The Sun. — London, England, 1855-03-21 00:00:00

- d the Terof kr, 0 , 4 arrived at 1 dates froml ► the 11th of ) news. The t ee in Ma re * is representa: d the Afg . en ,f the min in g discovrles lue of tiull ion 171,61 0 & I I: I .' a 1,97 1,6 ' . ere very en• :~I ti-i OL. CITY - , TWO &CLOCK, This is a strict holiday in the City, all the usual Places of business beinr , shut. 'resterday afternoon the rates for bills of c. - 2- r an ge upon th e p r i nc i p l e cont i nental cities were e ri fir m . Paris, 90 days, was nego ti a t e d a t 25 tk to ; Amsterdam at 11 19i t o 191 ; Ham -1341.,„g at 13 7 to 72 ; and Triest e a t 12 38 t o 42 . _ A'he gold by th e steamer A rgo has been melted a_4l4 s ent into the Bank o f E ng l an d , an d t h at from N- elr York by the steamer Baltic has also been sent 44 t0 the Bank, being nearly all fine gold. The following observations upon the financial t P°ll.° Y of the Government are in this week's num ber of the Banker's Circular : i s (1, 1.8 far as Mr. Lewit's public character is known, be y i t "' t ong adherent to the F ree -t ra d e party ; and two 4 78 sin ce wrote a defence of the commercial policy of :Peel Government. But there is a w id e diff erence tureen making choice of a few select facts to snbstau km' Ca a particul ar li ne o f argument, when it is of little im noe whether it ma y b e re f ute d or not, than ° ri t , • g into practical operation a system of t h ", n ,e o which involves the whole interests - of the V. 1 : 11 Empire. This is the task which 'the new t :' 4 °elle r of the Exchequer has to perform ; and it is 4 1 ; 41 the manner in which it is accomplished that the t r ,Nth and duration of Lord Palmerston's Adminis- D,Zl°, l l will depend. It would be folly to mislead the f 0 ,,,', 1 e mind on a question of such vital interest. Money support of a war must al wa y s be the great diffi- Nty f every Government, ho wever r i c h a nat i on may but that difficulty becomes mate r i a lly i ncrease d e te e ri t ? a finance Minister adopts the same rule of pro ng is war as in peace. tet, perhaps, the most remarkable fact is, that Ir ,. Wie of the Ministe r s seems t o h ave not i ced the towita.tion placed upon taxation by the monetary laws tp t , i n existence. I n f ac t, th e w h ole su bj ect is as t kz e m ignored as if we were permitted to discharge pos ses any articl e we may h appen to have in our Vesaio JO n. B u t w h a t i s the real state of things at bt,' Present moment nearly throughout the length and 15t e klth of the land ? Go where you may ; talk to whom tpo!e You meet—and there is but one reply—there is no 4, 11 " Y to be had anywhere—everybody has goods, but (1 3' (1 3'buys and therefore nob o dy se ll s . C an i t b e said at ` these facts are of no imp or t ance t o a Mi n i stry who 4,eterrnined to make th e na ti on pay 40 , 006 ,0001. per t l ? . . or more for the war, by i ncrease d t axat i on, l i t,: u s Peoplemay understand the ' moral pressure ?' may be financiers as blind to these truths as Lord tor,F,een was ignorant of t h e commerc i a l and industrial tk„ i bion of the cou n t r y ; b u t poverty only remains 6 ) ,;' Within certain limits, and when these are broken the ‘ a testnen who ignore ? its existence, who c an measure ex tent of its reven" ZPIDEMIOLOGICAL SOCIETY. ,terest. 1 . 118 -ere ellicT n i 'Castilla ha u fisted roPe.e t " ~ w ho being he e xecuti ve Bd to a ear 3SAI LS. fe.Rclf 19. irestern, Car )o bring in g 13 , Is a' f Plate ni 9 Mat° 14; ,f 4 v i v a], .1 deira, ber liom as cb ienced str°P; 1 is 9 ' ;' ' rriva 40 ,COI' CO I ' !cei neat, 46 133 e ., 150 par t le• ships -Lit a Janeiro, the • It 1 the , dated I°. a tiy a gr e t or vine tb3 the wen ' inc r e ec ea has it: O P . a t ae 36 0 °ir rd w a 3 dO , ' _ a ble COn' idej Jtt d. Our ne meg. yos elo al so r ro b a blf will P t wi th do, Li u e° t he itev id Iva , an d 5 .0.. 0n5 t merits re.- ego.lo arrived 4 t o - f ey?' years ago a society f or i nves ti ga ti ng th e pi 4 I T) nature, causes, preventi o n, an d cure o f ) 4 813 :lies—that class of diseases of which cholera, I , l Os fever, scarlet fever, and influenza are ex- IP, was eder the name of the " et aiological Swestablishiety.d under To accomplish its ends, 80ciety, besides comm enc i ng th e f ormat i on of 'PPropriate library, has mainly adopted two u 'de. Firstly, for inculcating a general know of epidemics monthly meetings are held, at Papers, written by its members or others, are 41 (I discussed, the reports of th ese meetings being i L k nown through the m e di ca l p ress , an d t h e 0 themselves, under discretionary powers iu the council, being 'published. e tt l°adly, for investigating specific subjects con- , thi s With epidemics committees are nominated, 1 / 44 ,13 besides collecting and collating information t , k iTY possessed, issue carefully prepared queries Who are i n a p os iti on to furn i sh satisfactory tt ° , and thus acquire new materials for valuable :Iti t ' 4o Bt elaborate report on small-pox and vacci '4e4") drawn up by one of these committees, Was presented to the Government two to and was printed by or d er o f Par -414t, Was very instrumental in promoting the tinnation Extension Act." During the first year operation o f thi s act th ere h as b een an in °f•Public vaccination to the extent of 200,000 id the previous average, a degree of sue .lleled in the history of such enactments. trial on vaccination, almost equally vain serving as a supplement to the former wherein the imperfections which still ;he present law are pointed out, has been 'esented by the council of the society to Int 'of the General Board of Health, and icrThe--roiii-Pit-iliament, who have ordered tent also to be printed. The report of a on the diseases of the lower animals is to be nearl y ready for presentation to 1 he 1 3 .°Y 3 r") committee is engaged in collecting in .rora all parts of the world relative to Lttee has undertaken an inquiry into the of training and employing the able \le inmates of the Workhouses as nurses ', so as thus indirectly to diminish the Ipidemics as well as other diseases in so ~ttedepend on inefficient attendance ; and e s till more important (because striking I „Qlrectly at the root of th e ev il) " f or 14gating the conditions which develops 1p diseases in the metropolis, with the inquiring if any, and what changes ;Ileary in the existing laws for promoting 3 44 i0 health," i s on l y i n a b eyance f or want of ''t ) Carry out its investigations. These in are adduced to illustrate the valuable cha- If th e labours undertaken by the society. It the difficulties arising from the-want of l te t , funds, an application was som e ti me s i nce °Y the president an d council to the Lord of the Treasury for a grant from 4 tient to aid in carr yi ng ou t th e rb of the society. At a ti me w h en 141i o 41 'e such pressing demands upon the t jli 4 1 / 1 1 rae it cannot be matter of surprise that iNiePPlication proved unsuccessful. The objects I ll 'A,- I.e • „ El Deiety are, however , . of so momentous a t lt Lvr) and the inquiries undertaken by 1 4irebr are so interesting and , important ' Classes of the community, that, if ,i ik lzgenerally known, there can be no k. • that many persons would be glad to ',. , themselves with it for the purpose of 4 44 investigations with their time, talents, ;,..qt Q etributions. At present the society consists bi t ° f medical men, by whom mos t o f th e wor k 44. 'erto been performed, but it already includes IZl.its ranks several eminent persons of other 0 to 48 ) and it is understood t o b e th e d es i re o f I : s pi q uincil th a t the membership of the soci e ty Ot Ba ' 0 extended to all who feel interested in its 11,,,,°14 re identified as that success assuredly is with of mankind. Ti ter our ‘rliti it ]yiDa ° Jear" that bee Pie 0 5 , s y 01' in tii h ° cat stud for ,1; e rs t to osit:11" e • .0 t 3 0. 1 *„ 13 r evi 05 i .g ' 1 cr 00/- ,•4,0 . ti' wl tv dal d a 0 . Y 0 11 .;: fte r h ich 'O 7 _ won 'Le f tt e y a. ,b el° PP 0 rer the ; eni Al „A 8., KFt p I .. SPORTING NOT_ :S. L; TA'. made on Pharsalus, I shall on principle disregard his chance, and select Fandango, Redlands, and Vandyke against- the . field. The absolute winner will, I antici pate, be either The programme of the Epsom Spring Meeting is comparatively weak in attraction, and the proceedings are likely to be marked -by unwonted dullness. Al though no decided paucity of sport will be experienced, and much interest will attach to the leading events ap pointed for decision, yet the fields will be numerically insignificant, and the minor races will scarcely excite attention or occasion active speculation. The stakes which closed last night failed to command even a moiety of their usual nominations, the Selling Stakes obtain ing only three entries, and the Trial Stakes two, whilst the new " feature"—the Balaklava Stakes—has been equally unfortunate. These circumstances, how ever,. forcibly demonstrate the rapidly declining popularity of " Selling Stakee,"and the speedy end which is likely to be put to the queer' games invariably played with them. Speculation on the Metropolitan has been pursued with no marked activity, and its range has been limited. Pharsalus still occupies the position of leading favourite, albeit the investments on him have within the last day or two been comparatively few and far between. The confidence of his party is undiminished, but his success is scarcely "reduced to a certainty." My knowledge of Pharsalus's "antecedents " is too scanty and un ratisfactory to induce me to entertain an over-weening fondness for his chance. Pharsalus may be better than report represents, and quite as goud as his backers believe, but. I unhesitatingly admit that my fancy is attracted by other animals, of whose ability and merit . frequent and ocular proof has been afforded. " Yorkshire to a man " place their faith in Fandango, and more willingly rally under Lord Zetland's colours than the tartan of Lord Eglinton, That Fandango's title to support is