or ten days into a state of complete disorganisation. It was no light matter that, such a garrison as that of Ports mouth, for instance, with four or five regiments of militia, should be in this state. A strong impression had gone abroad that the militia had not been, in all respects, treated fairly by Government and Parliament dnring the last three/ years, When his noble friend behind him introduced his bill establishing the militia force, the universal understanding was that the militia should only be embodied in case of invasion, That bill remained in force for a year, and then events arose which drove the Government into war in a direction entirely different from that contemplated by his noble friend, and their lordships were obliged to pass a secoid bill to enable the militia to be embodied in case of war. That was never fairly understood, and he had known several in stances in his own county in which poor men had entered the militia, with no intention of joining a force that was to be permanently embodied. These men, if they were to serve in a permanently embodied force, would much prefer the line, because there they would have the privileges of the regular service. This had caused a feeling in the south of England that had to a great degree prevented recruiting for the militia being carried on successfully, and he observed that even a purely agricultural county like Hampshire had fallen very far short of its quota. He entreated the noble lord to deal in the most open, frank, and easy intelligible way4with those men, who did not like to find themselves tempted on step by step, first entering a force under ono set of conditions, then having their servitude prolonged by another bill, until they were at length enrolled in the ranks of the line, where they had had no intention of g o i ng. Earl GREY could entirely confirm what had just been stated by his noble friend. Pie knew that the departure from the original understanding on which the militia was raised had had a most prejudicial effect. At the time of the bill being passed last year, he for one had expressed his dislike of it, an d hi s apprehension of the consequences. He knew from long experience that the class of men from whom they raised their soldiers required to be dealt with not only with good faith, but with such scrupulous attention to appearances that there might not be a shadow of suspicion of any departure from it. When the militia was formed, the greatest pains were taken to inculcate on the people of this country the per aendtlyneemwbtohclaitec o l . in per suasion that in going into th e m il itia they incurred no hazard of being war, unless in the appreheasion of diffcrent bill had been passed, he co uld assure his lordships th a t he had observed in his own c ounty a very marked difference in the feelings of persons as regarded readiness to enlist. H e knew of one case in which a m an who had enlisted in th e militia under the original bill said that if the regiment w as t o be permanehtly embodied he invasion permanently and must emigrate to America before it was done. Knowing the existence of such feelings, he had written to the noble viscount then Secretary for the Home Department, asking if the men might have their leave of absence extended beyond a period of 28 days. The answer was that such an assurance might be given, but s whether this had the effect of satisfying the parties to whom he referred he could not say. He entirely differed from the noble earl opposite in regarding the militia as the best nursery of the army; his view was, not that it should be used as a nursery for the army, but that it should be a to tally distinct force for national defence. If it were to be used as a mere nursery for the regular army, for drilling and train ing so ldiers for the line, hoar could you expect that colonels and officers would take such pains in disciplining and training the force, if the moment the men were ready, they were to be draughted into the regular arm... x Or why . should an ex pensive establishment of officers be kept up to do what could be done by a captain and a few drill sergeants? He main tained that they had thwarted instead of promoted the great object of keeping the regular army strong. The policy he would recommend was, that of increasing the regular army by holding out inducements to men to enter it, and by ameliorat ing the system that had hitherto existed. He entirely approved of the measure now laid on the table, and in connection with its object he hoped that Government would take steps for bringing back into the army a class of men whose 'services would be of the greatest value. Large numbers had been dis charged from the ranks during the last few years, of whom he believed many might be enticed back again, if they were allowed to reckon their years of service already past as part of their time towar d s a pension. At this moment when trained sol diers were of such inestimable value, it would be well worth the while of Government to hold out this inducement. and to accompany it by the repayment of the money given by the men for their discharge, as well as by other fit and reasonable terms. He entirely concurred with his noble friend the Secre tary of State for War that this was not a proper opportunity for entering on the high and important q uest i ons relating to the conduct of the war, but as the subject h a d b een intro duced, he could not hel p saying that he had heard with great satisfaction that his noble friend did not yield to what ap P - eared to him the extra va g ant and wi ld suggestions of the noble earl opposite. He had listened to them with no little dismay, and he b e li eve d that if they we re t o act on the views stated by the noble earl they migat be prepared for a dame of war extending, perhaps, over the whol e c i vilised world, and burning during the term of their natural lives. He particu larly regretted to hear the noble earl say he considered that India had a deep interest in the present war. He belie red that it was utterly impossible to have made a statement less founded on the accurate views of the real interests of India, or at the same time more calculated to be injurious to this country. (Hear.) The noble earl talk e d o f the interests o f India and this sear, as if India were exposed to the smallest danger from the attacks of Russia. From a