The Sun. — London, England, 1824-02-04 00:00:00

~y A~ ~ r [ ~ ~ s 1 ;2Bg t apd-cri/iy" / 6 7 F NUMBER 9813 WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1824. PARLI A M E HOUSE OF LORDS, TUESDAY, FEB. 3. Parliament was opened this day by a Royal Commission, the Lords Commissioners being the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, the LORD CHANCELLOR, the LORD PRIVY SEAL, the PRESIDENT of the COUNCIL, and the Earl of SHAFTESBURY. Soon after twelve o'clock a number of ladies were admitted to be seated in the House, though it was generally known that His Majesty could not possibly be expected here. Strangers were excluded from below the Bar till nearly two o'clock, by which time several of the Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, had assembled ; and at twenty minutes to three o'clock, the Gen tleman Usher of the Black Rod (Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt, Knto was directed to require the attendance of the Commons. Soon afterwards, Mr. Speaker, preceded and attended by the Officers of his House, and followed by a considerable portion of the Members, approached their Lordships' Bar ; after which the Royal Commission was read for the opening of the Session, when the LORD CHANCELLOR, by virtue of the same, deli vered His Majesty's Speech, a correct outline of which was given in THE SUN of yesterday. After the Speech was concluded, the Commons withdrew from the Bar. Baron Gifford, of St. Leonard's, the Chief Justice of the Ccunmon Pleas, was then introduced, and took the oaths, and his seat. The Earl of Errol and Lord Bayning also took the oaths, and their seats. The House adjourned, during pleasure. At five o'clock the House again assembled. Lord LIVERPOOL brought in a Bill for the better regula tion of Select Vestries, - which was ordered to be read a first time. [lt is customary, before proceeding, to move the Address to his Majesty, to bring in some Bill, in order to preserve the right of the Peers to go on with other business, without taking his Majesty's Speech into consideration.] His Majesty's Speech was then again read, first by the Lord Chancellor, and afterwards by one of the Clerks of the thiuse. Earl SOMERS then rose.--In moving an humble and loyal Address, to thank his Majesty for his gracious Speech, he felt sincere joy, which, he was satisfied, every Member of that House would share, at having heard a statement of public af fairs so gratifying, and so well founded in fact. It proved . that all the interests of the country were recovering, and tending towards complete welfare and prosperity. All topics touched upon in his Majesty's Speech we r e of a grateful natare, with the exception of one, which was a subject of lamentation. He meant the illness of his Majesty, which they must all lament ; and when they considered th e gracious expressions in which his Majesty conveyed to the House his earnest concern person ally to have congratulated them on the improved state of the country, he trusted that their Lordships would not be back ward in shewing their sense of gratitude, and how deeply indebted they felt th emse l ves t o his Majesty, for having ex pressed such sentiments. He should now endeavour to rasal to their minds the situation in which the country had been placed. How long was it since England had been engaged in a bloody and trem en d ous con t es t w ith a new Republic, which, from its nature, from th e id ea s of liberty then genenel/y . en tertained, co u pl e d w i t h t h e c i rcumstance that the te:iseoples on which it acted were flattering to the passions of th mass of mankind, had become possessed of immense p Iwo-, and was enabled to call resources into action, which ti`se former Government of France could not use. With this rerublic we had been enraged in a war which threatened to level all esta blished institutions, under the name of freedom, to destroy all liberty, and, under the pretence of regeneration, to overturn Europe. This war had lasted but a time. On a sudden the whole weight and strength of that Republic had been concen trated in the hands of a man who had shewn that he was able to wield that mass of power, and threatened to annihilate the liber ties of all mankind. With him we had renewed the war. It had lasted long and had involved the question of our very existence. But yet.this man, who like the Emperors of Rome, (not in character like the first), concentrated within himself all the powers of the state, had by the great and steady exertions of this country been driven from the throne, and the liberties of Europe been preserved by our armies. For, notwithstanding the tremendous nature of the contest, this country had never given way. She had once made peace, but that was with a view to the general good, and when she found that the experi ment had failed, she had resumed the contest and remained firm in her determination, never to yield to the power of France. Through the effbrts of this country Napoleon had been driven from the throne ; but though she had s ucceeded in those efforts, she had almost gone beyond the power to which her resources extended. The Emperor Napoleon had been subdued and the liberties of Europe restored, but England had severely felt the result of the. struggle when the hour of peace had arrived. Poverty, distress, want of employment, suddenly overtoo k l arge c l asses o f h er population. The coun try groaned under the new peace, and the consequence was dissatisfaction and disorders. What a happy change had now taken pl ace ! Our manufactures were i n f u ll activity ; em ployment abounded ; our commerce was flourishing ; and cre dit, after all oar exertions and difficulties, had risen to an hithe r t o unprecedented elevation. This was a cause o f sincere joy for the country and for the House. Agriculture, which had rece ive d t h e severest s h oc k of any, was happily reviv ing, or, as it was justly expressed in his 'Majesty's Speech, recovering. This -had been the case for some time, but he could say from his own knowledge, that within a late pa. nod the improvement had been more rapid. He was the more gratified at the m anner i n w hi c h t h e su bj ec t had been