well founded is fully attested by his performances ; and I deem hid chance as formidable as any, if not the most formidable of any animal in the race. The tone of the market with respect to Corcebus is ominously quiet; even the success of his stable companions at Doncaster occasioned no " agitation" in his favour. Still, shrewd judges adhere to their opinion that the tartan will be borne in triumph to-morrow ; but, after all, the wish may be father to the thought. That Corcebus displayed much racing ability towards the close of the last season is unquestionable ; and should he go well and sound to the post, I shall expect to see hint in the first flight of competitors that catches the judge's e y e . - A well-sustained demonstration was made in favour of Redlands at Warwick. This horse nearly engrossed all the betting on this stake. His party have had oppor tunities of measuring his chance with a trustworthy approach to accuracy; and they deem their calculations too carefully formed to be upset. Redlands is handicapped on lenient terms, and this circumstance, coupled with the apparent earnestness of his party, induces me to share the confidence of his backers. Vandyke was brought so prominently into notice that expectations were entertained that he would occupy a prominent place in the list of quotations ; he has, how ever, remained quiet enough in the market. His running in the sister kingdom was even more than respectable, and the outlays which have been made on him are en tirely justified. If meant, he will be dangerous. Epaminondas, Scherz, and' Testy were recently tried at Newmarket, and it is said that Testy won. The run ning of Testy at Warwick, however, would indicate that the seeming result of the trial must be disregarded. Should Eparninondas go to the post,, I shall be inclined to entertain some expectations of his chance as an "outsider." Winkiield, Dr. O'Toole, High Priest, Paletot, Cossey, Exile of Erin, Vandyke, Pantheon Matilda, and Imogene, will, doubtless, also be mustered l ' at the post, in addition to those horses mentioned above. Despite the heavy investments which have been )iFebrti3rY• ii::,,,ie„, , aited. go- ilii st;4lc.lol, 27 i t° 271; 4 4 c PP: etj 650. sies 1 ttlt_ opi Iteut at 101 e1ic1;1,,,,u(1,38, ,derate, 3rj f ttill i e the fsth ° krlcji4 PaPe ti cid . activityyrr t il e k IE ) 150 ills 00 ?era now leseriptioo'i ,tt,l. i . the incipaCll °J. 4":aeonlia tl cly deinso,. Rh.ted v4IY like tt) ca'': thigh, i iti lerior at sri Oaqy' oesi trite baJg ° Stll wPos for etiri3g! l eB 110 to Dl ita,'° tg 412 d acted to in' Noao oath. Ill°, I,op. 8t e] 1 to about h' 4 'ci ' till rtanice Dal': ~,N awas onsiderabq Tektgo, ;land We il 4 t a ' e ci Ira no], 455• t o iti'lle (I)latii is. to 50s.i i3ese ofPerl month DO ',NB be,Plll i tit, Jou( •tile,i)a,rai ,Jie '4ortal le ' and iLTIC. 'rtltiltl E ai ii I . l t, red tlt In ti . Dceivea in ',,, ly.pre ;altie :•"'" • 0 ,1?11‘681(1er re carte i3.'s .i (PI laid the oillu ' '4 °"-Ine 0 is a t /10 einrsit,tee c 3 , n 1 e Lood •ost hag i felt. i:lincii. t east, "t i ,,, ', 14 active eg. to 7 '`r ;t,,, ation t sea is •c i r , 'lera fr t wind it 5 ,i,4, co • v fr 0 ril d t 0 ', iii9ll3lit TO -P: i'liedirtY 0 Fro. '''-0 '' th -Lem e s N e al tbe F. 07.9 #, t'h co' i of Poor, s been 1 k t' 4, of e ie bailie( i• , Atli:111e I a uei ser er . o 1.- : . ty , era! 01);;,1°°f k),I directee atter p o ' t '0 ttliA4ti, wily 1,1 e iltqqriabin/ th ti lt of ei , the cl' e P , l i , act Inc i our is lb cet.,,,, h. easar i i, s idm !To ,1444131i0 h• cell DO '' to c 1 ~ 14 0. tit hes ~_ car 1 0,;;;ILV tq‘q "e a but ag 'meet of t , Leta sf ' '., klta the oa tOthi' ktlitte the rtied ill' ""s pie flu Ore i'°° to t)v4t 114):) t nuivg °t3 Sithirn rd - M -ant EAST INDIA-HOUSE. quarterly Celia of the Proprietors of East li lt , tuc k was held yesterday at their h 414 t ree , house Leaden e,. o onel uhphant in the chair. .`"utes of the last Court were read and confirmed. GAZETTEER GP INDIA. FEhtIVIN moved that a copy of th e E as t -India Ga -I.e 04 7 Supplied to each proprietor at th e ex p ense o f , I le , 114 ny. On a former occas i on hi s mot i on was k,. l lt't t °, on the ground of expa nse , it b e i ng s t a t e d "ottld cost the company 8,000 guineas. He had alt:hferred with Messrs. Allen and Cc., the book- N i Who had informed him that the work revised, l itl 4t ed, and brought down to the latest date, with . k t 4 i °rlal matter,, might be published in one volume for $„ 4 ,. ( : 4 J and, ' Utuing that there were 2,000 proprie th .11.ottld cost het company only 2,000 guineas. ' t dot ty r4Ansitsii said there could be no doubt about the 4 11 ° , 4 uch a work, and if a cheap volume could be ;, i'ev t ; Ne Court of Directors could have no difficulty be ,`):Ig the wishes of the hon. proprietor. L - * ° tion was then agreed to. tr t b Trip LATE CALCUTTA STEAM COMPANY. 4 q 4 14 4 ° 14 /NE again brought before the Court the claim t, t tler e „ e raPany for public service rendered by their s yAkt 'ue India in the years 1841 and 1842. On a ~ r , t Oks ee asion the hon. proprietor moved that those iq i, t ', l l lould be acknowledged by the payment of the , l ii i ‘koo - n ";° o oi., but on the present he limited the claim V, 1 ) .;‘• The services alleged were these :—That in Il'ettih,' conveying troops to Rangoon, when the Indian 0 the had no steamers available at Calcutta, they k t i f l ostik il leans of deterring the then King of Ava from 1/4(:1-1) means aggression ort British India ; that the India t kl b e f e " four successful voyages between Calcutta and ,' t g tib„ tw the Peninsular and Oriental Company had a 1 4 q:Iltil,: 11 the line ; and that she had conveyed im- V her,•''Patehes relating to the Affghan war when the 1 1 , j(1 OCS, Perils beset the Goiernment and Council, 'l , o i .' 01 unspeakable importance. S tat e ( .,,oti on )0, Was seconded by Mr. ARBUTHNOT. 11io'--kitiltAN said the subject was under the consi kl;tlt4.„°f tLe Court of Directors, but he was not at 4111,,1D41,-,,a Position to form an opinion as to what re ithi",eto:ge Court would come to respecting it. Captain tr,: t ake ( the of the claimants, had requested the Court 0 1 511 the matter into consideration until fresh in tl,, it a- ',ad come from Calcutta. i tti l kt ll t ri l of strongly supported the claim of the Nctitit et ',C steamier India, but, with a view to set the 0 he tes t he moved that the sum to be paid to them \ ti rk r 5,0001., instead of 1 0 ,0001. " it ti l:l ,, e gati v vc rY lengthened discussion the original motion ovicil,,, ,d, as a division the amendment was 'll r ,,Nl z ; E " alaina 23. ' '44 a - w aa theq demanded by nine proprietors, ordered accordingly. -----___ FANDANGO OR REDLANDS. Matilda I shall reserve as a " cock-boat." The betting on the City and Suburban Handicap has within the last day or two been somewhat brisk. Its principal incident was the sudden advance of Noisy and Quince. The former belongs to Pharsalus's stable. To extend my remarks to an examination of the comparative chances of every animal likely to put in an appearance would be to trespass too much on the crowded columns of The Sun. Theliit of starters will perhaps comprise Scherz, Vindex, Frantic, Epaminondas, Eulogist, Quince, Mr. Sykes, Testy, Remus, Seducer, Robin Rood, Billing ham, Topsy, Pollard, Duke of Lancaster, General Picton, Noisy, Rajah, Plausible, Hodda,m, and two or three others. ' The following lot, in my opinion, comprises the winner, Scherz, Frantic, Quince, Remus, Seducer, Duke of Lancaster, and Hod ham. Notwithstanding Scherz's steadying weight I have been induced to place him among my "select few," because he is a horse of sound racing ability. He has, however, other engagements, for which he may be in tended. The animals which I may be inclined to "stand on " at the post will be REMUS AND QUINCE. Should an " outsider " be destined to pull through, I shall not be surprised to see the Duke of Lancaster the winner ! The minor items may be thus briefly dismissed. The starting of Hospodar and Scherz for the Trial Stakes would excite much interest,: Both, however, have also engagements in the Inkerman Plate, for which they may be reserved. Should Scherz not 'do battle for the City and Suburban, I shall expect him to be the successful competitor for this plate. In his default, Hospodar will, doubtless, be first past the post. For the Railway Plate I shall select Noisette, William the Third, and Flageolet. On the Two•yrs-Old Race and the Selling Stakes I shall not venture an opinion. A FRESH MAN. Leamington, Tuesday Night. STATE OF TRADE. MANCHESTER, March 20.—There was a rather better feeling in the yarn-market yesterday, and the improve- ment, though not general, has been still more apparent this morning. To this the advices from London and Liverpool, as well as the tendency of business in Man chester itself, has contributed. The business done has been of a more general character than of late, and buyers have operated for I n di a , G ermany , an d the Medi terranean, as well as for the hOrne trade. Water twist, which was the most depressed last week, is to-day in a rather better position than mule yarn, and may be quoted fully Id. per lb. above the low rates prevailing at the commencement of the month. Mule-yarn shares the improved demand, and in some cases prices are a shade higher, but not generally. Manufacturers are still com plaining much of the unremunerative position of the cloth-market, and give the advance demanded in cops very reluctantly. The improved rates f.,r yarn have it:- dueed manufacturers to advance their quotations also for cloth; but not very generally with success. In some cases sellers have done rather better than last week, and a somewhat improved tone is reported in several quar ters. The better class of shirtings for China are reported rather firmer, hut, generally speaking, the houses in the India and China trade are waiting for their lettere, which are due this evening, before entering upon any new badness. For the same reason the Greeks are to some extent inoperative. Messrs. John Slagg and Co. say of the cloth-market :—"The market has been very flat throughout the week, and the general tendency of prices has been in favour of buyers. To-day, although there is no improvement in the demand for goods, manu facturers, influenced by the state of the cotton-market, are generally asking higher rates, but without success, and there is consequently very little business done. The Indian letters will be in to-night, but, if we may judge by the telegraphic report, they are not likely to do us much good." Messrs. George Fraser, Son, and Co. re port :—" There is no material alteration in our market to-day, beyond the firmness usually arising from an ac tive and hardening cotton•market. Somewhat higher prices are thus in many cases demanded, but buyers, as a body, show little inclination to follow them." LEEDS, March 20.