The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-15 00:00:00

MPERI,AL PARLIAMENT. vantages and its dangers. (Hear, hoar.) Its advantages are all for the public, and its dangers are for the indivi dual who adopts that as his principle of government. (Hear.) I have myself seen disaster converted into victory, and discouragement into enthusiasm. I have seen public confidence re-established • I have seen public prosperity carried to an unexampled degree of increase, beyond what. at any previous period, it has been known to attain to ; and I have been able, in a very great measure, to trace all these advantages in the condition of the State to the adoption of the principle of regarding solely the fitness of individuals in their selection for public employments. (Hear.) lam enabled, at the same time, to inform your lordships that there is this danger to the individual who acts on that prin ciple—that he is surrounded by persons, by disappointed jobbers, and by little-minded men, depending for their promotion on patronage and favour, who will, animated by the most unscrupulous animosity, join together for the purpose of overwhelming his Government. (Hear, hear.) And if, in consequence of the present feeling of the people, any'Government should be established in this country de termined to act on the principle I have mentioned, I feel assured that it woukl be in danger from the same hostility, unless it received the constant, uniform, and vigilant sup port of the people, on whom it alone could depend for sup port. (Hear.) I have been not unobservant of the events which have taken place in this country during a very con siderable period of time ; and I have conversed with many who have equally regarded those events with vigilant ob servation ; and it is certainly in accordance with my obser vation, and with that of others, that a very great, and, as I think, very dangerous change has come over the practice of the constitution. The time was when speeches in Par liament directed public opinion —(hear)—when, whatever might have been the feellieg during the recess, whatever might have been the success of agitators during the period while Parliament was not sitting, the meeting of Parlia ment, and the announcement of the opinions of those who were in the habit of leading parties in Parliament, at once gave a direction to public opinion and brought it into a right and safe course. I fear there has bren growing up a very material change in this respect. Public opinion now is, few., more generally•formed out of doors, and, being there formed, acts on the conduct of Parliament. I look with great apprehension to a state of things in which persons, however unable, yet wholly irresponsible, possess power creator perhaps than that of Parliament. I look with apprehensionto a state of things in which those whom I may call " the gentlemen of the platform" have more influence by their speeches than " the gentlemen of the House of Commons." That state of things has been grow ing up in this country. It fills me with considerable alarm. I know the importance of watching public opinion. I know the importance of endeavouring to direct it. It appears to me that public opinion, if I may so express myself, in a manner resembles a great river between twd dikes. The waters rise gradually, slowly, imper ceptibly, and without danger, apparently, in the eyes of those unaccustomed to their progress; but at last they in crease to such a height that they overtop and destroy the dike, and, pouring down on th e pl a i n, d eso l ate every-thing before them. The same waters, however, if distributed by prudent and judicious management into streamlets run ning t 4 hrough the fields, would fertilise and beautify the land. (Hear.) It is with the conviction, then, that it is essential to the good working of the constitution that Par liament should direct, as far as possible, public opinion that I make this motion. (H ear .) I make it for the pur pose of enabling your lordships to place this house in the font of the people. (Cheers.) I make it for the purpose of iaclueing you to go to the foot of the Throne as the faith ful interpreters of public opinion, to state respectfully to her Majesty the extent of public dissatisfaction and the ex tent of public. complaint ; to state your determination and that of the people to assist her Majesty with all the re sources of the country in the prosecution cf a just and ne cessary war ; but at the same time to state your opinion that the Government must be conducted on the true public principle of selecting men for employment in consideration of their means of serving the State. (Hear, hear.) Before I enter upon the conduct of the war, to which it will be necessary for me to direct your lordships' attention, allow me to thaw distinctly the line which appears to me to se parate the functions of the Government from the functions of the general. It is the duty of the Government to form a plan for the campaign, and it is the duty of the Govern ment to place in the hands of the general to whom they confide the conduct of the campaign the most perfect in strument they can prepare for the purpose of obtaining success—a perfectly well equipped army. It i.e for the general to carry into execution the plans of the Govern ment ; and we, as Parliament, it a p pears to me, haveonly to dea with the conduct of the Government. (Hear, bear.) Your lordships will probably recollect that at the vei y commencement of this war I, in the most earnest manner, cautioned the house and the public against looking too closely into the conduct of the officers in the com mand of the fleets and armies. I reminded your lordships of the extreme sensitiveness of military men, and of the necessity of leaving their minds on all occasions per fectly free to exert all their energies for the public service. I assured your lordships that the hope of public approba tion and the apprehension of public displeasure would al ways be sufficient to animate those officers to the utmost extent of their exertions for their public service. I pro pose to adhere to the reserve I recommended to others, and I wish it to be understood in all I say I deal only with the Government by whom this war has been conducted. (Hear.) For the purpose of conducting the war I appre hend it will be admitted that is necessary we should have men and animals—that is, men aided by animals. Unfor tunately the war has not been conducted in that way; and very little exertion appears to have been made for the pur pose of providing the army with sufficient strength, and with the means of moving. It was not in the first in- Erzance that the standard was reduced, nor was it at an early period that the bounty was increased, but it was by lowering the standard and by increasing the bounty that the army must be augmented. On a recent occasion the Minister of War very properly issued a circu lar respecting the militia, which relieved from service those men who had not entered thatforce with the understanding that they were to be embodied ; but he accompanied that measure by the offer of a bounty so extremely small as not only to endanger the success of the measure, but almost to secure its failure—(hear, hear)—and I believe that we have lost the services of from 16,000 to 20,000 men for the pur pose of saving some 50,000/. or 60,0001. (Hear, hear.) There has been no real economy except in that in which parsimony was most to be rejected, and in which liberality was most to be invited—namely, in the obtaining