The Sun. — London, England, 1855-06-16 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) ROYAL COMMISSION. Tho Royal assent was given by commission to the fol lowing bills :—Newspaper Stamp ; Sewers House Drain age ; Registration of Births (Scotland) ; Ecclesiastical Property (Ireland) ; Brighton Incorporation ; Validity of Proceedings (House of Commons) ; Newport Corporation ; Kingston-upon-Thames Improvement ; Swansea Dock ; Cornwall Railway • Dundee, Perth, and Aberdare Rail way ; Banff, Macduff, and Turriff Railway ; Swansea Vale Railway ; Bristol and Exeter Railway ; Hyde Gas (No. 3) ; Inverury and Old Meldrum Railway ; Liver pool Corporation ; Leominster and Ledbury Road ; Salisbury and Yeovil Railway ; Llynvi Valley and Bridgend Railway ; Commercial Road ; Kingston upon-Hull, Heple, and Ferriby Road ; Abingdon Railway ; Plymouth Great Western Docks ; Oldham Gas and Water ; Madras Railway ; Birmingham Gas ; Hartlepool Gas and Water ; Kelso Bridge ; St. George's Harbour Act Amendment ; Over Darwen Gas ; - Ulster Railway ; Londonderry Improve ment; Kilmarnock Gas ; Lancaster Water and Gas ; Ashton-under-Lyne Water ; Nottingham and Lough borough Railway ; Manchester Improvement; Ren frew Police Improvement. The Lords' commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Harrowby, and the Duke of Argyll. Their lordships met at half-past ten this morning, when the Validity of Proceedings (House of Commons) Bill was passed through all its stages, and received amongst others the Royal assent, which was subsequently given by commission. SECOND READINGS. The following bills were read a second time : Charlbury Road ; Royal Londo n Militi a ; D un d a lk a nd Black Rock Railway ; East of Abergavenny Estate. THIRD READINGS. The Waterford and Limerick Railway ; St. Helen's Improvement ; Coomford and High Peak Railway ; Limerick and Castleconnell Railway ; and the Newcas tle-under-Lyne Gas Bills were severally read a third time and passed. Lord BROUGHAM presented petitions against the sale of intoxicating liquors on the Sunday. GOVERNMENT OFFICES. Lord REDESDALE called attention to the return of all houses, buildings, &c., hired for official, purposes laid before the house on the sth inst. The noble lord said that the annual rental for public offices was about 22,0001. It was, hoWever, quite evident that great economy might be effected if they had in one huge official building all those public offices concentrated. He believed Government was about to bring in a bill to enable them to purchase Downing street and the buildings adjoining. He could not, however, understand how this return was made out, and he wished further information upon the several parts. The noble lord having asked a question in respect of this return, proceeded to urge upon the Government the importance of considering certain details in respect to the purchase of the property required for the public buildings. Earl GRANVILLE, in reply, said that there were many difficulties in the way of carrying out the object which the Government had in view. A bill had already been introduced into the other house to enable the Government to purchase por tions of land in the neighbourhood of Downing street and Fludyer-street. The Committee that had met upon the subject had recommended that the whole of Downing-street and a portion of Fludyer-street should be bought by the Government. They also recommended that a portion of St. James's-park should be taken for the purpose of the building. The Government, how ever, did not think it advisable to advise her Majesty to assent to the latter recommendation, deeming it better to extend the ground in the neighbourhood of Flnyder street rather than to encroach upon the park. (Rear ) Plans had been laid before the Government, but the precise plan had not yet been decided upon. In this re spect the noble lord had shown himself to be an adinini, strative reformer, and he seemed to have the advantage over several others, as he appeared to have a tangible mode of carrying out his object. • The Earl of HAR,DWICKE was understood to say that if the whole of the offices connected with the Ad miralty were concentrated within Somerset-house, he thought it would be a great advantage to the service. The Earl of MALM ESEURY asked whether it was true that an offer had been wade to build the whole of the public offices ? • Earl GRANVILLE said it was true that such an offer had been made, but the Government declined the offer, thinking that, with the facilities of borrcwing money at a small rate of interest, they could build the public offices much inure economically. After a short conversation the subject dropped. RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. The Earl of SHA.FTESBURY 'nevelt the recommit meet of the Religious Worship Ball, for the purpose of making an amendment, to the effect that nothing con tained in the act should prejudice or affect the discipline of the Church, or the enforcement thereof by the bishop or other ecclesiastical authority. The Earl of DERBY thought that their lordships should not abolish the law, and sweep away all rei-Aric tions whatever, in the summary mode proposed by the bill ; they ought first to inquire into its practical work ing, ascertain the evil it actually produced, a-ad the good it really prevented, He was not prepared to sanction the doctrine that every man in the Church of England was entitled to take on himself those functions, which divine authority in the first instance, and legal sanction afterwards, had placed in the hands of men specially set apart for the purpose. No doubt in populous parishes it was desirable that the clergy should have the assistance of pious laymen in the discharge of their charitable and religions duties. But, then, he thought that the laymen thus co-operating should be assistants, and not set-up rivals of the clergy, acting without the authority of the bishop or of the clergyman of the parish. Take away all zestrictions on this head, -and he believed the effect, especially in the present unfortunate state of the Church, would be to introduce the elements of dis cord into the small country parishes, where happily there was now free and intimate communication between the clergyman and his parishioners. The noble earl con cluded by moving " that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the existing state of the law with regard to the liberty of religious worship, and the expediency of relaxing or dispensing with the provisions of an act passed in the first year of King William and Queen Mary, cap. 18." Earl GRANVILLE did not think that the repeal of the present law would have the slightest effect upon the Church of England, while he was convinced that it was a serious evil to retain on the statute-book a law which could not be enforced. and which was habitually violated by the most respectable and religious persons. Lord CONGLETON briefly supported the bill. The Bishop of OXFORD did not wish to prevent any 'meetings for religious worship. All he desired was, that time persons conducting them should be obliged simply to soy whether they conducted them in opposition to or in co mmunion with the Established Church. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY protested that he had been most unjustly charged with a design of superseding the parochial clergy, and giving to laymen the powers (wf executing Ministerial functions, and that there. was not a word in the bill which could lend countenance to this charge. It was simply and solely to give power to the Nonconformists, and to the laity of the Church of - .England, to meet in greater numbers than 20 in the household of any person under whose roof they were permitted to meet. Their lordships then divided. The numbers were— For the amendment 47 Against it 3O Majority for the amendment —l7 Their lordships shortly afterwards adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. The Hedon and Hull, &c., Road Bill, and the Shrews bury Improvement Bill were considered and ordered to l)e read a third time. MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. Mr. PULMAN, Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod, Imre appeared at the bar, and summoned the house to the House of Lords to hear the Roy a l assen t g i ven to various bills, for which see our Lords' report. PETITIONS. Petitions were presented by Mr. Duncan, from a place in Scotland, against the Maynooth grant ; by Mr. Kirk, from Newry, for vote by ballot ; by Mr. Pellatt, two pe t i tions from Bermondsey against the Sunday Trading Bill ; ivy Mr. Hadfield, from Derbyshire, in favour of closing pmblic-houses on Sundays, also petitions against money grants for educational purposes as regarded sects ; by Mr. Duncombe, two petitions from Finsbury, in favour of administrative reform ; by Mr. Col -1 tier, from Plymouth, against the sale of intoxicat ing drinks on Sunday ; by Mr. Bright, from the Chamber of Commerce, Manchester, against the Limited Liability of Partnership Bill. THAMES MARSH DRAINAGE. On the motion of Mr. M. SMITH, a return, in detail, or the expenses included under the sum of 5951. 19s. 2d., specting the Thames Marsh drainage, paid to Mr. T. '. Rammell, C.E., and charged in the Civil Cantin g. ncies Account for 1854, and copy of the instructions ua ider which Mr. Rammell acted, were ordered. CRIMINAL LAW, &c. BILL. On the motion of Mr. L. KING returns of all fees or ills olume_nty allotted or paid for drafting or settling any : relating t o th e criminal law, since the payment .Di 49,7151. t o t h e late Criminal Law Commission (in mtinuation of Parliamentary paper, No. 210, of se , sion 1855) ; of the number and nature of such bills, and of the r,ames and respective r emuneration stsof of the draftsmen of Co in ch bills • and, of th e drawing the Bribery FOI and dontroverted Blectionsßdi of 1854, the name names of the draftsmen, the fund Out of which they /.are paid, and the sum received by each. SEPOY TROOPS FOII. VICTORIA. RUSSELL said he h a d not heard if In answer to Mr. G. -DmsnAs, or J. troops bad been sent, or were aboutantl d ; y pLoor I cue sent, to the col•aly of Victoria. THE ORDNANCE. Colonel DUNNE asked the Clerk of the ced„anc„ whether - he wenld (before the next reading of the Ord. trance Board Bill) lay on the table of the house a state ment of the changes which the Government intended t, make in that depai tment ; the offices which it. w a i intendec should be abolis4d, and those which it was propos& ‘lubstitute ; together with the amount ,uch new offices, and an estimate of )nsequent on the proposed changes. said he would refer his hon. and order in Council of the 4th June, the house, which would explain the R JAMES BROOKE. )ND asked the First Lord of the Trea ,ort of the commissioners, respecting Sir James Brooke, had not yet been presented ; whe ther the commissioners had made a reference to the Go vernment, which was the cause of the delay ; and, if so, what was the nature of that reference ? Lord PALMERSTON said he had reason to believe the report had been received, and he should answer the question on Monday. COLONIAL GRANTS OF LANDS TO FOREIGN LEGIONS. Lord NAAS asked whether the Governor-General of Canada had been requested by the Government to make an application to the Colonial Legislature for a grant of °nonillion acres land, to enable her Majesty to offer settle ments to such of her Majesty's Foreign Legionaries as may be willing to settle in Canada ; and, if so, whether it was the intention of the Government to offer similar settlements to the officers and soldiers of her Majesty's regular army ? Lord J. RUSSELL said a despatch had been laid from the Governor-General before the Colonial Legis lature, but they had prorogued without discussing it. THE ENNISKILLEN DRAGOONS. Mr. 0. STANLEY gave notice that he should take an early opportunity of bringing the "practical joking" among the officers of the above regiment at Canterbury before the house. FREEDOM OF THE PRESS AT GIBRALTAR. Mr. BRIGHT called the attention of the noble lord the Secretary to the Colonies to an ordinance recently issued by Sir R. Gardner, the Governor of Gibraltar, re stricting the publication of a newspaper to that garrison. He wished to ask whether the noble lord would send out an order to cancel that decree and place the position of the press at Gibraltar upon a more proper footing ? He had in his pocket now a memorial from a printer at Gibraltar to the noble lord, but which he had not yet had an opportunity of presenting, stating that his busi ness had been destroyed by that ordinance. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said since he last addressed the house on this subject he had had time to examine the ordinance in question, and he must now state that Sir R. Gardner was competent to issue such an ordinance on his own authority. There was, however, a certain re striction upon his general power of issuing such ordinances, viz., that they should be published a month before they were in force. He conceived it would not be right to take away that power from the Governor of a garrison like Gibraltar to prohibit the publication of a newspaper giving an account of the state of the garrison, the weak points of the place, the amount of ammunition, the number of guns, and where the powder magazines were placed. He should say that the governor in such a case was not only justified, but was bound in duty to stop such a publication. (Hear.) With regard to the discretion exercised by the governor, in the present instance, it did appear to him (Lord John Russell) that there was a necessity for issuing this pro hibitory ordinance. (Hear, hear.) In reply to a further question from Mr. BRIGHT, Lord J. RUSSELL said ke could not give any dis tinct assurance that he should send out an order to can cel the ordinance in question. (Hear.) STIPULATIONS RESPECTING TERMS OF PEACE. Mr. OTWAY—I rise to ask the noble lord at the head of the Government the question of which I have given no tice and though I am anxious not to delay the interesting discussion about to take place, still, after havin g formally given notice of my question, feel bound to ask it. The noble viscount has stated in the house that in February last certain right hon. gentlemen who were lately eminent members of his Government, stipulated as, to' the condi tions of peace, and more especially as to one which should be asked of Russia. I should be trifling with the house to suppose that those stipulations could have been made with any other view than that of favouring Russia, for those who have had the pain of listening to the speeches of the right hon. members for Carlisle and the University of Ox ford must be aware that any stipulations as to the condi• tion3 of peace made by them could have had no other ob ject thau that of being favourable to our enemy. Mr. GL &DST° YE—Sir, I rise to order. (Hear.) You have heard the language which has fallen from the hon. member. He has stated that nothing stated or stipulated by my right hon. friend or myself with reference to the terms of peace could have had any object hut that of being favourable to our enemy. I put it to you whether that language is such as falls within the rules of discussion in this house? (Hear.) The SPEAKELL—It is not within the rules—(hear, hear)—fur it is attributing to hon. members that which is traitorous. Mr. OT WAY—I regret very much, Sir, that anything I have said could be thought to impute such conduct as ycu have described to the right lion. gentleman, for nothing was farther from my intention thr.,n to say that the right hon. members had been guilty of treason. I conceived that the tenour of their speeches must have led all hon. members to suppose that any stipulations madeby them could be viewed in no other light than that of their being favourable to Russia. I think it must be conceded that that was their intention, from the remarks which have fallen from the noble viscount; and that being the case, it cannot bat be thought that the noble viscount considered them proper conditions, for the noble viscount and the right hon. gen tle.rnen were sitting for neat ly two years in the same Cabinet, ! and were fully cognisant of each other's views •as to the terms and conditions of peace. I think this a grave matter for consideration, and it is a sorry proof of the harmony wrdch was said to have existed in the Government of the noble lord ; and if these right hon. gentlemen had so little confidence in their chief I think it would have been far better if they had not joined his Government. In the struggle in which we are engaged we have allies, and I should like to know whether they were made aware of the stipulations of the right hon. gentlemen? Supposing that the conditions referred to Sebastopol—and I think it not unlikely that they 1 did—what could be more natural than to suppose that our allies, deeming the rebuilding or destructiOn of that fortress most important, should be desirous of imposing certain conditions with reference to this fortress, concerning which the right hon. gentlemen msy have stipulated with the noble lord. The same remarks will apply to Bomargund, and I ask if our allies were not made aware of the stipulations of the right her. gentlemen, what be comes of our alliance? There are many other considera tions which call for positive inquiry into these proceed ings,' with reference to which I consider the noble lord's conduct was neither statesmanlike nor patriotic. There are further considerations connected with the subject with which I will not trouble the house, for the right hon. gen lemen have seceded from the Government of the noble lord, and the fatal influence which they exercised with re gard to the conduct of the war no longer paralyses his ac tions. I will ask the noble viscount—and I do it in no spirit of hostility, but because I think that, after the statement he has made, it is due to the house to have a clear and intelligible reply on this subject; and because I think the conditions which we are to demand should he qualified by the successes of war—whether he is bound by the stipulations of February last, and whether he is pre pared to counsel his Sovereign and our somewhat forgotten allies to offer such terms as he considers will prevent the aggression of Russia for the future, and secure a safe and honourable peace? (Hear.) Lord PALMERSTON—However natural may be the desire of the hon. member to have a full explanation in this matter, I am sure—at least I am confident— that the house will concur with me in thinking that it would be ex ceedingly unbecoming in me to enter fully into this ques tion. (Hear.) All I shall state is this—and I trust it will be sufficient for the hon. member and the house. My right hon. friends who have lately ceased to be members of my Government, when they were considering proposals made by me that they should join my Government, very natu rally and very properly desired to come to a clear under standing with me as to any point of difference of opinion which they thought might afterwards arise, and I think in so doing they did that which was due to themselves and to me. (Hear, hear.) There was one point on which they required information, and that was whether it was the intention of the Government then forming to make a sine qua non of peace. I stated, by the mutual friend w _ through whom the communication as made, that the demand was not one of those which the Government was at that time entitled to make a sine qua non of peace, and that it was not my intention to propose it as such. It has been declared in repeated communications made by this Govern ment, and that of France and of Austria, and by them to Russia, that the conditions of peace would depend on the events of the war; and that which may at one time have been a condition which the couttry was not entitled to make, yet under altered circumstances may become so. I hope that the house will consider what I have said in reply to the hon. member to be suffit:ient, and will agree with me in thinking that I ought not to go into details on this subject. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI—It is, no doubt, of the utmost import ance that there should be a complete understanding between the members of a Government. The house has no right to ask for more than a general exposition of the main princi ple on which a government is formed. It has no right to inquire into all the conditions which may have taken place between the several members of the Government. But when in a debate of the magnitude of that which has taken place the members of the Government sp ec ifi ca lly referred to a particular stipulation and condition assented to by the noble lord who remains at the head of the Go vernment, her Majesty's Ministers must not be surprised at such a question as that asked by the hon. member. It is perfectly legitimate, Parliamentary, and cons tit u ti ona l , and her Majesty's Ministers must have expected an inquiry would be made after the specific allusion made by them to these stipulations. (Hear, hear.) I should not have risen, but I thought the tone of the noble lord's reply implied that the inquiry was improper; bnt, as I have said, after what has taken place, he must have expected that such an inquiry would be made. Mr. GLADSTONE—Sir, I should not have risen to claim your protection against the language used by the hon. member—language which I do not think he has abandoned, as he might have done—had I not felt justified in so doing. I agree, however, with what has fallen from the right hon. member (Mr. Disraeli), and do not think that the slightest blame is to be attributed to the hon. member for making this inquiry. I feel a good deal em barrassed both by the question and the subject it has re ference to ; for it appears to me, in a question of this kind, one of two courses ought to be pursued. The House of Commons ought either to know nothing or everything. For my part, as far as my personal and strong inclination and earnest desire go, I wish that my noble friend, if ho felt it consistent with his public duty, after having made reference to this subject, could have felt himself at liberty to proceed, and have laid before the house all the informa tion in his power ; for I am certain that the effect of these partial references with information jealously and stintedly given—going up to a certain point and then stopped short by the plea of official reserve—cannot but be mischievous to all the parties concerned. (Hear, hear.) lam not in a condition to press for the information beyond express ing my personal inclination and desire that it should be given, but the public interest must rule all the de cisions in questions of this character. With regard to myself—and I do not presume to speak for any one but my self—but for myself I beg leave to say that I am not aware that I have at any time, either directly or indirectly, by myself or through others, put a question to my noble friend with reference to the anticipated conditions of treaty with Russia, for this reason—l was not aware that any dif ference of opinion existed between us as to those condi tions, or that any such difficulty would arile. Iu thus speaking for myself, and not admitting that I was a party to any question of the kind, I do not wish to be understood , s waking any assertion on behalf of my right lion friend the m em b er f ur CaTlislo ; it is for my right hon. friend himself to state, if h e thi n k s fit , th e par t w hi c h h e t oo k. , far as I ant concerned, no communication to which Ivas a o p r a party had conditiond ref o e f r , e , n ea ce ca wtoiatnh Russia. yparticular hopestipulation, have tterm,explicitly re, et stated d mp position t own iinnewilnihnich atiotnhisio,ut I ehsetio.hnoustsaends house. I . I sincerely wi s h, espec i ally s, where nothing in the w or ld passed baetcwaesee like n the friend except w h at was perfectly noble o rd and my right hon.frank, 6traiglitforward, and h onoura b le upon all . sides, that, after oiler pier ea.te or s ~,,,. F. t,1i 4 31. 