The Sun. — London, England, 1855-12-18 00:00:00

MARSDEN MECHANICS INSTITUTE. MR. BRIGHT ON EDUCATION, NEWSPAPERS, THE UNITED STATES, AND THE WAR. . On Friday evening last a meeting was heldin L a oat ro om of of Messrs. W. Eckroyd and Son's new mi ll , - hayes, Marsden, near Colne, to promo te the interests o.c the Marsden Mechanics' Institute. There was a large attendance of working men ; and the principal residents in the neighbourhood, together with many ladies, were present. John Bright, Esq., M.P., was amongst those upon the platform. air. W. F. Eckroyd occupied the chair. Mr. BRIGHT said that from the invitation he had re ceived from the chairman to be present and say a few words, he was by no means prepared for so important a meeting ; and although he felt as if he had been to some extent entangled in a trap, he still felt, also, grateful for the pleasure afforded of being present. He presumed their object was to stir one another up ; not that those upon the platform should stir up those in the meeting— for he had no doubt that, considering the difference of station, they upon the platform equally needed to be stirred up. Speaking for the one he knew the most of, he could truly say that he should feel quite condemned if he were to go into anything like a lecture of anybody then present, knowing how great were his own short comings with regard to this matter of self-improvement. One thing was very satisfactory in looking at the ques tion of the mental, intellectual, and moral growth of the people—thata great number of obstacles that existed for our grandfathers, and still more for theirs, were in our case removed ; and that although there was no royal road to learning, yet that the road had been somewhat macadamised, and that on the whole we might get on faster than our forefathers did in travelling in the same direction. This brought strongly to his mind one result which we saw around us—the equalising influence that appeared to act upon the world as the world grew older. Every invention in science, and every discovery in art, did something to break down the inequalities and the inconveniences of society. However poor a man might be, if he could get inside a railway carriage, he made his way to his journey's end just as fast as a duke ; while in former times the one would have had to trudge wearily on foot, and the other would have dashed past in a splendid carriage, with at least 4 horses. As regarded books, the change was just as extraordinary. Not long ago (in the history of a country), books were very scarce indeed. A few rich men bad them, as many had now, for ostentation rather than for use—(laughter)—but certainly as re garded persons of moderate means, or those who lived upon wages, very few books were found in their houses. The great man who introduced printing into this country once wished that in time his art might be carried to so extravagant an extent that a Bible would be found in every parish in England. Now one could probably be found in almost every house; or, at least, their absence could not result from their not being cheap enough. Everybody now might have a library at a very mall cost. Cobbett said that nobody required more in the way of a library than the books he had written. He (Mr. Bright) would not say that ; but still with books not more in number than those Cobbett wrote, a man might have as many as, if he would really read, under stand, and remember,iwould make him every bit as un pleasant a fellow to meet in argument, and a good deal more useful and practical than were many of those who fancied they had read whole libraries through. It was not the number of books read that made a man power ful ; it was the really mastering a few good books, un til he became, as it were, part of the spirits of the great men who wrote them, thoroughly imbued with their feelings, and capable of enjoying the wisdom they had left to us. Then see how much had been done with regard to newspapers. Fur a penny or twopence, we could nose get really admirable newspapers, especially in Lancashire and Yorkshire. Let any man take one of those newspapers in our large towns, and try to realise what there was in it, and what had to be done to get it there. Why, there was nut a quarter of the globe, not a country of importance, front which the penny or twopenny newspaper did not publish interesting intelligence weekly or daily. Sixty or seventy years ago, the Times was not above a quarter as big as one of the newspapers now. It then contained mere scraps of intelligence, beginning—" We hear from Hol land," or elsewhere, the news being a month old at least, with the additional advantage that no one could ever tell whether it was true or not, and that you could rarely comprehend the meaning even of the words that were printed, so incomprehensibly bad was the style of writing. Some few years ago we had to pay 4d. for the stamp on every newspaper—a monstrous and seemingly incredible thing. Nut only were bread and newspapers then taxed, but so was light ; and he believed that. t he same people would have taxed air also if they could have seen their way to a profit. After the passing of the Re form Bill, there was a great agitation against the 4d. stamp, and it was reduced to ld. Our rulers did not care so much about lowering a tax—what they al ways wanted was to keep on a little; they knew that if it once disappeared it could not he restored ; but that while any existed, there was always a chance to increase it. (Hear, hear.) The 1(1. stamp remained from 1835 or 1836 down to the present year. It required several years' agitation in a small way to get rid of it. The Go vernment said it was needed for revenue, but the oppo nents of it knew a great deal better. It was intended simply to prevent cheap newspapers, because the Govern ment and others thought—judging most foolishly and, unwisely—that the appetite of the people was for some thing bad ; that there were those who were ever ready to pander to it ; ayd that cheap newspapers would make the country scarcely worth living in. It was in the days of Queen Anne, some 150 years ago, that the stamp was put upon newspapers, avowedly for the purpose of mak ing it impossible that they could exist to so great an ex tent as they had done. A stamp was imposed upon pamphlets, because many, and no doubt violent ones, were written against the Government of that day ; for when a dozen gentlemen —or no gentlemen, as they were —got to be members of a Government, they would have nothing published, if they could help it, to prevent their remaining so as long as possible. He recollected the substance of a despatch sent home about that time by the governor of Virginia. That gentleman said lie was very much disgusted with the clergy—with the preachers generally ; that it would be agreat deal better if they would preach less and pray more, for they taught things that the people should not know. Thank God, they had neither a school nor a printing press there, and he hoped they never would while he lived, for then the colony would he in peace. (Hear.) That was just the spirit out of which aro.e the newspaper stamp ; and disguise it as you would, that was precisely the spirit under which it was maintained. - , No one could have read the newspapers for 20 or :30 years, without seeing that although they were cheapened 20 years ago, and again recently, cheapening had not at all deteriorated their quality— their moral quality, be meant. He thought they were as well written as ever Ai regarded the matter of powerful writing ; that they were as good in their tone generally ; and far less per sonal and libellous than at that period. All the grounds upon which the stamp was professedly maintained were thus destroyed ; and it was to be hoped that as the peo ple improved themselves the mental food administered to them would also be improved—that the people would be improved by the greater wisdom of the newspapers, and that the newspapers would be improved because the people liked wisdom more than ever. (Hear.) The chairman had referred to the education of children ; and he(slr. Bright) did not believe that there was anything it would be more profitable for a man to consider deeply, than the value to themselve s of a good education for their children ; an d when he said go " d," hedi,l not mean classical, or anything extraordinary, o but that sort of education which moulded a child—which, es lie grew up, led him to useful and pure enjoyments—which would give a chance, in fact the greatest p robability, as he grew up he would d o w h at was right, and be a credit and a comfort to those who h a d the greatest concern in him. He had been mixed with many hun dreds of persons employed in mills, ever since he was a boy ; and it bad always seemed to him most grievous that so many of those who worked for weekly wages should see their children so often disappoint what one might call just and reasonable expectations on the pa rents' parts. (Hear.) He was satisfied that this was because children's minds were not trained to occupations and enjoyments which would lead them from bad com panionships, and preserve them from the thousand temp tations thatlbeset young persons in every class of life. Until recently, when children left school, they had very little opportunity of continuing their education ; and he always advocated the abolition of the newspaper stamp, the more strongly with a view to an improvement on that point. He thought that if newspapers could be sold for one penny, every working man would be sure to have one, if not every day, at least every week ; that if the working man could read well himself, it would not be at all difficult for him to give his child a little exercise and practice in reading from this chart of the world's history, so cheaply within his reach, and that by these means, there being so much greater inducements for young persons to read, the period between leaving school and settling in life would have some chance of being occupied in pursuits of a better character than was now too often the case ; that the habit of reading commenced at sch oo l would be continued and strengthened, and be coAndme a positi ve appetite with the growth of the body. when we considered what a really perfect kind of enjoym en t— so far as this state of being almost allowed —there was t o b e derived from the gaining of knowledge by reading good books, it seemed to him a p roo f o f th e beneficence of Providence that now, m ore than at any time else, this vast enjoyment ~,,as co nfer red upon al most everybody. Whe never be coul d possib ly do so, he spent 3 or 4 hours of an evening reading some work of history or biography; and h e never went to bed with 3 more perfect feeling of enjoym ent, or of being strength .