of men for the army and navy, and in providing the army with the means of moving. I ventured at a very early period to represent to this house the absolute necessity of taking the most extensive measures for the purpose of providing the army with the means of moving, bat it is only within the last three months that any effectual measures have been taken for that purpose—(hear, hear)—and at this moment the army cannot move, and never has been able to move. This immoveability, in consequence of the want of animals, has been the cause of many of the errors which have pervaded the campaign. My lords, early in the last year it was decided, I think most properly, to separate the Colonial Department from the Department of War; but, when that division took place, no measures were adopted—as should have been the case—for the purpose of strengthening the hands of the Minister of War. I en tirely object to the principle of pulling to pieces great de partments in the midst of a war. lam sure that such a measure was totally unnecessary. The only thing abso lutely necessary wasto give the Minister of War full powers over all the subordinate departments, to make his orders run through them, and to give him the power of compel ling the execution of any measures he might direct. Had that power been distinctly given to my noble friend (the Duke of Newcastle), had he surrounded himself, as I think he should have done, with a military staff, instead of de pending upon civil clerks—had it been thoroughly under stood in the Government that the noble duke's orders were at once to be executed in all departments, I firmly believe that many of the disasters which have occurred would have been prevented. But I fear the noble duke has had to fight a battle here as well as in the Crimea—l fear that he has had to wrest the Commissariat from Sir C. Trevel yan—that ho has had to wrest the Laud Transport Corps from the Commissariat —that there have been difficulties here as well as in the Crimea—and that those difficulties have to a very great extent led to th e f a il ures we h ave experienced. My lords, at the commencement of the war the manner in which our forces should act was a matter of the most careful and anxious consideration on the part o' her Majesty's Government—whether the army should act as a separate body, or whether it should unite in operation with the army of France. The objection to the union of the armies was obvious—the existence of divided commands, an inconvenience which no extent of cordiality and good sense on the part of the generals could by possibility alto gether obviate. (Hear.) It is almost impossible for any two men, however able they may be, to conduct difficult military operations with success under the principle of a divided command. (Hear.) Napoleon said, with perfect truth, that it was better to appoint one general of ordinary abilities to the command of an army than two men of supe rior abilities having a divided command; and, depend upon it, unity of command is that which most contributes to S . UCC3i3S. We had the opportunity of employing our troops to a certain extent, perhaps, in the Black Sea, on a separate expedition ; but we had before us the Baltic, the true sphere of our operations. Icon, however, quite under stand that her Majesty's Government might have been desir ous that the armies and navies of the two countries should ap pear together wherever operations were carried on, and I do not deny that there wasconsiderable advantage in that unity of operations, but it was an advantage deeply purchased by the want of unity of command. It was decided that the war should be carried on in the Baltic, and also in the Black Sea. Now, my lords, any one who takes the trouble of looking carefully through the charts of the Baltic will have seen that, while the Russians had taken every precau tion, by the erection of defences, to prevent ships of large draught of water from entering their ports and from coming near their dockyards, the same precautions had not been taken against the attacks of vessels of a smaller class, and 'diet both at Sweaborg and at Croustadt th ere were oppor tunities of turning the dockyards and of attacking them by vessels of small draught of water. It was obvious that, in the case of such an operation, it would be most advisable to have at hand a body of troops, because if the marines were landed from the ships for employment on shore the strength of the fleet would of course be materially dimi nished, and its efficiency foraction would be considerablyire• paired. Neither of these considerations appear, however, to have occurred to her Majesty's Government. They sent a fleet to the Baltic without gun-boats and witnout troops. They rendered it impossible to obtain success with the moans which they placed in the hands of the admiral. The admiral did as much as he could do with the means which were in trusted to him. I deeply regret that the public expecta tions were so highly raised at the commencement of the peoplesnul would were once lecl to bn suppose performed that a sometby tthe e fleet.xt r a (Hear, hear.) e w r a d r i r ; ) t r h y a service tthe v For those exaggerated expectations t wo members o f the Government were particu arly responsible. (Hr, It is, my lords,aseri t o h u is a serious to disappoint it is a cruel disappointpil thingblicex to wards in a matter of the officer in corncnand. right lighettinf a First Lord of venture to say chat, while I do not question the the Admiralty—whether he thinks fit ntoffisetear to haultethegroduor,4idns of the proceeding or not—to direct an li! so c d t o e dn give s. e think it isfeelng s h o e f anto offi certle ,last ezz t en t care f u ll y cons idered and consulted —(hear, up proper s co ee that an mthde should. hear-)-and I do deeply regret that Sir C. Napier is 'mt. the only officer employed in the fleet who has hag eeler It to be a public by the Admiralty. (Hear, tym my " lords, to consult the fv..Tel,tio,,7is of every officer who is emploed under the Crown. either to thaenadd my to the Mediterranean—first to sor el' a f t a l e ar mugs for the Baltic. Rut it was determined to Malta, then to eit then to Constantinople. I do not object the lakit two movroena Gallipoli to Constantino to curnst4nces of the unaipoli, or adv ance of the army to Malta, or from Malts raweanrta were correct under the then en trenchments at Gallipoi Constantinople. I thick obut when these t I think the formation of the in cuiestitnces thou existiu was requisite under the circurn at Constantinopl e it wa a g - 1 war which was then went to take a general vie ee d o her carried on upon the shores fuittytah: thee asj ee a r s o :t s Asia ng r i r va i : v r e an ( s. l in At the present as important as i well as upon the banks of the moment the war in Asia, which ist'aulbe. t h a t upon the banks of the Danube= b een altogether ' HOUSE OF LORDS--(YESTERDAY.) The lobbies leading to the House of Lords this even ing presented a scene of the greatest excitement. In thi , interior of the house the excitement rivalled that from without. The•space round the throne was crowded to excess, and the galleries round the house were filled with elegantly-dressed ladies. The gallery appropriated to the members of the House of Commons was also crowded with members of the other house. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY. The LORD CHANCELLOR, upon an appeal being madelo him by Lord LYNDHURST, consented to postpone the re committal of the Cambridge University Bill from to morrow till that day week. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from Scot land against the sale of intoiricating drinks. SECOND READINGS. On the motion of Lord REDESDA.LE, the Surbiton Improvement, the Newport Corporation, Stourbridge Gas, East India R a il wa y, and Madras Railway Bills were read a second time., THIRD READINGS. On the motion of the same noble lord, the Medical Invalid and general Life Assurance Bill and the Lands Improvement CompanY Bill were real a third time any passed. The Newspaper Stamp Bill and other bill s were real a first time. MAYNOOTH. The Earl of HARROWBY, in reply to the Earl of Winchelsea, stated that he had received a complaint from the professors of Maynooth, stating that th e i r evi dence had :been privately used by Dr. Cullen to show the propaganda at Rome that their, opinions , differed from the high Roman authorities ; He (Lord Harrowby).- in reply, had told them,,that the .evidence having ulti mately become, - a public document, and known to the world, its early cemmunication to Rome" by Dr. Cullen merely anticipated its knowledge there ; so that it was erroneous to iFtpute the prliate Connection to the effect that had been unguted, CONDITCT.OP Th..E: WAR. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGII, who had the following 6u 'the 'the - • • "That a humble ad' dr v eis i _be p.re 7 sen r 'te6l,te her.3Nesty, , " To ass ure her .liNeafy . of ourTAntiwaed support in tile prosecution of the' just and necessary war in which her Ma-, jesty is engaged " • " To declare the sincere gratifie,af,ion ,With which we have regarded the perfect ceinpannity of counsels between her Ma jesty and the Emperor of flip French, Rid have seen friendli ness established and increasing. between-the French people and our own —events full of hOpe for the future to other na tions as well as to ourselves ; "To express our - admiration of the many deeds of valour by which the allied - forces in the East have illustrated their brotherhood in arnis, and our satisfaction that the bray., army of Piedmont is now ealled to participate in their actions and in their fame ; "To declare our persuanion that, amid all their disap pointments, the peeple of this country still retain the gene rous feelings which ..le4 them at the commencement o f th e war , willingly to pace aft the required from them at her Majesty's disposal—that they *in protect the weak against the aggression,a the strong*---and that they are not prepared, to consent that gussia shall, .by her increasing pre ponderance, so controflhe'Turkish Goveynment as actuar to hold Constantinople within her grasp ; . - • " To acqUaint . her g4e.sty that, while we admit and lamest • the privations to which war necessarily_subjects_ all classes oi the people ? we yet venture to assure her Majesty that they would in so just a" cause bear those privations without com plaint if they Could file]. that the war had been well conducte(' —that the troops had net been exposed to any hardships which could have been avoided by forethought—and that everything had been done to enable them to achieve decisive success ; " Ilumbly to represent to her Majesty that her people. suffering privations on account of this war, have as ye. had no such consolation ; that, on the contrarj, we cannot withhold from her Majesty the avowal of our convictich that the conduct of the war has occasioned general dissatis faction and given rise to just complaints ; and that we mu , ': humbly lay before her Majesty our deliberate opinion tha it i only through the selection of men for public employmec without regard to anything but the public service that th, country can hope to prosecute the war successfully, and t( obtain its only legitimate object—a secure and honourable peace ;" rose and said,—My lords, it is now more than a year that we have been at war,—a period somewhat longer, I be lieve, than the war itself was expected to last by the Mi istry that entered into it,—and during that period we hav I brought forward the whole military force of the country such as it is, and also the whole of its naval force. We have had no reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct of our soldiers and seamen (hear, hear); but, on the contrary, they have rivalled the great actions of those who have pre ceded them in former wars, and haVe been led ou all occa sions by English gentlemen with their accustomed spirit and devotion. (Hear, hear.) We have been allied with the greatest military. Power in Europe—a Power, too. almost our own equal in naval strength. There has existed the most cordial - anion between the forces of the two Powers; and yet, my lords, obtaining, as we have ob tained, so much glory, by the side of that glory we have seen unusual suffering, and, notwithstanding all our strength, united to that of France, notwithstanding all the, devotion'of our troops, we have not as yet obtained an} decisive success, nor can any man say that, at the present moment, there is any expectation of so doing. This alone, my lords, would justify me in calling your lordships' at tention to the subject, and in asking you to consider what may be the causes from which this failure has originated, and what are the remedies which it may be expedient 10 apply. Very recently, too, another event has taken place • which gives a still graver character to the war. The ne gotiations at Vienna have failed, and they have failed in such a manner—that is, by the production on the part of Russia of proposals which were perfectly inadmissible— (hear, hear)—as to afford the apprehension of a protracted war as well as of a great contest. My lords, under these circumstancee I feel that if any apology be necessary for now calling your lordships' attention to the subject, it is an apology for not having brought forward this question at an earlier period. But, my lords, since the accession of Lord Palmerston to office there has been a sort of torpor in public affairs, and there has been nothing to induce any man to bring forward a great public question. If it had rested with that noble lord the torpor which has existed in parliament would have been extended to the public mind, for the very first measure which heattempted to carry was a measure for the purpose of stifling the Committee of In quiry into the state of the army before Sebastopol, a com mittee voted by the great majority of the House of Com mons, and supported almost unanimously by the people of this country. (Hear.) Strange and singular was the course adopted by the noble lord for the purpose of inducing the House of Commons to rescind the resolution at which it had arrived. He desired to bepermitted to appear in the world' , masquerade in the historical character of Richard 11., whe fell, as history points out, because he exercised undue private partiality, instead of a desire for the public good, in the appointments of persons to office, and because he utterly disregarded the opinions of the public. But, my lords, it was represented that Lord Palmerston was the fittest person to conduct the affairs of the country in time of war on account of his military experience. Now, cer tainly, that noble lord has during his political life, now extended over a considerable period, for a long time held the office of Secretary at War. Now, that office is not b:- any means connected with the direction of war, but has only to deal with the financial affairs of the army, but, nevertheless, he has been represented, because he so long held that