4 4 . ' 8 for 8L c .). kir --- I „...rxr. e con e- .. ' - ; . ' f 'LL - '" t au of 1 , ,;% ' •- . ~.' .... IR. MO: traClVaS.Nalt"ePl THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 16, 1855. a reference had once been made to the subject, all the par ticulars could have been known to the house. The motion for the adjournment was then agreed to. On the were postponedhemotionofLorduntiALarter ERIT . O L N ay , ar th d e ,s or m de o r t s io o n f the had been brought forward. ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM. Mr. LAYARD then rose and moved the folhiwing reso lution:—" That this house views with deep and increasing concern the state of the nation, and is of opinion that the manner in which merit and efficiency have been sacrificed, in public appointments, to party and family influences, and to a blind adherence to routine, has given rise to great mis fortunes, and threatens to bring discredit upon the national character, and to involve the country in grave disasters! , The hon. gentleman said :—I am more in need than usual this evening of the kind indulgence of the house, both because I am afraid I shall have to trespass upon it for a considerable time, and because the question is one which, under any circumstances, might perhaps give rise to feel ings of irritation upon the part of some members of the house. It is, however, my especial wish to treat the ques tion in as moderate a manner as possible, and I shall there fore prefer reading such documents as I possess to express ing any strong opinions of my own upon the subjects I shall have to bring forward. This question is one of far too serious a nature for me to make any appeal to the pas sions in discussing it, even had I the power and th; elo quence necessary for me to do so. I wish merely to make a plain straightforward statement. (Hear, hear.) It can not be denied that a general feeling is abroad that there is something wrong in the administrative system and the Go vernment of this country—that there are great evils in that administrative system which can only be remedied by some kind of pressure from without. I will endeavour, as concisely as possible to state the grounds upon which the people of this country have come to that conclusion. It will be for Her Majesty's Government to show whether these grounds are correct—that conclusion justi fiable or not ; and it will rest with these gentlemen who represent various branches of the public service in this house to show how far the country is right in believing that the departments with which they are connected are not properly administered. I shall endeavour to say nothing which will hurt the feelings of any of the right hon. or hon. and gallant members present, and I think that they on their part will permit me to state what I think without attri buting to me any improper motives, for I assure them, with the deepest feelings of conscientious conviction, that my only wish is to promote the general good. If the hon. and gallant member for Weymouth (Colonel Freestun)is in the house I trust he will justify his statement that things which I have said are not true, and that he will take a course in better taste than that which he has lately adopted. My resolution contains three distinct propositions. First, it states that the house views with deep concern the state of the nation; it points out, secondly, the feelings of the nation; and thirdly, what will be the!consequences if the present state of things continues to exist. An amendment has been given notice of by my hon. friend opposite (Sir B. Lytton)—if the hon. baronet will allow me to call him so— somewhat of a similar nature to a motion which wasbrought by a noble lord before another assembly when I gave notice of my resolution. The noble lord to whom I allude felt it necessary to place the sentiments he entertained in a some what palateable shape before that assembly, and I believe the hon. baronet has now acted under a similar feeling, and, followingthe advice of the Italian poet, has anoint ed the edge of the jar with honey in order that his friends may more readily swallow the dose he is about to ad- minister. I have endeavoured to call things by their right names, for I think this country has been placed in consider able danger from that not having been done. I also think that danger threatens this country from too great respect being paid to personal and private feelings. (Laughter.) Perhaps hon. gentlemen, before they laugh, will allow me to explain my meaning. Those feelings are very right and necessary in private affairs, and no one can respect them more than I do; but those who put aside public duty out of consideration for them neglect their duty. If private feelings are 1 o bo put before public duty we ought to debate questions in this house with closed doors. If we are to be I rorented from saying what we believe to be true for fear of I , urtine• some one's feelings, reports of our proceedings ought not go forth. What should we say if a judge did not use harsh words in condemning a criminal for fear he should hurt his feelings? There are cases in which we all agree that condemnation to some extent is necessary, but it harsh phrases are used in expressingthat condemnation they are received with public disapprobation. I trust I shall do my duty in that respect. I will endeavour to be moderate. I will state facts ; if I am wrong I hope hon. and gallant gentlemen will tell me so without any irritating expres stuns, and I trust they will not find me unwilling to admit the errors I may have fallen into. (Cheers.) Ittwas said that the debate in another place led to nothing because the speeches made dealt solely in generalities and no instances were adduced; but, when instances are adduced, then it is said, these are merely vulgar personal accusations which do not prove your case. We are thus placed in a double difficulty. No doubt the noble lord at the head of the Government will say this evening, as ho has done upon former occasions, that this is a mere attack upon the aris tocracy. The noble lord is welcome to say that I am at tacking an oligarchy, but • I utterly deny that I am making any attack upon the aristocracy. I only wish that every man should have a fair chance of rising in the public ser vice of the country. (Hear.) Although the words of my hon. friend's resolution are not exactly the same as those of my motion, yet, if they mean anything, they must mean precisely the same thing. He asks the house to recom mend the Government to institute judicious tests of merit, and to remove obstructions to its fair promotion and legi timate rewards. That must mean that at the present mo ment there are no such tests and there are such obstructions. Then comes the question, what are those obstructions ? Do not think that by voting for this amendment you are escaping the difficulty which the amendment is moved to enable you to escape, because its meaning is exactly the same as that which I have embodied in my resolution. Why should wo flinch from naming the things which we considee as obstructions to merit ? Why should we shrink from stating that a inanscannot rise in the public service of the country on account of the obstructions proceeding from party and family interests ? That is the chief evil of which we complain. There is no use in denying that Such, at any rate, is the feeling qut of doors. If that feeling is not justified, it is surely well worthy of this house. if possible, to remove that feeling. For myself, I am willing that this feeling shall be removed. All I say is that this feeling does exist. (Hear, hear.) Nor is that feeling confined to a small and insignificant class ; it is especially characterised by being prevalent among the most educated class in this country. My avocations and antecedents throw me a good deal among men connected with literature, art, and science, and I will ask any man frequenting that society, whether the feeling I have de scribed does not prevail among these men? (gear, hear.) Now, I do not say that the feeling is altogether war ranted, although I believe it is, and as it prevails among the class I have named it must prevail among the class below that, and it is, as I have said, so extensive and so general that it is well worth the time and attention of the house to endeavour to remove it if it can be proved to be ill-founded. It must be known to the house that a large and powerful association lam been formed to investigate this question, comprising among its members many men of wealth, of talent, and of enterprise. The opinions of that association have been re-echoed in the largest towns of the country, and that association is determined to push the doctrines and opinions enunciated in its address. Now, such an agitation may lead to great mischief. Notice has been given of another amendment by the hon. member for Cork, but, as it is not on the paper for to-night, I pre sume it is the hon. member's intention to bring it for ward on some future occasion. The house will permit me to say one word upon my own resolution, as it has been misunderstood in some respects. I believe that it stands, if not in the same shape, yet with the same inten tion as when I first placed it upon the books of the house. I have cut off a phrase which pledged this house to the pro secution of the war, because such an allusion was unneces sary after the motion of the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli). A few words in the way of recital have also been left out, bat the words and essence of the resolution have been maintained. There are three propositions in that resolution, and I shall endeavour to substantiate each of them. I will first take the state of the nation. I have heard it said that these words are now uncalled for, be cause we have had some success in the East, but I deny that I ever intended to refer to the war. I look upon the campaign in the Crimea as an episode, upon our failure as a witness, and to the blue-books as evidence; but they form only a part, and but a small part, of the question before the house. But if the blue-books, that contain so much that must be painful to the house and to the country, are to remain dead letters, then our cup of disgrace will be full indeed, and I hope that something will be done upon those blue-books irrespective of my motion. (Hear, hear.) What I mean by the state of the nation is, that I am fully convinced that this country is becoming very distrustful of this house, and is losing its confidence in public men ; that the people begin to believe there are great defects in the administrative system, and that a remedy must be applied to those defects ; that the Government of this country has become a class monopoly, and that the recent changes in the Government show that that monopoly does not go out of the hands of a few—(Hear)—and that the Government do not represent the country at large. (Hear.) They see a liberal Government voting against every liberal mea sure that has been proposed this session, and voting in the lobby on all these questions with hon. members sitting on the opposite side of the house, in contradistinction to the Liberal party on this side of the house. (Hear, hear.) They have also seen those who have hitherto been the friends of the people, and who have represented popular o atwr p s iat i toy n hn i es o iils n ehb s absorbed regard ni , ytugpu upt tboohl niaettpublic inhna otethe neethethat men e?nopinions. confidenceamTheyGovernment (noHofhteaaandvre,the surprised anddn bhpeeeeaonrp .s)eo remaininghtolhafsast teiwaned atonhnbeefie mute ina them d that ha t i s s h o e t t the e t g h r i e s a great officesheth e y p much abl i a hascountry be t,been eg t l e h n i t n e k d s , that trace of Statethe disast e r s ste rs t sacrificed hat to have thetainkteenrepstlsanoef. part du c y e Now, sir, I ask whether that is not a state of the nation that is alarming, and whether such a feeling is not danger ous? (Hear.) That is what I mean by the state of the possible d r e e p m ar o t ve these ts t i h ne e p a re r s m s y io , n a s s .. I n ati on , pr opose en d t a l look t f three