person of the noble earl's experience, he had not expected to hear any such statement as to a danger which he must regard as utterly monstrous and chimerical. Was Russia to: a d vance across t h ose hundreds of miles, in a great part trackless wastes, that separated her frontier fr om India, and carry an army over the great mountains that divided the peninsul a f rom C entra l Asia? We knew how formid ble Russia was for d e f ence when attac k e d a at home, as she was now at Sebastopol ; but, judging from what she had accomplished on the Danub e , she cou ld no t bo regarded as very formidable for attack, nor did she possess means for moving large masses of men and parks of artillery over great distances. (Hear, hear.) Whil s t we possessed the affections of the people of l India de fiance the hostility of Rus sia, but whe n we lost their respect and confidence, let our ar mies be w hat they might, then our power in India would certainly crumble. To . and e mpire embarrassment im posea involve our Indian l burdens for the sake of'carrying out great financial scheme of military org-anirationappear d to in Central Asia, regard to him as wild a notion as could be imagined. With Poland adverted to by hie the condition and prospects of , noble friend opposite, he hoped and trusted that a war enter ed into, as the i were told, to prevent Russian aggression en the Turks, was not t • be converted into a war for earrri•,-- iu Poland No more deeply for the Poles than himself, or contlemnect strongly the iniquitous proceedings of the Three Powers, which terminat. d in its dismemberment ; but at the same time he thought that, had it not been for the faults of the Poles themselves, the design could never have succeeded. Had it not been for those unhappy internal divisions which always made the Poles incapable of governing themselves, and unfitted them for a6ting as a great nation, their number and the resources they possessed, were amply sufficient to have enabled them to protect themselves against the ambition of their neighbours. He feared they had the same faults still, and his belief was that if ever Poland should be regenerated the work must be accomplished, not from without, but from within. If we were to engage in the hopeless measure of re establishing Poland, we should find ourselves embarked in numberless difficulties, and committed to the hazards and responsibilities of future wars, which might for generations in volve the country in calamity. The Earl of HARROWBY begged to ask his noble friend in what way he contemplated takinc , any securities for the future against Russia, if not in the direction which he had just specified The present war was not one of immediate self-defence, for Russia was not attacking us, and we were under no obligatiouto support Turkey. It was an act of far sighted self-defence—a war of policy, of which the main object was to prevent Russia obtaining a preponderance in the affairs of Europe. Could this object be attained by merely expelling her from the principalities—humiliated, but not weakened ? The noble earl spoke of Poland as having been unfit to defend herself ; but he forgot that she bad net merely defended herself, but had been the saviour of the empire under Sobieski ; and it was at the mo ment when the main evils of her internal condition we about to be remedied that Russia stepped in and effected her subjugation. The Earl of EGLINTON wished to advert for a moment to the subject of the Scottish militia. The noble earl who com menced the discussion had recommended that the lord-lieu tenants should call upon tee deputy-lieutenants of counties to co-operate with them in raising men for the militia. The act for the Scottish militia contained a clause precluding the lord-lieutenant from doing so except under authority spe cially given by the Crown. He was happy to say that ho had been tolerably successful iu obtaining volunteers in the county with which he was connected, and several weeks ago more than 400 out of 600 were enrolled. There had been great and unnecessary delay about the embodiment of the militia, and at this moment it was not settled what the uni form of the Scottish militia was to be, so that they were brought to a stand-still until this point was decided. Lord COLO aESTER observed that what his noble friend (the Earl of Ellenborough) recommended was, that native Indian troops should be sent, not to the Crimea, but into Asiatic Turkey, where, from similarity of religion, they might more easily act in unison with the inhabitants. His noble friend further suggested that they might be paid in part at least by the East India Company,,which had a great interest in preventing the countries of Central Asia from falling under the domination of Russia. He must remind the noble earl opposite that great authorities had held very different views on the qaestion of a Russian inva ion of India. What else had induced British statesmen for the last half century to support so strenuously the independence of Persia? And what had Lord Melbourne's Government done in 1838 ? On the mere rumours or notion that the Ameer of Cabul had en gaged in an alliance with Russia they thought fit to send an army and upset his sovereignty. Earl FITZWILLIAM entirely approved of the mea sure, which he believed would produce the most beneficial effects in improving the composition of our army. He disapproved of seeing the militia con verted into a mere nursery for the regular army. It was a great mistake for Government to enforce volunteering, be cause if the system of volunteering was to be pushed to the fullest extent, he did not understand how the militia could be properly officered. It was desirable that the militia should be officered by the gentry of the country ; but he did not see how they could expect that to be the case if regiments were to be required to volunteer in their corporate capacity. Gentlemen who bad duties to perform in this country could not be expected to volunteer their services for the colonies, and therefore he trusted his noble friend would consider well before he called upon officers to enforce volunteering amongst the men. He said enforced volunteering, because what was called volunteering might be put in such a manner as to take the shape and tone of force ; and as he, for ono, disapproved of the idea of making the militia a mere nursery