- sued, than when he bad so spent an evening. But that was not an enjoyment to him simply because he was better off than others might be ; because the cost to any man of providing himself with such reading, ni 0 yed i for at t - , least as many evenings as he (Mr. Br ight) e would be so trifling that the smallest abstinence from any needless gratification would secure the means. The cost of so much beer as was taken by a man who drank it, and yet was never drunk in his life, would supply him with mental food which would strengthen his thoughts, nerve him to meet the trials of life, make his home far more comfortable, enable him to give to his children tastes which would do much to guard them from inevit able temptations and as his head grew grey to see those children settled creditably around him, anxious to re turn the care and affection which he had bestowed upon them during infancy and childhood. Another great rea son why men s h ou l d read and think was, that we were not placed upon this earth merely to weave and sell cloth. There were ou y r , duties as citizens and members of a great comnaunit we chose to emigrate connected indissolubly—unless -ii--ewiwthastteopro-perity, and destinies o f a great empire. a were m grea t o n e l x y te t n w t o ot things n the s opinion of the an who sa id t h ere wor th talking about—religion and politic - s • but the discussion of these was always sup posed to be se ..-ve , - THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EV ENiki ev, DECEMBER 18 1855 banished from mechanics' institutions. But all would • admit that it was very essential, especially in a country 1 like this, that every man should, as far as his opportuni ties allowed, make himself acquainted with those things and measures which were advantageous for the country; so that if at a public meeting or elsewhere he had to ex press an opinion or to exercise an influence, to give a vote, or even to express an opinion to a neighbour—for that was actually to influence the conduct of Govern ment—he should be able to throw all his influence into the scale of that which was truly best for the country. He was afraid that in this country we were in this un happy transition state ; we were in a state of twi light ; not absolutely dark upon political affairs, but a long way off full daylight. In a country where one man ruled, such as Russia or France, it did not very much matter, as to the direction taken by the Government, what the people happened to know or what course they took. Ono man did everything ; and all went right or wrong, just as he was a good or a bad ruler. But in this country it was not the mo narch—notwithstanding that the monarch must neces sarily have great influence—who decided the course Government should take ; but the people themselves, partly through their representatives, partly through pub lic meetings, and partly through the influence of the press, which reflected to a great extent the opinions pre valent amongst the people. Therefore, although a people like that of England could never have any selfish interest in going wrong—as a monarch or a Prime Mi nister might have occasionally—they might still go wrong, and did, quite as much as a monarch or a minis ter ; but if they found out that they were wrong, they kad no interest to prevent their turning back, checking their course, and reversing their policy. In this country it was more important than in any other, except the United States, that we should as far as possible make our selves acquainted with public affairs • and so bring them up to some true and just standard, and there decide upon them. He knew of no standard with regard to public affairs —the principles of law and the principles of policy—except that true standard of Christian morality which a man ap plied, or ought to apply, to his own conduct. He did not in the least believe in grand schemes of policy advanced by kings, queens, or cabinets, which flew in the facs of all the most ordinary rules of Christian morality, as ap plied to our own conduct ; and there was no greater evil that came from the state of twilight to which he had al luded, than that we were always getting into a state of panic. A man wholly ignorant or half informed, was not only the most ignorant of real danger, but he was the most likely to be alarmed where no danger existed. Such was very often the condition of this country. Every three or four years we had a panic, at which four or five yearn afterwards all the world laughed. About 1350 there was immense alarm about a gentleman re puted to wear red stockings. He did not mean to say that that gentleman was not a vary alarming personage —perhaps he was even a man whom many people would have been afraid to meet in the dark (laughter)—though he (Mr. Bright) did not know that he should. (Hear, hear.) But people did not in the least comprehend what they were alarmed about ; and they held meetings, got into a fever, and stirred up strife and religious discord which one hoped had gone to sleep for ever. Then Parliament passed a little hill, not worth a single straw, and which was laughed at by everybody who had anything to do with passing it ; and so ended that great panic. A year afterwards, there was a great panic about the French. Lord Aberdeen, who was then Prime Minister, talking to a friend of his (Mr. Bright's) said, "You know that such is the state of public feeling, that if we chose to go down to the House of Commons, and ask for a vote for 20,0001. more men for the army, and all the thousands of pounds consequent thereupon, the house would pass it without a division, and unanimously ;" although he (Mr. Bright) believed that there was not a single man in the House of Commons who had the slightest idea that there was any danger. But Brighton and the whole southern coast were alarmed; the present Prime Minister hinted that 60,000 men might be landed on our shores in a night; the newspapers talked about the alarming rate at which the French navy was increasing, about rail ways being laid to Boulogne and other points on the coast, by which vast bodies of troops could be brought down by express trains and shipped on board vessels that did not exist, and that so this country would be invaded. Why did the people believe all this ? Be cause of the twilight in which they were. If they had known (what he knew) that those men in London who were making much noise were also making a profit by the panic —that there was not only no increase in the French fleet, but that a smaller sum had been voted for it yearly, from 1843 up to that time, than had been voted in any year during the reign of the peaceable Louis Phi lippe ; if they had known that Louis Napoleon was most anxious to make an alliance with this country upon any terms, and at any cost—which he had now made, at the cost of a war into which he did not want to go, and which he was now said to be most anxious to get out of—if the people had known these things they would never have gone into a panic about a French invasion. But what was the result ? The Government re-established the militia—increased the regular forces—added a million and a half to the expenditure of the country, which must be raised by taxes ; and all on account of this foolish and ridiculous notion, which had no founda tion whatever. Then there was another panic about Russia—a most alarming one, that was. He wished he had a map of Europe there, just to point out a few things. There were 3,000 miles of country and 50 or GO millions of people between Russia and this country. There was the Black Sea at the top, and the Baltic at the bottom ; and Russia abutted upon them. She had a fleet in each rea. About 1834, there was a panic lest the Russian fleet should appear in the Thames on some fine day ; and our fleet was increased upon that ground. There was no foundation for the belief, but the increase of the fleet, and the c ilsequent taxation, remained. At that meet ing was neither the time nor the place to go into any question about the origin or principle of the unhappy war in which we were now engaged. But there were two or three facts which were so important, that if they could be fixed in the minds of the people, he believed