The Sun. — London, England, 1842-10-04 00:00:00

1 4 11 E StTN, LONDON, TittSDAY MORNING, OCTO.BER 4, 184 OLYMPIC T EAThtt/t. Mr. commenced hie Winter Catiip. aign last evening, with-a drama entitled Tite:Ael;.!fiii4l of rr ttientleznan being dretilatig Vei'Ssitili of B ul wer's C t el of " Tlit Aramatiser is Mr. Mark n"°, and 110 hss d's laved 0-est ud ment in adaptin g i t he incidents of n 0 v crt c; stagej judgment - ta tion rent le has confilied himself strictly to the ad- Th ate ti r r i e; of Glanville haSi froth the `}N on " Offs him, constructed a most in s, d "- - eia, the serious part of which was add je"'Y sustained by Fitzjames as Glanville, an The Lavinia Melville . as Gertrude Douglas. •Lne mad hou, - ;e scene more especially was given wit h great ;power • • and effect. G. Wild was Quite at home, as Job Johnson, the man with "two ivirte ess o and sang ng a song, "The• Life of a Vagabond,' ., excellebt still: Will has made this line of cha \„o d*ii, find, like good old Osto -41014 Meliewness every year.. The . e of Reeve has fallen upon him, and we hail him , 0 11 - 7, le gitimate successor of the " immortal John. th °A favourite Miss Lehatt was Letty Lambswool, th e chambermaid of " The Flying Childers," and by i:naieete o f h er acting, ma d e a great d ea l o f a very 4enificant character. She was most deservedly .en . ki c , i tt re d in her new song, " If I waren lady." The piece qOolnpletbly ShecossAl4 and was announced for re itictti ,t ;4 fa- 'the national Anthem was 1 1 ' 4 : 4 - 1 ; the conclusion of the first piece. ''"e farce of the Artful Dodge followed, G]awith le t . r. Fitzjames as Fitzfudge. In the part . of n y'lle the tragedy - wig had hidden the . doingsof „_e I' ll e re but when Mr. Fitzjames ap :eared as FitzfUdge, their barber-ous deeds were made riVarent. The audience showed their sympathy by s e L ei ' i ng him with several rounds of applause, and i p„crl t Y taught at any allusion in the course of the c.l,ch,; tb Silo* Ai; 1 9 " of the unworthy treat nich- tublatirlbeen subjected. Cut it ;, l urt,” Said Wild, as Demosthenes Dodge, when he l' ils os in , ci tliging in what an Irishman would call a re n t pithy " It has been," was Fitzjames's ' t ' h' rul lning his fingers over his bait, not thrm . igh Medial would have been impossible. This wasim htOttly taken up anct loudly applauded. The th e ' s 'ng burlesque of Life in the Clouds conc;uded „ evenin e Zt r amusements. During the recess the has-. been completely and most tastily re tort rn ted, and it now presents a very neat and ppm tea abl e a Ppearanc,e. • Mr. Wild has also found it ne at 0 - , 3 ' to provide additional accommodation for his hei r c ii" s, and has erected a new gallery „capable of d to th . ,, n g : , 8 , 13 0 persons. This was last night crammed were the pit. was a bumper, and the boxes filled. This is a good beginning, and we 1, 0 ,2 t tlselleve th a t it i s on ly a foretaste of what is 2ses sa -i! illolf tiferything seems to promise a prosperous o to this little winter snuggery. • 6 T • .10117RG El COMPLETE SUF . - A FRAGE ASSOCIATION. hos k h rn ri e eting• of the members and friends of the Edin lisr,'°lnplete Suffrage Union was held on Thims k, "et last in the WaterlOo-rooms, in honour of 15%., ',man Crawford, M.P., and the other Mem - et et ,, i c i Parliament who supported. his motion for Es o z et e suffrage in the last session. John Dunlop, is A. .fßrockloch, President of the Association, was by Chair; and was supported on the right and.left ~ollSharman Crawford, .Mr. Joseph Sturge, Mr. P ro ms,. Mr. Vincent, Mr. Biggs, of Nottingham; , ley proms' and Rev. Mr. Brewster, of Pins k 1 .;:". 1 r. Reid and Mr. Pattersoreof Glasgow . ; Rev. 400 .1 S - Itehi e, Rev. Mr. Harris, Messrs. Tait, Jelin -°:wison Aytoun, &c. &c., of Edinburgh.. The p res ; n w t. Ss well filled, and there were several ladies Th e it* i sals.insiAN introduced the ob'ect of the meet leili„rl sPeech of considerable length, .anchread apo- D ar l i s for absence from the following Members of 'aroent ss-Messrs. John O'Connell, Scbolefield, dude less, . g'„, ilium's, Cobden, and Hume.- He con \\T, °Y proposing " Henour to their guest, Mr. Por te “ ar inan Crawford, and the other patriotic sup stsa-,r3,•in the Commons House of Parliament, of the t o l‘i Ples of c omp l ete su ff rage; " w i‘ith_every demonstration of lively ,Parliament, was responded enthusiasm. itp n e, r • Ca.twtonn was received with enthusiastic th,l," s tl „se• Aft er some. i n t ro d uc t or y observations, Li on g the meeting for the warmth of his recep , te /it :4 l° r 's,osr id—This meeting, I conceive, is not in te the sole purpose of expressing your 11 , 6 1 wIe f dgments to me, and to those Members h 1)41 0 vC)ted with me, . but to make such an ex hi to our principles in this city 'as may tend eeThr the by that amou nt of moral power in he by which a l on e our objects can he carried. t v h e \;l l 4 o t cheers.) What we want is, justice for le. We want to do away with class ti ete rs, with.e6s legislators, and with class legisla- Pel s T 51 14,, are the great evils under which the sv e tiTI country suffer—these are the evils, which i c s 0 , Ti t h,easit:;itozeemeove. The theory of our Constitution estates, in which the powers of our g . o „ x i t ot !l t to e n are vested, should work for the common tate Should wh yble, and that in order to this, each es . .Thi s i s the theor counteract the evil that is in the other. come to the .The Constitution e'el pra Y t o ; f the Constitution ; but when you The Oughtwhere is it ?—(1-fear, hear.) to consist of three estates— the Crown, the Lords, and the People. Where is the estate Of th Of- the the name People People ? Where is the House where tations the House _of hear.' nie people may be -heard ?—(Hear, 0 .of the p e ,,l e Commons a fair represen t' ?—(No.) Well, then, what has Z o e n . me of the Constitution now ? The landed and the eyed aristocracy have swamped the other orders. Poster )cp!en'nstvroyice cannot be heard : andthe Constitution has degenerated into an obligarchical and of has swamped the power of the Crown - 1 2, 0 the P e olile.—(Hear,O ur object is to ,rte the practice of the Constitution to its theory. throne conducive the stability of the throne, by making the Z._F conducive to the public good ; we desire the )a,_b!lity. of the aristocracy, by preventing them from is._.toutting themselves tcs the injury of the people. I; .,e l ther of these orders can be secure unless their ,_.‘"Lerests can be made consistent with the great in . .' e rests'.of the people. What is necessary for this IrPose, and that which we demand is, a universality 4 representation. I m ean th a t every class should be • "ly and fairly represented in the House of (A cause. We want th a t th e work i ng classes have their due weight in the representative •• tody, i and a du e power f or the protection of . ndustr h y. W e are opposed in this by th e tow y. parties in the State. The one party, which is generally known by the name of the TRry party, consistently oppose us ; because i t bey publicly and openly declare th a t th ey are hostile, ssgiying the people power. But the other party who" %lose us do far more injury to our cause than our de ...l`l4Sed.enemies. One class of the Liberal party have set.their faces decidedly against any real extension of the suffrage of the people; and their opposition has h s e enParticularly injurious, because they have hitherto ~. oeen reckoned among the supporters of liberty ; and • I t ertisey now turn round and say, that the people are °9t . ito. be trusted.—(Hear.) One of the leading 'P e rsou'iih‘Parliament, who has exhibited an avowed 7.'4°Sti open hOstility to the extension of th e f ranc hi se, is, ' ''ksregr :et to say, the Right H on . M em b er for this v't.Y.=--(Hear, hear.) I do not wish, in any ex ,'pression I may use, to offer the slightest disrespect • to Wetight . llon. Member ; but on a late occasion in • Parliam en t, when the discussion of the Chartist peti ti,ua was brought forward . by M r . D uncombe, that Right Gentleman used certain remarkable expres tinns in firs Speech, and 1 do no injustice in referring s \-, to them, because he stated, in the most manly manner, his 'anxiety that his' constituents should know what his opinions were, and that he would not deceive them; (Mr, Crawford here read certain extracts from '7 l r. Macaulay's speech in the late session on the ex tension of the suffrage, the substance of which was, Itiite if illlii'6rsal'Aiffrage were granted, property would be ,lowerno secure.) He continued—l heard these e xpressions (;f the Right lIOn. Gentleman 'certainly wit hdeepregSet, and With pain. It pained me to hear • man who was raised to offices of honour and of profit an the shoulders' of the people, and who had at trie tim e been rather the idol f the people, thus express•himself. with regard to the people. He was . • • /.4Zder, .apPrehension that if the exte ns i on of the suf oBe Were brought into operation, .proiserty would • lie secure and he sustained his opinion by some ••• rath e ' . . . r minute criticism of the Chartist petition. I admit ;I_4 IthoUght that petition was injudicious. There were o r a t r iMenti ex p ressedp in it which Might be of a doubtful to h ac ter; but which I am sure were never intended • , e understood in the sense they were taken by that t}, ntl errlan. I ask him not to condemn the people for e word s of a day ; but to look to the conduct of the Peo ple, and try by that means to discover whether t `,7re is any ground y for . asserting that the people of • Leat Britain are h os til e t o th e r i g ht s o f p r oper t y. _ "h tar eering,) He says he would desire to see a mill eraY,4espotisrn raised to preserve property if the suf • d ge wi i re granted t o the people. Would a military. . it l 7: r t isra preserve property ? Could all the stand °f t b n les they might collect preserve it if the masses Is - l e, People were hostile to it ?