for the regu lar army, he hoped nothing but legitimate volunteering would be expected, to which, of course, he entertained no objection whatever. (Hear.) He was not going into the other topics touched upon in the course of this debate, but at the same time he could not sit down without expressing his entire con currence with what had fallen from the noble earl who had recently addressed them, relative to the fear that Russia would attack India. That was a fear which he did not enter tain ; he did not believe that Russia could march au army over the deserts and scale the mountains which intercept Russia and the Indian peninsula • those natural defenders were sufficient to protect India not only against the physical attack of frost and snow, but also to protect her against the ambition of the northern Autocrat. He did not believe there was any danger in that direction, but still he agreed with the noble marquis that it was most desirable that we should avail ourselves of the high spi.it and peculiar position of those tribes which lie bet s een the Black Sea and the Caspian, be cause he considered it most essential that there should be a barrier placed between Russia and Persia. Whatever fear he might entertain of Russian designs upon India, he did not think they could be directed to the north of the Sea off Azoff, so much as to influence the movements of the tribes which lie between the Black Sea and the Caspian. _ . Lord PANMURE said an expression had fallen from him which seemed to have given rise to some misapprehension. When he used the expression " quota" he did net mean that each militia regiment would be compelled to send up a portion of its men for foreign service ; all that he meant was that there should be no time lost in volunteering, so that the quota of each might be ascertained. The volunteering would not be compulsory, bat entirely at the free will of the men; but it was not'for the credit of the service that militia regi ments should be kept as it were in a state of insubordination, for a week or ten days, by the uncertainty that surrounded the matter, and therefore a communication would be made to the commanding officers of those regiments which had sup plied no volunteers, with the view of ascertaining whether or no the men had been afforded a fair opportunity for volun teering. (Hear.) With reference to the suggestion of the noble earl (Earl Grey), that mon who had purchased their discharge should be allowed to re-enter the service upon cer tain terms, perhaps the noble earl was not aware of the exist ing regulation upon that point. When he first entered the War-office he found that the men who purchased their dis charge were allowed six months, within which time theycould re-enter if they repented of their retirement. If they returned to the army within those six months they were allowed to count their former service, while a portion of the purchase money was returned to them. That was how the matter stood when he first went to the War-office ; but whilst he was Secretary-at-War the period was enlarged to a year ; and now he understood from the Commander-in-Chief that it had been further extended to two years. But supposing they were to invite all the men who had purchased their discharge within the last few years, and who were below 37 years of age, he did not think it would very materially augment the army, because, while he was Secretary-at-War, he did not think more than 60 or 70 men purchased their discharge in a year. Under these circumstances he did not feel disposed to adopt the suggestion of the noble earl, at all events until all other sources had failed. Lori VIVIAN gave it as his opinion, which was founded upon inquiry, that if the wh le of the purchase money were returned, many men would be induced to return, and it should not be forgotten that we had arrived at a crisis when our ob ject should be to get the ablest soldiers. (Hear, hear.) The bill was then read a second time, and the standing or ders having been suspended, it was committed, reported, and finally read a third time and passed. PUBLIC BUSINESS. Oa the motion of Lord REDESDALE the following resolu, tions were agreed to, viz That no private bill shall be read a second time after Tuesday, the 10th day of July next. That no bill confirming any provisional order of the Board of Health, or authorising any enclosure of lands under special report of the Enclosure Commissioners for England and Wales, shall be read a second time after Tuesday, the 17th day of July next. That when a bill shall have passed this house with amendments these orders shall not apply to any new bill sent up from the House of Commons which the chair man of committees shall report to the house is substantially the same as the bill so amended." Their lordships then adjourned at half-past seven o'clock HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY. PETITIONS. Sir J. WALMSLEY presented a petition from Paisley in favour of the vigorous prosecution of the war, and praying that effort; might be made to re-establish the oppressed nationalities of Poland and Hungary. Sir J. DUKE presented a petition from various City boards, in favour of Lord Brougham's Registration of Bills of Exchange Bill, and against Mr. Keating's bill on the same subject. BIUSiNESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. SOTHERON moved the following resolutions relating to the business of the house :—" That this house will not allow any public bill to be read a second time after the Ist day of July, without special leave ; that it will not allow any bill to continue an act about to expire to be read a second time after Easter, without special leave ; and, that orders of the day have precedence of notices of motions on every day of the week after Whit- suntide." He stated reasons in support of these propii intions, which, he thought, might be adopted as sessional orders, by way of experiment. Mr. Bouverie suggested various objections to the re solutions, which were likewise opposed by Mr. W. Wil liams and by Lord Palmerston, who thought it would be unwise to tie the house down to rules which would fetter its discretion. The motion was withdrawn. DWELLING-HOUSES (SCOTL AND) BILL. Mr. DUNLOP moved for leave to bring in a bill to facilitate the erection of dwelling-houses for the work ing clasres in Scotland, explaining the objects and