office, as possessing great military experience We have recently found that Mr. Sidney Herbert, who lately occupied the position of Secretary at War, very properly, as I think, in the discharge of duties of a pub lic nature, assisted the noble duke who was then at the head of the War, Department, but that was by no means done by him in the character of Secretary at War, nor had the Secretary at War, as such, anythigg to do with the direction of a war i If Lord Palmerston, holding that office, acquired great military experience and established a great military repu tation, that circumstance must have been k nown to the late ake of Wellington, and would have certainly tended to make him desire to retain him in the Administration of which he was the head. Ido not mean to say that the Duke of Wellington- did not entertain a high opinion of Lord Palmerston's military capacity, but I recollect one circumstance which leads me rather to doubt that he did so. I recollect sitting by the side of the Duke of Welling ton in this house during the unfortunate difficulty between himself and Mr. Huskisson, which led to the resignation of a portion of the gentlemen who then formed the Coali tion Government. The Duke of Wellington was called out of the house on the occasion to which I refer, and on his return he said to me, "That was Lord Palmerston who wanted to see me, in order to tell me that if Huskisson - went out he would go to. I made no reply, for it is not for me t o fi re great guns at small birds." (Loud laughter.) tich, at the time, was the opinion of the Duke of Welling nil:- N ow, I will not pretend to say that the small bird ain _y not in subsequent times have attained to the dirnen -still, at tbheete Ili . l . and. perhaps, the character of the eagle--(laughter) peered to nod referred to such as I have stated ap a short tim e age opinion of the Duke of Wellington. But formed the poo_the public instructors of the country in necessary to pi Pl that the man of all others whom it was Palmerston. He w in the position of Minister was Lord man of the sittationag4 t° use the ph rase i n vogue " the that unfortunate wee,ssn Nations will sometimes indulge in divicluals they will grze which occasionally afflicts in indulged in by the country, and that easTnally people of a fancy. This weakness was Pined to the people whicla°octhi rasses—namely, hap vidualsrepent- who indulge in like w e happens to indi ance soon followed on tha inCi. of the weakness. I believe that there is hardl; " nee as the people of this coantry a l ".^Ple so reads up to the admiration of an indm,i themselves short period. For a short period—but u ;',, l r for 2 short pez•iod -- nothing can . exceed the um , a very warmth o f that by a frigid inditTer affection and admiration, which they maintain for mme individual, but a change soon comesiover them, and warmth of affection is soon followed we than equal enc , , tr nal to the Int,ngit,y of th e admi t' In• before entertained. I fear thet at the present momentrl the e feeling of the people is in that cold state, and th a t t h ey have become gradually disappointed at their adoption of the man whom they shortly ago desired t o see at the head of h;1 1 , rl'Arnent has been in th® Government (Hear.) W.-..-e 3. a state of torpor the public has been thinking, and the pub lic h as come to certain conclusions, w hich appear to be just o, ‘ to the conduct of the war, and as to the means to .be adopted, in futur e for the appoittrnents to those , b "enced. The people have sets thit the . have c . x . i. t so i r t i purp , ose of avoiding similar dis is necessary, in the se rc fr- 7 : lt . 4.o =us- 1.2 -th a public employments, to '1 , ./ seitvertkt a Q:l 3 .l' ' 2'not to act by favour. I am I , titOes tbei 114 47::•,.. inion ; for it has been at fieneivnit—for: a a b,, r il sl : l on which I have acted, .stn of power; and Ica e_ I have been in Posses' ; ( ~ .1-,------ 11:4,1 , ,{1 neglected. I can recollect the apprehensions which were entertained in 1829 at the advance of Prince Paskiewitsch from Erzeroum to Constantinople. The danger to Con stantinople was almost as great on the Asiatic as on the European shore. Any blow struck against Turkey in Asia ona,l e paralyses e re the between Turkish Turkey empire. a and Persia More e than that— carried on the whole b by e Trebizond and Erzeroum, and the occupation of those places by Russia, puts an end to that trade, insulates Persia, and most materially affects her policy. But, notwithstanding these circumstanes, we did not carry on war in Asia as we did in Europe, with army against army. We had in Asia nations at our disposal. We had nations con quered, but yet disposed to throw off the yoke. We had still more—a gallant nation which has been for years in arms, successfully defending its independence. We should make war with theirarmy as well as by the troops wecould detach for, any operation of this kind ; but this mode of action has been altogether neglected, and, as far as I can collect, the appointment of Colonel Williams, who was sent out as a commissioner, appeared about the same time that news was received of the defeat of the Turks at Kars, which appeared to threaten Erzeroum. The Turks were only saved by the advance of Schainyl. But for that advance the Russians would have been in Erzeroum. I say then, it being the duty of the Government to look to the whole war, it is a most material and serious defect in the conduct of the war that nothing should have been done for the pur pose of acting in Asia. But it was determined to send the troops to Varna. I entirely approve that movement, and I thank my noble friend the noble earl late at the head of her Majesty's Government for having pressed that course upon his colleagues. I think he did rightly, and for the reasons which he assigned. Not only was it an excellent military position—the best which could be selected at the time—but it " gave the hand" to Austria. That was the expression of the noble earl, and the view which he enter tained was perfectly just and correct. That army, placed at Varna and at Shumla, threatened Odessa, threatened Sebastopol, threatened Anapa, threatened every Russian station upon the Black Sea. It was an excellent po sition in itself ; but no • sooner was the army placed there, and about to give the hand to Austria—no sooner was Austria about to rest upon that hand— than we withdrew it, and sent the army to the Cri mea. I think that sending the expedition to the Crimea after Austria had invited our cooperation in the Princi palities was as great an error in diplomacy alit was in war fare. I ventured to caution the Government at the time as to the effect which it must have upon thepolicy of Austria. We have never to this day been in the same position with respect to Austria in which we were when that offer of co operation was made. What did Austria say when she was informed of the intention of sending the expedition to the Crimea? "That alters my position. I cannot venture to fight Russia by myself, and you have withdrawn the force which might have assisted me." And, my lords, what is it that we have clone very recently? Almost at the moment when we were entering upon negotiations, and it wasof the utmost importance that we should have the cordial assist ance of Austria, you withdrew the Turkish army and sent it from the Principalities to Eupatoria. The best possible assistance which the Austrian army could have you with drew at the very moment when it was most necessary that it should have something