—The tone of the cloth-markets to day has been moderately cheerful and prices firm, but less business has been done than on Saturday last. THE COUNTRY NO WSPAPE.RS. At a meeting of newspaper proprietors, held in Glasgow ou the 17th of March inst., Mr. Pagan, of the Glasgow Herald, in the chair, it was moved by Mr. Gunn, of the North British Daily Mail, seconded by Mr. Alexander, of the Glasgow Cou rier, and unanimously resolved,- 1. Tbat the abolition of the newspaper stamp, and the removal of the exiPting legal securities, are calculated to lower the character and injure the usefulness of the press. 2. That the term "Taxes on knowledge," as applied to the newspaper stamp, is delusive and untrue. 3. That the privilege of free transmission by post is an ample equivalent for the stamp charge, and tends to the equal distribution of intelligence throughout remote and poor districts, as well as in populous and wealthy locali ties. 4. That in the opinion of the meeting a continuance of the present system is'desired by the great mass of the community. 5. That the meeting concurs in the resolutions adopted on this subject by the London newspaper proprietors, which embody the above sentiments in detail, and a copy of which it is understood has been placed in the hands of every member of Parliament. 0. Tbat a cojiy of the above resolutions, signed by the chairman, be scut to the menalltra of Parliament for Scotland ; and that they be respectfully and earnestly requested to support the views indicated therein. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MARCH 21, 1855„ i POPULAR OPINION AND THE GREAT TTPT":I f?_ j) F 4 1"! nTT T , 'c' fr' Ar ea.ers.ay s ei ear;: crew atlentinn to the following statements :—" Upwards of one hundred thonsand human beings are annually perishing in Eng land from preventable diseases. In Scotland and Ireland the preventable mortality is comparatively even greater than in Eagland." We gave it as our opinion (not with out refreshing our memory by a careful scrutiny of facts and figures) that these were no hyperbolical assertions ; and we added further—and a careful perusal of the Health Bills now before the House, and of the reports of various meetings held to discuss the qualities of these measures, only serves to strengthen us in the opinions then advanced—that until a grand popular opinion be formed upon the " solemnly momentous questions of health and education," the nation possesses but a poor chance of realising such broad and beneficent views of sanitary reform as might augment the mental and bodily powers of all classes of the community. We recur to this topic in order to request such as are work ing in the cause of health and education (societies as well as individuals) to consider to what extent the labours of Mr. Hopley (to whose earnest endeavours we have on more than one occasion called attention), might be made valuable towards the formation of this re quired opinion. We gather from the pamphlets before us that this gentleman has been for some years engaged in preparing for delivery in London "a series of plain and simple lec tures on the education of man, his object being two fold first, to urge upon the serious consideration of such of the upper and middle classes of society as will favour him with a bearing the 'fearful effects of certain errors existing in the systems under which their children are for the most part trained—errors requiring but de termination among heads of families to be at once eradi cated ; and, secondly, to show to all whom he may have the power to address something of the physical and men tal condition of the national poor," who, as he well re marks, "can never be rescued from the sin and misery which are at present forced upon them, save by the energetic strivings of large bodies of men and women, who will work, not for the sake of pay or human ap plause, but through love of God and their neighbour." The series, it appears, is to consist of two courses—the one on physical development, the other on intellectual, moral, and religious training ; and, if we understand rightly, the first course, comprising eight lectures, is now ready for delivery. A short summary of the topics discussed in these eight lectures is prefixed to the pamphlet now before us ; and we must say that matters of more importance to the whole family of man than those on which Mr. Hopley proposes to treat it is impossible to conceive. Let any one who comprehends the sorrows, and has studied the world wide wants, of society, carefully peruse this summary, and we venture to affirm that ha will agree with us that the subjects chosen by Mr. Hopley are those on which, beyond all others, the world requires enlightening. How these subjects will be treated is'quite another thing, on which (as we have never been in the way of hearing Mr. Hopley lecture) we can farm no opinion, save by the writings before us. These, upon their first appearance, were spoken of in our columns as exhibiting unusual force and lucidity, being evidently the work of a man of ability, thoroughly versed in his subject, and unmistake ably in earnest. We do not hesitate to record our opinion that, if the lecture on respiration is to be taken (and we presume it may) as an average specimen of the series, Mr. Hopley promises to be an unusually effective public instructor. That he possesses highly exalted ideas of the character of the true educator no one can possibly deny. " What," he asks, "do we mean by education? for the word is differently defined by dif ferent individuals. To educate, using the phrase in its common acceptation, would appear to be to teach the arts of reading, • writing, and arithmetic, a little history and geography, some faint knowledge of religion, and perhaps a smattering of one or two foreign languages, to children. To edu cate, using the phrase in its noblest sense, is to de velope to the utmost cspabiiity of its powers the physical, intellectual, and moral nature of man. Thus in the eyes of man education would seem to relate simply to the young; whilst to others it shines forth as an object of the utmost importance to the entire human race. In its narrow signification it may be said to t_irminate when the pupil ceases to be under the control of teachers ; hence we hear of finishing tutors,' finishing gover nesses,' and finishing schools.' According to the more enlarged idea it never terminates but with the life of the human being. Education, then, as we regard the term, is the science of making man as great as God would have him, and •as such is cf vital moment to us all." After the delivery of the first eight lectures (which, by the way, delivered at the rate of one per week, would, if well supported by our various sanitary and educa tional societies, serve to keep up a good two months' steady agitation in the right direction) they are to be published in a cheap form. They might thus find their way into many hundreds of mechanics' institutes and people's libraries, and work like an active leaven among the masses ; but Mr. Hopley (who is evidently hoping to set in motion a grand crusade against filth and igno rance) does not stop here. In order that there may be an opportunity of spreading, as widely as possible, the truths which these lectures will enunciate, there will be a further publication of extracts from each particular lecture. These pamphlets of extracts, under the name of "Helps towards the Physical, Intellectual, and Moral Elevation of all Classes of Society," will be sold at the rate of lid. each upon purchasing by the thousand. "If ministers of religion, national school committees, ragged, school teachers, Scripture readers, cottage visitors, sanitary associations, temperance socie ties, and various other committees, associations, and societies, constituted for benevolent purp oses, were to undertake to circulate where they are so needed these 'gatherings from the labours of the world's philosophers,' how much," asks Mr. Hopley, "might, be effected to wards the formation of the required opinion even by these simple papers ?" Now this is just what we want, various committees,_ associations, and societies (provincial as well as metropolitan) to consider for themselves. We have by us one of these "simple papers." We refrain from commenting on it, as it may be got for a mere nothing at-all ; but we do most earnestly hope that those who have at heart the cause of the poor will procure a copy of these "Helps towards the Elevation of Society," and consider to what extent they may be made valuable towards the formation of the required popular opi nion. We may add that Mr. Hopley, in his pamphlet on Respiration, expresses himself desirous of delivering his lectures " for the benefit of the Society for .