—(Hear.) I Peopl e sale him to look to the suffering of the hehe s ,rring the past year ; and see how they had i 'jurcef.%," nave thsw attacked property, have they w h etty, under their aggravated suffer for e o-the v were tempted to violate th . eir . respect r ro n ,„, , _ 4T IV in :'-(No.) Is it fair, is it just, for e1a)1,,, -a a n to stand up in the House of Commons, espe and 'e the . ri. °)Tin who professes to support . the_ rights had t h e . of the people, and say that if the people try, tha t due share in the representation of the coun- D ert Would be destructive of the rights of pro 'spri .` • --(Hear, hear.) I was ashamed to hear it; it ' ina P o .ved me deeply, and I thought it strange that any E s .srePresenting any city, borough, or county in ,th"esTstd(' should stand up and use such expressions as Ilear.) After noticing some other objections OP!nplete suffrage, and referring to the sentiments of the Duke of Richmond and the Westminster ' As sOciatioft 1780 in favour of it, he urged upon EMIGRATION OF DR. M‘DOUALL.—This Chartist patriot bas "saved his own bacon" by emigrating to America, and leaving his dupes to get out of the serapes in which his violence and folly - have involved them in the best way they are able.—Leeds Mercury. JUSTICE CRESSWELL'S•" LENIENT SENTENCE." Captain Philip Partridge, the late master of the Jar row, who was tried last week at the Old Bailey on three indict me n ts , c h arg i ng him with the murder of three Spaniards, and who was convicted of an assault only up , on one o f hi s victims, and sentenced tc s i x tom o t n h t e h s Penitentiary,imprisonment in and hard l a b our , was removed pursuance of his sentence, Tuesday morning.' In June, 1838, h e was convicted t o ed n of manslaughter at the Central Criminal Court, and sentenced to' twelve months' imprisonment and hard labour in the Penitentiary. His victim on the pre vious occasion was a boy named Davi es , w h o was sub • jected to the most barbarous usage on board the ship Vigilant, of which Partridge was commander, and who died on the voyage. A French seaman belong ing to the Jarrow, the last vessel commanded by Par tridge, was severely flogged br his order on the coast of Africa, and next morning he threw himself over- I board and was drowned. „ . . F AT A L ACCIDENT ON THE CROYDON ItAIL*AY.—. Last evening, about half-past six, a man, named Richard Crossley, a policeman in the service of the Croydon Railroad Company, was killed on the line between the New-cross Station and Sydenham, under the following shocking circumstances:—lt appears that the unfortunate man was on duty in the narrow cutting between the above stations, and was standing in the space between thee up and down line, for the purpose signalising to the up-trains to proceed only at half speed on account of extra trains being put on the road to convey the great influx of passengers that were proceeding to and from Croydon Fair. The half-past five train from Croydon was coming up, and he was actively engaged in signalising to the .engine drivers. At th e same momen t, the six o'cloc'g tram from London was coming down unperceived by Cross ley, when it is supposed some of the steps of the car riages caught him, and threw him with great violence against the train which was passing, from the effect of which he was rebounded back, and the whole train passed over his person. No time was lost in placing him in one of the carriages, and taking him to the ter minus at London-bridge, from thence to Guy's Hos pital, when, upon Mr. Hill, the house surgeon, exa mining him, he stated that the unfortunate man must have been killed instantaneously. His head, legs, and, in fact, every part of his person frightfully mutilated. He was considered a very steady man by the Company, and has Taft 4 widow and. four children. .......... ....-- _ the trAetitig the rieeatitiita , of tibtalning these oh- THE BOUNDARY LINE. jet 4 1-1 . ,f , iiiiniti piiWefA; find by refraining fro s ai eteft- The .14 - 6tY York papers just received con thing like force, whether that referred to the break- , M W tain the whole of the tottcspondence between ing up of public meetings, or any other mode of' con thought that, in farther Lord Ashburton and r. ebster. it ett6nds cussing public opinion. He preasing this subject upon the Legis l atu r e , th e vital ta great length, but will be read with interest. faus:ion was the extension of the suffrage, though the The following letters will enable our readers to other points of equal electoral districts, vote by ballot, 1 judge of the manner in which Lord Ashburton otinual Parliaments; and the payment of Members, opv negotiations, ned the and the proposals made should not he lost sight of: He hod brought the sub on both sides fur settling the long-disputed ques ject before last session of Parliament, and he had given notice of moving for leave to bring in a Bill on , lion of the Boundary Line: — LORD ASHBU RTON TO MR. WEns i TEU. the subject. hi the next session ; at the same' time, he ' , Washington, June 13, 184 2, was widing to resign it into the hands of any other ember whom the body should fix upon ; and, whether SIR On considering the most effectual mode •of M in or out of Parliament, he would he always ready to procee'ding to arrive at an amicable and satisfactory termination of the long-continued controversy respect help forward the great cause.—(Cheers.) He con by giving as a sentiment " Honour to the ing the north-eastern boundary, between the British Chairman, and prosperity to the Edinburgh Complete colon y of New Brunswick and the State of Maine, i I a; Suffr re Un!on." believe that I may confidently conclude, fromwhat has Mr. DUNI.OP returned thanks, and intimated that passed in the preliminary conference which I have the Union already numbered among its members 800 had the honour of holding with you, that we concur registered electors of the city.. He then introduced. lin the opinion that no advantage would be gained by Mr. STURGE, who was received with great applause. resorting to the interminable discussion On'the*ene- He said, while I deeply feel the undeserved kindness I ral ground on which each party consider their claims with which you have received me, I feel relieved from I respectively to rest. ... , In the course of the many years that t his discussion the necessity of addressing you at great length—a task for which rani altogether inadequate — by the able speeches of my excellent has lasted, every argument, on either side, is appa rently exhausted, and that without any approach t o friend and your blair an agreement. The present attempt , there f o re, of a man. We have many things to animate and encourage settlement, must rest, for , its success , not on the re us in this great work. I might allude to the letters newal of a controversy, but on proceeding on a pre• which our Council have received within these few weeks relative to the proposed meeting of the Depu- sumption that all means of a reciprocal conviction ties. ' We have had very cordial letters from all having failed, as also the experiment of calling in the aid of a friendly arbiter and umpire, there remains classes of Reformers, and from none more than from those that are connected with Chartist only the alternative of a compromise for t h e solut i on of this . otherwise apparently insurmountably diffi s Associations : their cordiality is very striking in- cults', unless, indeed; it were determ ined to tr y a deed ; and one very particular feature is , that second arbitration, attended by its delay, trouble, and they repudiate in every case the resorting to physical expense, in cl-fiance of past experience as to the pro force. lam one of those who, while I would make bability of any more satisfactory results. every allowance for the irritating circumstances under s svhi;:h our suffering poor are placed, would yet hold It is undoubtedly true that, hould our present at that the anthem which sung peace on earth and good tempt a teunfortunaly fail, there might remain no other will towards men extends to every part of the Christian alternative but second reference, yet when I con dispensation. I would not, under any circumstances, sider all the difficulty and uncertainty attending it, I trust that all parties will come to the conclusion that take the life 'of a single human being — not even to the very intricate details connected with the case must save my own ; and I can therefore be no party to he better known and judged by our two Governments any association which would in the slightest degree than any diligence can make them to be by any third sanction a resort to physical force. l am satisfied arty, and that a sincere, candid .disposition to give that an appeal to history would show that a resort to p it was as impolitic as I believe it to he un-Christian. reciprocally fair weight to the arguments on either In all such co side is likely to lead us to a more satisfactory settle ment than an engagement to abide by the uncertain masses of the people are sure to be the sufferers. At award of a less competent tribunal. the same time, we must not judge the people harshly i The very friendly and cordial reception given .by if the presence of distress induce them to make use of you, Sir, as well as by all the authorities of your Go • injudicious expressions, when we see what goes on in yernment, to the assurance that my mission here, by higher places. Two or three years ago Sir R. Peel rny Sovereign, has been determined by an unfeigned charged Lord John Russell with arming one portion of the population against another; and so he did, I desire to settle this and all other questions between us believe, offer arms to those of the middle classes that We also find that 1 on principles of conciliation and justice, forbids me to anticipate the possibility of the failure of our endea yourwould have them.