to rely upon. You denuded heralto gether of any extraneous assistance, and you left the Aus trian army with its line extended from the Pruth to the north of Galicia—you exposed her whole line to the attack of the Russian army, with Germany uncertain behind her. How, then, can you complain o f th e con d uct of Austria? If you say that Austria has acted with undue timidity, im pute it rather to your own mistakes —the mistake of the ex pedition to Sebastopol, and the mistake of the expedition to Eupatoria. Thee two mistakes have paralysed Austria, and until your army is in a position in which it can assist the Austrian army you may depend upon it that Austria never can venture to give you the assistance which you re quire. (Hear, hear.) The treaty between Austria and Tur key is dated the 14th of June. That treaty was the real cause of the raising of the siege of Silistria. Had your army at Varna had the means of movement, can it be doubted that you would have attempted, before raising the siege of Silietria, to march to support the Turks? Was it consis tent with your honour to allow a place which was the great safeguard of your army to be taken under your very eyes ? But the negligence of the Government had left the army motionless. You could not advance to the relief of Silistria; and when the Russians, compelled by the advance of Austria, retired from the Principalities—when any gene ral in command of an army that could move would have pressed upon their rear and have prevented them taking away the plunder of the Principalities, and retiring by easy marches into Bessarabia—your army was unable to move. Why was it unable to wove ? Because ti.e Government had not provided it with the means. (Hear.) It was no fault of the general; it was the fault of the Government. No thing sufficient was done for the purpose of making those troops really an army; for troops are not an army unless they can move into the field. Consider only for a moment what would have been our position had the proper means. been taken to make that army moveable, and had it ad vance]. You would have had united more than 120,000 men of allies and Turks, in conjunction with, and supported by, an Austrian army. You would have had Bessarabia, and would have commenced the campaign from the Dniester; and the first victory would have placed Odessa, Nicolai, and the Crimea itself at your feet. It was determined, how ever, to send the expedition to Sebastopol. That expedition involved two conditions, both fatal to the efficiency of an army. It was quite impossible to send a sufficient force of cavalry, and it was impossible to send a sufficient number of animals to move the army. It could, therefore, never gain a decisive victory, or move in the field 80 as to destroy the enemy. Had it had cavalry, the victory of the Alma would have destroyed the Russian army ; had it had the means of movement when Prince Menschikoff passed the Belbek, he never would hav e b een a ll owed to retreat. That army has since been placed between Sebastopol and the sea. It is now beleagured, and it cannot move in any di rection. It has the sea open to it, but it cannot advance. It is placed in a position in which it cannot obtain de cisive success, and it is placed there by the act of the Go vernment. It is the Government, therefore, that I accuse of the position in which that army is placed. (near, hear.) I say nothing of the discretion of sending an army across the sea at the time of the equinox, in 400 vessels, without having sufficiently reconnoitred the place, or hav ing ascertained by information from any quarter what the amount of the defences might be. or what force the enemy might be able to bring into the town. If any general had ventured to do, of his own authority on the field, that which you compelled our general to do—that is, had he ventured to attack a place, and had he failed in the attack in consequence of his not having had information, and not having reconnoitred the place, he would have been taken before a court-martial, and would have been dismissed the service. You, the Government, are answerable for having effected an operation under these circumstances. I will not go into the military impolicy of it. If you had taken the place, and had come away, and had destroyed it, you would have had no security in peace, because it might have again been placed in the same condition of defence as before; but, if you remained during the war to occupy it, you would be throwing away a great army, and would be detaining it in a most inconvenient position for the purpose of protecting the town, whereas a blockade would have effected all your purpose. Upon these grounds I say that the Government has not conducted the war well, and that it has placed the army in a position in which it cannot obtain decisive suc cesses. And now, my lords, as regards the third point— the exposure of the troops to sufferings which forethought might have avoided. Is there one man in this house or in the country who does not believe that that was the case? Hear Dr. Andrew Smith, the gentleman who very pro perly advised the Government at a very early period of the war. He tells you that the lives of hundreds and the miseries of thousands have been the consequence of not doing that which might have been done by forethought for the purpose of preventing the disasters which have occurred. Ask your admiral, and he will tell you that he received no instructions for the preparation of transports. That is a new mode of carrying on a great expedition. I recollect, when I was engaged with the Duke of Wellington and Sir G. Cockburn on a small expedition to China, that we did not forget the sick and wounded. A 74-gun ship was sent from this country fitted for the reception of the wounded, al though we were making war at a distance of 25,000 miles, instead of 3,000 miles, as is the case in the present instance. My lords, I will not go into the melancholy' details of all the confusion which we have heard of in the transport service, the Ordnance department, the despatch of stores, and the lateness of their arrival—three month. being the usual period before they were supplied after the requisi tion was sent in. I will not attempt to harrow your lord ships' minds by tracing the passage of the wounded and sick from the camp at Balaklave, carried by the humanity of our Allies, nor will I dwell upon the state of destitu tion en the shore, or the horrors of the middle passage, or the abominations of Scutari. All these things will be chronicled by the faithful pen of history. They are now in the minds of every one, and it is unnecessary for me, fortu nately, further to allude to them; but, my lords, we have read that which has been stated with respect to those calamities with which the army has been afflicted, and I think that the opinion of ail men is this, that however de fective may have been the system, it is not the system alone which is to be impugned, but the c on d uc t o f th e men by whom the system h as ben carried on. (Hoar.) My lords, to attribute anything to the defects of system is the subter fuge of convicted mediocrity. (Hear, and a laugh.) Medio crity succumbs to system ; ability dominates over it, and forces men to a better course. Public zeal, seconded by public ability, will drive almost any system into the right course. But that has not been the case here; and one of the most distressing circumstances, in contemplation of all that has been produced before the committee, is not so much the defect of