there would soon be more interest taken in matters of foreign policy. Look at the United States. Their in habitants were the same people as ourselves ; the popula tion war about equal ours—at the next census it would probably be a little more. They had large manufac tories, although not so large as ours—they had a greater tonnage of merchant ships, he believed, than we had— twice, or perhaps three times, as many newspapers—and representative institutions more complete. They had vastly more miles of railway—theirrivers were traversed by gigantic steam boats—and the country presented alto gether a pictere of life, activity, and energy, such as had never before been witnessed on the face of the earth. America had at this moment certainly not more than one, if any, line-of-battle sh;p afloat ; she had two or three frigates ; and there were 10,000 or 12,000 soldiers in the country as the nucleus of an army. These were her materials for offence and defence. Yet nobody ever thought of insulting the United States. Aa American was as free from violence anywhere abroad as an English man; and it was by no means certain that ho was not much the more sure of redress if insult or violence was used. There were no people to whom greaterattention was paid anywhere in Europe than was paid to Americans. But the policy of the United States was one of never med dling with any of the wars or quarrels of Europe. It was a legacy of their great and illustrious chief, that they should keep themselves free from all the entanglements of foreign policy in that respect ; and, almost entirely, they had done so. We had taken exactly the opposite course. Look at the condition of the two countries. America had no national debt whatever; we had an enormous one. People could not count it; and if anybody pronounced the amount nobody could understand it. It was called 800 millions sterling; and no one could tell or conceive what those words represented. But at any rate we knew this it would take nearly 100 years' rental of all the land, houses, and buildings, of every description of valuable property, in Lancashire and Yorkshire, to make that sum. If every thing paid as rent, or valuable as rent, in those two coun ties, with 34 millions of population, were absorbed for 100 years, it would about pay off the national debt. In the United States they had so much money this yearfram their revenue, that they did not know what do do with it, and were likely to quarrel because they could not agree what tax should he taken off next. Their national debt was about half paid off—it was never large ; ours was not only not being paid off, but was was rapidly in creasing. Each state had its own taxation for its own government expenses ; and then there was the general taxation for the expenses of the general government. Taking all these together, he supposed they would not amount to more than 12 millions a-year • but say, 15 millions. Thi s year, i n this country, with' no more po• pulation than theirs—our being not nearly so well off, and they not having a tenth part of our pauperism, ig norance, and crime ; he would shut out from considera tion that unfortunate and horrible blot upon their system —not npon their system, for it was rather an accident of the past —slavery : but with this comparative state of things, they had raised not more than 12 or 15 millions sterling, and this country would expend, in all pr o b a ble lity, nearly 100 millions. There would be the 56 or 54 millions for ordinary expenditure, and adding the expen diture for the war, he had not the smallest doubt that this country would actually expend this year 80 millions sterling over the sum which the people of the United States would expend. They knew the p rocess of weighing before a race, and what chance a man had in running with another, if he hadtotakea sack of flou r difference upon his back. A very little in the weight made a wonderful difference in the endurance of the man or the horse. He would ask any rational man, let his sentiments be what they might about the Russian and the Turk, "Is it possible that these two countriescan go on—one burdened with this enormous and incredible ithe ex penditure, and the other almost free from it—and a wnthd that n this country should keep equal in the United States ?" If we could conceive going on for ten years, it would exhaust a sum that would appear equal to reducing this country, to a gr eat extent, to actual beggary ; while America was continually ascending in the scale of prosperity. And yet people told us that the interests of England were concerned in the East ! Why our interests, as far as regarded supremacy, whether on the sea or in manafactures and commerce were a thousand fold more engaged in what was now taking place in the West, to which our statesmen and people did not seem at all to turn their attention. (Hear.) There a,, was no writing it out or taiking it away. Born toticeulacdrutriairelyleeas,,feainvtehneeewspapers, the speeches of men anxi ous men r farmers, with who n constituents, he because e tathought oeue eh et r o na r bw - o w au h o it the shoutingwasst thehigh, nora - ter—all could never wipe off this great g and destroying m fact : that 80 millions sterling were paid by the people of this country—either from their own pockets, or from capital lent to the government which was never got back —over and above what was paid by their rivals in the no with witchery the u o n f t s e t a d t e s c t r a a t f e t e , United gi S ve ta e te u s r ; p a ee n p d le no a p c o h w an e e r e , we that that state of things lasted. It was said to be a very low consideration to talk about pound; shillings, arid pence ; but they were the foundation of everything. What could a man do without food, home, or clothing 1 MARSHAL PELISSIER. (Front the Examiner.) eV, . Was there not seen a great increase of pauperism and ' beggary all over the country. Look at the assizes—the brutality, the crime, the severity of the punismenta. Look at the efforts made to get up reformatory insti tutions in different parts. All this only showed that there was a world of work for our benevolent men, our Government, and our statesmen to do in this country, which never could be done so long as from 50 to 80 mil lions a year shouli be abstracted from the industry of the country, more than would be necessary if we pursued a different policy. He was certainly of opinion that every 1001. taken from the people in taxes, more than was ne oessary for the honest and faithful good management of the affairs of the country, provided fur the country a pauper or a criminal ; and until we could keep more within ourselves the vast products of our industry, and apply them to our own advantage, he saw no sort of re sult that could come—or at least no considerable result —from all the efforts made to improve the condition of tbe country. We sometimes spoke harshly of our fore fathers, and thought that if we had lived in their days we 'should have been wiser than they were—that we should never have stoned the prophets—and that we should have at least avoided burdening our posterity to a degree from which they never could extricate them selves. But we appeared to be following the same course, burdening our posterity, looking after every de scription of vague and visionary advantage, and actually protesting, almost becoming violent with, anybody who thought it his duty to call in question this policy, and asked the people to be moderate. At this very moment there was not the smallest doubt that every power in Europe, except England, would wish now, after two years of war, to restore tranquillity to Europe. It was a fact which he stated, he was sure, from information that could not be mistaken, that if there should be now a great probability of the war being carried on for another campaign or longer, it was owing to the zealous, and al most violent, advocacy of further war by the press and by a portion of the people. Every nation concerned, but Eng land, would be in favour of making peace ; but somehow or other we were so very pugnacious. We were like a horse that " can't stand corn"—we had had too much corn for some years, but there was little enough now —we had grown fat—we had kicked, we had thrown all the lessons of prudence to the winds ; and while at this moment he supposed that in France there was hardly to be found a man who would lift up his hand in favour of a continuance of the war, yet in this country, he would not say the majority, but a very large number no doubt, would be very much disgusted if it should cease. He thought that one of the objects of a mechanics' institution should be, not only to teach men, women, and children all that which was very useful to them in their own homes—however beautiful and excel lent that might be—bat to enable all those who bad stronger heads and some leisure, to go further into the examination of questions which affected their interests. For all the follies of statesmen came home to the hearths of the labouring classes : and every man, let him talk as he would of glory, and reputation, and empire, if he all stracted the money of those classes, and spent it on ob jects which were not moral in themselves, and which were not essential to the safety of the country, whatever he called himself, it might be depended upon that be was a much greater enemy to the comfort of the labouring classes, and to the prosperity of their children, than the Russian, the French, the American, or any