—(Hear, hear.) yours applied with sincerity to this purpose. talented Member said, in the House Of- Corn- With this view of the case, therefore, although not mons, that he hoped, if the efforts of the people for uni suffrage should succeed it would be ut unprepared to enter into the general arg um ent , la b w - don versal by a military despotism, or , om sething of that stain from doing so from the convictton that an amica ble settlement of this vexed question, so generally de kind. We have also at this moment got on hand two Wars against the Chinese and the Affghans. I allude sired, will he thereby best promoted. But , at the to these, not as in any way justifying their proceed- i aame time, some opinions have been industriously cir ings, for no one can condemn them more than I do ; I culated throughout this controversy, and in some in but to adduce them as a reason why the middle classes i stances -by persons in authority, of a description so should not stand aloof from the masses when they are I much calculated to mislead the public mind , t h at I disposed, by peaceable, agitation, to obtain their poll- I think it may be of service to offer a few observations. tical rig ments on hts. I hold that it is as unjust to charge great I Ido not, of course, complain of the earnest adhe principles with the faults of those who pretend to ad rence of partizans on either side to the general argu vocate them, as it would be to charge , Christianity , which their case is• supposed to rest; but a and facts have been re iswith the murder of the Chinese and the Affghans that osition has been taken, ' now going on, or with the burnings that took he Federal Government will be abundantly able to p eatedly stated, which I am sure the authorities of place some centuries ago. I hope no one will allow th contradict, but which have evidently given rise to the actions of individualS to lower his estimate of . much public misapprehension. It is maintained that great principles:— (Loud cheers.) A moug other things ; the whole of this controversy about the boundary be - • that I consider to be matter of encouragement, is the ; gan in 1814; that up to that period the line as claimed result of three or four elections which took place in by iMaine was undisputed by Great Britain, and that Consequence of the late shameful compromises in the . the claim was avowedly founded on motives of lute- House of Commons One of these was at Southamp rest, to obtain the means of conveniently connecting ton, where my.. . excellent friend George Thompson polled within three or four votes of the Whig candi- I the British provinces. I confine these remarks tQ the refuting this imputation, and I should, indeed, not date who was also standing for the place ; and that town is one of the most aristocratic in the kingdom. have entered upon the controversy, even on this, if it did not appear to involve in some degree a question of Of the election at Ipswich, as Henry Vincent is pre- 'national sincerity and good faith. sent; I shall only say that the town is ina n the centre of • an agricultural district, and that Vincent went down The assertion is founded on the discussions which to assist two other candidates ; •but as these gentle- vreceded the treaty of peace signed at Ghent in 1814. It is perfectly true that a proposal was submitted by men were disqualified'from some proceedings at for the British Plenipotentiaries for the revision of the mer 'elections; the town was in want of a candidate, he was induced to put forward his name ; and four days boundary line on the north-eastern frontier, and that while it was founded on the position that it was desired to after he entered the town he polled 4 7 3 votes , the highest number polled for the Tory was 650 . secure the communication between the provinces, the (Cheers.) I know that a number of wealthy men in precise delineation of which was at that time imper the town polled for him. There was another election :fectly known. The American Plenipotentiaries, in expected to come on in the town of Reading, also in I their first communication from Ghent to the Secre the midst of an ricultural district, and we had a tar r y of State, admit that the British Ministers diS candidate ready for ag it also. I remember seeing in claimed any intention of acquiring an increase of some Tory paper an alarm expressed that we should territory, and that they proposed the revision for the purpose of preventing uncertainty and dispute — a pur poll one-third of the constituency; but my- belief is pose sufficiently justified by subsequent events, that we should have had two - fifths of them. — (Hear.) Again, in their note of the 4th of September, 1814, With regard to the Nottingham election, my friend the British Ministers remind those from America that Mr. Biggs is present; otherwise I should have men the boundary line has never been ascertained, and tinned one or two facts. But I must say, that when that the line claimed by America, which interrupted the deputation came to Birmingham to ask me to stand . the communication between Halifax and Quebec, as the complete suffrage candidate, one of the principal never could have been in the contemplation of the par reasons which decided me was, the assurance that there was no hope of my return — (Laughter) — and that , ties to the treaty of peace in 1783 . The same they did not expect to poll: more tha n four or 1 view of the case will be found to pervade all the communications between the Plenipote ntiaries five hundred votes in my favour. — (Hea r, hear. ) I of the two countries at Ghent. There assure you, with all my respect for your honoured was no attempt to c ession of territory on the ground of guest, I have no desire to go into the House of Corn- : press any mons, at least till there are a few more honest en like policy or expedience; but though the precise geo mhimself there. But the result of the election for that graph y of the country was then imperfectly k nown, borough, which is one of the most corrupt in the king- : it was notorious at the time that different opinions dom, and with the disadvantage of a compromise i existed as to the boundary likely to result from con among the leading Whigs and Tories, to stand by and . tinning the north line from the head of the river S t. Croix. This appears to have been so clearly k nown let a Tory candidate in, and being no great favourite and admitted by the American Plenipotentia ries, that with the innkeepers on account of my teetotal views , . they, in submitting to the conference the p ro j ect of a and while the other party paid f or the half of their treaty, offer a preamble to their fourth article in these votes in gold, still we polled 1,801 votes , while our words :—" Whereas neither that part of the highlands opponents mustered I , BBs . — ( Cheers. ) T hese facts in due north from the source of the river St. C r o ix, show that the large ;cons tituencies are siding with us— ; lyg esignated in the former treaty of peace bet wee n that we have only togo steadi l y forward, and the time i and d is not far distant when the c onstituencies will return ; the two Powers, as the north - west angle o f Nova embers that will do justice to the people. After ; nt river, has yet been ascertained?' &c. Scotia, nor the north-westernmost head of Conne c- M referring to other encouraging s y m p to ms , arising i tie It should here be . observed that these are the words from various meetings he had held in different towns I in England, and the number of country papers that proposed, not by the British, but by the Americas were advocating their views, though •the London negotiators, and that they were finally adopted by both Press, h e a d m itt e d, were still mostly in the hands of in the sth article of the treaty. the two great parties, he referred to an article 1 To close my observations upon what passed on this subject at Ghent, I would draw your attention to the lately . pdblished in the n conformistnewspaper, that letter of Mr. Gallatin,_ one of the American Plenipo if 250 English boroughs would declare: for the coin- tertiaries, to Mr. Secretary Monroe, on the 25th plete suffrage movement, the cause was won. These 1814. - boroughs formed the half of the English representas tions ; but it was assumed, and he thought justly, I He offers the following conjecture as to what might ! December, probably be the arguments of Great Britain against that Scotland and Ireland would go along with the . the line set up by America :—" They hope that the movement. 