k intoi that branch to which i s con fid e d the honour and defence of the country, of f th e o diplomatic i affairs consular e, to w hich t he conduct intrusted ' a v nd e, t h e civil se rvice, which has the condu c t o f national affairs at ho me Sir, to begin with the army. This is , undoubtedly, a very . difficult and delicate question. I know that hon. and gallant gentlemen in this house feel very indignant that a civilian should touch the army, but I ask the house whe ther any but a civilian can touch the army '1 Why, a mili tary man dare not touch the army. There is no doubt I may be led into error when I speak of the army. The rules and regulations that affect the army have been a matter of some study to me, but I may be pardoned for some misapprehensions when even very eminent military men are ignorant of some of the rules and their application —nay, even of the very existence of some of the regula tions affecting the army. I hold in my hand a letter from a gentleman of some rank in the army, whose name the house will see I cannot mention, and I cannot, therefore, give my authority; bat this letter expresses so fully my o u feelings and the exieting state of things that I will read it to the house. He says : " A civilian, undertaking, as you have done, to attack a m s il t i h tar os y e abus es d s i o s g d r e a e c p e l y our r o o s t e e r d v , i c a e n , d is o ( f a s y u o c u h v lo e n ry g j s u t s a t n ly dig mark) placed in a particularly difficult position ; for, unac quainted as you perhaps are with all the minor details and intricacies which sometimes even puzzle professional men, you are not able to receive open assistance and evidence, which would probably be the ruin of any military man who might volunteer to enact such a Curtian part ; and many a man who might be indifferent to the consequences as regarded himself, might feel averse to sacrifice the prospects of some near rela tion, who might either be, or bo intended to be, in the mili tary profession, and whose future prospects might thus be prematurely blighted in the bud. Then, again, you will have against you all those military men . of family connection and great interest who, having profited by a corrupt system, will strenuously oppose any reform or innovation in the same. All these circumstances combined render your task one of no ordi nary difficulty; still I would not despair for you have not only the spirit of the times and public opinion in your favour, but als.) all that hard-working and ill-rewarded portion of the army, who have not sufficient interest or family connexions to push them unfairly forwards. All such, if they dare not openly applaud, will look with secret pleasure on your undertaking, and, lam sure, back it indirectly by any means which will not bring them under the influence of that inquisitorial tribunal which can more or less influence the fortunes of nearly every officer in the service, whatever may be his merits, in the same man ner that it can by its fiat place men, most unfitted, in the highest and most responsible situations, which has unfortu nately of late been so fully and fatally proved." (Cheers.) Sir, I believe that letter eminently expresses the whole truth of this question with regard to the army. (Hear.) But I have another letter from an eminent mili tary man, whose name I am permitted to mention—Sir W. Napier. (Hear.) I have spared no pains to go to the best military authorities before I ventured to touch upon this subject. Sir W. Napier's letter is most fair and proper, and, although it tells against me in some respects, I will draw the attention of the house to it. He says The question of promotion from merit and promotion from favouritism I have never examined carefully, thinking the latter an inevitable consequence of human selfishness, and the former impossible to solve, except in a few instances. With respect to favouritism generally, however, it certainly pervades the British army to an inordinate degree, seeing that no officer of high or low rank, no man below the rank of an officer, no civilian related to or interested for an officer by re ' lationship or friendship, or seeking himself to enter the army, but whose first thought and immediate course is, not very vehemently, to beseech some person privately to use influence to obtain by favour what is sought for. The universal con stant prayer is, Let me have your interest.' Sometimes, in deed, some poor forlorn officer merely states his long and ardu ous services, his wounds, and the number of his relations who have died in action ; but this only to sway the influential per son addressed, not as grounds for acceding to his claim. Why is this ? Surely because the absolute necessity of paivate interests, apart from merit, is universally felt to be domi nant. Your purpose is to bring public opinion to bear on this system so strongly that an amelioration must take place, and I for one will not shrink from cheering you on in such a pa triotic course. But while Ido so on general principles it would be ungenerous, ungrateful, and unjust not to state that I have made, I may say, hundreds of applications for officers and soldiers, who have only their services to recom mend them—favour without service I never asked for—and, while Lordißaglan was Military Secretary, in no instance did I ever fail of success, nor have I in the very few cases which I have brought before General Yorke, the present Military Secretary, found the least backwardness to aid deserving men." (Cheers.) If I were not addressing the house I should cheer that sentiment as much as any man, but, although that sentiment may tell against me, it is the very thing I am arguing. Sir William Napier is a great military authority. He has access to the Horse Guards. He can recommend persons. Fortunately, his soul abhors a job, and he would never recommend any one for promotion who is unworthy of it. (Hear.) If every promotion went in the same was I should not complain. If I saw promotions made upon the recommendation of such men as Sir W. Napier, or that gallant general who so much adorns this house, or any man equally distinguished and equally pure, I should have no doubt whatever of the propriety of those appointments. That is not what we complain of, or are disposed to call in question. (Hear.) A curious word occurs in the regula tion which affects the very commencement of every man's career in the army. That regulation is, that all recom mendations for commissions shall certify the eligibility of the person in respect to education, character, and "con nections." I do not really understand what is the mean ing of the word " connections," unless it be in relationship to persons of a certain position. (" Oh, oh !") I shall be very happy if hon. gentlemen will explain it. I have no wish to put a wrong construction upon it ; I merely take the word as it stands. (Hear, hear.) Before I go into the several cases to which I shall call the attention of the house, I must beg their indulgence while I say a few words upon a personal subjeCt. I do not suppose the house is forgetful of what occurred some time ago with regard to myself and Colonel Hardinge. Up to this moment it has not been in my power to explain this matter fully. When the question was brought forward I was not prepared to meet it. I hid received but a very short notice from the gallant member that he intended to bring it forward, and other reasons prevented me entering then upon a full ex planation. Those reasons no longer exist. Colonel Wilson has retired from the army ; and the country has lost the services of an eminent and gallant officer, who distin guished himself as much as any one on the fatal day of Inkerman, who was in the thickset of the fight, who brought his company into action from the tWo-grin bat tery, and was one of the very few that survived. He has left her Majesty's service. It is a matter of regret to me, because I nun partly the cause ; but I am not to blame. I wish merely to state to the house this case of Colonel Wilson, because it eminently illustrates my proposition, and I will state it as fairly as I can, having taken great pains to obtain accuracy by most care ful inquiries on all sides. I hope the house will under stand that I will never be a party to deceiving it in any' way whatever, not even if I could appeal to 37 years' expe rieece in Parliament. (Hear.) The house will believe me when I say that if I state anything it is from a conviction that it is true. I may be wrong, and, if the error is pointed out in a fair and quiet manner, I shall be the first to retract. Upon the occasion to which I allude I did not believe that I had stated that which was not strictly true, though I felt I was not in a position to prove it. I would not, therefore, retract, not from any want of respect to the house, but be cause I respected the house, and would not give it the impression that I had stated anything which I knew to be inaccurate? (Hear s ) What was the case of Col. Wilson? Three officers, captains and lieutenant-colonels in the Guards, were killed in action. The three officers next in rank were entitled to promotion. Two of those officers were not for purchase, and they were promoted- The third Wits for purchase, Col. 51`Kinnon, and he was also promoted. Colonel Mailmen, whose promotion was purchased, was killed. He had. not heard of the purchase at the time of his death, and a regulation operated which was unknown to Col. Wilson, and was unknown to many officers in the army. Col. Wilson's triende were called upon to purchase' the commission. Ha was then ill in the hospital at Scutari. He thought he had got his commission without purchase. It proved not to be so. His friends had paid the money, and he found himself g Izetted by purchase. He thought, , considering the circumstances, ho might have had the op tion of purchasing or not. Ilowever, that courtesy was not shown Col. Wilson, and the rule seems to have been strictly applied. I had what I considered the best possible proof that I was not understating the case of the Guards. I am not satisfied, though I quite admit I was wrong. Col. Crombie was put on half-pay, Lord Burghersh was promoted without purchase, and Col. Hardinge got his step. The house will see there were rules, and the rules were applied, and when I said there wore not rules I was wrong, and that I retract. (Hear, hear.) Let me call the attention of the house to Colonel Hardinge's career. I trust the house will believe that I regard Colonel Hardinge with no personal feeling whatever. He is a most gallant officer. He has distinguished himself, and I do not grudge him ad vancement. It is not the man I attack • it is the system which I wish to expose. Let us look at Colonel Hardinge's career. Colonel Hardinge entered the army as ensign in 1844. His first appearance was in diiect violation of a• printed regulation—much stronger than this regulation of which Colonel Wilson was ignorant, and which I presume is not printed—of a regulation which says that no officer shall serve on the staff until he has for two years performed regimental duty. He was put on the staff and served as aide-de-camp to his father in his Indian campaign. For good service in that campaign—in which he ought not to have been, though I am glad to say he was—Colonel Hardinge was made a lieutenant without purchase. There were hundreds of poor ensigns who went through that campaign, but they received no such reward. (Hear, hear.) That was in 1845. He was low in the list of lieutenants in his own regiment, yet shortly afterwards he was allowed to purchase a company. That was not against rule, but it was done in a manner almost unac countable. (Hear, hear.) He is not in this new regiment many days' before lie exchanges into the Coldstream Guards, and advances to the position in which we have lately seen him. Now look at Hart's Army List, and take the case of an officer who entered the same regiment shortly after Col. Hardinge—Lieut. Henry Buck. This poor young man served all through the campaigns in the Punjab. He