foreigner whatsoever. He (Mr. Bright) thought therefore that whenever working men read in the newsroom or library of their mechanics' institutions, they ' should study, as far as they were able, these public questions, and especially such as referred to what might be called national wealth ; for the waste of na tional wealth was the pauperisation of a nation. The description of literature which treated on those subjects would be found very advantageous to guide the people r when amongst rocks and shoals, as at present. They must beware of this—that newspapers as a rule were not I guides absolutely to be followed ; because the majority of newspapers were matters of business, and the editors and proprietors, of course, wanted to offer to their read ers that which they thought their readers would like to purchase. But putting aside any supposition that editors and newspaper writers were any worse than other people, it was quite clear that they had the temptation alluded to ; and therefore it was far better for people to take the facts of a newspaper and reason from them for them selves, or if they read the reasoning of an editor, they should never for an instant take it for gospel truth, un less they had themselves worked out the question and made it clear to their own minds. He would men tion one point as an illustration. There had been nothing more common these two years than for the news papers to speak of Russia as " a barbaric empire"—as " that colossal barbarian of the north"—of " those savages coming from the north to overrun Europe," and so on. Would it be believed that in the city of St. Petersburg—a city built in modern times—there was a library—a public library which had in it 10,000 volumes more than were in the British Museum (Hear.) He gave this on the authority of a work he read not long since—that this library in St. Petersburg was the third largest in Europe. Take the port of Odessa, which some queer sort of Christians had been begging the Govern ment to destroy—a city only founded 60 years ago. In 1348 that city sent to this country more than five mil lion bushels of wheat ; but the country, if it produced all that, could not be barbarous, could not be savage. It would be much better, if nations did get to war with each other, that at any rate those who wrote and spoke upon the matter should not exaggerate with malice the shortcomings of their opponents, or at least should not excite the animosity of their own fel low-citizens by statements which were absolutely devoid of truth. That had been the case to a very great ex tent ; but if the working-classes would make themselves acquainted with the real facts connected wit h Russia, they would see, probably, that the alarm about Russia was just as woll founded as those about France and tho Pope. Those who lived 20 years longer would probably find the young fellows of that day pushing them in the ribs and saying, " Why, you were excessively foolish 20 years ago. You went into a war quite as bad as that French war ; and you added 200 millions to the national debt. We shouldn't have done that."—(Hear, hear.) Let us, at any rate, bring up our children so that they should read and think ; and that, if they ever got into a war, they should know its definite object, cost, probable result, and • whether the things to be ob tained would at all pay for the charges of blood and trea sure that would have to be incurred. (Applause.) Many present might say that be had no business to go into this question at all ; but if you had to talk to people, it was no use talking about what they thought they under stood as well as yourself; or about things in which they felt no interest. He was a politician, unfortunately, and was obliged to pay attention to this subject as mueh as the surgeon to anatomy, or the physician to medicine and that which he bad examined and thought he under stood, and in which his audience had a deep interest could hardly be a question that he could be blamed for touching upon at some length. If they did not consider the facts he had stated as to America, it would be found in a generation or two that a prolongation of this kind of thing might leave the country in a state of anarchy and chaos, such as he should not like his children or grandchildren to be partakers of. (Applause.) The meeting was afterwards addressed by Capt. Har rison and other gentlemen ; and votes of thanks to Mr. Bright and the chairman were passed. The French of all parties appear to take greatly to heart an article in which the Times lately reproached Marshal Pelissier with haring failed to take due advan tage of the capture of Sebastopol. But certainly the general feeling, after that triumph, was a foreboding that the Russians would be allowed to escape from the Crimea ; and when these fears proved more true, the Russians continuing to hold their position oa the heights without even an attempt to dislodge them, this impa tience became naturally very great, and found expres sion in the remarks of our contemporary. The Journal des Debats publishes a formal answer. It begins by recapitulating the results of the campaign, which ate undoubtedly good and satisfactory. It then undertakes to show that it would have been nothing short of madness in the allies to attack the forts north of Sebastopol, either by the mouth of the Belbek, or by escalading the heights in front of Mackenzie's Farm. Now, to this it can only be said that no one knows what would have been the result of an attack on the Mackenzie heights immediately after the evacuation of Sebastopol by the Russians, and when they were demoralised by defeat. We certainly cannot assume that such an operation must have been success ful ; but as little can the Debats declare the cer tainty of its failure. The arguments by which the French writer supports his view, we are obliged to say, are not of much truth or value. Napoleon, he says, attacked Mont St. Jean because the approach of the Prussians did not allow him leisure to turn that position, and he consequently failed. This is the con trary of the fact. Napoleon did in the first instance try to turn the position of Mont St. Jean ; and it was only when he failed in turning it that he made the attack in front, the Prussians not arriving till long after the latter attempt had been made and repulsed. The Debats says that strong positions should never be attacked in front, unless it be impossible to turn there. Well- the result of the two months' manoeuvres after the fall of Sebastopol was the discovery that the Russian position could not be turned. Therefore, and on the specific ground of the reasoning of the Debate, this was a position that should have been stormed, and sooner or later will have to be stormed. The Times argued that Napoleon did not find the 2d of December too late in the season to fight the battle of Austerlitz. The Debate replies that the Russians were the attacking parties on that occasion. But the whole campaign of Austerlitz tells for the Times. Mack surrendered a t U lm on the 19th of October, when a muchvictoriotouos mi g t o h t u h n a d v e e r t a s a k i e d u h r a t t h e t h r e but Napoleon wa s not the man to put forward such an h se ci a st s i o l n iti w es as ; excuse, and he forthwith marched upon Vienna. Nay, from Vienna he advanced, late in November, into Moravia. The result was Austerlitz. Had he delayed, he would have had Prussians as well as Austrians and Russians to fight, and one battle in the ensuing spring would not have subjugated and pacified the continent. It is, however, no reproach to Pelissier that he is not Napoleon. The Debuts recounts the efforts made to turn the po sition of the Russians in the present instance. Strong reconnaissances isvre pushed on from Baidar to try the possibility of turning the Mackenzie lines by the valley of the Belbek ; but it was soon seen that in advancing by this route the army would have had to carry a ser i es of strong positions, one behind the other, on the road to Bakshi-Sergi ; • and in order to turn the second lin e i t would have been necessary to penetrate into the moun tains, as far as the sources of the Katcha, an eccent r i c and difficult movement, and of doubtful success. f MarshalPelissier's The true reason, however, o re solve not to force his way by the Belbek or the Katcha, was not, we believe, the strength of the enemy's works, but the dangeriefi extending or dividing the army in any such operations, during which the Russian General might have passed down into the valley of the Tchernaya, cutting through the allied centre, and exposing that portion of the force which still kept the heights above Sebastopol to an unequal contest. Marshal Pelissier declined to move, in short, until he could do so with his whole army—that is till the plateau of Sebastopol was cleared of its artillery and stores ; till Yamiesh was fortified, and the cap tured town itself left in such a state as to afford no advantage in its reoccupation. Sir George Brown had predicted that its capture would set 90,000 allied soldiers free. Sir George was utterly wrong. It has kept 90,000 still occupied, busied, and encumbered arouni it. By the fault of whom, or whether by the fault of any, it is now idle to inquire. The only strong portion of the d e f ence o f th e Debats, . therefore, is where describes the Allied army as not in a state to permit of its entering upon a campaign immediately after the fall of the town. Great and laborious tasks chained it for the