mentioned in his Majesty's Speech, as it held out .an en couragement to tope that the landed interest would regain amongst the other interests of the country that great share of prosperity which it used to enjoy. He had been rather hurt at certain modes of expression which had been employed in various places on that subject. It was a great mistake to suppose that if the landed property of the country were to change hands every thing would go on as before. That would not be the case. He was r e ady to allow that in a great count r y like this,. where trade was carried on to such an extent, and large fortunes incessantly created, it was a happy thing to have got rid of those feudal institutions which prevented the passing of lands from one hand to another. But it would be a very different thing if land were to pass principally out of the hands of its present proprietors. An intimate connection ex isted between ancient landowners and tenants, which was pro ductive of the most beneficial consequences. When new men came, tenants could not feel the same attachment for them that they did for the former ; hence a complete change of property would tend to destroy much of the harmony and happiness which the present system created. He had already alluded to the exer tions made by the country against her most tremendous enemy. No interest had done more in that struggle than the landed in terest. The Nobility and the Gentry had prepared to act in a military capacity, and had taken upon themselves, as they still did, half the judicial business of the country ; whilst the Yeomanry had carried arms to resist foreign inv a sion, o r sup press insurrection at home. As no interest had done more for the public good than the landed interest, he sincerely rejoiced that it was recovering, and ready to re-assume the station to which its importance entitled it. If the situation of the coun try were so much and so happily changed from the state to which it was reduced at the return of peace, might lie not justly call upon their Lordships to acknowledge, that the Government, under whom such a change was effected, must have acted in a steady, wise, and patriotic manner ? A spirit of order, and a sense of the blessings enjoyed, were amongst the results of the improvement which had taken place. If in - the sister country there were ninny circumstances to lament, he was happy to understand that Ireland was much amended in situation and temper from what she had been some months since. Having been once in that country in a military capacity, he had ac quit ed some knowledge of her situation, and would say more upon the subject, did he not feel that the Noble Viscount, by whom he was to have the honour of being seconded, from the great stake which he had in Ireland, and his intimate acquaint ance with her people would be more able than himself to satisfy their Lordships. He would say thus far, however, that he understood the measure passed last year for the commuta tion of tythes had upon the whole been attended with advan tageous effects, and was extending its operation, owing princi pally to the Clergy, who though it was a delicate question for them, had acted liberally and as became good subjects. His Majesty's Speech said that there was every reason to believe that the progress of our internal prosperity would not be disturbed by any interruption of tranquillity abroad. He rejoiced at this, as well as at the success of the efforts made by our Ambassador at Constantinople to settle the differences between the Porte and Russia. Ile , was also happy to hear that 'a Convention had been concluded with Austria, by which a debt would be paid to this country from which most persons had expected no return. This was an additional proof of the attention which his Majesty's Government paid to all her interests. The next subject in his Majesty's Speech was that of Spain. In our conduct towards that country, the British Government had ob served a strict neutrality, wisely abstaining from a contest in which, on whichever side it embarked, this country must haVe become a principaL Could that be doubted, after the example of weakness given by Spain at the time of the French inva sion ? Ministers had avoided pledging England for, or against the Spanish Constitution, feeling that the internal state of Spain was not such as to require the interests of this country to be endangered in its support. Would active interference have been politic at a time when we were recovering from the effects of the last war ? And, independently of this consideration, .what should have been our object ? Should we have supported the King or the Constitution? What was that Constitution ? It was one, the event had proved, not agreeable to the bulk of the people. With a nominal King at its head it was purely detnocratical and could not possibly exist. He did not mean to contend that there might not he a good Republic, but that a Con s tit u ti on purely democratical, with a, King at its head without power, - and without an aristo cracy, was not likely to prosper, or to preserve its relations with other States. He thought that Ultraism was never right; and that even when it originated - in just principles it vitiated them, and ended in. /h. :destructicin of its object.— In its present Unhappy state, - Spaiiv ; hitcl- fallen from one ex treme into another; but we did not • sufThr from it—there was no fault of ours, and, instead of being dissatisfied, we ought to - be glad that this country" had not been plunged into war in such a cause. One great misfortune of Spain arose from this, that during the Monarchy the Nobility and the Gentry had been discouraged from residing on their estates. With regard to South America, he thought the House would be unanimously of opinion that those provinces being actually separafed from Spain, every thing that could be done justly had been done to promote the interest of our trade. Consuls had been lent for that purpose, but no pledge had been given for any thing beyond. Though a small augmentation of our land and sea forces had become necessary, with a view to' . garrison our West India Colonies, as" circumstances might require ; it was gratifying to find a hope expressed in his Ma jesty's Speech, that some of our exiating burthens might be reduced. The conduct observed by this country towards the Negro slaves in the West indies was. a' delicate subject, and required to be handled cautiously. That House, however, was iwno respect situated in the same'eircumstances as the other, as' their. Lordships had not been the question up.