'The constituency of these boroughs . river which empties into the Bay de 'Chaleurs in the amounts to one hundred and.sixty. thousand , and of these eighty thousand would give a majority ; so that Gulph of St. Lawrence, has its source so far west as upon these eighty thousand electors depended the to intervene between the head waters of the river St. : ' destinies of the‘ country. He concluded amidst much John s and those of the streams emptying into the , cheering by proposing the sentiment, " May the princi- river St. Lawrence ; so that the line north from the pies of Christianity soon find a place in our halls of : river St. Croix will first strike the heights of land legislation." ' which divide the waters emptying into the Atlantic The meeting was afterwards addressed.by the Rev, , ocean (river-St. John's) front those emptying totin the George Horn, Mr. PattErson, of Glasgow, Mr. Yin- 1 Gulf of St. Lawrence (river de Chaleurs), and e ccent, Dr. Ritchie, Air. Biggs, of Nottingham, Mr. wards the heights of land which divide the waters Henderson, of Birmingham, Rev. P. Brewster, Provost emptying into the Gulf of St. Lawrence (river de &c.; and the meeting did not separate till Chaleurs) from those emptying into the river St. past midnight. Lawrence ; but that the said line never can, in the words of the treaty, strike any spot of land actually dividing'the waters emptying into the Atlantic ocean from those which empty into the river St. Lawrence?' So obvious an argument in opposition to the line claimed by . America could not escape the known sa gacity of Mr. Gallatin. I state it not for the pur pose of discussing its merit, but to show that at Ghent, not only the fact was well known that this boundary was a matter in dispute; but that the argument re• speeting it had been weighed by the gentlemen so eminent in its subsequent discussion. Indeed, the fact that the American Ministers made the disputed question a matter for reference, by a treaty afterwards ratified by the President and Senate, must to every candid mind be sufficient prOof that it was generally considered to be involved in sufficient doubt to entitle it to .such anode of solution. It cannot, possibly, be supposed that the President and Senate Would have admitted, by treaty,. doubts re specting this boundary, if they had been heard of for the first time through the pretensions of the British Plenipotentiaries at Ghent. If the argument or assertions which I am now noticing, and to which I studiously confine myself, had not come from authority, I should owe some apology for these observations. The history of this important controversy is too well known to you, Sir, and stands but too voluminously recorded in your information. he T department, to make them n ecessar y f or y our own repeated discussions between the two coun tries, and the repeated projects for settlement which have occupiedel s , e u z e s i u en cc tl eeding Administration of the that the doubts t s pr a o n v ( e i how unfounded is Unitedthe assertion States, difficulties respect ing rtsltiatolt l i g omf u e i ,tial i e i n i d th i e hd y e e e a d r i l n B g l4 tl . )is L i t > boundary n t d r i. i i i r e y th hadat downtiiei r counn t ff u e r r e e g n t arguments t w o e a re later littlep er k io n d o , wn th , e al l i op t l he fe d a i in consequence not assumed any definite -form, but a sufficient was•known to both parties to satisfy them of the impoSsibility of tracing strictly the boundary prescribed by the treaty of peace in 1783. I would refer, in proof of this, simply to American authorities, and those of the very first order. In the year 1802, Mr. Mansion, at that time Secre tary of State for the United States, in his instructions to Mr. Rufus King, observed that the difficulty in fix ing the north-west angle of Nova Scotia " arises from a reference in the treaty of 1783 to highlands which it is -now found have no definite existence?' And he suggests the appointment of a Commission, to ' be jointly appointed, " to determine on the point mast proper to be substituted for the description in article 11 of the treaty in 1783." Again, Mr. President Jef ferson, in a, message to Congress on the 17th of Octo . ber, 1803, stated that a i 6 further knowledge of the ground in the north-eastern or , north-ivestern angles ! of the United States has evinced that: the boundaries established by the treaty of Paris, betweon the British territory and ours, in those points were too imper fectiy described to be susceptible of execution." These opinions of two most distinguished American state - 4 men gave rise to a convention of boundary, made in. London by Rufus King and Lord Hawkesbury, which from other circumstances, which it isnot necessary to refer to, was not ratified by the Senate. I might farther refer you on this subject to the .re port of Judge Sullivan, who acted as a Commissioner of the United States for settling the controversy . with Great Britain respecting the true river St. Croix, who says ".the boundary between Nova Scotia and Canada was described by the King's proclamation in the.saine mode of expression as that used in the treaty of peace. Commissioners who were appointed to settle that line have traversed the country in vain to find the highlands designated as the boundary." With these .known facts, how can .it possibly bi maintained that doubts about the . boundary arose for the first time in the year 1814 ? I need not pursue this subject further. Indeed, it would have been useless to treat of it at all with any person having before him the records of the diplomatic history of the two countries for the last half century. My object in adverting to it is to correct an error arising, I am ready to believe, not from any intention to misrepresent, but from want of information, and which seemed to be sufficiently circulated to make some refutation useful towards promoting the desired friendly and equitable settlement of this question. We believe the position maintained by us on the subject of this boundary to be founded in justice and equity, and we deny that we have been determined in our pretensions by policy and expedience. I might, perhaps, fairly admit that those last mentioned con siderations have prompted, in some measure, our per severance in maintaining them. The territory in con troversy is (fur that portion of it at least, which is likely to come to Great Britain by any amicable set tlement). as worthless for any purpose of habitation car cultivation, as probably any tract of equal size on the habitable globe, and if it were not for the obvious circumstance of its connecting the _British North American provinces, I believe I might venture to say, that, whatever might have been the merit of our case, we should long since have given up the controversy, and willingly have made the sacrifice to the wishes of a country with which it is so much our interest, as it is our desire, to maintain the most perfect harmony and good will. I trust that this sentiment must be manifest in my unreserved communication with you on this, and on all other subjects connected with my mission. If I have failed in this respect, I shall have ill obeyed the instructions of my Government and the earnest dic tates of my personal inclination. Permit me, sir, to avail myself of this, my first opportunity of formally addressing you, to assure you unfeignedly of my most distinguished consideration. • - Hon. Daniel Webster, &c., &c. ASHBURTON. MR. WEBSTER TO LORD ASHBURTON., Department of State, Washington, June 17, 1842. Loid Ashburton having been charged by the Queen's Government with full powers to nego tiate and settle all matters of discussion between the United States and England, and having on his arrival at Washington announced that, in relation to the question of the north-eastern boundary of the United States, he was authorised to treat for a conventio n a l line, aline by agreement, on such terms and conditions, and with such mutual considerations and equivalents, as might be thought just and equitable, and that he was ready to enter upon a negotiation for such con ventional line so soon as this Government should say that it was authorised and ready on its part to com mence such negotiation, the undersigned Secretary of State of the United States has now the honour to ac quaint his Lordship, by direction of the President, that the undersigned is ready, on behalf of the Govern ment of the United States, and duly authorised, to proceed to the consideration of such conventional line, or line by agreement, and will be happy to have an in terview on this subject at his Lordship's convenience. The undersigned avails himself ofthis occasion to tender to Lord Ashburton assurances of his distin guished consideration. DANIEL WEBSTER. Lord Ashburton, &c. &c. • LORD ASHBURTON TO MR. WEBSTER. Washington, June 17, 1842. The undersigned, Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty, on an extraordinary and special mission to the United' States Of America; has • the honour of ac knowledging, with much satisfaction; the communi cation received to-day from Mr. Webster, Secretary of • State of the United States, that he is ready on be half of the United States, and duly authorised, in re lation to the question of the. north-eastern boundary of the United States, to proceed to the consideration of a conventional line, or line by agreement, on such terms and conditions, and with such mutual consi derations and equivalents, as might be