got his lieutenancy at Guzerat ; he was at all the subsequent battles, and obtained several medals and clasps. Poor Henry Buck is still a lieutenant, and Col. Hardinge has attained high rank in her Majesty's army. (Hear.) I am glad to see Col. Hardinge where he is ; but the case of Lieut. Back is a reflection upon the system. (Hear.) When Major Hardinge is made an effective major ii the staff in direct opposition to regulations ; when Colonel Wood is placed over the head of Colonel Brough ; when Colonel Cuningham, son-in-law to Lord Hardinge, is placed over everybody's head; when all these things are happening together, can the house be surprised that an officer like Colonel Wilson, who has to pay for his promo tion after all he has gone through, should have felt hurt ; or that, naturally feeling some indignation, I should have made a somewhat inaccurate statement ? I am s&-ry that I made it, and I now beg to retract anything which was not correct. (Hear.) There is arrother question upon which I must say a word—that of Lord Eustace Cecil. There the promotion was in direct opposition to all regu lations. The hon. member opposite got un and excused that promotion because Lord Eustace Cecil had shown a meritorious desire to see service. That was a not very complimentary speech to the officers of the British army; but what are the facts of that case ? Lord Eustace Cecil had exchanged from every regiment which was seeing service. His regiment is at the seat of war; he is placed in a battalion whi c h is at this moment at Dublin, and Lord Eustace Cecil is within a mile of the house, or, indeed, he was so within a very few days. (Hear.) On a former occasion I alluded to the case of Captain Blackett, and I have since been accused of some inaccuracy, and I was asked by the father of that gentleman to retract my statement, but which I refused to do ; and certainly I was surprised and astonished that the father should have written to the Times a letter in which he denied that his son was promoted for merit, but that it was by the influence of Col. Upton, with whom he had gone on some pleasure excursion. (Lau g hte r .) This reminds nie of Canning's celebrated story of the knife-grinder, who would not be re lieved, although setae sentimental person was ready to afford it to him. I have a long list of lieutenants in the army who have served for years and years without having been promoted, but I will not refer to all of them. I will, however, call the attention of the house to a few cases, avoiding, as much as possible the mentioning of names where it may be considered painful to indivi duals to do so. (Hear, hear.) There was a Lieutenant Edwardes, who went to Spain in 1811, and who was en gaged throughout the whole of the Peninsular war. He was in six medal actions, and he was 30 times under fire, and had been twice wounded ; and yet, notwithstand ing a most earnest appeal to Lord Hardinge by Sir W. Napier in bin favour, he has been S. lieutenant in actual service ever since. (Hear.) Let me mention the case of Lieutenatit D—, That officer made an application for promotion to the rank of captain without purchase. He was an ensign in 1839. He is the son of an old officer, and has served some 12 or 14 years out of the 17 years on fo reign service, having been during that time in ludia and in China. He has a family, and has exchanged into his present, corps, as it is impossible for hint to support his family in England. He is now the oldest subaltern in the service, and he has applied to be appointed to au unet teched. company. But, no ; he has no friend at the Horse Guards, end therefore he still remains a subal tern. I will now read to the house a most touching letter, which has been furnished to use by Sir W. Napier, who has applied in vain to Lord Hardinge on behalf of the writer, who is a c aptain in the 44 th Regiment, and who has been 4 lyeare in actual servioe.sThe letter, although pri eats, is one so touching, and so fully exemplifying the working of the whole system, that I make no apology for reading it : " This day is the 40th anniversary of the Nivelle, when you I showed us the way to fight and conquer. How few survive of those whom you so gallantly led ! Am I not somewhat pri vileged, as one of your old followers, to address you : I think so. Mine really is a singular fate. Here I am, one of the spared of the old guard, making preparations in Table-bay for the embarkation of the modern 43d, destined for Madras. . . During the last three years I have not been one night absent from my post. Sir George Cathcart has not been backward in acknowledging my services, and recommended me for a brevet majority (2 per diem). My Lord Hardinge rejected my claims to this trifling boon with the inconsistency of admitting that he entertains a full sense of my merits. lie has promoted a legion of youngsters over me ; many of whom have been only in one little skirmish, pendant notre petit guerre. Ono 26 years my jun., writes to me to say, I was surprised to see my name among the lucky fellows promoted, as I have never done anything.' The chief of our staff, a very intelligent officer, wrote to me not long since stating—' I have no hesi tation in saying that the zeal and diligence which you have exhibited in carrying on the various business at our great entrepot, whence everything comes to this army, have been of more use than if' you had been in every skirmish and on every patrol during the war.' My services are considered, however, unworthy of the smallest consideration. . . Cependant n'importe ! la vie est si courte, et si triste, qu on no doit pas s'en chagriner." I will now refer to a case of a very opposite description- It is that of an officer, a young man (Captain 8—), whose name has never been mentioned in any despatch, and whose services are wholly unnoted. In 1853 he was pro moted to a majority, and in 1855, on Lord Panmure's ac cession to the• office of Minister for War, he was made a deputy quartermaster-general and lieutenant-colonel, which, of course, makes it certain that he will obtain his co lonelcy in three years' time, while he still retains hie cap taincy in his own regiment. That, I contend, is a case of most unjust promotion. I say not a word against the in dividual, but I do most severely condemn the system. The first step in his promotion put him over the head of the senior major in his own regiment, Major A—, who en tered the regiment four years before Captain 8— was known in the service, and who was in the campaign of Aff ghanistan, at Ghuznee, Khelat, and in the Caffre war, was severely wounded, and is well known as a distinguished officer. The second step in his promotion puts him over Lieut.-Col. B—, whose name has often been mentioned in orders and despatches, and who is six years the senior of Captain S—, twice slightly wounded, once seriously. It puts him over the head of Brigade-Major Simmons, who entered the regiment nine years before Captain S— was appointed, who was known to the House in the Seringa patam affair and in the Affghanistan campaign, and was seriously wounded at Ghuznee and twice at Khelat. I ask is this a state of things that is to be tolerated ? (Hear.) I could go into the particulars of an unlimited number of instances of a similar description, but I think those I have already mentioned will be sufficient to prove to the house that there is a system of favouritism pursued in the British army to a great and lamentable extent, and Which operates most injuriously to those who have honestly and patriotically served their country. (Hear.) I will now go to the staff. I have already stated that the regulations of the army are infringed whenever it is thought they may be an obstacle in the way of the promotion of men having influence at their command. One of those evils which have given rise to all the anomalies of which we have to complain is the numerous appointments to the staff. If you look through the Army List you will perceive this at once. It will be seen that there are not less than 45 officers who, in spite of the regulations , are aw a y f rom th e i r regi ments anti serving on the staff. By those regulations it is positively stated that no officer shall be on the staff while his regiment is in foreign servi ce . I k now th a t th ere i s a distinction between the staff of the army and the personal staff of the general. General Jomini has said that— " A good staff, is more than all, indispensable to a well constituted army. It must be considered as the nursery whence a general is to dr4w the instruments of which he makes use—an assemblage of officers whose talents are to second his own. When the genius which directs, and the talents of those who are to carry out his conceptions do not harmonise, success becomes doubtful, for the most skilful combinations are neutralised through faults in execution. A good staff has, moreover, the advantage of being more lasting than the genius.of one man--it can remedy many evils, and we hesitate not to affirm that it is the best safeguard to au army. Petty interests, narrow views, misplaced self-love, may deny this assertion ; it must nevertheless remain an un deniable truth to every reflecting soldier and every enlight ened st itesman. A well-constituted staff will' be to an army what an able Ministry is to a monarchy—it will support the commander even when he is capable of directing all himself. It will prevent faults by furnishing him with good informa tion, it will also prevent them when he is unequal to the duties of command." It must, nevertheless, remain an undeniable truth to every 1 reflecting mind that a well-constituted staff is to au army what an able Minister is to the Monarch ; and .I wish we had both. Those are most remarkable words. This house and the country know what we have suffered of late. There is an institution in this country specially devoted to the education of officers who ought to be on the staff. A return was called for some time ago by an hon. member of those officers who had taken honours and were now on the staff. I matte an error before, and I will correct it now by reading thq returns : " Omitting general officers, there are 116 officers serving on 'the staff; of whom 19 belong to the Guards, most of them of. noble families, and 7 to the Rifle Brigade, of whom 4 are ho nourables. There are 6 lieutenant generals on the staff, not one of whom has taken a certificate in the senior department of the Royal Military College; 12 major-generals, of whom 1 (General Eyre) has obtained a certifi ca t e; 4 colonels, 1 of whom (Colonel Cameron) has a certificate; 12 assistant adju tant-generals, 2 of whom (Lieut.