— He trusted that the Legislature would attend to the teem mendations given by the Royal gpiecti,' 0, iliat subject, and would remember that the Planters .were 13titish subjects as well• as ourselves, and had been encouraged to maintain that property and situation which they now held. Could any thing more be done than was recommended his Majesty's Speech, and .was not his Majesty therefore entitled to be thanked for havin g given such a recommendation? If we had so rapidly recovered from the difficulties and distress' which had followed , t he war, through the good governthent under which we had lived, we were bound to recollect that that Government arose from the Constitution which our ancestors had established, and which it was our duty to hand down' to Our descendants, really r knew and truly in the principles in which it now ;existed. He that the power and the right of amending oar institu tions, were vested in the Legislature, but when we found that ,by adhering to our Constitution as it stood, we had recovered mat state of so much exhaustion and danger, it was a strong additional stimulus to abstain from innovations, and not to sa crifice, like the animal in the fable, the substance for the sha dow, remembering that the substance once parted with, could not be easily recovered. The Noble Earl conclittled, by mov ing an Address, forming, as usual, an echO to the sentiments of the Speech. Viscount LORTON after expressing the diffidence but sin cere satisfaction with which he rose to second the Address, took a short view of the principal topics of his. Majesty's Speech. They had been so ably discussed . by the Noble Earl who had preceded him, that he should only venture to make a few observations on one point reitle *MCI he was more con reriani than th e res t : Ireland had. "always been,considered difficult to go ver n. He was aware that in speaking oh that subject caution was requisite ; b ut h e h a d no t i nt o f party spirit on his mi n d, and he wo u ld strong l y rectum - bend to their Lordships whe n considering t h at ques t ion,fi e .preserve the wi dest/indulge clear of prej u di ces.. T he, causes of the situa tion 'of Ireland were bey on d the Monitoul of any perhep s Mini sters. They were to be found ir..the moral state of the people. 'Prom their natural capacities - they had always been deeened capable of being made a . strenStli and ornament to any co u ntry,; but th at advantages enjoyed by the population none of the t —e natives of this side of the Channel, and great allowances ought to be Made for his unfortunate countrymen. " One of t h eir greatest ieifite Wll6 that a the circulation of t h e Ire land, and the consequeneSeerwi their religious :Ministers throne-1i the ereatest part of Ire in a state of the groeseet p a t s ur s e t s h . a: c, i i rt e elli v b i i el t . •e e d i b ef y t au h n ad erst m iti: re ne o ' hostile to their rulers. f of the Irish Government Tle Noble Margitia at the head than could have been expected. He had not flinched from h a a t ia d cl i .ea nib t ib o ed su a rn s i P oUn it t them. He had applied his great, • talents •to overcome them, and he (Lord Lorton) sincerely hoped that he would succeed. Their Lordships were not aware of the exact state of that country. It was there that an impiriuni in imperto was really to be found ; and that i-,7iperiuin must be subdued and brought under before Ireland could be made what. it was capable of becoming. Tee population of'that country was very numerous, and W 33 generally witboni employment, in consequence of the absenc e of the.landedproprietore. The amount of property withdrawn annually from. Ireland was not lees than two millions, and the absentees by whom it was drawn might be ranged under two beade; the first legitimate, and the second illegitimate. The first ConSisted of those who, possessing large estates in England,' liad'aTair ground for not living in Ireland. They should, however, consider it to be their duty to perform occasional visits; to that country, to lay out a portion of their Irish revenue there, in giving employment to the people and improving their estates. They should also be more particular in the selection of" the' persons whom they employed as agents. These objects were well attended to by some Noblemen whom he was happy to recognize. in that House. To'such advice w as not ne cessary, buthe wished that they could prevail upon their frienk to follow . their example. The second class consisted of thote . 'sihM, pOSessing large he reditary property, in Ireland, had no frfir reasons to justify their absences Such should be advised to return, .and to spend at lust a portion of their revenne in their own country. He was happy to state, that before h e l e ft Ire land last, he had he a rd o f t h e reta.Fri of scan' who had been absent for many years, and he trusted that their 'example would be imitated by others. Upon the 'whole it might be said that much had been done, that much was doing, and that much remained to be done. He believed that his Ma jesty's Ministers were really anxious to improve the condition of Ireland, but that much was beyond their controul, and de pended on the Irish laud proprietors theniselVei,aritinn the en couraem.