pro visions of the measure. The motion was supported by Mr. Elliot, Mr. Kin naird, Mr. Wilkinson, and Mr. Cardwell, and agreed to. PUBLIC PROSECUTORS. tendons flctory, the f obj e • ward. the policy which tlve, iuotio aad 0da..0 t f tau 'louse upon it. (Hear, 'hear.) So long as h.n. Majesty's Government were resolved to carry on the war with vigour, he and the honourable members on whose behalf he could speak had no desire to interfere with them, but, on the contrary, were anxious to give them their support. It was only in the case of their not conducting the war in a satisfactory manner that it was necessary for the house to interfere and demand an inquiry before a committee. The peculiarities of their trade with Russia were well known. It was well known that in Russia there could be scarcely said to exist an industrial and commercial class, such as existed in other continental countries. The wealth of Russia consisted in the production of serf labour. It produced tallow, hemp, linseed, and a variety of other commodities of that descrip tion. It was well known that for these commodities they were the customers of the Russians to ten times the amount of any other country. The productions were raised by the ad vance of the capital of English merchants, whereby they were able to raise the production from the soil. It was by these advances of the British merchants that the Russian landed proprietors were able to produce a great many a the articles he had described, and which they sent to them in spring and summer ; and if they cut off the English capital which in creased the production of Russia, they would dec rease th e re sources of that country. At the breaking out of the war he expected that as much injury would be inflicted on their oppo nent by the injury done to Russian commerce as by the ope rations of their army in the field. They had a fleet which, if it could not destroy the forts and fleets of Russia, could block ade every port of Russia in every sea ; and it was anticipated that from that blockade the trade of Russia would 1:)e so crip pled that in a short time it would be impossible for the Em peror of Russia to conduct the war. History was appealed to, and they were reminded of the disasters which had °conned in Russia in 1801. It was said that Russia having been induced by Napoleon to join the continental system, the rouble had declined in value to a very serious extent, and whenever it had declined in value the most serious financial difficulties had fallen on the Emperors opf Russia. On the breaking out of ,the war last year the rouble fell from 38d., which it was at par, down to 32d., and it was confidently expected that before the war had lasted many months it would fall much lower, and that a serious financial difficulty would overtake the Emperor of Russia, that ruin and poverty would fall upon the landed proprietors of Russia, and bankruptcy upon the Czar. (Hear.) But how far had those predictions been veri fied? If their arms had hitherto failed—and he did not en tertain a doubt of their eventual success—their operations against the commerce of Russia had failed as signally as before or more so. The desired effect was not realised, but the re verse ; and so far from a blockade of the principal ports of Russia interfering with her exports, the exports from those ports were greater than at any period before. (Hear.) The whole case must be summed up in this statement, that the commerce of Russia had not been injured, that ten millions of English money had gone to Russia this year instead of eleven in the previous year, and that the rouble, which at the out break of the war had descended to 32d., had risen to par. (Hear.) When he heard that ten millions had gone to Russia this year, instead of eleven in the previous year, he must ex plain that they paid for Russian produce first by exports ; se condly, by the consignment of foreign produce, and, thirdly, by money ; but the two former were struck off in the present year, and the whole of the payment was in mousy, being pre cisely that which it was moat convenient to the Emperor of Russia to receive, and which enabled him to keep his force in the field. If they relied upon putting an end to the war by any measures that had hitherto been taken to interfere with Russian produce, the war might last during the life of the youngest member of that house. (Hear.) He would now re fer to the cause of the signal failure of the measures that had been adopted. He believed that much was anticipated from a blockade of the ports of the Black Sea and of the Sea of Azof, because that blockade could not be evaded by land car riage, the distance being so great. Great interest was felt on the subject, and questions were put to the right hon. gentle man the First Lord of the Admiralty concerning it. On the let of June, Sir J. Graham said that distinct orders had been sent by the Governments of France and England to institute a vigorous blockade of the Russian ports in the Baltic and the Black Sea. On the 13th of June he again said that orders had been given to the admirals in the Baltic and Black Seas to institute a blockade, and he had reason to believe that these blockades had been instituted. On the 11th of July a statement was made to the same effect, but it was a fact that blockades in the Black Sea had not been instituted, and up to that time were not instituted. A blockade had been no tified to commence there on the Ist of this month, but sub sequently it was put off to the 14th, and if there was a block ade there at all, it had, been instituted within the last two or three days. What was the effect I it appeared from a me morial forwarded to him by the Chamber of Commerce at Hull- -a respectable body of men, who had taken pains to ob-, Mr. J. PHILLIMORE moved for leave to bring in a bill for the appointment of public prosecutors. It was most important, he observed, that every step in criminal proceedings should be taken (as was done in every coun try but England) by a competent public authority ; in stead of which an unlimited power of connivance was given to the police. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL did not offer the slightest opposition to the introduction of the bill, and was ready to admit that if anything could be done to appoint a public prosecutor, consistently with a due re gard to expense and to patronage, which the measure must extend, it would be very desirable. But the sub ject, he observed, Was one of the greatest ►rossible diffi culty, our whole criminal system being almost incom patible with the existence of a public prcsecntor, and be feared the subje:•t was not yet ripe for legislation. After a short discussion, in the course of which Mr. Ewart, Mr. Packe, and Mr. Phinn recommended a pre vious investigation of the subject by a select committee, leave was given to bring in the bill. ARMY SERVICE ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill was brought down from the House of Lords and read a first time. RUSSIAN TRADE, Mr. COLLIER, in calling the attention of the house to state of British trade with Russia, said he had put the pro position which he intended to make in the shape of a motion for returns, for, in the case of a new Government, it seemed premature to ask the house to pledge itself to a resolution on the subject. He wished, in the first instance, to hear from the Government 'an explanation of the past, and of their in taro information on the subject —that shipments of linseed had been made from the Russ'an ports iu the Black Sea and Sea of Azof to an extent that was unprecedented in former years, and that since the declaration of war from 380 to 400 ships, containing 700,000 quarters of linseed, and repiesentino• in value one million sterling, had sailed from the ports of the Black Sea. It appeared that the entire quantity exported from those ports in the entire twelve months of 1853 amounted to 604,000 quarters, and in the entire twelve mouths of 1852 amounted to 445,000 quarters, whereas in eight months of last year there was the enormous export of 700,000 quar ters, and in the remaining four months he was told the same amount of trade was going on. (Hear, hear.) The memori alists proceeded to say that much injury had consequently been done to British merchants since the month of July, be cause the reiterated assurances of Ministers that a blockade would be strictly enforced had not only had the effect of placing the trade in foreign hands, but had induced the Bri tish merchants to engage in counter operations of trade. They were now threatened with losses in consequence of the arrival of exports from the quarters where they were interdicted. It was further stated that although the ports of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azof were not blockaded, the mouths of the Danube had been blockaded, and they had thereby been deprived of an enormous supply of corn which they would otherwise have obtained. They had blockaded the mouths of the Danube which they should not blockade, and they did not blockade the ports of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azof which they should have block- aded, and which the country thought they had blockaded. The consequence was that exports from those Russian ports had taken place during the previous year, and that British merchants, having believed the assurance of the Government, and having made extensive arrangements to get from other quarters the articles which they before got from Russia, had, ou bringing those commodities home, suffered an enormous loss. It appeared that the parties who were benefited were the Greek merchants, who all along disbelieved in the block ade, and by carrying on their trade made enormous fortunes. He (Mr. Collier) should be glad to hear a satisfactory explana tion on the subject from the Government, and he thought that some explanation was due to the public. Whey the Secretary for the Admiralty made his celebrated Serpentine speech, in which he talked of turning that river through the Horse Guards, he admitted the war was disgracefully con ducted, but said the Admiralty was blamed by nobody, and that he had nothing to explain; but the hon. gentleman went too far. He (Mr. Collier) was most anxious to hear an ex planation from the First Lord of the •Admiralty, and he was disposed to believe—knowing his high administratiVe talents, and knowing the way in which the affairs of the Admiralty were administered—that he was prepared to give a satisfac tory explanation so far as his part of the matter was con cerned. But a head of a department was answerable for failure, unless he showed who the culpable party was. If they were informed who was the person to blame, on his being dismissed or censured, and a better man substituted for him, there would be reason to hope for an improvement ; but if they were never to know on whom the blame rested, or who the culpable person was, their affairs must be in an ut terly hopeless state. He applied that observation to Balaklava, and to the culpable authoritiesthere,who, he was sorry to say, had not been removed. They were entitled to know from the head of a department what was the cause of failure, and if any party was to blame, who the party was. (Hear.) Could the First Lord of the Admiralty show there was reason to change their policy, and that the fleet in the Black Sea was not suffi cient to blockade the ports in the Black Sea ? How could that be said, when one steamer would be sufficient to blockade the Straits of Kertch, from which there had been two millions of exports, and when there wore the means for blockading Odessa and the other ports of the Black Sea ? (Hear.) He thought it would be impossible to say that they had not a competent force in the Black' Sea for the purposes of block ade ; and if they had a competent force there, and if orders were sent to the admirals to blockade, he required to know why those orders were not obeyed ? (Hear.) He would pass now to another portion of the subject, with regard to the blockade of the Baltic. They had a fleet there which had in deed established an effectual blockade, but that blockade was evaded by land carriage. He thought he should be able to show that the blockade of the Baltic had been substantially evaded in a manner that was not anticipated, and with re spect to wnich he threw no blame upon the Government. A system of land traffic had been organised by the Emperor of Russia, with the connivance and concurrence of the Court of Prussia, and that could scarcely have been anticipated. A commissioner was appointed by the Emperor of Russia, with a perfectly competent staff, and good roads were made, which were overflowing with Russian commerce. By that