most part to the camp during the rest of the autamn. After being kept un moved for more than a year in the same place, it had need of reorganisation to pass from the sta tionary to the moveable condition. It had not even sufficient transport. The siege batteries had to be dis mounted, and 700 large guns brought back to Bamiesh or Balaklava ; 4,000 Russian guns, with immense stores and ammunition, had also to be removed ; and, finally, the fortifications of Sebastopol, as well as its dooks, had effectually to be destroyed, on the resolution being taken not to keep the place. Two months were insufficient for such tasks, and when the two months elapsed the armies were in full winter. We have recapitulated the chief points in the defence of the French military writer, and we must hold it, with this one exception, to be inadequate and unsatisfactory in its reasoning. amount of casualties, and therefore a very consi derable amount of promotion. The modest and reasonable demand of the Guards is that they, the gentlemen of England who live at home at ease, who avoid all those dangers from climate and bat tle which decimate the Line even in times of peace, shall have the rules of preferment so managed that their officers shall be promoted at least as rapidly as men whose lives are constantly jeopardised—not only in great battles and sieges, such as Chillian wallah and Mooltan, but in a service which is per petually, though silently, carrying off its victims. A regiment in the West Indies is fortunate which does not lose as many men by climate as a crack corps in the Crimea, and the moderate and reason able request of the Guards is, that the influences of a tropical climate shall be counterbalanced by a system of favouritism which shall equalise the pro motion in London with the promotion in Jamaica. Let the Guards take their turn in the Antilles, in India, in Ceylon, and they will probably find that a Mounted Officer is no longer two years more in obtaining his rank than a Lieutenant-Colonel in the Line, and that the slowness of promotion, of which Prince Albert and the Duke of Cambridge so pathetically complain, and of which they are such melancholy instances, has been effectually if not agreeably remedied. ( From the Times of this day.) Three Eastern regions are from time to time spoken of as " the seat of war." In one a disastrous drama has been just enacted. Amid the bleak heights of the Armenian mountains an heroic strug gle is now concluded. For nearly five months the defenders of Kars resisted the cannon of a vastly superior force. Twice they repelled the onset of the enemy. No event of the war has displayed more courage and stubborn fortitude ; none has more called forth the interest and admiration of the world. But famine has done its work, and brave men have yielded when honour and their country's fame were fully satisfied. Kars is now a Russian position. The earthworks which our gal lant countrymen constructed will now shelter de termined foes, emulous of the resistance of Sebas-1 topol, and anxious to preserve what they must feel to be their only conquest. Gumri is now no longer the advanced post of the Czar ; his armies, though weakened by their long and dreary bivouac, now hold a fortress and a district 8,000 feet above the sea, in a country difficult to approach, and guarded by the long range of the Soghanly-Dagh from the attempt of any but a powerful and resolute foe. These mountains look down on Erzeroum, which is now the frontier city of the Turks. There is probably little fear that it will be attacked at such a season, should a relieving army have had time to concentrate itself behind the works which were the especial care of our gallant General Williams. But it is evident that we know too little of the armies in these parts to make any conclusion weighty. Nineteen days have elapsed before the surrender of Kars has been fully confirmed ; in that time much may have happened, and of Yelp Paella and his forces we know almost nothing. On the inland Asiatic , seat of war we are thus certain but of one thing—that the Turks have lost an important post, and that another may be perhaps in danger. Turn ing now to the eastern coast of the Euxine, we come to the head-quarters of the chief Ottoman-General. His small, ill-fed, ill-clothed army, straggles for 20 miles along the banks of the Ingour. A few ca valry in advance, but the General knows that any movement is impossible with his present force. The Russians, on the other hand, are said to be not idle. The fords and passes are held by an army by no means contemptible, and it can hardly be doubted that science will be applied to the strenthening of these positions. Every day that passes makes Kutais more defensible, and re turning spring may find Russian generals firmly established on more than one line of works, while new levies may enable them to operate freely i❑ the province they have conquered, whilst they hold with pertinacity the roada . which traverse their own territory. _ The third and most striking picture is that of 200,000 men encamped on the heights which over look a conquered city, wat c hi ng an enem y which sullenly throws now and then a shell to break the stillness which has for three months overspread the most gigantic battle-field of m o d ern ti m es. Their labours are suspended ; preparations for comfort or amusement occupy all, from the general to the private ; the daily historian of the war announces that he has little to tell. We will not discuss the generalship of the commanders, or compare a cam paign of our own times with Austerlitz and Eylau, and the other deeds of the giants who are gone. We will accept the doctrine that prudence is the chief of military virtues, and that those who have gained laurels have a right to rest on them for a season. We will presume that in April much may be easy, which was impossible in September. The campaign in the Crimea has closed, and it is useless to regret the past. But we cuinot think of those vast armies, those miles of tents which cover valley and plateau, those thousands of mules and horses, those tons of corn and meat and hay, those piles of ammunition, those fleets of mighty trans ports, without comparing all this plenty with the destitute condition of the poor Ottoman army, to which, as in mockery, has been committed the safety of half the Sultan's empire. There are the right men and the right materials for war, but are they in the right place ? Surely, of the inactive thou sands before Sebastopol a few might be spared for service on another field. For the fall of Kars there are statesmen and generals who owe a strict account. A strong position is in the hands of the enemy, a Bash kir. ovini‘cleainsy a bravooverrui b m y an the ra C a o y ss b a e ck d a e n st d in t e h d e t B o afsahll before the abandoned city be wrested from the in vader. The name of Mouravieff is probably now repeated with awe by the Persian and Affghan ; the moral lesson of Sebastopol must again be sternly taught. But there will be a still greater responsi bility if after such a warning the Czar be allowed to confirm and extend his triumph. Omer Pasha has landed on the Abasian coast to enforce the enemy's retreat by a march on his own territory. The policy of the measure may be doubted, but it is an accomplished fact, and nothing remains but to persevere in what has been begun. It is proved that the General is without means it is proved that the Seraskier and his col leagues are unable to supply their only com mander with the first necessaries of a campaign. The Turkish army is small, it is without resources, on an inhospitable coast, and winter has set in. The histories of the Dan u b e an d Balaklava may be repeated in a third winter. The Ottoman is hardy and patient, he requires little, and submits uncom plainingly where Eur o p ean troops would lose heart and discipline. Bub no strength or devotion can resist accumulated trials. U n l ess t h e T urk i s h General receive assistance he may not only be un able to vanquish the enemy's army, but ho may lose his own. In spite of the successes of their allies, the Turks have suffered greatly in the pre seat war. We hardly d arn est i mate the numbers who have disappeared in the two years' contest. Omer Pasha now commands the last body of the Sultan's troops which can be depended on for active warfare. Though bravo and obedient, these must be dejected by the calamities of their race, and especially by the news which has just reached them. It is a dangerous and even a guilty policy to leave them alone and unsupported even for a season. There can be but one conclusion from the facts we have stated. A force from the allied camp should be at once sent to join in the Asiatic war. The importance of a Christian corps in these regions has been often urged. The inhabitants may dislike the Russians, but they most certainly dread the Mussulmax. It is not to be doubted that politi ca ll y th e presence of a British or French division would have most beneficial re ults. But even these ult er i or a d vantages are small compared with the imp or t ance o f succour i ng the neglected Turks, carrying out the long looked for advance, and by a bold inroad rousing the enemy from a dream of conquest to the hasty and unready de fence of their most valued province. Those regi ments which suffered most in the late contest may well remain to recruit their exhausted ranks ; but there are surely troops enough in the East to fur nish 10,000 men for an Asiatic campaign. There are also Generals of Division in the two armies who might wisely be trusted with an independent command, and military genius might be called forth which has been hidden during the dreary routine of an eleven months' cannonade. The time has came for such a course, and it may soon be pa s t. If we leave the enemy to enjoy andim prove his triumph, the labours of the future may bo long and its success incomplete. THE WESTMINSTER PLAY.