-:.nt which they might give to' their tenantry. He saw with satisfaction the spirit of inquiry which prevailed in England with respect to the state of Ireland. It arose from the calamity which had overtaken that country in 1822, and which might therefore, in some measure be considered as a blessing, since it had called forth the humanity of England in a manner calculated to eradicate many of the prejudices. which had so long existed between the two countries. Were it not for the inflammatory speeches of a few declaiming orators, he had no doubt that the full effect of the salutary impression produced by English generosity would remain. All, however, was not lost. Some institutions owed their birth to that occa sion, which were still flourishing. Foremost amongst these was the British and Irish Ladies' Society for improving the condition of females in Ireland, at the head of which stood two of our august Princesses, whose example, he trusted, would induce many others to join in the same beneficent work. The object of that Society was to encourage the spinning and manufacture of flax, and attention to personal cleanliness and economy. The first would benefit the great staple manufac ture of Ireland, and the second would improve the domes tic state of those wretched women who would at last take their proper situation in society. He recommended to their Lordships not to charge the present state of Ireland on his Ma jesty's Government, who were free from blame; but _to assist in rescuing the Irish people from the power of Demagogues, who would impel them to act conducive to their ruin. The Noble Lord concluded by apologizing for having so long oc cupied the time of the House. The Alarquis of LANSDOWN, in adverting to the first topic noticed in the Speech from the Throne, thought that his Majesty was fully justified in congratulating Parliament on the improvement in the agriculture of the' country which had . recently taken place. To him it afforded unmi xe d s atisfaction .that the renovation in that important branch of our industry int in , form nil sr valit a, sal ; ~4s 16, BRITISH INSTITUTION, PALL-MALL. THE GALLERY for the EXHIBITION and SALE of the WORKS of MODERN ARTISTS will be OPENED on THURSDAY NEXT, the sth instant, from Ten in the Morning until Five in the Evening. By Order, JOHN YOUNG, Keeper. Adinis•ion Is.—Catalogue Is. The Remaininz Subscribers to the Engraving from Mr. West's Pi c t ure of " Our Saviour Healing the Sick. in the Temple," who have not received their Impressions, may re ceive them upon pplieation at the British Institution. NEV EVENING PAPER. TIIIS EVENING, WEDNESDAY, the 4th inst., will appear, a NEW EVENING PAPER, entitled t " THE EVENING CHRONICLE." The Pro prietors of this Journal being entirely uncorrected with any party whatever, commence the undertaking with a determina tion to establish a perfectly free and independent Organ of the Public Voice. It will be edited by Gentlemen qualified to conduct every department with superior ability, and who have access to peculiar sources of information. It will be published at Mr. Bensley's, in Bolt-court, Fleet. street, (where Advertisements will be received,) and may be had of all the Newsmen. THE 1 4 1FT.H. REPORT 4 of the PRISON DISCIPLINE SOCIETY IS THIS DAY PUB LISHED. J. and A. Arch, Cornhill : Longman and Co., Paternostrr r"v; Hatchard and Son, Piccadilly ; D. Lizars, Edinburgh ; and M. Goodwin, Dublin. INCORPORATED SOCIETY for the CONVERSION and RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION and EDUCATION of the NEGRO SLAVES in the BRITISH WEST INDIA ISLANDS. A REPORT of the PROCEEDINGS of this -1 - a- SOCIETY, from July to December, 1823, will be ready for delivery at Messrs. RIVINGTON'S, Booksellers, I Vaterloo-place, and St. Paul's Church-yard, •IN THE COURSE OF THE PRESENT WEEK; with a List of the DonOri and Subscribers to the day of publication. J. T. BARRETT, D.D., Secretary. Duke -street, Westminster, Feb. 2, 1824. . FOR PRESERVING THE TEETH AND GUNIi. T • HE. VEGETA BLE TOOTH-POWDER has so lung. been in general u se , that it i s unnecessary 'uffer any further recommendation of it. Composed of Ve- Fetables, with ou t the admixture of any Mineral or pernicious INCredient whatever, it is free from the nsual objection against toe use of other Dentifrices. Its detersive power is just sa fi - eient to annihilate those destructive particles which adhere I 0 the Gums and the Interstices of the Teeth ; healing injn. r te's in•the former, and promoting a new Enamel (where it has been injured or corroded) on the latter. It likewise im parts a firmness and healthy redness to the Gatos ; and, if Used regularly, will preserve the Teeth in a sound state to old • age. Sold in Boxes, at 2s. 9d. by Butlers, Chemists, 4, Cheap side, St. Paul's, 220, Regent. street (near the Argyle Rooms), London ; Waterloo-place, Edinburgh; Sackeille-street, Dub lin ; and by the principal Perfumers and Medicine Venders throughout the United Kingdom. 6:2 - Be careful to ask for " Butler's Vegetable Tooth Powder." sTrucTu KEN u RED, By a new Method the above troublesome Complaint is entirely eradicated, (without the use of Bongie or Caustic), whether of long or slim t standing, ex cept constitutional, as well as all weaknesses generally ac comintlying it, and in a short time the whole system is re established, being one of the greatest discoveri es ever made. By JOHN LYNCH , 44, Dulte•street, St, James's- Respectable references will be given, if required.—All Let ters post-paid. e/. The price of the Medicine is Four Pounds a parcel. A perfect Cure for Bilious Affections and Obstructions in the Bowels. .lust plibliShed. price ss. ,d. Bve., the• Third Edition of A PRACTICAL - TREATtsE on NERVOUS, BILIOUS, and INFLAMMATORY AFFECTIONS, With a new Method of Curing Strictures without. the use of Bougie or Caustic; With an Appendix on the Diseases of Women and Children. By JOHN LYNCH.—To he had of the Author, 44, Duke street, St. James's. Secresy will be observed • LONDON REPOSITORY for the CABINET 31--"AKERS' SOCIETY, for every Description of CABINET FURNI TURE, FEATHER BED and MATTRESS MANU c,FACTORY, No. 71, Corner of , _ LEADENHALL oTREET, London, opposite Allgate Pump.-Ready Money Only. THE Society of Cabinet-Makers respectfully infom the Public that their still c . ontin l u i e , tahicic.a who hypeatabilishment, for the Benefit oflndustrious . tch . , . large Familes, by offering them Manufactured Articles the Cabinet Line, of the best Workmanship, and Cheaper o _ a tt ler u e ,?3'. House can do in London by twenty-five per cent., ho u „,,uetng no other profit required on the Goods but the bare with` expences ; at the same tune will be sufficiently satisfied h arr rh; llg t Employment for themselves and families. ....