means all those commodities that formerly came by sea, such as tallow, hemp, linseed, and other articles, were carried from Russia and forwarded to Memel. The people in the places along which it passed were benefited by the trade, and that gave Prussia a very good ground for maintaining her position of neutrality. It appeared from a pamphlet written by the hon. member for Lewes, that an extensive Russian trade was carried on in this way through, Prussia, and at an ad ditional expense of no less than 2,500,000/. which sum was paid by the British merchants, and that was exclu cive of goods carried to Archangel for shipment. He agreed with his honourable friend that it was humiliating to them to find that when they shut the front door a side door was opened, and that their merchants had to pay for the ex pense of evading the law a sum of 2,500,000/. That they should have a blockade that was ineffectual, and that they should not take measures to make it effectual, seemed to him to be a proposition that was utterly untenable. Either let them have no blockade, or have an effectual blockade. If they could not stop the transit through Prussia, why then let their merchants have the goods straight from Constadt, and save the demands and expanses to which they were exposed ; but to institute a blockade that could be evaded was an untenable measure, and one which it was impossible to defend. It was not for him to suggest to the Government the course they should take, because that was a matter of policy which it would be better to leave in their own hands, but he would state his opinion as to the mode of dealing with the subject. In the first place, it seemed to him that Prussia had been sub stantially g uilty of a breach of neutrality. Th e trade carr i e d ou through Prussia was not merely a trade of private indivi duals, but it was one which had been organised in a great measure between the Government of Russia and of Prussia for the express purpose of evading the blockade. A convention had been entered into between the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia for the completion of a railway. Prussia derived great revenues from the commerce that came through it from Russia ; and the transit trade to Memel was for the benefit of Russia, to the detriment of this country, and was carried on for the purpose of evading the blockade. In the year 1756 a rule was made to this effect, that a neutral was at liberty to carry on his accustomed trade in time of war, but should not carry on a new trade to the prejudice of either of the belli gerents. On that subject he would refer to the dictum of Lord Stowell, who said the general rule was that a neutral had a right to carry on in time of war his accustomed trade to the utmost extent to which that accustomed trade was ca pable, but the law was different in the case of a 'new trade which the neutral had not previously carried on. Now this tran sit tradelthrough Prussia was essentially a new trade carried on by Prussia, for the benefit of herself and Russia, to the in jury of this country, because thereby the blockade was evaded, to the detriment of the belligerents. That conduct on the part of Prussia formed a ground of remonstrance on their part, and they had a right to call upon Prussia—if Prussia should join the Western Powers, as they had every reason to hope she might do—to seal her frontier against Russian produce ; and he trusted that no stipulation would be made with Prussia except such an arrangement was made by it. By t he ado p tion of such means the power of Russia would become so farany crip pled that the Emperor of Russia would not be able e a smight for length of time to carry on the war. Otherbe adopted ; they might institute a search of m neutral vessels for enemies' goods coming from neutral pmts. They might do so on the ground that it was necessary for the enforcement of tare. Should such explanations be satis- I the blockade, and he apprehened that they would have a per. of his motion would be answered. If feet right to do so. He did not put it an the footing of inter- Qfactory, then it would he for him to con- . fering generally with the rights of neutrals, but he merely a td lt t , „, it might be adopted in this particular ease, for •:‘ - i,..s . particular object, and in consequence of thia,particular necossitY. There was one measure which t'tiey nndoulttedly • - had a - right to adopt, and that was to prohibit'the irerf ors. tion of Russian productions into this country. (An Hon. Member—Move, move.) They had a right, without offence to any other station, to prohibit the importation of Russian produce into this country. The objections that might be made to that were twofold. In the first place it might be said that the prohibition would not be effectual, and in the next place that they might injure themselves. They might prohibit the importation of certain specified articles of Russian produce, for instance tallow, hemp, and linseed, without certificates, and the way to do it would be not to allow any such articles to be imported unless they were accompanied by a certificate from their consul abroad, at the port from which they came, that they were not the produce of Russia. That statement should be given on oath, and there should be an oath to the same effect from the importing merchant. The house must bear in mind the peculiar character of the Russian trade. It was carried on by comparatively few houses, of great respectability and with a large amount of capital. Without a large amour of capital it was impossible to engage with any effect in the Russian trade, because it was carried on by large advances, and he had every reason to believe, and he was in fact satis fied, that if the importation of Russian produce was rendered unlawful, the Russian merchants, as ' body, would refuse to haye anything to do with it. The English merchants in St. Petersburg had met and agreed to a resolution, which was forwarded to Sir H. Seymour, that if the trade were pro hibited they would not have anything to do with it, andlthere was a similar resolution come to in London. The consequence was that the rouble fell from 38d, to 32d., but subsequently, when it was found that the trade would be allowed, the rouble rose again to par. He was happy to say that those merchants —one of whom would second his motion —would renounce the