-Colonel Stirling and Major Ewart) have obtained a certificate • 1 quartermaster-general, with a certificate; 9 assistant-quartermaster -generals, none of whom have obtained certificates; 29 deputy-assistant quarter master-generals, 5 of whom have certificates ; 1 military secre tary, assistant military secretary, 12 staff officers, 30 aides de-camp, and 14 brigade-majors, none of whom had obtained certificates ; so that out of the whole stair, properly so called, only 7 have obtained certificates of the senior department of the Royal Military College." A. return has been also made to the house of the names of those officers who have been promoted for good service during the campaign, coming down to the 11th of March. Out of 93 officers promoted, how many does the house sup pose c,re on the staff ? No less than 65. This is a most serious consideration. Remember the brave men in the Crimea; our officers are becoming disheartened by the pre sent state of things. I say so from my own personal know ledge; I have mixed with them and heard from their own lips their opinions of the wholesale promotions of those whose services are inferior to their own. Let the house listen to a voice from the Crimea. The following obser vations have appeared in a public paper :-- " But, more by far than any injustice or indiscriminating liberality in distributing honours, is the tardiness with which the State rewards them (the officers and soldiers). How many of the soldiers of the Alma are there remaining among us How many have passed away from the ranks of those who fought at Balaklava and Inkerman ? Look, for example, at the case of Colonel Egerton, who fell the other night in a noc turnal action in the trenches. That gallant, loved, and ho noured.officer had never fora moment left his regiment, from the time he landed, till he met his death-wound; he led his regiment up the steeps of Alina ; he commanded them at Inkerman, where Lord Raglan specially mentioned their ser vices and exertions in recapturing three of our guns from the enemy ; and many a weary night he passed in the dreary trenches ; but while Gazette after Gazette showered promo tion on the peak of every cocked hat, wherever it was, in the fight, or out of it, Colonel Egerton received nothing— not one step. He had no reward except the regard of his general, the respect of the army, and the promise of a medal and clasps, which he never lived to see. That is the ease of many a gallant soldier, and the cause of many a great complaint. " The authorities at home have, no doubt, ascertained pri vately, and through communications unknown to the public, how much disappointment exists among the senior officers in command of regiments out here at the delay which has taken place in the distribution of the rewards and honours which they have reason to expect, and to which they are so justly entitled, The feeling is expressed in every tent, in every con versation in camp. If colonels of regiments are to be made C.B.'s for past services, why are they kept wa iti ng till they are heart-sickened ? The case of Colonel Egerton, who went to his honoured grave followed by the regrets of the whole army, may be that of every one of the few remaining officers who led their regiments at Alma, In kerman, and have served their country in the equally perillous, more trying, but less gloriousservice of the trenches during this protracted siege. There is understood to be some little difference of opinion been Lord Raglan and the War office respecting, the list of officers to be rewarded : but it matters little to those who are pining for some acknowledg ment of their services what the nice point may be which bars their right. Very recently, Colonel Rumley, who has sren but little foreign service as commanding officer, and. Colonel Williams, who has latterly at least been principally employed in Ireland, have been appointed Brigadiers-General in Malta. It is felt that these appointments would have been conferred with much greater propriety and justice on some one of the colonels of regiments out here—men who, like Col. Garrett or Col. Macpherson, belong to the Peninsula, and who are only in temporary command of brigades, from which they may be superseded at any moment ; whereas Colonels Rum ley and Williams have permanent commands. Colonel Shirley of the 88th Regiment has every day an.opportunity of seeing his nephew, who never saw any war service, and who is junior to him by many years, in the uniform of a major general, with rank and pay greater than his own ; and there is no doubt that Major-General Shirley will not only have his local rank confirmed, but that he will also have a certainty of higher promotion if the force to which he has been appointed perform any service of importance, while Colonel Shirley, who has served with his regiment throughout the campaign, can not be promoted, and does not even receive any honorary dis tinction for his conduct. He was a brigadier for a few days, but is so no longer. The case of Colonel Yea of the 7th, than whom there is no more gallant, devoted, and energetic sol dier in the service, is equally hard ; and all the Alma colonels are aggrieved or slighted in the same way. Col. Cunynghame is doubtless a deserving, zealous, and hardworking officer; but he has recently received an appointment which places him far above the heads of officers as deserving and far senior to him in the service. (The system we go upqu is in fact unintelli gible, it is neither one of seniority or of merit.) What reward has Brevet-Colonel Dicks Al received for the services he ren dered at the Alma, and the incalculable results he produced at Inkerman by - the fire of two guns, around which'l7 of the gunners were struck down beside,him ?" I know Colonel Dickson, and a more gallant or more able► officer does not exist, nor one who has rendered great , r services to the country. Does the house remember his father in the Peninsula, when the Duke of Wellington ordered a certain military operation, which the artillery officer in command said it was impossible; upon which the Duke turned round to the young officer and said, " Will you do it ?" he replied, " I will ;" and he did it. What did the Duke of Wellington ? He promoted the young officer to the head of the artillery on the spot, and morever kept him there, in spite of favouritism at home, and even of officers being sent out to supersede him. W ell, what was the result? Why, his artillery was the best in the British army. Colonel Dickson, the son's, was exactly the same case. At Inkerman the colonel commanding the artillery said it was impossible to bring up the guns to a p?sition which would decide the fate of the day. Colonel Dickson, how ever—who left this country, be it remembered, a brevet colonel, having been in Spain and seen long service there-- said it was possible to bring up guns, and, like his father, he did bring them up, and played with such effect as to break the masses of Russian infantry which were attacking us. He is still a plain captain of artillery. The statement in ° the Times was—" It would surprise the Horse Guards, perhaps, if they could hear the names of officers who have, I know, expressed their intention of leaving th e serv i ce as soon as they can should their claims be disregarded any longer, or as soon as they complete a term of service to justify their demanding a retirement." We have had re verses, and why? Because we have had no men to command —no officers. And we shall have none if you continue to turn a deaf ear to just merit, and still determine to pro mote those only 'who have family or political influence to recommend them. Look at the Staffs of the generals, look at that of my gallant Mend here (Sir D. L. Evans.) That staff was not composed of men selected on account of re lationship or political influence, but of the best men for the duties. There was one hon. member of that house (Lieut.-Colonel P. Herbert) upon that staff, but he was not elected . on that account, for a more gallant officer could not be found, and in choosing him the general did honour to the house, and at the same time placed that officer in the right place. What are the remedies I suggest for the evils I have pointed out? They are promotion without purchase, and an end, if possible, to all favouritism in the army. That is the first step. As to the promotion with out purchase, I believe my gallant friend (Sir De Lacy Evans) agrees with all those who are well acquainted with the army, that this system, which disgraces us in the eyes of foreign nations, must be put an end to. That has been proposed more than once, and the answer al ways has been you cannot meddle with vested interests." I do not wish to do so, but if I can show you how you can remedy the evils without interfering with vested interests, if you be sincere in your desire for improvement you will agree with me. Here is a curious list, which I have made, of the num ber of commissions given without purchase up to this time. Will the house believe that out of 4,367 commissions given from the rank of captain downwards, more than one-half (2,413) have been granted without purchase. I will take two regiments at random. In the let Regiment, out of 23 commissions as captains, 11 are without purchase ; lieute nants, 22 out of 33; and ensigns, 10 out of 16 without pur chase. Now, I will take the last regiment—the Rifle Bri gade. There, out of 43 captains' commissions, 30 were given without purchase; of lieutenants, 34 out of 35 ; and of en signs, 23 out of 129 were without purchase. Now, if you be sincere, you have an opportunity t o p u t an en d one half of the purchase system in the army—if you will say that all these commissions which have been given without purchase shall remain free commissions, to be given only to merit, and shall not pass by purchase. Thus, without touch ing in anydegree vested interests, or injuring any man in any way, you can put an end to so much of the system of pur chase, and at the same time be doing only an act of justice. Is it right that a man who has a commission given to him should go and sell it to a person who has merited it? (Hear.) I know he cannot do so immediately after he gets it, but he can very soon after.; and supnosing a man on obtaining his colonelcy sells out, he sells all his former commissions, although one or two may have come to him without pur chase. If the Government wishes to advance the interests of those men who ar e fi g hti ng our b a ttl es , an d w i s h es t o say one word of consolation to them, let the decision of this houie go forth, that at least commissions given with out purchase shall henceforth.be given only to merit. The anomalies of the purchase system are greater in war than in peace. You have officers who have fought in all your campaigns ; when vacancies occur they cannot, perhaps, purchase ; and then men who have never left this country —who have been the whole time with the depot—are ena bled to buy over their heads, not only within their own but in any other regi m e n t s . The npxt thing you must do is to abolish the privileges of the Guards. There is the ',rent evil. You take one regiment and place it above all others, which is an injustice ; it is unfair and inconsistent with the spirit of the age. You must educate your staff—you must make a rule that no man shall be on the staff unless he shall have received the education necessary for such an ap pointment. You must attend to the recommendations of the commissions which have been appointed to consider these questions, and which have reported in favour of changes in our military system. There was a report made last year by a commission, signed by several members of this house, in which I find the following passage : " It is generally admitted that in a naval command phy sical vigour, and the energy which accompanies it, are necessary to the full discharge of the duties imposed upon the commander ; but, if this be true in the navy, in which, though the responsibility and risk to life be increased in war, yet there is little additional fatigue or privation, com paratively, beyond what is encountered in peace, how much more is it true in the case of land service, where immense distances have to be traversed over unknown and difficult ground, where the general must necessarily spend days to gether in the saddle, visiting, as he must-do, in all parts of an extended line of operations, where the most opposite reports have to be balanced and decided, where the most elaborate combinations must be rapidly conceived and executed, in order to move and feed vast bodies of men in an unwilling or hostile country, to find means of transport for supplies of provisions and ammunition, to provide for the sick and wounded ; to create, in short, with such materials as may be found, an organhation, any failure in which may result in a terrible sacrifice of human life, and may, in the most critical moment, baffle the best combinations. That labours such as these must require not only the exercise of faculties of the highest order, but physical strength, and powers of endurance which shall keep those faculties unimpaired by bodily fatigue and privation, is too obvious to be disputed The breaking out of a war, of which no one can foresee the duration or the extent, makes it incumbent upon us to take immediate and effective measures to remedy evils by which the efficiency of the service may, at a most critical moment, be seriously impaired." But how far have those recommendations been carried out? The report gives a list of the ages of the general officers in the Peninsula : "The Duke of Wellington was a Major-General at 33, the Marquis of Anglesey 34, the Earl of Dalhousie 38, the Earl of Strafford 36, Lord Hill 33, Lord Beresford. 