` -4?oci e c to nv ist a in Established in June, 1821, consisting of lies, 11--alt ie BY , adding a the number of their Wives and Faint- Lle%lniOurited to 66; in June, 1819, five more were added to at.Talh-eusmochieetr now rceiving il t - v el etY; in June, ' i 820, 10 ; and in June 1821, 8. The Support through the Means of is Establishment is 191. sincere thankYs all bons,hither hitherto d honouredahand their Families beg leave to return their them with their . Orders and Recommenda. always feel happy in their endeavours to give fut ure satisf act i on ; at the same time solicit a Continuance of " ' their Benevolen •whereby they may be enabled to increase eof the So the Numbe The foll owingArt e icles ci ar ety e . inserted as a Specimen of the very Low Prices, all warranted.-Ready Money only. Full size Mahogany four-post Bedstead, lath bottom 31. 15s. `Full size tent Bedstead 11. 65.-Bordered hair Mattress to 9 1 ? IL size tent Drawer, solid ends 3L 35.-Feather Bed 7.• 18.-Ditto, free - from dust and smell, full size 31. 10s.- az japanned Chairs of any description in oil 11. 65.-Best do. "s. hand -stand 165.-Ditto, Dressing Table 165.-Hearth R ugs 14 1 ,- 8 .----3 ft. 6 inches Chest of Drawers 41. 45.--Three-foot r i ll a ut i garly Pembroke Table IL 18s.-Three-foot ditto on lA ,,!'s and claws 31. 15 5. - Mahogany Dressing Table 11-Ditto isidett, best 11. 45.-Ditto Bedsteps 11.85.-Ditto ditto 11. 12s. pll3-Ditto ditto 21. 25.-Ditto Box Glass, 2 drawers, best British ate to ditto Is. 65.-Ditto ditto IL 18s.-Ditto do Glass, large size, commode 38.-Ditto ditto 55.-Ditto ditto 88 -Ditto ditto 125.-Sea Bed and Pillew ss. 62 -Ditto leas N.-Ditto ditto 75.-Tray pd Tea Mahogany , bl ta b l4B -Japanned Book Shelf 73. -Tea Caddy 10s.-Porta e esk 215.-Desk covers in number 145.-Music Chairs .?_ny pattern Bs. 6d.-Eight Mahogany Chairs, covered with • 'l;i'ttstoe.,liiair, brass nailed - 61. 65.-8 ditto ditto 61. 155.-8 ditto a ". 78-8 Trafalgar ditto 91.95.-Mahogany Sofa to match i t eces---Ditto Couch 71. 10s.-Ditto ditto 81.105.-Ditto, with tu r „L e a,d 71. 10s. -Set of Mahogany Card and Sofa Tables, on -- iegs, banded in rose-wood 81. 155.--Set of Mahogany Atto"' t" Card and Sofa on pillars and claws 121. 125.--- „... stia , the best that can be Made-to order or pattern 161. 10s. kiaek ri l i r_e 7 foot 6 edes l tal Sideboard, with carved Ihniii-"*"--uitto 7f t 161.-Ditto 6 foot six 151.-Set of - ` ll' l 6l t . t o l l- 1 4 4 / ble s t 4 of the last pttern, 4 foot by 10 foot 61 11._ T 7 -by II foot 6, 151.-Ditto, 4 foot 6 by 12 foot 6, 11 . Is .-i,"; S 3rish, an advance of 31. 10s.-Straw Palliasse stead pezieog ed ga s l t l e y ad and furniture 31. 15.-Bambooß_e_d ; ; and iCen - L 7- •ve.f oot fi nc h elyptic top, with drapery and fringe, 81. ip . iI:: :_e f h o 0 d r a four-post Bedstead and furniture, with , lined all through, complete, 151. 10s.- alined t di tto, ditto 16s. 10s.-Ditto ditto, with cornice, of a g ain : make, 181. 10s.-Ditto ditto, with gold cornice, ele rine njsPoer,, '2Ol . -Drawing-rOOlll Curtains, of the best Mo •---Dn'am- '''"'nt, fitted for window, CI. 6d.-Ditto ditto 71. 7s. b raw - 7-, of a superior and elegant style of work, 101. 10s.- Dit.,,t!g-toorti r ose -wood-Drawing-room Trafalgar Chairs ...188:,_,..,.binitltaaiduw.ith bull. 201 . -Table, 2 Covers, and Sofa, 181. dittoes Bl. 8s•--Horse-hair Sofa 61. 65.-Ditto, 71. 7s. -hair Cushions, each ss. 6d.-Covered W. TH LIRNELL, Agent. (.4,..., 1 COUNARY DEALERS SUPPLIED. 16. i ra Packed free of ex pence except the materials, and sent tlier p a rts of Great Britain, and to the East and W . est lin -C. aPtains fitted out, and merchants supplied with Ca met.Goods for Exportation. I , 4l , : sesAtwpartr na ur rou ents r daPuy znished at a few hours' notice, and N. was spontaneous, end that in the words used in his Majes ty's Speech, " by the steady operation of natural causes, it was assuming the station to which its importance entitled it among the great interests of the nation." The great weight of he public debt after the war had certainly exposed us to dif ficulties ; but he, fir one, never despaired of the resources of ' the Empire, and he now saw it admitted, with pleasure, that our present prosperity arose from reduction of taxation and of extended freedom of trade. Upon the expediency of the latter, he, and other Noble Lords, had formerly expressed the strongest opinions in that House, and in the other House of Parliament the subject had often been fully discussed. The effects, however, which the adoption of the princip]e had al ready produced, were far beyond what its most sanvuine advocates even anticipated. He could not better instance this result than by referring to the relaxations which lately took place in the trade between Great Britain and Ireland.— For a long period the King's Government gave the system of restrictions which was in force between this and the sister country its decided support, and one Noble Lord opposite lent himself to the last to the prejudices which prevailed re specting protecting duties. Last year, however, the present Chancellor of the Exchequer removed some of those restraints upon the internal trade of the United Kingdom, and now the very individuals for whose benefit they were originally imposed came forward in a body to petition for a total repeal of them.