—The third and last repre sentation of the Phormio was given last night by the alumni of Westminster. There was the same full audience as on the former nights, and the same disposi tion to enjoy the salient points of the play. The young histrios also read more into the comic spirit of the situa tions and language with each repetition. The company last night included M. Musurus, the Turkish Ambassa dor, and Madame Musurus, the Earl of Devon, the Bev. Dean Milman, Dr. Colquhoun, Mr. Darby, &c. [ADYERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Pills admirablyadapt• ed for Curing Diseases Incidental to Females.—At different periods of lite women are subject to complaints which require a peculiar medicine, and it is now an in- di , putable fact that there is none so suitable for com plaints of this nature as Holloway's Pills, Their puri fying qualities render them invaluable to females at all ages. They are searching and cleansing, and yet invi gorating; a few doses will speedily remove every species of irregularity in the system, and thereby establish health on a sound and firm basis. As a family medicine these pills are the most valuable aperient ever composed.— Sold by all medicine vendors, and at Professor Hollo way's establishments, 244, Strand, Temple-bar ; sad 30, Madela-lane, New York A BANK RETURNS. i Sporting Intelligence. An Account, pursuant to the Act seventh and eighth Victoria, cap. 32, of the Ayerage Amount of Bank Notes of the several Bank■ of Issue in England and Wales, in Circulation during the Week ending Satur day, tho Ist day of December, 1855 : PRIVATE BANKS. Andover Bank, Andover—Heath and Co. Ashford Bank, Ashford—Jemmitt and Pomfret Aylsham Bank, Aylsham—G. and T. Copeman Aylesbury Old Bank, Aylesbury—Z. D. Hunt Baldock Bank and Baldock and Biggleswade Bank, Baldock—Wells, Hogge, and Co Barnstaple Bank, Barnstaple—Marshall and Co Basingstoke and Odiham Bank, Basingstoke—. Seymour, Lamb, and Co. 3edford Bank, Bedford—T. Barnard and Sons Bewdley Bank, Bewdloy Nichols, Baker, and Co Bicester and Oxfordshire Bank and Oxford Bank, Bicester—H. M. and G. Tubb Birmingham Bank, Birmingham - -Attwoods, Spooner, and Co Birmingham and Warwickshire Bank, Bir mingham—J. L. Moilliet and Sons Blandford Bank, Blandford—Oak and Co. Boston Bank, Boston—Garfit and Co Boston Bank, Boston—H. and T. Gee and Co Bridgwater Bank, Bridgwater—J. and J. L Sealey Bristol Bank, Bristol—Miles, Miles, and C 0... Broseley and Bridgnorth and Bridgnorth anel Broseley Bank, Broseley—Pritchards, Boy cott, and Co Buckingham Bank, Buckingham—Bartlett, Par rott, and Co. Bury and Suffolk Bank, Sudbury Bank, and Stowmarket Bank, Bury St. Edmunds— Oakes, Bevan, and Co. Banbury Bank, Banbury Gillet, Tawney, and Co. Banbury Old Bank, Banbury—Cobb and Son Bath City Bank, Bath- -G. Moger and Son Bedfordshire Leighton Buzzard Bank, Leighton Buzzard—Bassett, Grant, and Co Birmingham Bank, Birmingham—Taylor and Lloyds Bradford Old Bank, Bradford, Yorkshire—H A. and W. M. Harris and Co. Brecon Old Bank, Brecon—Wilkins and Co Brighton Union Bank, Brighton-2UI, West, and Barrer Burlington and Driffield Bank, Burlington— Hardmg, Smith, and Co Bury St. Edmunds Bank, Bury St. Edmunds— J. Worlledge Cambridge Bank, Cambridge—Mortlock & Co Cambridge and Cambridgeshire Bank, Cam bridge—Messrs. Fosters Canterbury Bank, Canterbury—Hammond and Co Carmarthen Bank, Carmarthen—David Morris Average Amount. 10,011 9,465 3,947 33,542 35,503 9,553 21,595 30,729 10,627 13,945 23,033 8,649 7,080 74,120 14,869 7,390 35,823 17,512 25,273 68,526 35,462 28,272 2,159 TATTE RSA LL'S-MONDAT. Country Markets. CHELMSFORD-Dn. 14. 86,222 Barley Chevalier Grinding Malt Chevalier._ 31,875 12,615 64,744 16,295 Oats, Peas, •:,I• 12 ---' 4 12,5E7 2,895 16,514 Colchester . Harwich Leigh Mallon 1220' 120 640 627 365 i 719 785 149 ; , - 2188' 14(Y - 49,131 COLCHESTER- DEC. 15. 34,518 and Sons Chertsey Bank, Chertsey—La Costa and Son Colchester Bank, Colchester—Round & Green Colchester and Essex Bank, and Witham and Essex Bank, and Hadleigh, Suffolk, Bank, Colchester—Mills, Bawtree, and Co Cornish Bank, Truro—Tweedy and Co Coventry Bank, Coventry —Little & Woodcock City Bank, Exeter—Milford and Co Craven Bank, Settle—Alcocks, Birkbecks, and Co Cardiff Bank, Cardiff—Towgood and Co Chepstow Old Bank, Chepstow Bank, Mon mouth Old Bank, Monmouth Bank, Brecon Bank, and Ross and Herefordshire Bank, Chepstow—Bromage, Snead, and Co Derby Bank, Derby —W. and S. Evans & Co Derby Bank, Derby—Samuel Smith and Co Derby Old Bank and Scarsdale and High Peak Bank, Derby—Crompton, Newton, and Co Devizes and Wiltshire Bank, Devizes—Locke and Co Dies Bank, Diss—Oakes, Fincham, and Co Doncaster Bank and Retford Bank, Doncaster —Cocks and Co Darlington Bank, Durham Bank, and Stockton on-Tees Bank, Darlington—Backhouse & Co Devonport Bank, Devonport— Hodge and Ca Dorchester Old Bank and Dorsetshire Bank, Dorchester—R. and H. Williams East Cornwall Bank, Liskeard—Robins, Fos ter, and Co East Riding Bank, Beverley—Bower and Co Essex Bank and Bishop's Stortford Bank Chelmsford—Sparrow Round, and C o Exeter Bank, Exeter—Sanders and Co Fakenham Bank, Fakenham—Gurneys, Birk beck, and Co Farringdon Bank and Bank of Wantage, Far ringdon—Barnes, Medley, and Co Farnham Bank, Farnham - Messrs Knight Faversham Bank, Faversham—Hilton and Co Godalming Bank, Godalming—Mellersh and Keen Guildford Bank, Guildford—Messrs. Haydon Grantham Bank, Grantham—Hardy and Co Hastings Old Bank, Hastings—Smith, Hilder, and Co. Hereford City and County Bank, Hereford-- Matthews and Co. Hertford and Ware Bank, Hertford—S. Adams and Co. Hull Bank and Kingston-upon-Hull Bank, Hull, Smith, Brothers, and Co. Huntingdon Town and County Bank, Hunting don—Rust and Veaseys Harwich l ßank, Harwich—Cox, Cobbold, and Co. Hemel Hempstead Bank, Hemel Hempstead —Smith and Whittingstall Hertfordshire, Hitchin Bank, Hitchin Sharpies, and Co. Hereford, Ross and Archenfield Bank, and Ross and Archenfield Bank. Hereford— Morgan and Co Ipswich Bank, Ipswich—Bacon and Co. Ipswich and Needham Market Bank, Suffolk, Hadleigh Bank, Manningtree and Mistley Bank, and Woodbridge Bank, Ipswich— Alexamiers and Co. Kentish Bank, Maidstone—Mercer, Randall, and Co. Kington and Radnorshire Bank, Kington— Davies and Co. Knighton Bank, Knighton—Davies and Co Knaresborough Old Bank and Ripon Old Bank, Knaresborough—Harrison and Co Kendal Bank, Kendal—Wakefield, Crewdeon, and Co. Kettering Bank, Kettering—J. C. Gotch and Sons Lane End Staffordshire Bank, Lane End—C Harvey and Son Leeds Bank, Leeds—Beckett and Co. Leeds Union Bank, Leeds—W. Williams, Brown and Co. Leicester Bank, Leicester—Pagets and Kirby, Lewes Old Bank, Lewes—Molineux and C 0... Lichfield Bank, Lichfield—Palmer and Greene Lincoln Bank, Lincoln—Smith, Ellison, and Co. Llandovery Bank, Lampeter Bank, and Llan dilo Bank, Llandovery—D. Jones and C 0... Loughborough Bank, Loughborough —Middle ton and Cradock Lymington Bank, Lymington—St. Barb, and Co. .................................................... Lynn Regis and Lincolnshire Bank, Lynn Regis—Gurneys and Co Lynn Regis and Norfolk Bank, Lynn Regis— Jarvis and Co Macclesfield Bank, Macclesfield—Brocklehurst and Co. Manningtree Bank, Manningtree—Nunn and Co. Marlborough Bank, Marlborough and Wilts Old Bank, Marlborough Old Bank, Marl borough Old Bank and Hungerford Bank, and Hungerford Bank, Marlborough—Tan ner and Co Merionethshire Bank, Dolgelly—Williams and Son Miners' Bank, Truro—Willyams and Co Monmouthshire Agricultural and Commercial Bank, Abergavenny—Bailey and Co Monmouth Cld Bank, Monmouth Bank, Bre con Bank, Chepstow Bank, Chepstow Old Bank, and Ross and Herefordshire Bank, Monmouth—Bromage, Snead, and Co 15,632 Newark Bank, Newark—Godfrey and Riddell 26,2511 Newark and Sleaford Bank, and Sleaford and Newark Bank, Sleaford—Handley, Peacock, and C 0... 22,671 0,229 16,405 33,637 45,881 6,571 18,207 72,140 9.953 10,291 37,322 25,793 8,185 10,295 t;osforth 77,535 85,420 7,853 IRA BORN 1( (WA 43,578 87,553 52,160 49,520 23,472 6,475 13,697 6,244 4,545 13,894 28,445 35,625 19,405 21,355 20,670 55,405 5,215 24,830 56,64 24,439 21,62, 68,700 17,183 25,801 21,615 40,745 9,052 5,194 62,710 87,026 30,366 30,549 8,474 94,264 25,847 7,317 3,985 36,579 11,992 12,180 8,02 0,172 16,602 25,593 48,294 Newbury Bank, Newbury—Bunny & Slocock 18,56 Newmarklt Bank, Newmarket—Eaton, Ham mond, and Co ,O Norwich Crown Bank and Norfolk and Suffolk Bank, Norwich—Harveys and Hudsons 10,168 Norwich and Norfolk Bank, Norwich —Gur neys and Birkbeck $7,745 Nottingham and Nottinghamshire Bank, Not tingham, Hart, Fellows, and C 0..., 10,300 N un eaton Bank, Nuneaton—C ra dd ock and Co 2,911 Naval Bank, Plymouth, Plymouth—Harris and Co. . New Sarum Bank, Sarum—Everett and Cs._ 10,543 Nottingham Bank, Nottingham —Samuel Smith and Co. Oswestry Bank and Oswestry Old Bank, Os westry—Croxon and Co Oxford Old Bank, Oxford—Robinson, Pars ons, and Co. 81,000 Old Bank, Tonbridge, Tonbridge and Ton bridge Wells Old Bank, Tonbridge and Ton bridge Wells and Sevenoaks Bank, Ten bridge--T. H. and S. Beeching Oxfordshire Witney Bank, Witney—J. W Clinch and Co. ?ease's Old Bank, Hull, the Hull Old Bank and Beverley Bank, Hull—Pease and Co 47,851 Penzance Bank, Penzance—Batten and Co. 10,13 e Peterborough Bank, and Ounelle Bank, Peter borough --D. Yorke and Co. Pembrokeshire Bank, Haverfordwest—J. and W. Walters 12,020 Reading Bank, Reading—Simonds and Co..