the system, which may be remedied, but the extent of mediocrity which pervades the departments. (Hear.) It is that feeling, I apprehend, which has led very generally the people of this country to the belief that it is absolutely necessary, for the future, to adopt a new prin ciple in the selection of officers for the public employment. My lords, I entirely agree in that view. It is my belief that the best of all Governments is the Govern ment which affords the greatest facilities for obtain ing, the assistance of the ablest men in the public service. ( Hear.) It was upon that principle that I opposed the Reform Bill. I said' it was not calculated to produce in the House of Commons the ablest men. Was I right? (Cheers.) Is the House of Commons more distinguished by ability than it was in former times ? Have we not been compelled to use up all the old men in the House of Commons because the regenerated House of Commons has not been able to produce young men of equal ability? (Laughter.) I am in favour of administrative reforms precisely on the same principle. I desire to see the ablest men in the public service. (Cheers.) I can recollect well, many years ago. being much struck by the observation of a great philosophical historian who treated of the success and grandeur of the Roman Republic. He compared the whole circumstances of that republic with the circum stances of other States which appeared to have greater UP ' chances of progress, and he said, •` The cause of the sue- gin cess of the Roman Republic has been this :—the great vir- W, trio and the great ability of a few great men." (Cheers.) ear. It is, therefore, as far as I can further the object of bring- the ing able men into the public service, that I altogether l ea; adopt the principle which is generally received at the pro mif - sent time. My lords, I recollect having heard that Mr. pla, Pita once said that in the whole course of his life he had ups hardly boon able to give more than three or four situations par, univeehreydi.,o bold, ,eat manhewofa a s v a e r m y o p s r t o u pr i v n e , r ; ( t ) o t,i.i„ t ._ l" ,,, a ,tre i t ) r e h, r ea so btn n e persons for the proper discharge of pub- but lie duties is to have a man of very proud mind ; yet so D a tary Government that, And what was the result of he can result of his experience. i encompassed was 3lr.P w it i t ti b l y ni t l h b e is tr st a r m en m g e t l h s , o e f u P eh ar w li a a s in t e b n e - swo i nt tw"hstandiegthe sacrifices ( Hear. ) o • troops, the general character of stit and all the courage of the Pitt failure, and that wei policy. allihe result of of f ll t h h i e s e a o le n i t l i i t t r y y . E fo . 1: 1 of that failure very greatly to him to look abroad for the of e necessity which did not permit were the cha- the the military operations be of a , ) How different ablest men. (Hear, hear. A t i tr r ibuted w t a o s the action SOOI c e tdhtohs the in r a l . racier uiux, and ei,; he restored con• w h i fittest man wherever he was to bo found; No b co e n , c t l e i t ic e, t i ( i if n( h le is p g en re d . e it n victory to our arms , e fidence to the people ; ho restored father?tl independently ofth them; ; d h i s e d s a e i l i e l to shrink from ma genius, who glory in his success—are we his as involving too me. and are we, who eulogise his character, who admire his pro applying to our own times principles, great a sacrifice to the weakness of modern government ? aft.; (Loud cheers.) How much more powerful would b e the I believe that the Reform Bill is still capable of furnish. positron of a Minister able to select men best fitted for the ing the country with men well qualified to atimiaiste r public service? How much more agreeable would be the its Government, and I am afraid that, so far at least possession of office if he had the boldness so to act? He as this argument goes, the noble earl will find but would then feel, whatever might happen, whatever might little sympathy from those who are otherwise asso be the success of his Government, he had at least performed ciated with him upon those questions. But, if I ride the moral obligation he incurred. (Hear, hear.) But, take not, the noble earl went even further, and talked o f m y l or ds, how can we, s itti ng h ere b y t h e hereditary right the contrast which now exists between public men in Par conferred, for the most part, upon our ancestors, for lieement and public men on the platform in this country. their services to the State, for their fitness for public The noble earl seems to think that Parliament formerly employment, how can we refuse to adopt that min- led public opinion in this country, and that now public ciple ? It is the princple of our own origin. (Cheers.) It opinion too much leads Parliament. My lords, lam one of was because my father was a great lawyer, not because he those who think that public opinion is right in leading was a party man, that he was selected on account of fitness both Parliaments and Governments. To a certain extent, for a great office, that ,of Chief Justice of the Pleas. He no doubt, Governments and Parliaments ought so far to had no femily, no connections; he rose altogether by his understand public opinion as in some cases to forerun it, fitness. (Cheers.) It was not f avour; it was fit ness t h at , b u t , accor di ng t o th e constitution of this country, I hold r c ec e i p p i i n ta io tel a y, ought t o l ea d b oth Go which is f orme d ne ith er n m o tt b ci f e a v lk o f r u . r , Yorke s chancellor that n m d a d e a e rsl.i Sir J (C am he e e s rs H . great diplomatist, Earl of lal mes b ury . • (Ch eers. ) I t was • verniments and Parliaments, an d I f or one should be sorry ) arr l i t s, wthase ttohoatrphidoliyesonmoretpouobpli not favour which raised the f a th er o f th e no bl e l or d oppo- 1 to see public opinion in this country taking its cue from the site (Viscount Canning) to that office the reward for which Government of the day, or even from the dictation of Par was the peerage which the noble viscount now holds. Hainaut itself. (Hear.) And now I come to consider another (Cheers.) It was not favour which raised the brothers pointe--namely, that the resolutions of the noble earl seem Cecil to be Ministers of Elizabeth and of James, and the intended t' cast censure on her Majesty's Government. founders of two great families. We are here for the services The effect of that censure upon the Government, if your of our ancestors. Is it for us, then, who sit here by that lordships should think fit to pass it, cannot be but too appa great right, and enjoy clignityand honour by reason of their rent. My lords, I think it is worthy of your serious consi services and their fitness for public employment—is it for deration that three months have scarcely elapsed since we us to turn round and say, "It is true our ancestors rose by had a political crisis of perhaps the most extraordinary de fitness, but our relatives shall enjoy advantages from con- scription which ever occurred in this country. During that nection with, us, and from favour?" (Cheers.) No ! I trust crisis the opportunity of forming a Government was offered, your lordships will adopt a different view of the interest I thihk, to no less than four distinct individuals. It was and honour of this house. I trust you will agree on this offered, among others, to the noble earl opposite, (Lord occasion to place yourselves in the front of the people and Derb') of whose party the noble earl