—.'t This ellipsis scarcely explains itself ; but, judging from the general spirit of this effort, we imagine we are not far wrong in supposing it to signify that he is ready to hand over any proceeds which may arise from the undertaking to any society or societies ready to ener gise in the cause to which he is devoting his abilities. If money he realised from the sale of the "Helps" (which, by the way, is scarcely possible at the extremely low price at which they are published), "it will be ex pended in the cause of humanity." Whether Mr. Hep. ley does or does not succeed in effecting a large amount of good will, we cannot but fancy, depend in a very great measure upon whether he does or does not meet with a large amount of co operation. * Published by Churchill, London. TESTIMONIAL TO LORD D. STUART. The Earl of Shaftesbury is to take the chair at two o'clock on Friday next, at Willis's Rooms, where a meet-, ing is to be held for the purpose of raising a testimonial to the memory of the lamented Lord Dudley Stuart. On the score of philanthropy and ardent benevolence, prac tically illustrated by the indefatigable exertions of his entire life, no man better deserved a similar tribute. The deceased nobleman enhanced the merit of his exer tions in behalf of the injured and oppressed by the urbanity of his manners, in which the heart of a Chris tian and the discrimination of the maa of bnsiness were united. There was nothing in his character of that " Coutemptor animus et siiperbia," which, according to Sailust, is the "Commune nobilitatis malum." With out being a reproach, he was in this respect an amiable example to his own order. He was as warm and sincere in his politics as in his other estimable qualities. He had many devoted friends, and they who differed from him on public grounds always professed unfeigned re spect for the purity of his motives. Prodigiously active, he had but one object in life—that of making himself useful to his country and to his fellow-men in general. The extent of his labours in that vocation is yet imperfectly k.iown. That they contributed to shorten his life is highly probable. On all the above grounds a testimonial to his memory is a tribute fairly due to his worth. We have every reason to think that the meeting will be numerously and respectably attended, and that it will fulfil the object for which it will be held. ter ofi the Fpeaker. Under these circumstances, the _,_ • , . , o•n-ii footed ca)lll,t lad t> • .. posed to passing tolls, and he hoprd, therefore, the hour w•oli(1 stop the fur; her progress of the bill, 1, 1 . !) T•I S",“1“14.1 tht! HU; Mr. EvSlEdt uppt , 6cct it,. Sir J. GRAHAM said an officer of the Board of Adtuiralty had reported in favour of the seierne, and the house would be acting unwisely if it rejected the second reading of the bid. The amendment was then negatived without a divi sion, and the bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. NEW WRIT, On the notion of Mr. HoRsrALL a new writ was or dered for Liverpool, in the room of Mr. Liddell (now Lord Ravensworth) called to the upper house. PETITIONS. Captain SCOBELL presented a petition from Bath against the opening of the British Museum and National Gallery on Sundays. Mr. M. GIBSON presented a petition from Man chester praying that the National Gallery and British Museum may be opened on Sundays the same time that gin-shops and beer-houses were allowed to be opened: Mr. Walter, Mr. W. Brown, M r . B rotherton, Mr, L. Heyworth, and several other hon. members pre sented petitions against the sale of intoxicating liquors on Sundays. Mr. SPOONER presented a petition from a place in the West Riding against the opening of the British Mu seum and National Gallery on Sundays. Sir J. IVA.LMSLEY presented a petition from the working classes of the metropolis, numerously signed, praying that those institutions may be thrown open on Sundays. Mr. - WILLUISS, Mr. W. WILKINSON, and Mr. W. J. Fox presented similar petitions. Mr. CROSSLEY presented a petition from Halifax praying for the abolition of flogging in the army. Mr. KINNAIRD presented a petition from the Wes. leyan Conference against the opening of the National Gallery and British Museum on Sundays. Mr. KERSHAW presented a petition from Stockport praying for the repeal of the Beer Act of last session. Sir E. FILMER presented a petition from Kent against the opening of the British Museum and National Gallery on Sundays. Sir D. NORRI:YS presented a petition from a place in Ireland, praying for the establishment of Fiscal Boards. HAMPTON COURT. On the motion of Sir G. PECHELL, the following re turn was ordered, viz. :—Address for return of the number of visitors admitted to see the apartments and pictures at Hampton Court, and the Gardens at Kew, during the year 1854 ; distinguishing the number in each month, and the number on the se veral Sundays (in continuation of Parliamentaraer, No. 313, of se ss i on 185 4). y p p POOR-LAW INSPECTORS. On the motion of Mr. H. BROWN, the followi ng re turn was ordered, vi z . : —R eturn of the names of . the poor-law inspectors, the dates of their respective ap pointments, the unions in the districts allotted to each, the dates of their visits to each officially, during the years 1853 and 1854. CORN AVERAGES. Mr. STEEL asked, why the sixth section of act 5 and G Will. 4, c. 63, by which all local and customary mea sures were abolished, and a penalty was imposed upon every person who shall sell by any denomination of measure other than one of the imperial measures, or some mul tiple or aliquot part thereof, was not enforced; and why the officers appointed by Government to take the quantities and prices of grain sold in each market town, and by the niagistrttas in each county, to regulate weights and measures, were not instructed to enforce the use of the standard measure in the sale of corn and grain ? - Sir G. GREY said he W:l3 unable to give the informa tion asked for, as it was left to the local authorities to enforce the law. IRISH POOR LAW. Mr. BELLEW asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether it was the intention of Government to bring forward any measure, or otherwise to permit the con solidation of certain Poor-law Unions in Ireland ; also, whether the .Government meant to introduce, during this session of Parliament, any measure or measures legislating as to the existing relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland ? Mr. HORS MAN replied in the negative to the first question ; with regard to the second question, the sub ject Lad been under the consideration of the G-overn went, but they did not think it would be right to intro duce any measure until that of Mr. Serjeant Shea had been discussed and disposed of. YARMOUTH. Sir E. LACON asked the First Lord of the Admi ralty whether any order had been given for a ship of war to be stationed at Yarmouth ; and, if so, when that order was given ? Sir C. WOOD said in point of fact no order had yet been given. RAILWAY TRAFEIC RETURNS. LONDON AND SOUTH-EASTERN EATLIVAY.--Traffis re turn for the week ending March 17, 1855 —212,543 7 0 Corresponding week last year 14,298 3 6 Decrease in 1 , ! 5 £ 1,749 16 6 LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH COAST RAILWAY.— Traffic return for the week ending March 17, 1855.; 29,710 • 5 9 Corresponding week last year lo,' 48 6 9 Total of the half-year to thi s d a t e , 1855 96,160 3 6 Total of the half-year to this date, 1854 106,281 9 9 CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAlLWAY.—Traffic return for the week ending March 18, 1855 £4,334 0 5 Corresponding week last year 3,630 14 7 Increase in 1855 LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAILWAY.—TrainG re turn for the week ending March 18,1855 ) 218,247 0 11 Corresponding week last year 17,592 8 3 WYLD'S MODEL OF SEBASTOPOD—The following dis tinguished personages have been among the recent visi tors to this instructive exhibition :—His Grace the Arch bishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Athol, Earl Fitz william, Earl Mintn, Lord Seagrave, Lord Ward, Lord Ellenberough, Lord LondesborougL, Lord George Mean clerk, the Duchess of St. Albans, the Marchioness of Downshire, Lady Hyde Clive, Lady Glengall, the Count ers of Wilton, Lady Mary Butler, Lady Foley, Lady Charlotte Fitzwilliam, Admiral Dundas, Admiral Beau fort, General Sir De Lacy Evans, M.P., General Ben tinck, General Torrons, General Westhropp, Colonel Gambier, Major Evelyn, Major Nasmyth, the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli, M.P., Sir Charles Lemon, M.P., Sir Charles Trevelyan, Sir Fitzroy Kelly, M.P., Sir Robert Peel, M.P., Sir William Norris, Sir Charles Fellnwes, Sir W. Millner, the Rev. Dr. Buckland, Sir Joseph Bailey, Sir Charles Rusher, John Able smith, Esq., M.P., CaptaTh Croore, Captain Baynes,' Sir Rode rick Impoy Murchison, F.R.G.S., Robert Stephenson, M.P., engineer. LVEPE 1AI! d PARMIA_I E Yr. HOUSE OF Lv. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the wool sack at five o'clock. PETITIONS. Lord BERNERS presented a petition from Corn wall praying her Majesty's Government to bring in a measure to exempt owners of mines from assessment. Lord DERBY gave notice that on Friday he would put a question to her Majesty's Government as to whether it was their intention to bring in a measure during the present session affecting the law of .partner ship. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition in favour of closing public-houses on Sundays. The Earl of EGLlNTON.presented a petition from Ayr against the distillation from grain. COMMON'S' INdLOSURE BILL. On the motion of Lord CANNING this bill was read a third time and passed. CASE OF MR. CARDEN. Lord BROUGHAM, in pnrsuance of the notice be gave last night, begged to ask the late Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the information respecting the liberation of Mr. Carden, who was convicted for the abduction of a young lady in Ireland. Lord ST.. GERMANS was glad that his noble and learned friend had p u t t hi s quest i on to him on this sub ject, which appeared to him to be very much misunder stood. Mr. Carden was convicted at the last summer assizes ofTipperary, and sentenced to t woyears' imprison. ment. After he had been incarcerated for some time he re- Ceived information that further incarceration would be fatal to the life of Mr. Carden. In consequence of such representation an eminent medical man was sent to the prison to examine the state of bealth of Mr. Carden, and this gentleman having reported that a longer confine ment would prove fatal to hit t], he (Earl St. Ger mans) ordered him to be liberated on the following conditions :—that Mr. Carden, being a wealthy man, he should enter into his own surety for 10,0001,, and that he should find two sureties of 5,0001. each, to keep the peace toward the lady insulted, for the remaining period of the sentence. Just before he left Ireland, he understood that Mr. Carden had declined to accept of those conditions, consequently the Government had•no alternative but to require that gentleman to remain in prison. THE POSITION OF PRUSSIA. WITH RESPECT TO THE NEGOTIATIONS AT VIENNA. Lord LYNDHURST rose to call the attention of ;heir lordships to the position of Prussia with respect to ;he negotiations now opened at Vienna. He should do his with the more freedom because, as he was not con nected with the Government, nothing which he could ray could cause any inconvenience to her Majesty's Ministers, Ile need not remind their lordships that Prussia had urged in the strongest manner her claim to take part in the conferences at Vienna, which had been most strenuously and properly resisted by the Allied Powers. This was a subject of great interest, and he would endeavour to remove from it the obscurity which had been thrown upon it by the diplomatic contrivances of the Court of Prussia. The interest of the subject had re• cently been increased by the messag,e sent by the late Czar in his dying moments to the King of Prussia, and the manifesto which had been issued by the pre sent Emperor of Russia, announcing his intention to uphold to the highest pitch the glory and honour of his kingdom, in order to enable him . to accomplish the views and desires of his illustrious predecessors, Peter, Catherine, Alexander, and his late father Nicholas ; that desire being to overthrow the Ottoman empire and esta blish the Russian Government at Constantinople. He (Lord Lyndhurst), for one, never expected active and cor dial support for the aline. from Prussia. Into the rea sons for that it would be foreign to his purpose to enter now, but he could not abstain from reading the following extract from a despatch addressed by an eminent Russian diplomatist to Prince Nesselrode before the last war be tween Russia aed Turkey ;—" Suppose that Russia should under take alone to put in execution these coercive means [against Turkey], there is every reason to believe that the Court of Berlin would net in any measure oppose us ; but, on the contrary, her attitude, at once unfettered aed friendly, would operate as a powerful cheek on other Stites, and bring them to submit to results satisfactory to the dignity and interests of Russia. It will be necessary to let the Cabinet of Berlin to a certain extent into our confidence, and to convince it that the part we assign to Prussia will contribute to increase the happy intimacy between the two Sovereigns and the two Courts." Was it possible to imagine anything more an ticipatory or prophetic of the course that had for the last six months been pursued by the Court of Prussia ? It was supposed that Prussia, having been a party to the protocols of the Bth December, 13th January, and 9th April would actively cooperate with the allies. A little consideration would show that the expectation was unfounded, because Prussia was constrained to sign these protocols in order to avoid being completely isolated, and sinking for a time into the position of a second-rate power. By these protocols the parties engaged to pro cure the evacuation of the Principalities, and to obtain guarantees to protect the independence of the Sultan, and - the integrity of his erupro. How bad these engage ments been fulfilled by the court of Prussia ? Baron Manteuffel, the Prime Miiister of Prussia, had on three different occasions stated that Prussia had ex pressed her opinion upon tin policy of Russia in these protocols, but he did not conceive that she was called upon to go further, or to take any active measures. He further stated that he did not conceive the in dependence of Germany or German interests to be involved in the contest, and therefore Prussia was not called upon to make any sacrifices. At that time Prussia had been a party to the treaty of 1841, and to the pro tocols just referred to; the principalities had, i n mos t flagrant violation of all pri nc ipl e , b e en invaded by the armies of Russia ; the revenues had been sequestered, and the inhabitants compelled to make war upon their Sovereign ; and under these circumstances the Prime Minister of Prussia thought tat it was enough for that country to admit the wrong which she had engaged her self to redress, but that there was no occasion for her to take any more active stops. Could there be a greater neglect of duty, or anything more degrading to a great power ? But it was said that German independence and German interests were not involved in this contest. He (Lord Lyndhurst) believed that the independence and interests of Germany wer e more closely i nvo l ve d in this contest than were those of the Western Powers, who were making such great sacrifices for the promotion of German interests and independence and the cause of civi lisation throughout the world. If by Gamma interests were meant material and ; 4 commercial, how could the position that these were . not involved be possibly maintained ? One of the main questions was the naviga tion of the Danube, a question essentially German. So far as Prussia was concerned, her immediate interests were not very much involved in the navigation of the Danube ; but so far as central and northern Germany were concerned, that was the channel of the great part both of their outward and homeward trade. (Hear.) If any authority were requi s i te on this subject, he might quote the authority even of Prussia herself. Baron ManteutTel'said—" The interest, for which we are la bolo ing amidst impending complicatiOns are, from their very circumstances, the interests of entire Germany. A well-regulated state of affairs in the countries oil the Lover Danube, is of essential importance to the material interests of Germany." (Hear, hear.) How, then, was it p issible to reconcile with any principle whatever -the statement of the poli c y of Praseia as represented by the high individual to wh om h e had referred ' ? But there were other circumstances connected with this part of the question, which he felt i t necessary to bring before the notice of their lordstips. I n a committee of the Prussian Chambers, the Minister of War stated that it was impossible that Prussia cou ld co-operate in a ques tion of .this kind with Russia, and that it would be an act of parricide against all Germany. Wh a t was th e consequence ? An intimation was afterwards given to the Minister at War, that it would be inconvenient for the Government if he held his office any longer, and two days afterwards he sent in his resignation. (Hear, hear.) There were ether facts of the same description. Tire re presentative of Prussia at our C o urt—(hear)—a man of great knowledge, talents, and attainments--a man Con versant with the interests of his country and of Europe, finding that his advice was neglected, and that the course pursued by his Government was utterly inconsistent with the opinions he entertained, and not wishing to be an agent in carrying into effect what he did not approve, resigned his office, and was now pursuing his literary labours at Heide: burg. At a more recent period, to wards the close of the last year, the King of Prussia', in a speech from the throne, enlarged upon domestic aff a i rs and also upon foreign affairs. It had been usual to pre sent an address in answer to the speech, but on the sup position that it might contain some topics not quite agreeable to the royal ear, it was stated by the Mi n i sters that the address could he dispensed with, and that the Crown did not wish it to be presented. lie would leave their lordships to draw their own conclusion from the facts which lie had stated, add would now close what be considered the first act of this political drama. The neat stage was this—lt was considered by Austria that after a certain interval it was right to call - upon R uss i a to evacuate the Principalities, and a demand to that effect was drawn un aid signed. It was then sent to Berlin for the signature of the sovereign of that coun t ry. Prussia did not choose to add her si gnature to a docu ment of that description, but in a more gentl e f orm s h e agreed, by her resident minister, to support that de mand ; but with what energy and zeal that demand had been supported their lordships were perfectly capable of judging. The result was that the demand was re jected, hut though rejected it was not rejected in terms, but by some counter-proposition s b e i ng sent for the adoption of Austria. These propositions only went to some of the questions in controversy between Austria and the Allies and Russia. Some time w as consumed in the operations, and Prussia then pressed Austria in the strongest manner to stop the march of her troops until the matter was finally decided. To that proposi tion Austria very properly acceded. But what was the result ? Russia said she would retire behind the Pruth, and act only upon the defensive. But what course did the propositions agreed to are Prussia adopt ? She said, all that can really be expected from Russia. and she withdrew from all further support of the confederates. Having thus detached herself front the Allies, what took place ? She began immediately to oppose the policy pm:- sued by Austria, s and endeavoured to induce the luclivi al.ual States of Germany not to accede to the propositions of Austria for securing the peace and tranquillity of Europe ; and to a certain degree Prussia was successful. Now he did not ask their lordships to come to any con clusion from these circumstances that Prussia had been acting in concert with Russia, or had been the active agent of Russia ; but if she had been acting iu concert with Russia, and had been employed as the agent of Rue- pia, she could not more effectually have accomplished of fb , ,) hr ;1,,.'1 ,i.],. aJ: se, time Prussia was asking the minor States not to sup port Austria she thanked two cf them for not co-ope rating with the Allies. (Hear. hear.) This was the conclusion of the second act of the drama. He now came to third and last. Austria found it necessary to take a further step in the business, and a very important step, in conjunction with the Allies. The Allies ap pointed a meeting, to be held on the Bth of August at Vienna, for the purpose of deciding upon whet should be required of Russia as the bases of any preliminary ne gotiations. Notice was given in the usual way to the Court of Prussia as on two or three occasions. Prussia, however, did not think proper to attend. She did not expressly say she would not attend, but she did not in fact attend ; and, in consequence of her not attending, a note was signed by the three Powers, stating, as the basis of negotiation, the four points which had been so much discussed. These points were sent for the accep tance of Russia, She rejected them entirely. What was the course then taken by Prussia? She published a docu ment objecting to the four points; and she went further, and set at work a most active opposition to all the attempts of Austria to induce the States of Germany to co-operate with the Allies. She thus separated still fur ther from the Allies, The next step, and almost the last in this history, was the treaty of the 2d of December. The three allied powers met and negotiated a treaty, the object of which treaty was to call upon Russia within a month from its date to state such proposals for peace as the Allies could accept. When that treaty was signed, notice was given to Prussia. Time had been left for her acceptance ; but she refused to do so. She would not subscribe er join in the treaty. Some formal objections were made, and she said she should have no objection to subscribe similar individual treaties with this country and with France. The answer was, " If you will accede to a treaty having the same effect with France, and a separate treaty also with England, no objection will be made to that course." But from that time to this Prus sia had never consented to do so. She had made various propositions, and carried on various negotiations, with qualifications innumerable, with exceptions such as she must have known the Allies could not by any possibility accede to. That was the state in which Prussia stood at the present moment. Now all the observations which he had made must be understood as applying to the Court, to the Government, of Prussia. He had reason to believe, and he had reason to know, that the national feeling of that country was nut at all in accordance with that of the Court. (Cheers.) He held in his hand a copy of an address which had been prepared by a com mittee of the Second Chamber appointed to examine the bill relative to the war estimates. That document was expressed in very strong language, and corresponded as nearly as possible with the view which he had taken. The extract to which he wished to call the attention of their lordships was couched in the following terms : " We cannot refrain from expressing the anxiety with which your Majesty's faithful people have followed, during the last ten months, the policy of the royal Go vernment in the great European question. It has seen with sorrow Prussia leave the community of the great Powers represented last year at the Vienna conferences, and thereby renounce the most efficacious means of as sisting, by a firm attitude, which would exclude every doubt, the speedy attainment of the object so ardently desired by the whole country—a peace offering durable guarantees against the renewal of the disturbance of established order in Europe, in a manner conformable equally to the dignity, the interests, and the position of Prussia as a Power, as also to the declarations made at the commencement of the year by the Government of your Majesty concerning its future line of policy. We know how to appreciate to their full extent the difficul ties of the present situation ; but in the presence of those anxieties we must express the respectful convic tion that, whatever may happen, we behold the most essential and the most indispensable guarantee of the future of Prussia in a firm and consistent line of policy." The next step which lie would mention was one of im poreance, and brought the question to a crisis. Russia, in the first instance, demanded an explanation of the meaning put upon the four points by the Allies. An answer was given. Explanations followed. Upon those explanations being given, Russia expressed heiaelf willing t accede, and negotiations were opened at Vienna. What was the souse pursued by Prussia ? She claimed to be admitted as a party to the negotiations. And on what ground ? Principally on the ' around that she soh scribed the protoc o l s o f th e year before and the early part of last year. Why, on what pretence could she be admitted on these grounds to take part in the negotia tions ? It was true that, up to a certain point, she con curred in the acts of the other Powers. But she after wards deserted them. She divided herself from the Allies upon the question of the answer in the first instance, and of the demand of the evacuation of the Principalities. She also continued her active operations against the policy of Austria at the Diet. Again, she was offered to be a party to the treaty of the 2d December, but she refused to become so. The object of that treaty was this--that if Russia would not accept terms of peace the Allies pledged themselves to concert measures for carry ing on the war. Prussia refused to accede to that pro position. Upon what ground then could she claim a right to be a party to those negotiations ? He hoped and entreated that the Allied powers would adhere to the decision to which they had come—(hear)—that they would not on any pretence allow the Prussian negotiator to be a party in these negotiations. If she were to be admitted to the negotiations at Vienna she would act in concert with Russia, as the ally of Russi a , as th e instru ment of Russia, as her slave, he might almost say as her tool. (Cheers.) He was sure that Prussia would so con trive to complicate the matter as to render it impossible to come to any satisfactory conclusion, and if she were to be admitted to the negotiations he should entirely despair of any beneficial result. (Hear.) It was singular that, in the history of some nations, their diplomatic charac ter and foreign policy survived under successive monarchs and successive generations. The diplomatic character and foreign policy of Russia might be traced back to the time of Peter. It had descended through Catherine and Alexander and the late emperor to the present time. In like manner, the diplomatic character and foreign policy of Prussia might be traced up to at least as far back as the time of Frederick the Great. That monarch obtained the flattery of the French philosophers in ex change for a patronage sometimes accorded, and some times withdrawn. The Government of Prussia was the contriver, the originator, the instigator, the active in strument in the partition of Poland, the most nefarious political transaction that ever occurred. (Hear.) The foreign policy of Prussia down to the present time exhi bited the same features—the same unscrupulous charac ter. (Hear.) As far back as 1794 it was considered of the utmost importance to this country to collect a large military force to be directed against France. Applica tion was made to Prussia. The reply was that she was poor--that she had no means of raising such a force. The English Minister said that this country was willing to furnish the means, but upon condition that the army should serve at such points as the British Government should point out. The proposition was assented to, and the money was paid into the treasury of Prussia. The Prussian troops passed the Rhine, where they remained for purposes peculiarly Prussian ; and, nothwithstanding the repeated remonstrances which were made to the Prime Minister, the commander of the troops refused to stir from his position, and the object of the treaty was utterly frustrated. (Hear, hear.) Again, what was the conduct of Prussia immediately preceding the battle of Austerlitz ? About that time she was fluctuat ing between Alexander and Napoleon, sometimes entsr ing into treaties with one power, and sometimes with the other. At length Prussia chose to adopt the course co' policy which she now desired to adopt—that of mediator. The Prussian representative did not find Napoleon where he expected him at Vienna, the battle of Austerlitz having been fought in the meantime. The whole aspect of things was thus changed, and Prussia abandoned her character of negotiator, and entered into a treaty of alliance, offensive toad defensive, with Napo leon, and took as a bribe the concession of the territory of Hanover, which belonged to her friend and ally. (Hear, hear.) The vacillation of Prussia, professing one thing and d o i ng anot h er, t h e game of fast and loose which she had played, corresponded in principle with the facts he had stated. He had no faith whatever in the Prussian Government, and would warn her Ma jesty's Government against entering into a treaty with Prussia. It was a great satisfaction to him to know that the present negotiations were to be conducted by the noble lord the late President of the Council, who since leaving this country, had, by a touch of the spear of Ithuriel, started into Lis former character of Secretary for the Colonies. (Laughter.) The noble lord was now placed in a most important position ; and when he cen traeted the position wbicle he l a t e ly occupied on the fourth row behind the Treasury bench with his present bielliant prospects, he was reminded of the words of the poet— "-rnox seso attollit in auras, lugrediturque