— 11,40 Reading Bank, Reading—Stephens, Blandy, and Co. Richmond Bank, Richmond—Raper and Co 11,586 Rochdale Bank Roal—Clement, Royels, and C 0................................................. Rochester, Chatham, and Strood Bank, Rohes ter—Day and Nicholson .. 7,665 Royston Bank, Roysten—Fordham and lens 14,281 Rugby Basic, Rugby—A. Butlin sail gam...... 8591 Rye lank, fte- 10 11. r rasa* and S ..... , 10 ri2 1 20,356 28,982 10,240 11,47.! 3,395 4,360 The room was thinly attended, many of the members having left town for the Wolverhampton race meeting. The early part of the afternoon was chiefly occupied in discussing the painful subject of the death of Mr. J. P. Cooke, better known on the turf as Mr. Pell, the owner of Pole Star. A very strong sensation was ex cited by the coroner's inquest having resulted in a ver dict that "the decessed came by his death in conse quence of poison wilfully administered to him byWilliana Palmer," a person who has for several years been well known in sporting circles. During the remainder of the afternoon little disposition Was manifested to transact business on coming events. The quotations at the close were as follows : CHESTER C UP. 1000 to 30 agst Coroner (taken) THE Two THOUSAND. 7to 2 agat Fly-by-Night (taken to 251.) DEBBY. Bto 1 en The Field (offered) 10 to 1 agat Ellington (taken to 1001.) 14 to 1 aget Yellow Jack (taken to 251.) 17 to 1 agat Rogerthorpe (taken to 251.) 20 to 1 agst Artillery (offered) 20 to 1 aget Porto Rico (offered) 33 to 1 aget Sugar Plum (offered) A large supply of all kinds of grain. Wheat met a dull sale at a reduction of from 2s to 38 per qr. ; a similar re duction was submitted to on barley ; and peas, beans, and oath were worth is per qr. less than last week. Wheat, white, old, per s. s. qr. 72 84 new 71 83 old 65 83 new 63 78 31 39 33 42 23 35 72 76 76 80 per qr Partridge White Boiling Dun — 4 O 4O Beans, Tick 42 Harrow ticks 45 Mazagan 40 Ditto, new 41 Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &a in the port of London, from the following p the lOtk to the 15th Dec., both inclusive. 15 64 24 - - 59 134 , received )rte, from A fair supply of wheat ; the best samples realised last week's prices, and middling is to 2s per qr. cheaper. The supply of barley was good, and all but the finest qualities were 2s lower. Beaus and peas is cheaper. Prices to-daywere as follow ;—Wheat, white, 84s to Us; red, 80s to 84s ; barley, 38s to 44s ; oats, 28s to 344 ; beans litazagan, 46s to 483 ; middle and small, 50s to 565; pens, white, 56s to 58s ; grey, 46s to 489. COAL MARKS Prins of Coal per ton at t e. d.! Byass's West Hartley lB 31 41. (I• Chester Main 13 0!Belmont 20 6 Holywcll lB 3 1 Framwellgate 2O 0 Howard's West Hartley Lam bton 22 6 Netherton 18 0 Cassop 20 9 Tanfield Nfoor l7 3 Hartlepool 22 3 Tanfield Moor Butes 17 3 Heugh Hall 2O 6 West Felton l7 0 Kelloe 2l 6 South Hartlepool 2l 6 WANOIId, &e. Tees 22 6 Acorn Close 2O 0 Whitworth lB 6 Eden .21 6 Evenwood ... .18 6 :T.—Dso. 17. ;be close at the market. .20 0 Carr's 'Korth - ,23 6 nyr•. Flm.ton fledley .. l9 9'South Hatton 22 w Bell 20 61 Ships at market._ 95 I Sold .... .4. • N 41grunee Met Lae mall. arty aent cram the General Post odr• the night—and M by the rnernma-4eapatch.) liay 11 , 11.1,110, From witillen JOU.NTRIkt. in General Poe Port du in, Office, London." Of spatehc lane• amerlca(bylirit.pack)N Eve7ytrida , ---- Liverpool Dec , 17 ..merice.kby United Ste. packet) ..........N •• • Liverpool Dee. 14 • morica (by U States packet) .......... N `• •• •• .••• • • 1 8041thamptii. Dee. 18 Australia (via South ampton) , -•" • • • • Southanspto! , .dtto (via Marseilles) Ni litto (via Cape of Good Mee) I •• UncerIAIS title* (Welt Coast) of the mouth •• Plymouth .. Dee. fi „N i h, 9, 24, &30of II . Dover „ & 20th of mon. Southampton Bahamas of the month Southampton delgium ......... .. NI • • ••••• • • • • Dover ...... Daily Brazil of the month Southampt el, Jan. IS Buenos Ayres i9th of the month , Soncluilm• ton Jai. IS Cape of Good Dope N I Various port. Una rtSl ll Cape of Good Dope ..NI :•iare de Verde 9th of the month southarnpton Jan. lb Ceylon (see India) Ceylon Channel 151e5.... ...N. , Mon.,Wed.,&Frld• Southampton Tu.Th.SII Chili.. . .......... „rid I3d & 17th of montl.lsouthamptot. China I Once a month.... Jan. 4 Constantinople . 8,13,18,28,&28 of ni Dover ...... Constantinople ith & 20 th of mon. Southampton Cont. of Europe M & N Twice daily ...... Dover ...... Twieedall Egypt (see India) France ........ M & NiTvrice daily .• • • Dover ...... Twleedgin Gibraltar T.D. 20, 27 ..,fm Southampton Greece (see India) Greytown ........ „Id i2nd & 17th of mon. Southampton itamburgh & Friday London ..... a„, nna h ..........m!2nd of the month Sou thampten,Dec. 16. Holland • • • • • • • • • • • . D0ver....... Gaily Honduras 117 t ,the month. /Southampton IfithohnOn India (viaSouthampt.)mkth c 20th of mon. Ply mou th .. D cc. 20 India (via Marseilles)M 9th&2sth of Month Dover ...... 1 lonian tales (see India) 7.7, & 27 of mon D 0ver ...... Ireland ........ M !Twice daily Holy head ... T w ieedan Lisbon kll7, 0. 17. & 27 of ui. Southampto n J an . 15 Madeira of the month Southampton Madeira „ s 23d of month • . Liverpool ... Malta (see India) Malta 8, 18, &28 of mon. Dove ...... Dec. 10 Mauritius (see India) Nf aur i t i o , 14th of the month M ex i co 2nd of the montt. , 'Soathampten Dem 16 N ap l es • ........N,sthlbth2bthamon. Dover ...... ?cow Granada a ml2l & 17th of mo n th S ou th ampton New Zealand By Private sl Ip Various port . Hacertfill Papal States - Isthl s th2sthonno n . D over ...... Peninsula • fthl 7 th 2 7thofinon. soutoimiphr Pori , M 111 & 27th o f mon. southamptcr. Port Natal .▪ .........N • ily private ship...lVarious p or t s U nClertia NiSthlSth2sthofmon,iDover Tuscany i9th2sthof mon. D over ...... ienezuele 2d & 17th ofmonth,iouthainptor, 1 &lemon 'Jan Diemen's Land (see kustralia) We , i Indies • .••• _MV , * t7tho , moot,' 'Southampton)! &16 mOO SouthauripteD I &111 mOO When any of these dates fall on a Sunday, tho malls will ne de' patched on the following day, with the exception of the milt, CO iouthampton), and the Malta, both .f which will be despatrh•d tl preceding da y THE HOUSE OF ELmoto : A FAMILY HiaroßY.-- - There is great origivrtlity in this novel, as well as great power. "The House of Elmore" is a thoroughly sue' ceseful work. Our admiration is extorted by the strong feeling of the book, by the familiarity it displays with the subtleties and depths of hum' n nature, by its wealth of incident, the point and spirit of its dialogue, the graphic matter thrown in the back ground of every scene. A few of the situations are certainly melo-drama' tic, but not more melo-dramatic than many in the work or our moat favoured novelists. But the strongest Praise we can give to "The House of Elmore" is to se I that from the first chanter to the last it excites a pro found interest."—Sunday Times. RACHEL GHAT. BY JULIA KAYANAGH. 1 VOL.."' This new t.le from the charming pen of Miss Kavanagh will be heartily welcomed by readers of all classes as nne of the most attractive books of the Christmas awn"' Some of the characters of the story are new to the world of fiction, but all of them as old as human nature. The narrative moves on with a quiet resistless force, which acts as a spell upon the reader, and fi lls us with a desire, as in a dream, t o r i se t o take our part in the draw* which is being acted around us. Rachel Gray herself, her terrible father, little Mary and her papa, and the wonderful Frenchwoman who fills an under-ground cellar with the atmosphere of Parisian gaiety, a re a fest of the personages w h o li ve in these pages and call forth smiles and tears from young and old. "Rachel Gray" is a sweet tale of human life, as full of bright lights and rich shadows as a fire-lit room at Christmas-tide. BIRTHS. OP ♦ 103 f. On tho 14th inst., at 10, liighbury-terrace, the wife of W. T. Carlisle ' Esq. On the 17th inst., at 155, Regent-street, Mrs, James Butler. OP A DAIIOHTNI. On the 16th inst., at 6, Lansdowne•terrace, Kensington, the wife of the ROT. J. D. Claxton. On the 14th inst., at Heysham, Lancashire, the wife - ei W. Holden, Esq. MARRIED. On the 14th inst., at Christchurch, Folkestone, Jolla Rennie, Assistant-Surgeon H.E.1.C.5., second son of R. 0. Mennie, Esq., of the War Department, to Jane Eliza beth, second daughter of Stephen Godden, E sq . , of F o li o . atone. n the 15th inst., at Old Lambeth Church, Mr, Georg. Thomas Clark, to Mary Anne, eldest daughter of Henri Akerman, Esq., of Park-road, West Dulwich. D I E D. On the 16th insis.,"at Hordle Cliff, Hants, William Fred' Chambers, ALD., K.C.H., late Physician in Ordinary t° the Queen, aged 69. On the 17th inst., at 33, Cambridge-terrace, Edgeware • roa d, David William Witton, Esq., of 21, Great Sain t rToen's, and B e ll e Vue House, Richmond, Surrey, AP' 69. On the 16th inst., at 3, Brunswick-place, Lawialuto; road, Frederick Warner, Esq., late of 28, Cornhill, and , Laurence Ponntney-lane, city, aged 65. On the 15th inst., at Waltham Abbey, John Parnell , Esq., a magistrate for the county of Essex, aged 76. On the 15th inst., Mr. Frederic Woollatt, of 2, Crown . court, Philpot-lane. On the 14th inst. at Kentish-town, Afr.J . W. Mog i " ton, of St. Martin'a-lane, aged 54. , I4DON : Printed and Published by WEIRDO YOVNG' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, &Tend, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the eaWl Middlesex, Tinclay. Digeaki.A.P/44 . Spirit of the Public Journals. (Front the Times of tltis day.) We have at length obtained, and that with no little difficulty—and exactly four m on th s f rom th e day on which it i s dated—the memorial of the Colonels and Lieutenant-Colonels commanding the Guards to her Majesty. It bears date the 17th of August, is bedecked in a brilliant cherry-coloured cover, as becomes a document signed by two Field- Marshals, and subscribed by Prince Albert, Lord Strafford, the Duke of Cambridge, and Colonels Wood, Upton, and Moncrieff. We should say that the composition, on the whole, is rather superior to the usual style of such things, and that the tone is sedulously moderate and inoffensive. Many and earnest are the protestations that the officers of the Guards have no wish to oppose the accelerated promotion of their comrades of the Line. All that is asked is that they may not be treated with less favour than their brethren. We will give to our readers a brief analysis of this memorial, both that they may be better able to understand the merits of the case, because we have here, for the first time, from unexceptionable authority, a key to that mystery of mysteries, the organisation and promotion of the Household Troops. The Brigade of Foot Guards—for the Life Guards are content to be governed by the same rules as other cavalry regiments—the Brigade of Foot Guards, we say, is composed of three regiments the Grenadier Guards, consisting of three battalions, and the Coldstream and Scotch Fusiliers, having each two battalions. Each regiment is commanded by a Colonel ; each battalion by an officer called a Regi mental Major, who has the rank of colonel in the army; each company by a Captain and Lieutenant- Colonel, the two senior of whom command the bat talion in the absence of their superiors, with the title of "Acting-Majors or Mounted Officers." The Lieutenants have the rank of Captain, and the Ensigns, in consideration of their good conduct at Waterloo, where we suppose no other ensigns did anything respectable, received the rank of Lieu tenant. Surely, there is something here which does not smack of alxsolute equality, something that must be removed before the wish of the Colonels of the Guards, that promotion in the Line should be placed on an equality with theirs, can be said to be fully obtained ? If equality be really desired no thing is easier. Do away with all these unneces sary and puzzling distinctions ; organize the House hold Troops like any others ; let each officer hold only one grade of rank in the army, instead of two, and then apply the same rules of promotion to all. We submit the proposition to the serious considera tion of the much-enduring men who have signed this memorial. But this is a part of the subject on which it does not suit the Colonels of the Guards to dwell. They assume that the single ob ject of an officer's life is to become a General, and they undertake to show that the Guards, who have heretofore obtained the rank of General in much larger proportion to their numbers than any other corps, will, by the Royal warrant of the 6th of October, 1854, be placed in an inferior position in this respect to all other regiments in the army. This warrant provides that the rank of full Colonel shall be given to officers after serving for three years as Lieutenant-Colonel in the actual command of regiments, or as mounted officers in the Guards, or to Captains aid Lieutenant-Colonels in the Guards who have served for six years. This is the crying injustice, this is the . regulation which d egra d es th e Guards below their brethren of the Line. Now, we are bound to confess that, considering that officers in the Guards are Lieutenants, Captains, and Lieutenant-Colonels when officers in the Line of the same standing are only Ensigns, Lieutenants, and Captains, we should not have thought it unreasonable if, to compensate this unfair and undue partiality in the lower grades, some obstacle had I) een interpos e d b y w hi c h t h e accession of Guards' officers to th e ran k o f C o l onel and General had designedly been made slower than in the Line. The attainment to the rank of Ge neral is not the only or principal object of an officer, and many w ould be glad t o b arter a quicker pro motion to the higher grad es f or the advantage of more rapid and immediate ad vancement to the lower ones. There is, however, i n th e th eory of the warrant no such inequality ; for the Colonels of the Guards do not even attempt t o assert t h at the two senior Captains and Lieutenant-Colonels, or Mounted Officers, as they are called, in the Guards, who only command in th e a b sence of the Regimental Major, are more tha n equa l i n rank to Lieutenant-Colonels in the actual command of regiments, or that Captains of six years' standing good a claim. have even so What the Colonels of the Guards really undertake to prove to her Ma jesty, is, that the average service in th e Li ne o f an officer before ho obtains the rank of Lieutenant- Colonel is 22 years and 2 months, while the ave rage service of an Acting M a j or or Mounted Officer in the Guards is 24 years and 11 months—so that the Guards are two years longer in arriving at the starting point for Generals th an th e Li eutenant- Colonels of the Line ; and, disca r di ng th ose Lieu tenant-Colonels who obtained their commissions without purchase (a pur e ly ar bi trary elimination), the difference is three years and four months against the Guards and in favour of the Line. We have said we see no reason whatever why Lieutenant-Colonels who have obtained their com missions without purchase should be excluded from the comparison. Purchase prevails in the Line, as in the Guards, and we cannot in applying an ab stract principle take notice that it is more frequent among the latter than among the former. Let us grant, then, that in times of peace, to which the memorial confines itself, an officer becomes Lieutenant-C . olonelin the Li ne t w o years sooner than an Acting Major or M oun t e d Officer in the Guards, which is the whole case of the memorial. Is there any injustice in this, or rather, if it were not so, would not such a s t a t e o f t hi ngs b e of itself evidence of the grossest inequality and injustice ? Compare the life of an officer in the Guards with that of an officer in the Line, earl this truth will at once appear. The Guardsman lives in London apart from his men, dis c h arg i ng mos t o f his duties by deputy, in comfort and luxury, in a climate conge nial to English constitutions, ie e xcellent society, in the midst of his friends, with no inducement to quit the service, and, indeed, with little prospect of changing so a greea ble and eli g ible position for a better. He may, with ordinary good luck, spend a long life in a red coat, in the practice of very few of the duties and the experience of none o f the dan gers of his prof e ssi on . The duti e s of his commis sions sit almost a s li g htly upon hi m as those of lu Colonel, the P r i nce C onso rt hi m self. What is there to cause rapid promotion in s uch a corps or to withdraw memb ers f rom a soc i e ty o f jolly fellows who have in time of peace all the pleasures of a club, with the ex t ra a d van t age o f being paid for belonging to it ? Take, oa the other hand, the case of the ordi nary regimental o ffi cer . Th e wor ld i s a ll before him, but not where t o c h oose . H e i s d es tined, if he stick to the service, to endure hardships such a s no other army i n ti me o f p eace , an d very few . in time of war, is called upon to endure. There! is, the wearisome monotony of country tparters in Eng land, or, still worse, iu Ireland ; the eternal cigar, the everlasting game at billiards, the greasy circu lating library novel, and the flirtation with the confectioner's da ug ht er . Th e scene c h a nges—he i s shivering by the frozen banks of the St. Lawrence, sweltering in a West Indian island, recovering from his fifth attack of yellow fever in the putrid swamps of Guiana, or nursing the remains of his liver in a dreary cantonment of India. If there is anything to be done in which there is much hazard and little glory —a New Zealand Chief to be taken out of his pab, a rebellion of gold-diggers to be put down, fanatical Santals or homicidal Moplahs to be quelled, Caffres to be dislodged half-a-dozen times in a year from the same rock—these, and a hun dred similar duties, all fall on the Line, and make up, even in times of peace, a very considerable THE EV: COUNTYE General Ne R every yn even' etaken without an, Represents At 3 o'clocl Egyptiar TH A RG. a Piston, A Laurent's 1 B • • T fully ackn, to roses. , , Coffee-roc , ' BOOM, tt Tap 01 week, tin and MY: Wizard ol of inciciet effects. Magic Pes,ing d amuserne eelves peg them on for thong eyes of 1 one thing pany ; a I peeted d , the publi t ravag.,am the boun ProfesE fashional Theatre 1 has been tinuoms merit tc to be n , but, wi Englan a swine Rev. writes: him to it is ef Morni , David in com which Spirit-r whic and the itscl lock of 0 the pho tilt] Pr' Be cii Bc