thought just and equitable. And in reply to Mr. Webster's invi tation to the undersigned, to fix some time for their conference upon this subject, he begs to propose to call on Mr. Webster, at the Department of State, to morrow, at twelve o'clock, for this piirpose, should that time he perfectly convenient to Mr. Webster. The undersigneditvails himself of this opportunity to assure Mr. Waster of his distinguished considera tion'. ASHBURTON. lion. Daniel - Webster, &e. &c. MR. WEBSTER TO LORD'ASHBURTON. Department of State, Washington, June 17, 1842 . The Secretary of State will have grea t pleasure in seeing Lord Ashburton at twelve o'clock to-morrow, as proposed by him. LORD ASHBURTON TO MR. WEBSTER. • Washington, June 21, 1842. Sin—The letter you did me the honour' of address ing me on the 17th instant, informed me that you were now prepared and authorised to enter with me into discussion of that portion of the difference between our two countries which relates to the north-eastern boundary ; and we had the rollowing d a y our first formal conference for this purpose, with a view to con sider, in the first instance, the best Mode of proceed ing to arrive at what is so much desired by al l par ties—an amicable, and at'the same time equitable, set tlement of a controversy, which, with the best inten •tions, the authorities of the two countries, for nearly half a century, have in vain endeavoured to effect. The result of this conference has been, that I have ' been invited by you to state generally my view of this case, and of the expectation of my Government ; and although I am aware that in the ordinary practice of diplomatic intercourse I should expose myself to some disadvantage by so doing, I nevertheless do not hesi tate to comply, premising only that the following ob servations are be considered merely as memoranda for discussion, and not as formal propositions to have any binding effect, should our negotiation have the unfor tunate fate of the many which have preceded it, of ending in disappointment. I believe you are sufficiently aware of the circum stances which induced me personally to undertake this mission. If the part which, during a long life, I have taken in public affairs, is marked by any par ticular character, it has been an earnest, persevering desire to maintain peace, and to promote harmony between our two coun tries. M y exer tions were un availingly employed to prevent the last unfortunate war, and have since be en • unr emitting in watchin g any passing clouds which might at any time forbode its renewal. On the accession to power of the present Ministers in England, perceiving the same wise and honourable spirit to prevail with them, I could not resist the temptation and the hope of being of some service to my country, and to our common race, at a time of life when no other cause could have had suffi cient interest to draw me from a retirement better suited to my age and to my inclination. I trust, Sir, that you will have perceived in the course of my hitherto informal communications with you, that I approach my duties generally without any of those devices and manoeuvres which are supposed, I believe ignorantly, to lie the useful tools of ordinary diplomacy. With a person of your penetration they would avail as little as they would with the intelli gent public of the two great enlightened countries of whose interests we are trea tin g . I kno w n o other modeofadctisinreggathrd7 w illingly, all the disadvantage of an open, plain dealing, and therefore complying With the invitation given me to be the first to speak on this question of the boundary. It is already agreed that we abstain from a continued discussion of the arguments by which the lines of the two countries are reciprocally maintained ; and I have so well observed - this rule th at I have not even com municated to you a volume of additional con tr oversial matter which I brought with me, and m uch of wh i c h would, if controversy were ou r ob j ect, be o f no incon siderable weight an d importance. It would be in the event only of the failure of this negotiation, which I will not anticipate, that we should be again driven into the labyrinth from which it is our purpose to escape, and that failing to interpret strictly the words of the treaty, we should be obliged to search again into con temporaneous occurrences•and opinions for principles of construction which might shed light on the actual intentions of the parties. • Our success must, •on the contrary, depend on the reciprocal admission, Or presumption, that the royal arbiter was so far right when he came to the conclu sion which others had come to beforethim, that the treaty of 1783 was not executable according to its strict expression, and that the case was therefore one for agreement by compromise.. The only point up on which I thought it my duty to enter' upon anything like controversy is that referred to in my letter of the 13th instant, and I did so to . rescue my Government and myself from an imputation of unworthy motives, and the charge that they had set up a claim which they knew to be unfounded, from mere considerations of policy or convenience. The assertions of persons in my position, on subjects connected with their di .plomatic duties, are naturally received by the world with some caution ; but I trust that you will believe me Iyheti I assure you that I should not be the person to come lien on any Mit mind. - - Ido not pretend, nor have I ever thought the claim In stating the important concessions lam prepared ! of Great Britain, with respect to this boundary, any to make on a final settlement of these boundaries, I more than the 'claim of Amerida, to be unattended am sensible that concessions to one State of this Union with difficulties. The claims have been considered' are not always to be. made available for the satisfac by impartial men, of high authority and unques- tion of any other ; but you are awarethat lam treat tioned ability, to be equally so attended ; and there- lug with the United States, and that for a long line fore it is that this is a question for a compromise, and of important boundaries, and that I cannot pre it is this compromise which it has become eur duty to sume to enter on the question how this settlement endeavour to accomplish. , might operate on, or be in any way compensated to, . . I will only here add the most solemn assurance, the d iterent States of the confederacy. which I would not lightly make, that after a long and I should, however, add my unfeigned belief that careful consideration of all the arguments and in- what I have proposed will appear reasonable with ferences, direct and circumstantial, ' bearing on the reference to the interests of the State of Maine con whole of this truly difficult question, it is my settled sidered singly. conviction that this was the intention of the parties to That the proposition, taken as a whole, will be the treaty of peace of 1783, however imperfectly satisfactory to the country at large, I can entertain no those intentions may have been executed, to leave to doubt. Great Britain, by their description of boundaries, the I abstain from noticing here the boundaries farther whole of the waters of the river St. John. west, which I am prepared to consider and to settle, The length of these preliminary observations re- because they seem to form a p art of the case which i t quires, perhaps, some apology; but. I now proceed to will be more convenient to treat separately. comply with your application to me to state the prin- In the course of these discussions much anxiety has ciples and conditions on which it appears to me that been expressed that Maine should be assured of some this compromise, which it is agreed we should attempt, means of communication - by the St. John's, more es should be founded. • pecially for the conveyance of her lumber. This sub- A new boundary is in fact to be traced between ject lam very willing to consider, being sensible of the State of Maine and the province of. New Bruns- the great importance of it to that State, and that the wick. In doing this, reference must be had to the friendly and personal relations between the neigh extent and value of territory in dispute, but as a ge. bouring countries cannot be better seeured than by neral principle, we cannot do better than keep in reciprocally providing for all their wants and interests. mind the intention of the framers of the first treaty of Lumber must for many years be the principal pro pesce in 1783, as expressed in the preamble to the duce of the extensive valley of Aroostook and of the provisional article in the following words :—" Whereas southern borders of the St. John's ; and it is evident reciprocal advantages and mutual convenience are that this article of trade being worth anything must found by experience to form the only permanent mainly depend upon its having access to the sea through foundation of peace and friendship between States, that river. It is further evident that there can be no &c." I have on a former occasion explained the rea- such access under any arrangement otherwise than by sons which have induced the British Government to the consent of the province of New Brunswick. It maintain their rights in this controversy beyond any is my wish to seek an early opportunity of consi apparent value in the object in dispute, to be establish- dering with some person well acquainted with the ing a good boundary between our two