solo et caput in nublia coudit." He had full confidence in the sagacity of the noble lord, in his vigour, and in his decision, and fully concurred in the remarks which fell from him a short time ago in another place. He believed the noble lord would not ac• cede to any terms of peace short of those which would attain the object of the war, for anything short of such terms would be but a hollow truce, leading to new wars and now sacrifices. (Hear, hear.) He was confident that the energy and unfailing resources of this country would at no distant. time place it in a position even higher than that from which it had declined in consequence of the mismanagement of the war. Its prosperity bad created many jealous enemies around it, who looked on what they were pleased to call its fall with something very like satisfaction. Let it meet them with a display of fortitude, and make them respect its courage, and at the same time the energy and vigour with which it would apply itself to repair its disasters. The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, I think your lordships will understand the difficulties under which I rise, not in order to answer the speech of my noble and learned friend, but to speak upon this question at all. If Ido not follow my noble friend through his able ard elaborate narrative of Prussian diplomacy, I hope tlir.t ho will not attribute it to any want of respect to himself on my part, or from any desire of not recognising the importance of the subject, or from any desire that I have to become the apologist of Prussian diplomacy. I hope my noble and learned friend will recollect that less responsibility is attached to his words than to mine-- not that I can agree with my noble and learned friend that no responsibility is attached to what he has said-- on the contrary, I think that no one of your lordships is entitled to consider himself irresponsible for his language pr opinions, particularly with respect to ',foreign affairs. S;nce I have had the honour to hold the seals of the Foreign-office, I have had reason to know the import ance which is attached to any speech in both Houses of Parliament, an importance which is always augmented in reference to the personal weight and political cbarac- ; •e . eanen ceurn wines ce i t ut ian t struck with the masterly manner in which my noble and learned friend has made himself acquainted with and described the events of the last twelve mouthy,. I trust my noble and learned friend will not thiele that I can possibly allow judgment to go by Oefa,ult, when I say that I have not any such document to produce as the one he has alluded to, and that he has mistaken, not intentionally I am convinced, but that he has mistaken our position and our intentions. I think, however, that I shall best discharge my duty in accord. ance with the reserve which my position necessarily im poses upon me, if, instead of following my noble and learned friend through the various points upon which he has treated, I venture to supply certain deficiencies with respect to the communications which have taken place between her Majesty's Government and the Go vernment of the Emperor of the French, and the Court of Prussia. For it is after all, in these communications that your lordships will feel more interested, and I shall therefore endeavour to lay before you the commu nications which have been made, the results of which have been, I regret to say, far from satisfactory ; for I cannot regard the state of our relations with Prussia as so satisfactory as we could desire, and I should be happy to see our alliance with that power on the same footing that it was in the early part of last year, when Prussia joined with us in declaring that the war which France and England had undertaken was a just and politic war, and when she denounced as strongly as we did the aggressive policy of Russia, and joined with Austria in a most energetic summons to Russia. Whe ther it was supposed that this united appeal was irresist ible, and that our success would be complete, I do not undertake to say ; but the positive refusal of Russia to comply with the summons appeared to stagger the reso lution of Prussia. When, in compliance with the re quest of Austria, en the summo ns o f C oun t B uo l , the representatives of the French and English Courts were ready to attend the conference, they were told that no conference could be held, because Prussia refused to at tend. The Austrian Government, tired at last of wait ing, sent this answer to the Courts of London and Paris, and her Majesty's Government, together with the Go vernment of the Emperor of the French, lost no time in pronouncing a decided opinion upon it. It is true, in deed, that the Prussian Minister at this Court afterwards told me that a representative of Prussia would be al lowed to attend. My answer, after a communication with the Court of France, was, that it was the n t oo l ate, since both the English, French, and Austrian Govern ments had invited Prussia to give an opinion, and she had done so—that to occasion a reassembli ng o f the con ference, to make a communication of the same despatch, was simply ridiculous. The note of August the Bth was then exchanged between the three Governments of Aus tria, France, and England. The accession of Prussia *was again invited, and aeain the invitation declined. After the notes bad been signed, the accession of Prus sia was again invited, and again was the invitation de clined. The positions of Austria and Prussia towards the Allied Powers have been most justly characterised by my noble and learned friend. Austria has steadfastly , adhered to her policy and her undertakings, while Prus sia has widely diverged from them, and the result of this has been, German disunion. Before the treaty was signed Prussia was invited to agree to it, and she de clined ; after the treaty was signed her accession was invited, and it was then declined also. Prussia, how ever, afterwards informed the English and French Go vernments that her honour and dignity had not been sufficiently consulted in the treaty ; that there was a clause in it relating to the Principalities which did not con cern her ; that another clause was offensive to her ho nour and dignity • that she hag g re a t reason t o comp l a i n of Austria ; and that she was prepared to enter into an analogous engagement to that with Austria. She de manded to be unconditionaliy admitted to the conference, which she had before refused to take part in. She had been invited to join the conference, and the conference bad not taken place Li consequence of her refusal to join in it ; and it was an error to suppose that the conference about to be held was a continuation of the former con ference. In the month of October the Austrian Govern ment asked the French and English Governments to join a renewed conference. We answered that the time for conference and protocols had gone by, but that if she would join in arrangements for war we would then un dertake to see if peace was practicable. Prussia had complained of Austria. We gave to her the same ex planations, and asked her to sign the same protocols, and told her that if she would place herself in the same position towards the Western Powers as A ustria bad done we would admit her to the conference ; but for Prussia to claim all the privileges, and take none of the risks, of a great European conference, which might lead to peace or which might lead to war, and considerably extend the sehere of that war—without declaring her intentions or her policy—without entering into any engagements, or saying whether she entered into the conference as a foe and a Mend, was utterly impossible. (Cheers.) This is the footing on which the matter now stands, and this is my answer to the questio n o f my no b le and learned friend —whether Prussia has been admitted to the conference ? It is true that an especial mission was afterwards sent to this country, and I need not tell your lordships that a most friendly reception was given to the honourable and excellent gentleman who came from Prussia to this country. The same course was pursued at Paris, and if the negotiators had been empowered to admit our pro positions, the treaty would have been arranged by this time. Unfortunately that was not the case. Ido not altogether despair of negotiations with Prussia coining to a friendly understanding. Indeed negotiations were made only three or four days ago. The issue of the state of affairs, which I have before described, has been that important negotiations have been commenced, whilst Prussia continues excluded from them. We can have no interest but to be on friendly relations with Prussia, and to see her occupy the high position to which she is entitled. The great territorial extent of Prussia, her amount of population, and her vast military organi sation, entitleher to be one of the great Europeanpowers. For a century she has taken part in all the questions which have arisen during that time, and it has been a me lancholy spectacle to see Prussia abdicating, as it were, the high position she has held. (Hear, hear.) It has been a melancholy spectacle to see her endeavouring to reduce the greatest question of modern times—whether Europe shall be independent or shall succumb to the aggressive and insidious policy of Russia —and to see her endeavouring to restrict this great question within the narrow limit of German exclusiveness. lam aware that there is no country in Europe in which war may be more justly dreaded than in Prussia. We,i n our insu lated position, may perhaps speak of war with levity, but sheShas, from the recollection of past events, every reason to dread war and its calamities. But these feel ings must not be carried too far, for the policy of senti ment is not the policy to fulfil the obligations of a great European power, or to maintain its nationality. Prussia has always said that peace was her policy, and I have no doubt of the sincerity of her desire for peace. Peace is quite as clearly the advantage of