Russian trade if it were declared to be unlawful, and articles similar to those obtained from Russia could be got from other parts of the world, There might be some smuggling, and som might engage in a contraband trade contrary to the rule, but the great merchants who renounced the trade could keep agents at each of the ports to look after those contrabandista and he was inclined to think the result would be that the stream of Russian produce which flowed into this country would, if not altogether stopped, be to a great extent dammed up. (Hear.) But it was further said the prohibition would be evaded in various ways. It was said that factories would be established on the Continent for manufacturing Russian pro duce and sending it here in a manufactured state, German tallow, it was said also, would be substituted for Russian; cut the whole quantity of German tallow was very small, and could not be of great importance, and to organise a new trade against Russian tallow in Germany, and to bring the German tallow into port, would require an altogether new system. So with respect to the manufactories. A manufactory could not be built in a day ; it requiredlime, and machinery, and capi tal ; and it was not likely that the Germans would invest any considerable sums in those manufactories, when any month might make their outlay unavailing by bringing either a general peace or a general war. If the war was likely to last twenty years, such speculations might be entered into ; but not so now. By the time those manufactures were esta blished, also, arrangements might bo made for bringing that species of produce from other parts of the world, an arrange ment that would render nugatory the investment of German capital. It was further said that we should injure ourselves by the course he recommended. He freely admitted it. Did any man expect we were to enter into this war without in curring serious injury f Were we to carry on our commerce, and to go about our affairs as usual, passing our Reform Bills, and busying ourselves with matters of internal legislation, de voting only a little extra capital, if we had it, to " crumple up " Russia. If we were not prepared for the sacrifices of the war, we should never have gone into it, and had bette r h ow conclude a peace upon any terms we couldget. Should it be said of this country that we had not hesitated to sacrifice the lives of our best and bravest to the cause of national honour and the liberties of Ehrope, and that we could contemplate with calmness the horrors of the field and of the hospital; but there was one thing we could not face without being driven into the agonies of horror and despair, and that was—a rise in the price of tallow; Was it to be said that we were pre pared to take every measure to prosecute the war with vigour except a measure which should make us pay something more than usual for our hemp and tallow f We should, in such a case, well deserve the appellation of a nation of shopkeepers, and we should stay at home and not interest ourselves at all in continental affairs (" hear," from Mr. Bright.) , He ob served he was cheered by the hon. member for Manchester. The hen, member's views were quite consistent. He said we should not go to war 'without being prepared to make sacrifices ; and he (Mr. Collier) quite agreed with the hon. gentleman, Either make peace at once, or be prepared to exert your power in every direction and by every means, not fearing a tax on tallow or candles, but carrying on the war at every sacrifice, But, after all, we should Filet be driven to any great stress by any loss of Russian produce we should incur. It was not as if famine prices were likely to ensue—as if we were to be driven to any extremities, We had much stock in hand. (Ironical cheers and laughter.) Ho was sure be had nothing to do with it—(cheers)—and when that stock was exhausted, there were other markets whence we could obtain it. He had the authority on this subject of the Eco nomist newspaper, which, in an article dated April I—(laugh ter) anticipating that the trade with Russia would be totally stopped, went into a great many details as to the means of procuring more than adequate supplies from other parts of the world. It pointed out that oily substances could be pro cured from vegetable as well as from animal matter, and it concluded by , saying " that art and industry would know how to obtain from the whole of the rest of the world greater abundance than hitherto of useful articles--sore than station ary or retrograding Russia] could possibly supply." He had also noticed the circular of an eminent mercantile house who said that they had received supplies of hemp from India of a quality well qualified to replace and supplant that of Russia ; but when it was discovered that the supply from Russia would be regular through Prussia, there was no in ducement to them to keep up those supplies. If it were certain, they said, that the Russian trade would be stopped for only one year, it would give such a stimulus to the growers in the colonies as to make as certain of having at all times supplies of hemp capable of competing with the Russian article even at the lowest price. Further, it was known that hemp could be procured in any quantity from Italy, flax could be grown to any extent in Ireland ; tallow might be obtained in great quantities from •Australia ; stearine and 3ther oily matters from the coast of Africa ; in fact, there was nothing that could not be easily got elsewhere than in Russia, and that principally from our own colonise. The courses he ventured to recom mend as talculated to enforce our claims on Russia were, either to exercise the right of searching all vessels from Russian ports, or prohibiting the importation of Russian goods into this country. We should not by such prohibition give the rest of the world a gaeat advantage over us, for we were almost the only customers of Russia. Russia could not obtain elsewhere the advances she obtained from this country ; and where you stopped the advances from.this coun try you stopped the power of Russia. If they were utterly unable to enforce a blockade, let the blockade be given up; but if the blockade was to be continued, let them resort to some means for making it effectual. If an announcement of the kind were made by the Government that night, showing that they wore in