— The experience of a few months sufficiently convinced the speople of Ireland of th e a d van t ages o f a free intercourse with ngland ; and they who before succeeded in persuading his Majesty's Government to continue the restrictions, were at present so awake to the evils of that policy, and so satisfied that the relaxations which recently took place had afforded in creased employment to the poor, that from one end of the country to the other they implored the House to establish per fect freedom of trade. This freedom of commercial intercourse, in his opinion, was one of the causes of our present prospe rity, and could not avoid availing himself of so favourable an opportunity to insist on the great benefits to be derived from an extension of theprinciple. On the other subject—the repeal of oppressive taxes, he would merely observe, that whether in the immediate relief ,to those released from the payment of taxes, or the indirect encouragemeut given to industry by setting forth an increased expenditure, the advan tages to the country were of the most important nature. He hoped therefore to hear no more of the paradoxical proposition, that taxation was a benefit, and that it brought additional consumers into the market. If their Lordships would permit him, he would make a remark on the improvement which had taken place in the agriculture of the country ; in all respects that Interest was materially amended, although the deficiences of the late harvest in Scotland and Ireland may have occasioned part of the late rise in the price of corn. He had no doubt but most of it was referable to an in creased consumption, from an increased demand which would occasion, in its turn increased production. Having thus noticed our infernal situation, lie fo u nd i t i mposs ibl e not to advert to a subject w hi c h he regretted to observe appeared to be rather incidentally introduced into the Speech from the Throne—he meant the public interests of this country as connected with foreign Powers. He wished his Majesty's advisers had been more explicit on this subject, and could not help thinking, that when the King's Government last Session so vehemently deprecated the late war against Spain, they ought now to have declared their sentiments fully with respect to the termination of the contest. That termination he (the Marquis of Lansdown,) for his part s considered truly unfor tunate—but not on account of the particular Constitution which had been subverted—it was for reasons dear to this and all countries—the tights and independence of nations, which could not be trenched on in the Peninsula without com promising the interests of this and every other free State. When he saw that the effects of the principle of inter ference was the undue augmentation of power to another kingdom, and that kingdom the old and uniform rival of Great Britain, it appeared to him inexplicable that any Ministers . could have observed that courtly silence apparent in the pre- on the t erm i nat i on o f t h e war i n S pa i n, an d which i sent Speech leaves le a matter of d ou b t w h et h er that termination has or has ' not given satisfactio n to the Noble Lords opposite. •Without betraying State secrets it would mutely have been but reasonable for his Majesty's advisers to have put into the mouth of the King of a free people the opinions of the Cabinet on the actual aspect of affairs (In the Continent.— , Upon every ground, whether we refer to the law of na tions, or the hietory of other States, the Spaniards had every , right to modify their own institutions as' they chose. He perfection—by collision S lu fsi consideration of the was not then disposed to enter into a minute i ge es that any frame ee Government could be brought towards ofi Constitution,p arties and t l h t e wcaosnofini conflict only o b f y o d p e t mons ; but let the Spanish Constitution be ever • so faulty, it would be better for Spain to have preserved it than to be, plunged into the horrors in, which that country was now plunged. I The Noble Lord who moved the Address had deprecated the prevalence of ultraism, but he (Marquis Lansdown) would ask ' if Spain was not the victim of ultraism at this moment, and if s h e was not held in subjection by the arm of a great military Power, inimical to the interests of this country ? France having attained its object in gaining possession of the Pen insula, it was the duty of the Ministers of this c`ountry to know what were its future designs. Let them not suppose, when the principle of interference has succeeded in one in stance--when a great act of inju - stice has been done, and a fundamental law in the relations of independent States been violated—let them not suppose that the evil will rest there. —lt is in the nature of the principle which has been acted on, to propagate itself—to produce repeated violations of right. 'We should not therefore flatter ourselves that the influence of the invasion of Spain upon this country will be so distant as not to call for our unremitting attention. Let us look at what that state of Europe is, which—he would not say we apprehended—but which we were bound to consider attentively. It was said that since the overthrow of Buona parte the Institutions of the Continental Countries rested on a solid foundation. Could he (the Marquis 'of Lansdown) be contradicted, when lie stated that the Whole of Europe was un der the controul of three or four Military Powers, who ex ercised the most vexatious, nay, tyrannical jurisdiction over the rights and independence of all people and all Governments.- 1 xcept from force, no nation was senate; and so generally does this prevail, that the conduct of the Sovereigns he alluded to, assumed all the character, of a system, so that. we may ex pect to see one State after another called on to renounce its rights et the will of some of the three despotic Powers to whom he had referred. It certainly was not required that the Speech from the Throne should declare the state of Europe to be aatis facto!), ; but when neither the Monarchies of %Virtemburgh • and Bavaria, nor the free Governments of Switzerland were exempted from acts of aggression which this country would justly deem direct insults, he saw nothing to protect our in dependence but the fear of retaliation. Could he then be told that there was any principle recognized in Europe but force, which went to destroy all law and independence, and which was at variance with the ancient established policy of Eng land, to protect the weak against the strong. Such being the the state of the Continent, it was with pleasure-that he perceived the situation of other parts of the globe adverted to in his Majesty's Speech, in terms inspiring much promis e , though not so frank as he thought should have been employed towards that House. If all chance •of advancement in the old world was cramped and chained down by those two or three great Powers who presided over the destinies of Europe, with how much satisfaction did