England, France, and Austria, as well as of Prussi e , an d it i s wel l known that we will not carry on the war a day longer than i - necessary; but the course which Prussia has taken has hitherto male peace impracticable. I do not question the right of Prussia to adopt any policy she pleases. It is perfectly true that the constant policy of Prussia has been to keep Germany weak from disunion. She cannot side with Russia and march against Austria, and insult twenty millions of Germans, because she knows that the consequence of this uunatural alliance would be that at the end of the war she would find herself at the mercy of Russia. She will not side with Austria, and the general result, I fear, of the policy of Prussia hitherto has been to frustrate the union, to prevent that unifor mity of language which would have gone far to have se cured for us the peace which we so anxiously desired, and to have secured for Germany the guarantees of which she stands so much in need. I, therefore, say that Prussia has pla ce d h erse lf i n an isolated a n d false, and therefore helpless position, which, although it may be satisfactory to her enemies, must be deeply regretted by her allies, and is deeply regretted by her brave and pa triotic population. (Hear, hear.) It is iroin this posi tion that neither honour nor advantage can be gained, and it is from this position that her Majesty's Govern ment and the Government of the French Emperor have been most anxious to relieve her. To this object their efforts have been hitherto directed, and I can assure your lordships that no exertions will be spared to secure the co operation of Pi usga. It will always be attempted in a friendly spirit, and always with regard t 3 the honour and dignity of a great and independent European Power. (Hear, hear.) Their lordships adjourned at seven o'clock. ROUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. The SPEAK - TM took the chair shortly before four o'clock. PRIVATE BILLS. The Glossop Gas Bill was conidered, and ordered to be read a third time. On the motion for the second reading of the Hattie pool Pier and Port Bill, Mr. HEADLAM opposed the bill, contending that the scheme which it embraced was impracticable. He therefore moved, as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time that day sir months. Mr. FARRAR supported the bill, and declared that its only object was to increase the harbour accommoda tions required by the increasing trade of Hartlepool. lie added the board of Admiralty wore highly favourable to the bill. Mr. INGHAM was not aware that anybody con nected with the shipping interest of the north of Eng land had petitioned in favour of this bill. On the othtz hand he knew that several parties had petitioned against it, and he thought the preponderance of testitnony was against the bill. Besides, the bill disclosed no legiti mate source of revenue, and the house ought to hesitate before they sanctioned such a measure as this. Mr. BOUVERIE said no substantial reason had been shown in this case why the house should depart from its general rule of referring private bills to the con sideration of a select committee, when they violated no public principle. Th ere could be no , doubt that of late years the trade of Hartlepool had so greatly in creased, that the shipping frequenting the port required some additional accommodation. At present the ships that could not find berths in the docks took refuge in a bay out s id e t h e har b our, and theobijsesicotneorfs to e bill o. was to enabl e th e B ar b our comm close the bay and make its a„achQrage secure. The :nterest of the money required for that purpose would be raised by a rate levied upon the shipping using that harbour of refuge. Mr. LINDSAY said, if the house sanctioned this bill, t w h o e u n ld th b e e' p e r x o - - the end of it be at s o o f ra r e ef 2 u s g o e: oo a o u / d . pro moters w u o p u o l n d come again to Parliament, and say "that sum will be lest unless you allow us to levy passing tolls." Now, the present policy of the State was op. POLAND AND HUNGARY, Lord W. GRAHAM asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether the Austrian Ambassador had called upon Lord Clarendon for any explanation of the words stated to have been used by a member of the Administra tion, that "no settlement of the Eastern Question would be satisfactory unless Hungary and Poland wer, re stored." Lord PALMERSTON said, in regard to the member of the Administration to whom the noble lord refers, I merely wish to say that it has afforded me great satisfaction that that hon. friend of mine has ac cepted office under the Crown, and that I have a most confident expectation that the great natural ability and remarkable energy of his character ' will render him an ornament to the public service—(cheere)— and enable him,to do honour to the memorrof his illus trious father. (Cheers.) As to that part of the qUes tion of the noble lord which refers to the policy of the Government, I am quite prepared to give him the fullest explanation. (Cheers.) Well, then, the Austrian Government have all along known that the Govern ment of Great Britain would consider it a misfortune for Europe if Hungary were separated from the Austrian Empire, because they cons id er the exist ence of the Austrian Empire in the aggregate in the centre of Europe to be an essential element in the bal ance of power. (Hear, hear.) The Austrian Govern. ment have no doubt as to the policy to be pursued by her Majesty's Government with regard to that. With regard to Poland I have no hesitation in stating my own opinion to be that the present position of the kingdom of Po land is a standing menace to Germany, and it is for the powers of Germa n y to determine how far they may t the present constitution to be or not dangerous to them, and whether under the circumstances, which may lead them into war with Russia, they would think it for their interest to endeavour to 'end that position of affairs; but undoubtedly no stipulation in regard to any new arrangement of Poland formed part of these points upon which her Majesty's Government are now, in con cert with the Government of France, negotiating at Vienna. That negotiation was being carried on upon the basis of the Four Points, which are well known to everybody ; but the Governments have reserved to them selves the right, according to circumstances and the events of the war, to aid in future to the Four Points any other stipulation which they may think essential for the future security of Europe, but at present the negotiations were going on upon the Four Points. That is the policy of the Go vernment in regard to the negotiations. (Hear, hear.) Lord W. GRAHAM submitted t o th e noble lord that lie had not answered his question. Lord PALMERSTON —I have stated that the Go vernment of the Austrian empire are perfectly cognisant of the policy and intentions of her Majesty's Govern. ment. There never has been any secret or any doubt on the part ef the Austrian Government about it. (Hear.) EASTER RECESS. Lord PALMERSTON gave notice that he should move the adjournment of the house for the Easter re cess from the Friday before Passion week until the Mon day following the Easter week. HOP DUTY. On the motion that the house at its rising should ad journ until Thursday next, Mr. FREWEN asked the Chancellor of the Exche quer if it was his intention t) introduce any measure during the present session to alter either the Excise duty on British hops or Customs duty on foreign hops I If the Chancellor of the Exchequer could afford to give up 200,0001. on the newspaper stamp, 'which - the news papers themselves did not desire, surely hehad a right to ask this concession to au interest that really did desire it. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said there was no present intention on the part of the Go. veroment to alter either the Excise or the Custom duties on hops. • The subject then dropped. WOUNDED OFFICERS, Captain KNOX asked the Under Secretary for War, whether wounded officers at present on leave of absence in distant counties were ordered up, and by whose autho rity, to be inspected by a medical board in London before their wounds were healed- • and whether the word of honour of such officers, together with the certificate of the local medical man, was not sufficient to prevent the necessity of th e i r ta k ing a journey pre judicial to h ea l th, which may be Mr. PEEL said the orders were either issued by the War-offic e or the Horse Guards. Such a certificate as that mentioned - would be a sufficient excuse for not obeying the order. PUBLIC HEALTH ACT. Mr. WILKINSON asked the President of the Board of Health what extent of the Metropolitan District he intended to exempt from the operation of the Public Health Bill, 1855 / Sir B. HALL said the act of 1848 excluded the City of Westminster, and the City of London, but the new bill would embrace the whole of the area embraced in the Registrar-General's district. COLONIAL AFFAIRS. Mr. ROEBUCK having severely animadverted upon the impolicy of keeping the Colonial-office open for the convenience of Lord John Russell, proceeded to ask the First Lord of the Treasury; what is the intended policy of- the Administration with respect to the colony of Newfoundland, and the complaints made by the House of AliSembly of that colony, and set forth iu a petition from that assembly to to the home Government. The present, suspension of business which partially prevailed at the Colonial office was likely to prove highly detrimental to the in terest of the country. He wanted to know if it was the intention of the Government to recall the Governor, and grant immediately the power of self-government to the Colony, as that they might be in a position to remedy their own abuses. Lord PALMERSTON denied that any inconvenience' had resulted from the absence of Lord J. Russell, as the affairs of the colonies were attended to by himself and his right hon. friend at the head of the Home Department. .Ib/ to to o 0; a 01