Countries, so commerce of that country, what can be done to give as to prevent collision and dispute, and an unobstructed it the greatest possible freedom and extent without communication and connection of our colonies with trenching too much on the vital regulations of the two each other. Farther, it is desired to retain under the countries. But, in the mean time, in order to meet jurisdiction of each Government respectively, such at once the, urgent wants and wishes of Maine in this inhabitants as have for a length of time been so living, ) respect, I would engage that, on the final settlement and to whom a transfer of allegiance might be painful of these differences, all lumber and produce of the or distressing. forest of the tributary waters of the St. John's shall These are briefly the objects we have in view, and be received freely without duty, and dealt with in which we must now seek to reconcile to a practical every respect like the same articles of New Brunswick. division of the territory in dispute. Great Britain I cannot now say positively whether I may be able has -no wish of aggrandizement for any general pur- to go farther, but this seems to me what is principally pose of increased dominions, and you must be satisfied required. Suggestions have at times been thrown out by the liberality with which I have professed myself of making the port and river of St. John's free to the reedy to treat questions of boundaries in other quar- two countries, but I think you will be sensible that tern, where no considerations of particular convenience this could not be done without some reciprocity for the or fitness occur. I might further prove this by call- trade of the St. John's in the ports of the United States, ing your attention to the fact, that of the land likely and that, in endeavouring to regulate this, we should to come to us by any practical settlement, nine-tenth be embarking in an intricate question, much and often parts of it are, from its position and quality, wholly discussed between the two countries. It cannot also worthless. It can support no population, it grows fail to occur to you that joint rights in the same har em) little timber of value, and can be of no service hours and waters must be a fruitful source of dissen but as a boundary for two distinct Governments. sion, and that it behoves us to be careful not to sow In considering on the map a division of the terri- the seeds of future differences in the settlement of tory in question, this remarkable circumstance must those in our own day. be kept in mind, that a division of acres by their I have now stated, as I was desired to do, nay views number would be a very unequal division of their of the terms on which it appears to me that tills set value. , The southern portion of this territory, the dement may be made. It must be sufficiently evident valley of the Aroostook, is represented to be one of that I have not treated the settlement in the ordinary the'most-beautiful and most fertile tracts of land in form of a bargain, when the party making the pro this part of the Continent, capable of the highest state posal leaves himself something to give up. of cultivation, and covered with fine timber ; while The case would not admit of this, even if I could the northern portion, with the exception of that small bring myself so to act. It would have been useless part compesed within the Madawasca settlement, is for me to ask what I know could not be yielded, and of the miserable description I have stated. It would I can unfeignedly say, that even if your vigilance did be no exaggeration to say, that one acre of the Aroos- not forbid me to expect to gain any undue advantage took would' be of much more value than ten acres over you, I should have no wish to do so. The treaty north of the St. John.' There would be, therefore, no we have to make will he subjected to the scrutiny of equality in making a division of acre for acre. a jealous and scrutinizing public, and it would ill But, although I remind you of this circumstance, answer its main purpose if producing and perpetuating Ido pot call on you to act upon it. On the contrary, harmony and good will if its provisions were not con lam willing that you should have the advantage in sidered by good and reasonable men to make a just this settlement, both in the quantity and quality of and equitable settlement of this long-continued con this land. All I wish is, to call this fact in proof of. troversy. my assertion, that the object of Great Britain was Permit me, Sir, to conclude-with the assurance of simply to claim that which was essential to her, and my distinguished consideration. would form a convenient boundary, and to leave all lion. Daniel Webster, Sec.:&e. ASHBURTON. the more material advantages of this bargain to the MR. WEBSTER TO LORD ASHBURTON. State,of Maine. Department of State, Washington, July 8, 1842. I now come to the more immediate application of MY Loan,—Your notes of the 13th and 21st of these principles, to a definite. line of boundary; and June were duly received. In the first of these you .looking at the map with reference to the sole object correctly say, that in our conference on the boundary of Great Britain as already described, the line of the question, we have both been of opinion that no advan- St. John's, from where the north line of the St. Croix tage would be gained by resorting at this time to the strikes it, up to some one of its sources, seems evi- discussion at length of the grounds on which each dently to suit both parties, with the exception which party considers its claim of right to rest, At the I shall presently mention. same time you deem it expedient, nevertheless, to offer This line throws the waste and barren tract to some observations, calculated, in your judgment, to Great Britain, and the rich and valuable lands to repel a supposed allegation, or suggestion, that this Maine ; but it makes a good boundary, one which controversy only began in 1814 ; that up to that period avoids collision and probable dispute ; and for the the American claim was undisputed ; and that the reasons stated, we should be satisfied with it if it were English claim, as now set forth, is founded merely in not for the peculiar circumstances of a settlement motives of interest. ' Nothing is more natural than formed on both sides of the St. John's, from the that your Lordship should desire to rep el an imputa mouth of the Madawaska up to that of the Fish river. tion which would impeach the sincerity and good faith The history and circumstances of this settlement 1 of your Government, and all the weiglit which justice are well known to you. It was originally formed . and candour require is given to your Lordship's ob from the French establishment in Acadia, and has I servations in this respect. been uninterruptedly under French or British domi- It is not my purpose, nor do I think it pertinent to nion, and never under any other laws. ' The inhabit - the occasion , to g o into a consideration of the facts and ants have professed great apprehension of being sur- ' reasonings presented by you, to show the good faith rendered by Great Britain, and have lately sent an and sincerity of England, in the claim asserted by earnest potion to the Queen, deprecating that being her. Any such discussion would be a departure done. , from the question of right now subsisting between Farther, this settlement forms one united commu- the two Governments, and would be more espe nity all connected together, and living some on one cially unfit for an occasion in which the parties and some on the other side of the river, which forms are approaching each other in a friendly spirit, a sort of high road between them. with the hope of terminating the controversy by It seems self-evident that no more inconvenient line ' agreement. Following your Lordship's example, how of boundary could well be drawn than one which ever, I must be permitted to say that few questions divides in t w o an existing municipality, inconvenient " have ever risen under this Government, in regard to as well to the inhabitants themselves, as to the autho- ; Which a stronger or more general conviction was felt rities under which they are to live. There would be that the country was in the right, than this question evident hardship--I might say cruelty, in separating' of the north-eastern boundary. To say nothing of this now happy and contented village, to say nothing 1 the sentiments of the Government and people of the of the bick er i ng s and probable collisions likely to I States more directly interested, whose opinions m a y arise, in taking from this spot the precise line of the be supposed capable of bias, both Houses of Congress, river, which would, under other circumstances, satisfy 1 after full and repeated considerations, have affirmed us. Ind ee d, I should consider such a separation of . the validity of the American claim, by an unanimity these industrious settlers, by placing them under ' experienced on very few other subjects, and the eeparate laws and Governments, a most harsh pro- 1 general judgment of the wholepeople seems to beithe ceeding, and that we should thereby abandon the great same way. -object we should have in view, of -the happiness and Abstaining from all historical facts, all con temp convenience of the people, and fixing a boundary the raneous expositions, and all external arguments and , least likely to occasion future strife. circumstances, I