he preserve the seeds of improvement and free Government transplanted across the Atlantic, and re lieved from the withering influence of those maxims which now blighted every promise that Europe might have afforded. The great interests of this country in particular, and of the world generally, were involved in the freedom of South America. Wherever free trade and free Government existed, our inte rests and feelings naturally led us, and it was therefore with pleasure lie found a disposition in Ministers to cultivate ami cable relations on the other side of the Atlantic. He thought they might have been more explicit on this subject in the Speech from the Throne, and he still trusted that in declara tions to foreign powers there had been no ambiguity us to the course we intended to pursue. This Government, however, ought to have convinced the Cabinets of Europe at an earlier period that we are bound to protect the American States, where, in his conscience, he (Marquis of L.) believed the hopes of the world now rested. Too much praise, therefore, could not be bestowed on the Government of the United States for the part which it had taken—it had not dissembled with the Courts of the Continent of Europe, but avowed its determination to support the Republics of South America, in language becom ing a great and free nation, By declaring their independence the United States threw a shield over them, and in reality pro moted the objects of this country. Let it be observedthat the polities of the Great Powers of the Continent of turope are combined essentially with the narrowest system of ttatle, and that every step is taken, apparently, to shut England out PRICE SEVENREICCt: •of the European market. What then is the prospect; whit America .presents for British speculation ? Forty yearaitgo the population of the United States was three millions,- and how it amounts, according to the best returns, to ten millions oe consumers. The population of South America is at - preeent sixteen millions exclusive of the Brazils, which contain about four millions. According, therefore, to the same ratio - of, ;in crease which is exemplified in the United States, and making every allowance for difference of circumstances, in the course of the :text forty years, we may calculate on the population' of South America amounting to 50 or 60 millions of consumers I While the best authorities assert that each consumer in thatpart of the world at present expends on an average from eight inten piastres on manufactured produce. When he adverted to those facts, he did not mean that we should guide our policy by-com mercial advantages only, but in all things pursue a systetteof straight forward honesty. The course he advocated give nothlng but benefits to all countries, and he was yet to learn whi'this Government had been deterred from recognizing the indepen dence of States which habit a nd th e i na bili ty o f the nation that once claimed sovereignty over them to assert its authority, had already rendered independent. If the Speech had heen more explicit on these points, it would have the cordial ap proval of that House, and of every person in the country who duly regarded our honour and well being. There Were other topics not, indeed, of minor consequence in the Speeih, which he wished to notice, but they did net so immediately demand attention on the first day of the Session as those just mentioned. One, to which the Noble Lord (Somers) who moved the Address, referred, was the state of the West In= • dies—a subject upon which, in his opinion, too much cau tion' could not be observed ' • and upon which, if i t were as desirable that a great deal done, should be done, as it was probable little could be done, too little could not, be said.— For this reason he should merely express a hope that the ame lioration of the condition of the Slaves would neverhe lost sight of in whatever course might be followed. Upon another subject—the state of Ireland—many opportunities would be af forded him during the Session of discussing it fully. At pre sent he should content himself with observing, that a great deal had certainly been done to palliate the evils which prevailed there ; but the root of the evil lay much deepex than the reme dies yet applied were calculated to reach. The Tithe Bill and the Police Bill had both a beneficial tendency, although they may require some alterations. The Police Bill, he believed, had been found the most practicable measure of the two; and he felt with the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Somers) that the the Tithe Bill' had effected a great opening towards improve.: ment, although the Bill as it now stands would not remoife the evil to winch it was applied. The discussion-of this topic, however, would fall into abler hands than his,. and he should accordingly content himself with saying, that while he didnot object to these palliations, much more should be-d one i n or d er to serve Ireland effectualfy. It was not his intention to move any amendment to th e Add ress wh i ch had been oreproposed; t}ithe fu explicit , tu futur e andpcii policy a r t e i s t pe tr . ing South Americaproposed;L, afternoblerrie m so o n r i e e t p i tt ia r ri ts h po e il w lt is ( h i g ic i b t h it ad di b d e n en t m ) cordial llll ass ent which he gave to expressing nd his entice en hi ti tn re approbation of the manner in whi c h the Address to hie 111 - The Earl of LINTERPop the sentiments of the Noble Lord (Lo r d L orton) who oiled j ( e L s o ty ra h s a o d m b e e n en ), a,isnt wellro u as e d by e iseco it, said he scarcely knew whether he should have deemed it necessary to make any observations on the,different points al luded to in his M ajesty's Speech, if the N oble Marques optee. site (Lord Lansdown) had Not brought them before the nous particularly. He could not , h owever, allow their • L6edeleip: to come to a vote on the present motion without removing ant imputation to which his silence might render him liable on the points mentioned by the Noble Lord. In the first.. place he was happy to find that no di ff e rence ex i ste d b et w een his lila jesty'a Ministers and the Nbble Marquis with respect to the present flourishing state of the country. Ile might indeed truly say, without deviating into the language of praise or deckitntt.