who moves this address at the foot; of the throne to state their complaints and their then formed a distinguished member. Three months ago the dissatisfaction. (Hear, hear.) I trust you are fully iin- polio of the preceding Government with regard to the pressed with the greatness of the crisis in which we stand, svhol management and conduct of the w ar s t oo d exactly as and that you feel all the dang ers o f th e con t es t i n w hi c h it d os now. Their neglect to follow out the views of the we are engaged. I feel my se lf th at d ur i ng th i s contest, nobles earl in the B a lti c , an d i n th e exped i t i on to Gallipoli, 1 protracted as it will be, we shall often have need of the to Cohstantinople, to Varna, and subsequently to Sebasto support of the people. I desire to secure that support pol it then occupied precisely the same position as it does by identifying this house with public opinion. I desire to at this moment; and so, too, the same remark holds good place the country on our side. r desire that we should with regard to their omission to carry the war into Asia. present to the enemy we have to encounter the aspect of a Yet at that time, whe n th e G overnment was offered to the united people, and that we s h ou ld o bt a i n a secure and nobles" earl opposite, and w h en th e no b le earl who brings honourable peace byacting to ge th er —P ar li ament supported forward this resolution was to have filled a post in the by the general affection and co-operation of the country. Ministry which would have enabled him to correct those (The noble earl, having moved the address, resumed his errors, or, at all events, to try and remedy them, the task seat amid general applause.) of forming an Administration was, nevertheless, delibe rately declined by th e no bl e ear l' s leader; and, therefore Lord PANMURE said,—M y l or d s, a f ter the very consi. derable notice which has b een g i ven of the address which is hardly think it is f a i r now f or t h e noble earl to pass a u e upon the resent Ministry for that ition of now in your lordships' hand s, I certa i nly did expect that affair which he himself had the opportunity p to os grapple we should have heard that address recommended t o us in with ri d to rectify, by being called upon to assist the a speech of much more power and ability than that just noble earl near him, who received authority from the delivered by the noble e ar l. I h ave studied this address, Crow to form a Gov ernmen t . B ut, my lords, is it, I ask, e and I must confess that se ld om h as it fallen to my lot to for t e good of this cou n t r y i s it f or the advantage of th conditct of the war—is it safe even in a constitutiole • e t ' read such a concoction o f assurances as those which are of view, to be recurring within the space of three point read such a concoction of assurances as those which are of view, to be recurring within the space of three short proposed for your lordships' adoption. They commence months to fresh changes in the Government, and to agitate with truisms which no m an can contradict; they continue the country from the on e en d o f it to the other? This, my with congratulations in whi c h every man must unite; they lords. is a serious qu es ti on, on w hi ch, I say, you will do well fo deliberate before you determine to ado t the eddr s e s proceed to accusations of misconduct in which those who of the noble earl. I may here just obser p ' ve that, so far as are accused are most indistinctly portrayed ; and they con s this i a matter of mere p ersona l consideration for my elude with representations which, I thi n k , the noble earl, self a(' my colleagues, we would be ready to put it ye out of sight. The public must, I think, by this time en according to his own admission, has gathered from public know ; that it is no bed of roses to undertake th a meetings lately held—that until the proper men are placed tration of the affu e irs of this country at e period, inis but in the proper places the hopes of the country for an ho- more bspecially during the present most any responsible and nourable peace will never be effectually realised. Or, my eventful crisis. So far, therefore, as personal consider lords, to use the quaint expression of my friend, Mr. ationS are concerned in our retention of office, they are entirely of lordships l or sytodary nature. But I must take leave to Drummond, until the square men shall be put into the square holes and the round men into the round holes ; your G w o al V a er t . (H s eiaprs.)aglaimnsutstthese frequent changes of the warn you that it is not upon or, as may be still further gathered from the tenour of this any slight or mere party grounds that these changes ought address, until that party with which the noble earl has at such a time to take place ; it is not because one party w now permanently associ a ted himself s h a ll turn out this would wish to turn out ano th er ; otherwise the public may speedily be led to say, " A plague on allyourparties !"and Government and occupy their places, that nothingwill beend to " put an orsrh your lordships seriously against consequences' of this right in the conduct of the war and th a t no h onourable I peace can be obtained. It is quite impossible fur me to kind, I and I think it is a sufficient argument to point to meet the noble earl's motion with a direct negative. To a the recent changes which have taken place, and to indicate great many parts of the noble earl's motion I can g i ve my the dangers of your r e p ea ti ng those changes, with, cordial assent. (Ch eers .) B u t th e no bl e earl must know perhaps,, worse results. . I therefor e b eg your lordships to pause before you commit ylte aof this that from the whole d es i gn an d o bj ec t o f th at address the address; and I entreat you ourse rather s to let seek by dopti rej ra ting it Government must dissent, and they cannot butrecognise in to calm down the minds of the people on the subject of it a censure to which they cannot submit. It will therefore change ; to enable the executive Government to carry out e lans ich has view with ference to con be my duty, my l or d s , t o move th a t thi s question be not put d th uct p Of the wh war ; it to show in the commanreders of your the ar • —not to give a direct negative to it, but to prove to your that they may trust with confidence in the instructions lordships th a t h er M a j es t y ' s G overnment appreciate the which, they may receive from a Government which has had character it is intended to bear, and to give it their most time to mature those plans ; and, above all, I implore you strenuous opposition. N ow , I h og t o d raw your lordships, upon no trivial ground s , espec i a ll y at such a juncture as this, to give effect to a vot e th e resu l t of which Can only be to attention to the ch arac t er o f thi s address. Who will ven ture to deny the j us ti ce o f t h e p h rases used by the noble settle nothing, for the nobl e ear l proposes no settlement of earl with regard t o th e ga ll ant h eroes b elonging to our anything—but to disturb th e ex i st i ng state of things, to unnaval and milita r y serv i ces w h o h ave di st i nguished them- settle public affairs, and t o j eopar di se the result of the great I selves in their coun t ry ' s cause d ur i ng th i s war ? (Cheers.) war in which we are now engaged. ( Hear.) Th e no bl e l or d Who will und erva l ue t h e pat i ence w i th which our army concluded by movin g th e previous question. have