will venture to present to your Lord- I I dwell on this circumstance at some length in justi- ship a very condensed'view of the reasons w i t h p ro- 1 fication of the necessity lam under of departing to duce in this country the conviction that a boundary this inconsiderable extent from the marked line of the line may be ascertained, run, and delineated with River St. John's. What line should be taken to cover provisions, under and according to the words of the this difficulty I shall have to consider with you, but I stipulation in the treaty of 1783, that no doubt can cannot in any case abandon the obvious interests of be raised by any part of that stipulation which other the people. It will be seen by an inspection of the . parts of it do not remove or explain, and that a line so map, that it is not possible to meet this difficulty by run would include all that the United States claim. making over to Maine the northern portion of this This view is presented by a series of short propositions. settlement, as that would be giving up by Great Bri- [Mr. Webster here discusses the stipulation of the taro the immediately adjoining communication with treaty entered into in 1783, and contends that a line Canada, which it is her principal object to preserve. run agreeably to that treaty . , or even to the instruc- These observations dispose of those parts of the tions given to the Commissioners of both Govern question which immediately concern the State of ments in 1817, would give to the United States all i Maine ; but it may be well at the same time to state that they have at any time claimed.] my views respecting the adjoining boundary of the If there be nothing incoherent or inconsequential in States of New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York, this chain of remarks, it will satisfy your Lordship, I because they made part of the reference to the King of trust, that it is not without reason that American the Netherlands, and were, indeed, the only part of opinion has settled firmly in the conviction of the the subject in dispute upon which a dist inct decision rights of the American side of the question, and I for was not given. . bear from going into the consideration of the mass of The question here at issue between the two coup- other arguments and proofs- for the same reasons tries was as to the correct determination of the parallel which restrain your Lordship from entering into an of latitude and the true source of the Connecticut extended discussion of the question, as well as because river. Upon both these points decisions were pro- I your Lordship will have an opportunity of perusing a nounced in favour of Great Britain ; and I might add paper addressed to me by the Commissioners of Maine, that the case of America, as matter of right, was but which strongly presents the subject on other grounds feebly and doubtingly supported by her own authori- and in other lights. ties. lam nevertheless disposed to surrender the lam now to consider your Lordship's note of the whole of this case, if we should succeed in settling, as 21st June. Before entering upon this I have the proposed, the boundary di Maine. There is a point President's instructions to say, that he fully appre or two in this line of boundary where I may have to elates the motives which induced your Lordship, per consider, with the assistance of the surveyors ac- sonally, to undertake your present mission ; that lie quainted with the localities, th e convenience of the is quite aware that your public life has been distin resident settlers, as also, w hi c h li ne ma y b e st suit the 1 guislied by efforts to maintain peace and harmony be immediate country at the head of the ' Connecticut tween the two countries ; that he quite well recol river, but substantially th e Gove r nment of America lects that y o ur exertions were employed to pre v e nt shall be satisfied, and this point be yielded to them. the late war, and that he doubts not the sincerity of This concession, viewed with reference to the sale your declaration that nothing could have drawn you of the land ceded, which is generally reported to be from your retirement and induced you to engage in fertile, and contains a portion at Rouses Point much your present undertak in g , but the ho p e of being coveted in' the course of the controversy, would, under of service to your country and to our common ordinary circumstances, be considered of considerable race. An d I have the utmost pleasure, importance. my Lori, in acknowledging the frankness, ac- The concession will, however, be made by Great candour, and plain dealing , which have ch Britain without reluctance, not only to mar k the tensed your official intercourse withthis Government, liberal and conciliatory spirit by which it is desired nor am I permitted or inclined to entertain a r nv doubt p - ssed by to distinguish these negotiations, but because the case of your Lordship's entire conviction, is in some respects analogous to that of the Mada- yourself, as to the merits of this colitranosveexrs-y before us is, and the us asks settlements, before considered. It is believed difficulties of the case. The q ues il ti b o both sides, of the that the settlers on the narrow strip, which would be whether these confident opinions, transferred to Great Britain by rectifying the 45th the rightful nature and just strengoth of arseor respective Parallel of latitude, which was formerly incorrectly claims will permit us, while a desire to prrve har laid down, are principally from the United States, and trimly and a disposition to yield liberally to mutual incite us, to come together that their opinions and habits incline them to evince convenience so strongly a preference to that form of government under which, and to unite on a line Myra greement. before . the discovery of the error in question, they It appears to be . yu Lordship's opinion that the supposed themselves to be living. ' line of the Fit. Johns, from the point where the north It cannot be desired by her Majesty to acquire any line from the St. Croix strikes that river, up to some addition of territory under such circumstances, what- one of its sbo u m r s c e e v s e , r e , v o id f ei t i b tl a y t s p u a i r t t s b o o f th th p e art l ie i s mi , e a v ‘ i v t a h s a k n a t which is on the south side of the St. John's, ever may be the weight of her rights ; but it will be exception, observed that the same argument applie s almost settleen 'exactleeto the Madawaska settlement, and justifies the which ii you propose should be included within the t intersection Bri 'reservation 1 am thus obliged to make. In the t s b e . Johns, o t . t f i o to r r s e o -. to e T d h is a t t an ol o t e a u l p in v‘ e ,ar b a y agreement the St. `days the convenience and happiness of the people be governed will ever be the chief guide in transac-ents I V the line running north, from the St. Croix, would tions of this description, between such Governm ie a very convenient boundary for the two parties, is as those of Great Britain and the United States. readily admitted; but it is a very important • q ues- Before quitting this subject , I would observe that it y how far up, and to which of the sources of is rumoured that Major Grah am, in his late survey of this rive r this line should extend. Above Madawaska, M aine, reports some deviation from the true north of the course of this river turns to the south, and stretches •the line from the head of t he St. Croix towards the St. away t o wards the sources of the Penobscot, leaving. John's. I would here also propose to abide by the far to the north the line of communication between old line, long established,. and from which th e & s e e s , New Brunswick and Canada. ' That line departs from . tion by Major Graham is, I am told, inconsiderable, ! the St. John's altogether near Madawaska, and keep - I • . without at all doubting the accuracy and good faith of ing principally upon that very distinguished officer. . [ dawaska, and proceeding by way of the Terniscouata the left or north bank of the Ma- deration Lake, reaches the St. Lawrence at the mouth of the river Du Loup. There are, then, two important subjects for consi- First 'Whether the United States can agree to cede, relinquish, or cease to claim, any part of the territory west of the north line from the St. Croix find south of St. John's. And I think it but candid to SAy, at once, that we see insurmountable objections to adanitting the line to come south of the river. Y o ur Lordship's observations upon the propriety of preserv ing the unity of the Madawaska settlement, are, in a great measure, just, and altogether founded, I doubt not, in entirely good motives. They savour of hu manity and a kind regard to the interests and feelings of individuals. But the difficulties seem insuperable. The river, as your Lordship remarks, seems a na tural boundary, and in this part of it to run in a con venient direction. It is a line always clear and indis putable. If we depart from it, where shall we find another boundary, equally natural,. equally clear, and f g r u -o e n s s ti t o b i e is conforming to the same general course? A departure e tl , r i e u i v river, aen tsw himoreover,eit it would ‘voul d open prob a n t e ) 1 %:: line e ou o t f• be found impracticable to settle. If your Lordship was at liberty, as I understand you not to be, to cede the whole or a part of the territory, commonly called