- tion, that no period could be fixed upon when the internal pro sperity of the natiCtit was more universal or subitantial MO at this moment. All the great 'interests in the etaititer e Fero._' merge, Manufactures, and Agri cu l ture, were he ft , tnotit furls_ factory and improving condition. The Noble:Martinis julitlje congratulated the House that the imprOvement of the Nth - cultural interest was produced by the operation of natural caua.es. Their Lords - hips knew how .that House had been pressed, and how the other House of . Parliament hattalso been pressed to devise some artificial means of relief for the agri_:. cultural classes, but believing as he did t h at great. evils had before arisen from the interposition of a:wee/Irma w i d er situv lar circumstances, it was extremely gratifying to find -that ive in this instance recovered from all our difficuldes 'by natural means. It was rightly said by the Noble Lord who movedthe Address, that it was impossible for this Country to have effected as she did the preservation of Europe, but by great sacrifices and great etlbrts, for which she must suffer for some time ea sequently. It was a mistake to suppose' that because distress was not felt during the war, it Ought not have been experienced at its termination. In almost every case of successftil as; this had taken place; for, although the artificial prosperity produced by hostilities might prove a compentiation for the extraordinary eftbrts made during the contest, while intrefts. ed expenditure may.eupply the channels from which taXatiOri was drawn; and the accounts on their Lordships' table shineed that in the course of the last war our agriculture, manatee tures, and indeed every branch of industry had increasedstill a revulsion must be expected on the return of peace after a .continued conflict. The fleete,and armies employed during the war are thrown back on society—the markets opened during the same period are cicised—and a general re-action is thus produced for a time. Though, therefore, one species of pro'-' perty, namely, that consisting of fixed capital, mayinerease, all those depending on the industry of the people necessarily suffer for a season. But it was not the operation of this cause only which affected the situation of Great Britain atter the close of the lust war. Another gteat difficulty was to be overcorrie— the greatest perhaps ever experienced by any nation —namely, a return to a metallic currency. Into the policy of the mea-: sures which occasioned this difficulty, it was not necessary that he should, at present, enter. But now, as he ever had been; was ready to affirm, that if those measures had not beSti adopted,we should not have been able to go through the struggle as we did. It became, however, the duty of the country on the return of peace., to return to a metallic currency. Their Lord ships would recollect the predictions of bankruptcy and of the destruction of public credit, which at one time resounded On every side—the assertions that the agriculturists' could never re cover without a violation of the contracts to which the nation steod.pledged, yet we have recovered from and tiairrnounted every difficulty without any injury to public' faith, or any vio lation of the national engagements. Nay, the country is not only now recovering its former prosperity, but actually enjoying Pro opecte which it never before possessed. The whole CUUTIte of this renovation shows the wisdom of the measures adopted by Pai•- liament. Ever} , danger has been • overcome, and.- we-now hold that station which every one wished as to hold, with our agri culture, commerce, and all other interests flourishing., He_ thought it right to dwelt on these topics, because too miielr praise could nut be bestowed on Parliament for what it dieLdte--, sag those trials, and still inure for what it did not do. Hs should not at present detain their Lordships by any particular notice of the advantages derived from freedom of trade. Fie' (the Earl of Liverpool) was always averse to shackles upon in oustry, but upon that point and other topics adverted to in his Majesty's Speech, there would, as the Noble Marquis . observed, be future opportunities for delivering his opinion. The Noble Lord did not express the same satisfaction at the manner in which our foreign politics had been - mentioned as on the subject of our internal concerns; and he alluded mere tar-i , ticularly to what passed in 4iis House last Session of para., went en the affairs of Spain. It was not necessary now 03 trouble their Lordships with a repetition of the sentiments he (the Earl of Liverpool) then publicly avowed, but he would beg to recal to their recollection that every thing then stated by him, and those near him, was more than proved by the" events which took place. He never thought that France . Ought to have invaded Spain ; .not from any consideration of the ab stract principle' 'involved in the question, and which of course admitted of exceptions ; but, in his opinion, France could Make out no case to justify the invasion- of Spain. '!'hat was his opinion on the supposition that Spain was left to herself and her domestic disputes. But when he stated this, he felt all the evils of interference ; and those even submitted, bathe Spanish Oo vernment, not with the view of inducing it to make concessions to- France, but to Spain itself, which would have left a -Censtitu tion established on sounder and better principles than the one k. possessed. 'We interfered', not by menace, leitt , With and it is now well known whether the Canstittititnial Ynrty do;, not deplore that they did not adopt our advice, .This adeiee, being rejected by Spain , the French Army marched into t h at country, and what was the r esult? We, from the beginning, coulc) not see the policy of interfering between a divided na .tion. Bow then was the French Army eeeeived or how tall; e 1 111, prict real/ rh re a l/ r 0" sae . S OU flera l Well .._....' ‘ ,f a its" bate rditi ...-• 5 SO .-.." s s o be :41 90 ' lii BP I 'a