39, Sir George Murray 40, Lord Combermere 31, Lord Londonderry 32." By way of Contrast, I have here a list of the ages of the gereral officers in the Crimea, which, I believe, is correct, and which shows how much attention has been paid to the recommendations of the commission : " Lord Raglan 67, Sir J. Burgoyne 73, General Brown 65, Duke of Cambridge 36, Sir D. L. Evans 68, Sir It. England 62, Sir G. Cathcart 61, Lord Lucan 55, General Tylden, en tered service in 1806, 66, General Cator, entered service in 1803, 69, General Strangways, entered service in 1806, 66, Commissary-General Fi:der 64, Admiral Dundas, entered ser-, vice in 1792, 67, Lord Rokeby 57." All these aro gallant officers ; they have' served their coun try well, and the country would rejoice to honour them— and to pension them ; but when the interests and honour of the country are at stake, we must not allow private con siderations to have weight in appointments of this kind. I want-to know why the recommendation of the commis sion which I have just read was not carried out, and I want to know, further, whether it is now being carried' out. By your present system you exclucle from the army all the middle classes— those 'classes which eminently re present the intelligence of the country; only those who have influence and family connexions can get commissions; but if you were to throw open the armyyou would at once have a large importation of the middle classes into it, even as privates, if you were to give them a prospect of rising. But the Government have done nothing towards improving our military system, except throwing open the Artillery, and uniting the Commissariat and Ordnance with the Horse Guards. I should not quite like to state my own opinion with regard to this last measure, but I will read to the house what the hon. member for Middlesex—(laughter)-- who is a member of the Government, and who ought there fore to be an authority, said on the subject some little time ago-- " Will any man tell me that our military system, as exist ing at present, has tended to develope or bring forward mili tary talent or genius ? 1 deny it. Look, sir, in the first in stance, hew the staff of the British army is composed. (Cheers and counter cheers.) It is all very well for hon. gentlemen to come down and talk of consolidation of. the Ordnance, the Horse Guards, and the Commissariat under one head, and the substitution of one Minister for another. I maintain (what ever may be the inherent vigour of that man, whatever may be his experience); a-mere consolidation will not be sufficient; you must reconstruct your whole military system. The time has arrived when 3 ou cannot expect an army, besides winning battles in the field, to go through the vicissitudes of a cam paign under the present state of things. (Renewed Opposi tion cheers.) You must lay an unsparing hand on that build ing adjacent to these premises — you must see, whether in f ac t you can find a mode rn Hercules to turn the Serpentim through the Horse Guards, and all the ramifications of the War-office. (Loud cheers.) . . In England every one knows that it is not merit and capacity for which an officer is appointed to the staff, but interest and connexion. . . I say you must not-be satisfied with the army consolidation—you must reform the array and the Horse Guards. . . The fact is this, that you never will have any reform till you commence with the Horse Guards, and are not satisfied with the mere conso lidation of offices. It is very painful for me to make this statement—(ironical cheers)—l have a superior duty to per form ; I represent a constituency.'! (Laughter.) Really, if I had been speaking myself, I coald not have used more appropriate language. This being, then, the opinion of a member of the Government, I trust something will be done. We must remember that our words here will travel far; I know that every regimental officer in the Crimea is watching what passes here with the deepest anxiety ; they trust in us, and they are hoping that we shall be able to break up the system which ex poses them to so great wrongs. (Hear, hear.) With re gard to the navy, I am afraid there is much in its system which produces the same injustice and the same grievances as those which I have described with regard to the army. I am afraid there is the same favouritism at work there too. I will just give one instance of the perversity which characterises the wiministration o f the navy. If there is one class of officers more valuable and more de serving than another in the navy it is the masters. (Hear.) They are intrusted with most responsible duties; if a ship wreck takes place,the blame is generally thrown on their shoulders ; but although there is a power to promote masters, the Government will not do it. Some. time ago I pressed on an hon. member of this house, who sits at the Admiralty Board, to do something for the masters arid he told me that something was being done. It turned out that that something was a mere increase of pay, but there was no improvement whatever made as to promoting them in rank. Now a mere increase of pay Isay is no encourage ment at all to such men. I have received letters from mas ters telling me that they were so disgusted withthe service that they were longing to quit it, and enter into the mer cantile marine. I come now to the diplomatic service, in which I am somewhat more at home, as I have had consi derable personal experience of it, and have made it, too, a subject of study; I will divideitinto twoparts—diplomacy proper, and the consular service. Recent events have shown us of what importance our. diplomatic service is, and what i(nportant questions aro committed into its hands, and yet if there is one service more thananother which is made the vehicle for favouritism it is our diplomacy. Hereis a little book published. by the Foreign-office, which gives a list• of those who are employed in our diplomatic service I open it at random, and I read :--Hanover—Minister, the Hon. John Duncan Bligh, C.B. ; Secretary of Legation, Hon. G. Edgcumb; First 'Attaché, Hon. W. Nassau Jocelyn. Then I go to Austria. There the Minister is the Earl of Westmoreland; the . Secretary of Legation, Hon. Henry G. Elliot ; First paid Attache, Hon. Julian 11. C. Fane. I turn to Berlin, and there I read—Minister, Lord Bloomfield ; Secretary of Legation, Lord Augustus L oftus ; First paid Attache, H on . Li one l S. Sackville Wes t ; Se cond Attache, Hon.) William G. C. Elliot ; and. er e s so on . throughout, showin g w h a t a com pl e te monopoly th vice is. From thi s littl e b oo k I h a ve made the foll ow i n g ani.lysis of the compositions of the service : ci Head of Missions-7 lords, 9 lionolul small m2issbiaornos ; baronets 3 noble families, 7 gentlemen, nearly all Turkishfitmiltes , 10 1 baronet, 5 noble families, 7 gentlemen ; , against 7. Secretaries of Legation-2 lorlcl7s,;,(79aihnosnto7u.rabplaiesa, include 6 nobleor Persian gentle menAtt a c ; 14 againstlord,l 1 7 0 , h honourables, r t a b b e l e i s 0 , lords, 5 honourables, 9 no bl e Mission. Unpaid Attaches - 2 families, 17 gentlemen ; 16 against it My hon. friend the member for Stafford the other night mentioned the case of 3 Tr. Stanley , ey,who had been a precis writer ed ee n i n g w il ::: ffi meacci and who, after s i x d ays ' serv i ce as e first attache ; a nd, a ft er th ree sthe attache, Fore years' service as first attaché, was promoted to the post of secretary of Legation. Certainly I should have thought that that family had had enough—two peerages and a bishopric, besides other things, ought to have sufficed for them. Then, on the other hand, there is the case of Mr. —emphatically a man o f genius—who has heenk Alison—emphatically embassy at Constantinople since 1839. An abler man does not exist; yet the Government, though they have made him Oriental Secretary, will not allow him to rank as a secretary of legation or to claim increase of pay; he is kept under such men as Mr. Stanley, and others who have been put over his head. There are a great many other cases, all of which aro equally as bad ; an d let the house take say word for it—for I have been engaged in diplomacy and in the Foreign-office—there is nothing but favouritism in diplomacy. Yet the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) gets up and says that it is a great mistaketo suppose that when vacancies occur in the higher offices the selections are not made with a view to efficiency. There is the case of Lord Normanby, our present Minister in Tuscany, whose office a committee of this house ree.2rr: mended should be abolished, or merge d into another. ~.„Coui tainly it has been well said that the country niaY ~. to pension incapacity, but cannot affo rd to employ_it I am sorry to have to refer to italividual instances, but cannot flinch flinch from that task when it is necessary tempe__ form it in order to expose a crying evil and abus, __,7, years ago it was determined to have gentlemen at Con r T 4l tinople who should take the places of the foreign toter p . 7_ ters. Now, I have heard M. Pisani and othersao .ot.l foreign interpreters much condemned. It has been St t 4 that they are mere Russian spies, who are t 11 ." f bought ; but, in jnstice to this class, I must say (sna g _speak froas experience) that I belive a more honest which men does not exist ; and I never heard of a case inig they had betrayed their trust. The system, bow e r, sa y bad; and it is no reflection upon those gentlemen i f yen _ oll that you ought not to have foreigners in your serviceolulittsve can get Englishmen to fill their situations. Why a ll . ne do not act as the Austrians, the French, and the Russia ores, in this respect ? Well, several vacancies having .occ o Nve u re four gentlemen selected from Oxford and raC3mbruitghsee of ~ sent out to supply them ; but up to this omenthave DO 4. been recognised as Attaches. True, tbey are them are kept there upon miserable salaries and d they c an told but hoar marry and settle there, and take up a profession ; ei 5',, 00 can they do so and keep up the position of gentlems s'ii.rth_ 2501. a-year, less income-tax and Forolgn-caco fee _ jinxD out any chance of promotion, or even the advantitelseeesu dragoman's place ? Though one of these g e % I s l e step , been abroad since IEIO he has not risen a are eerv i s e, Now what is wanted in diplomacy, as in the civilc is some test on entering When I was at the Fores eet o f many documents were submitted to me on tbe tb DJ 1 r than - examinations. Some of them went even fur ce,,,,,int thought necessary, because I don't know that an s_et ience e ante with botany, astronomy, and other abstr3use..7,' bow is of much use to such officers. Some examinw, tie ° ,,',.ht to ever, is absolutely requisite ; and, above all, pa r t of our employ no man without paying him. Tha t Pi/ s usan' s Pt ) ' ° system is rotten from top to bottom. (..--e ar. he v ery ' ll , services are worth anything, pay him from t' n ot so rt " ment he enters your employment ; if they all _ ~d o nce anything, let him be dismissed. In the nest P2a0:40.' u p to your Attaches by seniority to a certain secretaryships of legation. You cannot 8 ~e in dip. ° ,.' them further than that by seniority, beT l . ll ' you vv.. , Pn in e ' f ' e ly. .Pronie i t° macy book knowledge is not sufficien t ; uer to secure_ be justifiable, but ' that departure greater qualifications than that, and, in or der greater qualifications than that, and, ure fro' ° ru le eal, superior efficiency , almost any departure front b e ro tes for the purpose of perpetrating a i t °D 'io the 00 " b 1 ; case unfortunately too often at Pr,e s ,,,, n • ts n should 0 s hould ,ne v e `; i s the petition to which diplomatic aPPI",,,,e-so those an, subject, a preference should. be '' ° l our public an",• have taken the highest honours in son3e 0 y two w i t h resa u ra recognised places of education. A wor d ' °r , e rvio . 