the Strip, lying east of the north line, and west of the St. John's, considerations might be found in such a cession, possibly, for some new demarcation west of the north line and south of the river. But in the present position of things I cannot hold out the ex pectation to your Lordship that anything south of the river can be yielded. And, perhaps, the inconvenience to the settlers on the southern bank, of making the river the boundary, are less considerable than your Lordship supposes. These settlers are scattered along a considerable ex tent, - very likely soon to connect themselves with whomsoever may come to live near them s and though of different origin, and some difference of religion, not likely, on the whole, to be greatly dissimilar from other borderers, occupying the neighbouring territory; their rights of property would, of course, be all pre serYed, both of inheritance and alienation ; and if some of them should choose to retain the political and social relations under which they now are, their re. moval for that purpose to the north bank, drawing after it no loss of property or means of subsistence, would not be a great hardship. Your Lordship suggests the inconvenience of dividing a municipality by a line of national boun dary ; and certainly there is force in the observation ; but if, departing from the river, we were to establish at the south of it an artificial line upon the land, there might be points upon such line at which people would live in numbers, on both sides, and a mere mathema tical line might thus divide villages, while it divided nations. The experience of the world, and our own experience, show the propriety of making rivers boon (lanes for the same reason that in other cases to which they are applicable, mountain ranges, or ridges of highlands, are adopted for the same purpose ; these last being, perhaps, still more convenient lines of divi sion than rivers, being equally clear and prominent objects, and the population of neighbouring countries bordering on a mountain line of separation being usually thin and inconsiderable on either side. River and inland waters constitute the boundary between the United States and the territory of her Majesty for some thousands of miles westward from the place where the 45th degree of north latitude in tersects the St. Lawrence; and along this line occa sional irregularities and outbreaks have taken place, always by the agency and instigation of agitators and lawless men, friends of neither country ; yet it is clear that no better demarcation of limit could be made. And at the north part, along the space through which the St. Croix constitutes the line of separation, contro versies and conflicts are not heard of; but similarity of language, character and pursuits, and mutual re spect.for the rights of each other, preserve the general peace. Up4n the whole, my Lord, feeling that there may be inconvenience, and perhaps a small degree of hard ship, I yet cannot admit that there is any cruelty in separating the Madawaska settlers south of the St. John's, so far as political relations are concerned, from their neighbours on the north of that river. In the present state of society and of peace which exists between the two countries, the severance of po litical relations heeds not to disturb social and family intercourse; while high considerations, affecting both the present and the future, seem to me to require that, followirg natural indications, we adhere to the St. John's in this part of its course as the line of di vision. The next question is how far upward the bound ary ought to be observed, and along which of its branches. This question would be easily settled if what may be called the main branch of the river, in this part of it, differing from 'the general character of the rivers in this region of the country, did not make a sudden torn. ' But if we consider the main branch of the St. John's, that which has been - usually so de nominated, your Lordship observes that, near the mouth of the Madawaska, it turns almost at right angles, and puShes its source toward those of the Penobscot. Contiguity and compactness of territory can hardly be preserved by following a stream which makes, not occasional win - dings, bat at once so great a deflection from its previous course. The Madawaska is one of its branches or principal sources, and, as the map shows, is very much a continuance of the line of the principal river from the Great Falls up ward. The natural course would therefore seem to be to continue along this branch. We understand, and indeed collect from your Lord ship's note, that, with whatever opinion of her right to ' the disputed territory, England, in asserting it, has principally in view to maintain, on her own soil, her accustomed line of communication between Ca nada and New Brunswick. We acknowledge the oeneral justice and proprie t y of thi s ob j ect, and a g ree e, at once that, w ith suitable equivalents, a conventional line ought to be such as to secure it to England. The question, therefore, simply is, what line will secure it ? The common communication between the provinces follows the course of the St. John's from the Great Falls to the mouth of the Madawaska, going along with it to the Temiscouata Lake, and so across the highlands to streams. running into the St. Lawrence. And this line of communication we are willing to . agree shall hereafter be within acknowledged British territory, upon. such conditions and considerations as may be assented to. The Madawaska and the fore mentioned lakes might conveniently constitute the boundary, but I believe it is true that, in some parts of the distance, above the mouth of the Madawaska, 'it has been found convenient to establish the course of communication on the south bank of that river. This consideration may be important enough to jus tify a departure from what would. otherwise be desir able, and the running of the line at some distance south of the Madawaska, observing natural monu ments where it may be practicable, and thus leaving the whole valley of the Madawaska on the British side. The United States, therefore, upon the adjustment 1 of proper equivalents, would not 'object to a line of boundary which should begin at the middle of the main channel of the river St. John, where that river is intersected by a due north line, ex tended from the source of the St. Croix, thence proc eeding wester l y . of the mouth of the Madawaska , th ence by a straig h t t . : y line to the outlet of Long Lake, thence westerly Francis a direct line to the point Where the river S_t . y empties itself into the lake called Pohena omook, t lih thence continuing continuing in the sam e dir e a cli n ne to t into e the St. lands which divide the ned waters f I at the g highlands, I Francis. Having thus arrived shall be ready to confer o n the correc t manner of fol lowing them to the nortwesfereinost head of the Con necticut river. ' been now described would Such a line as has , free intercourse between Ca secure to England Brunswick ; and with the nada and New . yielded to the United S • naviga tion of the St. John's 3 1 States, would to meet the wants of all p ar ti es . We ar • siti in re ar on Your Lordship s prof:a? g d .to the navigation is viewed as sus, tand as 0 • ' • e nststuturg, so a natural equivalent. Probably till. as it m a y go, th e us e o f the river for the transportation of the products • of the forest grown on the American side of the line „ wi ld be equally advantageous to both parties, and, therefore, in granting it, no sacrifice of British inte, rest would be incurred. A conviction of this, togea ther with their confidence in the validity of their own claim, is very likely to lead the two States immedi ately concerned to consider their relinquishment of the lands north of the line much in the light of a mere cession. It need not be denied that, to secure this privilege, and to have a right to enjoy it, free from tax, toll, or other liability or inability, is an object of considerable importance to the people of Maine. Your Lordship intimates that, as a part of the ge neral arrangement of boundaries, England would be willing to surrender . to the United States Rouse's - Point and all the territor = y heretofore supposed to be within the botradaries of New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York, but which a correct ascertainment of the forty-fifth parallel of north latitude show to he included within the British line. This concession is, no doubt, of some value. If made, its benefits would ensue partly to these three S tates, and p artl y to the United States; and none of it to the particular io t terests of Maine and Massachusetts. If regarded, therefore, as a part of the equivalent for the manner of adjusting the north eastern boun dary, these two last-mentioned States would, perhaps, expect that the value, if it could be ascertained, should be paid to them. On this point further consideration may be necessary. If in other respects we should be able to agree en a boundary, the points whisk you refer to, connected with the ascertainment of the bead of the Connecticut, will be attended to, and Captain Talcott, who made the exploration in that quarter, will be ready' to com municate the result of his observations. : • I have the honour to be, with distinguished con.ii deration your obedient servant, Lord ' Ashburton, &c. &c. DAN. WEBSTER. (To be continued . • 1 1 1961 • 1!.! . ) :Jed, '