earnest in desiring to stop this contraband trade, he believed the effect would be serious and immediate effect upon the finances of Russia. The rouble would imme diately fall. It fell the other day upon a general belief that a recent Order in Council prohibited trade, whereas it only prohibited contraband trade. The fall of the rouble would immediately involve the country in financial embarrassment. Another effect of such an announcement would be, that Eng lish capital amounting to millions, now in London awaiting its destination—Russia, where it would be employed in next year's campaign —would remain in England, to contribute, on tbo contrary, to the vigour of our next campaign. He was free to say that so long as the Government were disposed to carry on the war thoroughly and in earnest, and to apply to it all the resources of the country, they would form a strong Government, and wodld meet with the hearty, unanimous, and enthusiastic support of the country ; but if thoy would go on proposing half measures, showing themselves unequal to the occasion, and requiring to be goa d e d on t o t h e i r d uty by the press and !public opinion, the sooner they fell the better, He trusted they would that night give some assur ance on the subject, and their explanations would be such as would be satisfactory to the house and to the country. Mr. MITCHELL regretted that his honourable friend had changed the form of his original motion, which was one directly expressing the opinion of the house that the trade with Russia should be further restricted. He would himself luive brought the subject forward, had he not been deterred by the sneers he had beard on the bench below, and insinua tions to the effect that he advocated the measure because he held stock in London. Within the last ten days, a deputation representing the Russian trade—gentlemen whose whole trade was with Russia, whose commerce ceased entirely when the trade with Russia ceased, who held stock, and who, there fore, had the highest interest that the war should be brought to an end -had an interview with the Earl of Clarendon, and but one opinion was expressed by them. That opinion was entertained by every one who knew the trade with Russia, and who understood the power of the lever we had to bring the war to a termination ; and that opinion was, that more powerful than our armies would be the stoppage of the trade with Russia. The only lever that could effectually act upon the Emperor of Russia was the Russian nobility and the power they exercised over him. They were the possessors of the military power, and a stoppage of trade would at once reduce them to poverty, for they lived up to their incomes, and had already been severely mulcted in every way for the support of the war. But hitherto our efforts had been useless. It was indisputable that, notwithstanding the enormous Rus sian issues of paper money since the declaration of war, not withstanding that the . export of gold had been p ro hibit e d , th e exchange had been generally at par, and was very little be low par now. That could be accounted for only by the influx of gold in return for Russian produce. Take the case of the Black Sea, Before an effectual blockade of the Black Sea was established, a million of quarters of linseed had been shipped thence at 635, per quarter, and the whole of that money had gone to purposes either neutral or entirely hostile to our own, The right hon. baronet had stated distinctly that a blockade would be established, and nobody in this country thought of taking any steps for procuring linseed from the Black Sea; but the Greeks were on the spot, and they soon found the real state of matters, and they had syste matically gone on with the "trade. What had been the result to'the enemy I The direct statements made by the Admiralty caused orders to be sent to India to the extent of from 11;0,000 to 200,000 quarters, which were sold at a ruinous loss ; and, of course, all further purchases were at once stopped. (Hear.) But whilst this was going on, from the month of May last there had been a most rigid blockade of the mouths of the Danube. Bat no Russian corn came from the Danube—the greatest quantity that had ever been shipped thence was 50,000 quarters ; but, prier to the month of May, the Emperor of Russia had entirely prohibited the export of corn from any of his ports. Thus, while the Go vernment were allowing a million of quarters of linseed to bo shipped under the nose of their admiral, they were shutting up 2,000,000 quarters of Turkish corn, which were lying in the Danubian ports. (Hear, and cheers.) The Governmento might have been ignorant of those facts, but why werethtyo ignorant of them (Cheers.) The late Government blame. They should have got full information from were those quarters whence it was to be got, and they should then have instituted either a real blockade or non e at all. So great set last to them. A repair fortnight, im portance was attached to trade in. Russia that whenever th e the which from eeta ß t r a ts is s hm ia f e o u r t sh o i f p m th en e t h a l t oe P k roads statement go had tinto ho believed to be perfectly sorrefit showing the actual quan dhiesooordderar wsonldi up soldiers wi w•or tuni o ports, even prior to the oh a 3) sowe the quantity of tallow so de tity of goods despatche t t rusa ade at Prussian ,o bons, the average oost of which delivered free on boar d a t Memel was 601., making together 1,830,0001. The quantity oZ - hemp and flax was 70,756 tons, s ß p i a g t a e . h e d That to 1 3 a ta ve te b m e e en at 501., making 3 , 53 7,8004. Bristles, linsetd, and other goods were stated at 1,000,;0001, The Archangel trade was also estimated at 1,000,000 t/ remark this, that a most r! rd and upon that trade he might d blockade of the White Sea wa s established after everything had been exported from it. (Cheers and laughter.) Z'ae Black Sea trade was estimated at a million and a half, an d the total made 8,867,800/. The average value of the totr Russian exports he found to be 10 , 00 0,0001,, independeir tof corn. Then he found the result to be, that they had abe ,ut two-thirds of the usual quantity of Russian produce sh ipped free on board at !a cost of 9 , 0 00,000/. Now, the cost of the whole quantity, of which Only two-thirds had bi #3ll shipped this year, was genera; :~++~ - • f: -. r ~ en