11 °' a nt to the consular branch—a most importan" e i o , s tie sg? - e one that is as ill-treated as are your di ofP °four divisio ~ Your coy galas establishments consist peeerals, coo 'solar which it is necessary to distinguish--consu your eensinalt suls, vice-consuls, and consular assi stants. employed for service is no profession at all, and men are soniet inies • te• fog the most extiaordinary reasons , and uld roostsare, reasons I may almost say, that moraiitY vf° , „ c ats to s ue° r 1 the The claims put forward for appointment astonisnec plea indeed, often so remarkable that I am - -- , ljss el-vice top should be listened to for a moment. But ju n v b o is at the .„ a are never promoted. The consul-general, but D ever I '6 o , of the tree, ought to have previously been'," e a of tbe en . hard-working consul. The noble lord at the s ° o e nle o f our c o o vernment bore testimony to the efficiency of these ou tle t the suls. I have myself been acquainted mediate rang° of in Europe, Asia and Africa, in therm „ nt a mong is tht - Mediterranean at least ; and I must say "`" who frotn ,,bee s are many most able men, and men, in fact, ' to the isloree wonderful acquirements would be entitles refvuoed , or pasts in any profession. But are they eve and o ote se lf ing of their long and unrequited servicesL of them write to me stating their grievan, ' an d I 0/ 0 en b u t tbi .vnie e the t l oo a k th a a o t w th m e for 20 °r e s v olt l yenmwayithtrlaadregeiffatraheiyliepslewahseo;have be _ the y s r ,l3ry, 30 years stationed in soke small tovvn• Tru ° 'i e a iae a a re for how can they trade without capital, o f,„, s oul` ho ts destitute? If they attempted to do so t hey t other Orenstast become bankrupt ; they would set all the t j e t° o° :thein. of the place against them ; they would ge ss( ' instil' Oa quarrels with the pashas, and everyoody sofem deductnon nct (~ Hear, hear," and a laugh.) You put af et - , you t b he does not escape the taxation 300 L, or, it may be,a-year La ns idering bicli from his salary the income-tax, whic h ' cci u ntrY inn otib' ho is living, is, perhaps, rather hard. ic -" , ' is sn l er us' nation—viz., what is called the ject him to another burden, which, . 1 t hin a -offic e %icily' o f the c°,, her , ye s , oo i. fees. I will say nothings • t the cterks 1 . 11 that that deP the short . 0 re Foroig_ the for : rt . office, because, during the short time I Wa sl e isy th e j3ut a ment, I found men of such power and capa tiog s. .., s o consul and every diplomatic offieer is I was ashamed to feel myself placed oveLipea to,Pi,el,o - the ro t w ith 'much for every 1001. he receives to a cleric 1 ad, eV to ol, office for enabling him to draw his salmi ; sod, °loge this ? and with the extras which the ntifi' r s a seri p. I with 250/. a-year, has to pay, there is alwaL icer. ° o ", or percentage to be deducted from his Iniiera ol 7 o tb! u s t ip say, therefore, that you should do either, ` o ' sii ffici cit is another—either pay your Foreign-offico cl er c o t 011;..' e out or, fix_ your consular salaries at the s , lnj w sed, et. thesa actually paid ; but don't, by a sort of si" c• ra tion ° eon any inadequacy there may be in the remune the po or _ our clerks by cheating of his scanty earnings oe y r T g e l)t sul in the East. (Hear, hear.) Th en i'l -a ,5 -c 1.-1 0 ,; vice-consuls, who never rise,—indeed t e e i rs soe. ote . an instance of advancement in the consulaor B ee l e r ag e ot aitf you have got a perfect cloud of " c j b s o ea ti° , o cee d ' These persons are mostly Greeks, or nien 0 their P an ' ea in the East. I read an amusing account of O . o stlo o ving ings in a book written, I understand, hs'' g Tlie loving gaged in the Foreign-office, and entitled oo snWi(pr °- Englishmen." I have seen undreds of thes e c w ho s e bu ff' myself over and over again ; they are lioi'ljecooo.,,tie toction, who go about with two or three P ° i o g 00; try' mg . everybody; who make money by prael r- frora i n esel l i t to individuals from the lock-up house eil7 o l w, f e r f n3a" bunals of the country ; men who violate te' o. ", , eat s !'ils the ( pasha to secure their liberation. Thus, themselves as British subjects, and paYt hes- r 3 eW Iv ari es °f fee, in consideration of which influencers O ce " a therce r the 1. 00 the cu the country are insulted ; these men do,ll°, t 7 Vire„,"oula tows' dues, and the local law is set at dena l tl:ocloi; tbo course which I would take to remove thi s t ", disoi ls So; be,•if ever I heard of such a case, at once pus ola' person concerned, and have him signally yOU Service in the diplomatic and the consular sorvlcousalar ...,0 have a career. No man should enter the e c o o Eur u . s v i i to . unless seiseh ad previously been what i n i d o not ` v t i s on' countri called a "pro consul;" but , a' ~ As sisi:, s s i! use high-sounding names, I will term it 5 1' ,3 thr ouri er fea sal." Let there be a probation to be g°: manliest W p lace' the case in the French service, and whe Lt t h e bii t hat o' r a certain period let him rise by merit to il , to bi n) g ot' in his profession. Then you will holtl s o oo ' w , c liollf i poi ( conragement to exert himself whic h .e feee f°e''t of Puri ing. I would also abolish they oreign,. the sullle c t ion, .s.` t come to the civil service, a branch ca,,tinai qthe va s t, eminent importance, because it is a Ponadvice of , upon i e, I hope we shall be favoured with tho Glads toe/ Nve hav e honourable gentleman behind me pir. on beau: interea Hero .we have safer grounds to g° ur . - 0 0 '''''i the 11.1 ; in evidence before us a collection 0, ow e 0 engeg ed . l s, ing and valuable papers drawn uP 71 00 beet' an ers gi: remarkable men in this country sal° I. ' The se and 9 bo' i all departments of the public servieec:_.woot, m ; s the grounds, I hope, of future imp tee d e s 01° exPr i lii a lrf' on which this house may worko u teil Sen nice 've ma d° sso own opinion upon the state of Gl en. _ hi) h a n ee _ the opinions of some of the gentl_rn 0 L''sie use. . see b ~P . reports which have been laid befor . , , r eoun s i ry t, t po o li,, been said that the civil service oft t2i: a 1 0 ,1 y a T I )03; tical influence, but chiefly entirely confined to those who latter;if an d vin , ,, er of t he the „,d If . th r e e P° per °f that an impression has gone abreet9 the a re e as l r_ be t ts o f right hon. gentleman who r e ol4 0. Le s us the veniaiotio Mr. Romilly, and he W ill house in the distribution of t n" . e j will cit e t a 7 t e o r ritl' n 'f gentlemen say in their ralrr;arded a s an he has been appointed one ointments in the civil e',,, lec i s : regulations. Re says of aPP° ointments being Pilo's: " The only motive for such ;oPrPpolitical servicesceoele political partisans is gr atitude . n the HOS° 3 °, l _ a clig r o ter exertions in obtaining votes elections, a ste aLiee tiot large suins of money spent in_o„_wed. by on o an .o ; o o 0 ~o , to one political party at last I la' unsyserving de,v,iefasioabwah just to indicate that the former it . _fai_ar s 1 cott-i - ece ivell t o• to be duly appreciated . these . a SdiSPensiug rbips,°.ate3 u ' tile examiners unclis._tVicy,, tuate the Minister of the day lu au , .. bairre ans_ ep pcs . he , secretaryships, commissionerships, ' I ' c hosen ,T o ' fiej, D uv t bel fall vacapt. .. . In all eases thermt efnorthe sitn f .T es i fe r ,iatie s , , not because they are peculiarly 0 tbe prov'' n evi " o ro XlO as r but s 4 taus© as political adherents they rau s ~o s iug a re nie look upon their appointments , retirelneamof tool vo not as an important field for fresh exert i°ns? t' 11 e iv`i for the past, and an agreeable and east the g oo A P th e tive life for the future. In other wor•d P r o s isea in ,' service is sacrificed to political eons , __ .. e fist he ra . in 00 o ' o f party must be kept together. Rop es u o koa%ss minds of the rising generation of politic Tors o 1 tt o l oito ast in proportion as hopes are raised in meinit s oot t, c rush Commons by every fresh political apP 0111 " a s oo 11 0 in the strictly civil service they are los e° ich ° r' the civil service." s a „ a iso ' erotic so 03• 0 ' ‘ r o ify The words I ha s ve read are those of a c! ,..0 _ . , 0. P ,ben chosen by the Government thensse,b;:oaiele.", . .. I I therefore they will give due weight to „ g u l' et 'at,eg • is, ptirl . let us sae what Sir J. Stephen says• - I ' . . o leo 3 l,7,isfi t P " Tho Clerks iu the colonial Offs w_.°.,leooallewthe Olio. guishable into three classes. The first, a ve' A -T re t, .0 ' , . 04 , the second being more numerous than thc: ec i .._ be ff o n d , .%, exceeding the number of the other two un',!, ige re tf it, bat e lr an the narrow circle of the first of these classe: be rs o ' h i e li I, c t not indeed combined in any one of the '' ' l' ,„f l ities e f ° oil ",, r er riously - distributed among them au __ qu.... irateo _ f ro , or still never think without the highest 30'00 of ,in, _such as large capacity of mind, literatYuYergy, li t on to . " to , cellence, sound scholarship, indeinitah l° e gf.dev ° h oe f' if perienee in public affairs, and an absolntesho p est d w i l h ,o , public service. It comprised some men v ' sit ioa, °bay, were to eminence in any field of open ConsPe%oaablY le, born to more ample fortuues, might rea' w hich the y J oe pired to hold the seals of the office i n . . s o , of c .,1 serving as subordinates. . - ' • - • si , s insPriaossess.o - of the third class—that is, " . " - i , situe -- loios tl _i• members of the Colonial Department in n il , d e gree ° o fd T o r only in a low degree, and some of there i11.`,.„ o f nie n n ir 10 I credibly low, either the talents or the liao,o;dge e el on ,, . 0 ness, or the industry, the zeal, or tholo o 7 ate fuc,v, fo r t 1)° ,,,, the effective performance of their apptoPft be reaTi e for ..0 1. 00 many cases ample and valid excuses Tiq . . - .. i iei pos i % o f P . D . defects ; but of the existence of them it 1 ! t he o °w e g , t i ' at to doubt. Neither have I any doubt as _ f w hon l ers of ee e extreme disparities between the person!4_ Inerab c ll. ' le lishment of the office was composed. '. 11 " 0 011, o f th co which I have designated the first-class W d e n o : noo onte' lne lab e er who had been sought out and apooin t see . Th e sisaon.ol, well-ascertained fitness for tho public se re_r were , w o ...0 0 ..., of that which I have named. the third etionsetiff stro p s ception, men who had been appointed o ,g; ir Pat,,Ef'l the l e , the domestic, or the personal feeline.eitnewbeisicoll, t v 111 h n ot O cit ill° 010 calledo successiveseeo nd n iatroductiesn ot her s, dbted to such nepotism for 'their understoo'..oilo t„, te Secretaries oefiSfltayt,c.tbo g department. It will, of course, e 'er s , iS rhea seniority Pre'f as classification is wholly distinct from . 0 senior ity . 3 , t hev io . o under the same names, to indicate tn each'other. .• . • . n erate e • winch ge el ' D in our public offices a nepotism i Rill abuses in the conduct of them. A Now - hen. d ir Such is the evidence of Sir J. Step t A r,, i o He sa ys : that of Sir C. Trevelyan. ri as port an the e 1 " 0 - " It would be natural to expect that s ail" , t a ud t 0 0 4 its ks the ° ' s een" sa, fession would attract into ran that th e re d it ' e el" ambitious of the youth of the couutwq; hal en te t.o . so , • onelude, therefore! tilvitni,. set ° lation would prevail among those 00 eriorqualiftea ltice;% 0: that such as were endowed with sup , _ nee. S ei c o i 1 : 0 : eito - ° Os Si' t I S 'UL 'old 'l' av ever, is by no means the case. -Iva bait it ,- ro c , vice is, indeed, eagerly sought after;aalable that 30 0 0 ~ rapidly rise to distinction and pu . b , l in ic i c s n27 . th.._. of ambitious and the indolent and. in , _ni.rot rof o 0 a 0 °P° P v tion that they will succeed I desired. Those whose abilities do . not " 1