undergone the sufferings to which they have been ex- The Earl of HARD WICKE said that, in rising at that posed? Who will venture to underrate the gallantry with early stage of the debate, he felt his own incompetence to w hich both officers and men have performed every duty to dealwith which they have been called hre is no one who regrets befitting its gravity an d i mportance, but at the same time more deeply th an I th e su ff er i ngs t h at have attended the army of the East. But, my lords, I cannot admit that all having from the beginning been impressed with strong these sufferings have arisen from the misconduct of the opinions, which he had never concealed, as to the manner Government at home—l cannot admit that these sufferings in which the war had been conducted, he was desirous of have pressed upon the army from the neglect of proper availin g himself of that opportunity o f l ay i ng b efore the means having b een t a k en b y th e G overnment at home. We must all recollect that when our army took the field house his views somewhat more in succession and detail England had been at peace for 40 years. We may remem- than he hr d yet been able to do. Omitting from the reso ber that during that 40 years Government after Govern- lotions now under discussion that portion which touched ment have vied with each other, not in extending the upon out-door agitation, or any topic of that description, military education of the army, but in economising the ho was disposed distinctly to agree with the noble earl who finances devoted to that purpose. We may remember that it was only yesterday that the Commander-in-Chief of this had just sat down that the latter part of the motion ex army stated in evidence before the House of Commons th a t pressed disapproval of the conduct of the war. With that during the Government of the noble earl opposite (the Earl expression of disapproval he entirely concurred. Ever th . of Derby) the artill er y h a d b een reduced by that false he thought to en a bl e the country to economy—(" No, no !" from the Earl of HARDWICKE and , other peers.) If the noble earl will be pleased to list he achieve success in the war in which it was now engaged : will probably find that to what lam saying he ought to say In the, first place, he felt convinced that if a different Yes, yes," rather than " No, no." I was not proceeding to course of policy had boon adopted by the Government be fix a charge against the Government of the noble earl oppo- fore Russia had crossed the Pruth, if they had announced site. I said, what was stated by the noble viscount (Lord to the Emperor of Russia that a cordial understanding Hardinge), that during the noble earl's Government, from the false economy previously practised, the artillery had existed betwen France and this country, and that been reduced to a state from which the Commander-in- we were determined to form an alliance offensive and defen- Chief and the Master -General of the Ordnance, during the sive with France for the purpose of preventing the over period of the noble earl's Government, erected it into the throw of the Ottoman Porte, and if our fleets had then en condition in which it was found upon the opening of the tered the sea which the Emperor of Russia cons id ere d hi s war. (Cheers) And so it w as w ith a ll our military esta blishments. What little we had was regimentally perfect own, the war might altogether have been avoided. If, too, in its way, but it was not calculated to undertake great after the war had begun a more vigorous line of action had operations, and lam sure that the people of this been taken, and if, insteadof • • indulging in bravado and country will make the allowances'necessary for an army in braggadocio , ~„, and unduly exciting public expectation, the the field under the circumstances in which they were placed. The noble earl has attached great blame to the Govern- Government bad shown greater judgment in the handling went because our force was sent into the field incapable of of our fleets, a greater measure of success might have been movement. Now, it is quite true that there was no land obtained. If the Government had conducted the war upon transport attached at that time to the army. The old the • ' • principles upon which they professed to enter into it— waggon train had been ab andoned —nothing had been set for the defence of the integrity of the Turkish empire—if, up in its place by the Government, and when the army was called upon to take the field it was natural to suppose remembering that we were a great maritime and not a that the means of transport would be sufficient. But, my great military Power, they had determined to exhibit lords, lam bound to say that every means were taken to the might of England in that manner in which it could make that transport as complete as possible, and I cannot be exhibited with the greatest effect, if they had de believe that it was from the want of the means of moving spatched a combined force of 10,000 British and 20,000 our army from Varna that they did not advance to the re- French soidiers to assist the Turkish army on the Danube, lief of Silistria. I must say that in these resolutions I re- and had completely blockaded the Baltic and Black cognise not, as the noble earl would have us to suppose, the seas, equipping our fleets in such a way as would enable mere desire that the Government should be carried on them to carry on a flotilla warfare on the coasts, the Con by the best men without any reference to their con- cress of Vienna would have had a better chance of arriv dition or party connexions, but I recognise in them .. ing at a successful termination, and our army would not general censure of the Government for the conduct have been placed in the position in which it now was. Our of the war. (Hear, hear, hear.) I recognise the resole- fleets would have been really more useful, and there woulil tions of the noble earl as putting upon the Government a, have been a better prospect of bringing the war to a success full and entire responsibility for the whole sufferings of the ful conclusion than could possibly be the case from running army, for the position in which our a rmy h as b een placed, and our heads, as w o h a d d one , aga i ns t one of the strongest for the state in which, according to the noble earl, it lies at fortresses in the world. To institute a blockade of the present. Now, my lords, there has b een much said as to the enemy's ports was one o f th e mos t successful modes of state and condition of our army. I h ave a l rea d y stated that waging warfare which a m ar iti me coun t ry l i ke this could adopt, and y e t, w ith grea t nava l resources at their corn it is quite true that that army du r i ng th e w i nter season suffered extremely in its position b e f ore S e b astopol. I have maul, the Governm en t h a d f a il e d t o d o this in a corn already stated that, from circumst ances over which the Go- plate and efficient m anner . I n th e case of the White vernment of that time had little o r no control, there was a Sea the Government cert a i n ly h a d a very good answer deficiency of housing and of suppli es o f c l ot hi ng and food, in the manner in which th e t ra d e was carried on be which, however, during the last f our months has been en- tween this country and th a t p ar t of the Russian do tirely remedied, and at this mom en t l am entitled to say minions. It appeared th a t rem i ttances were sent that our army is in as good a conditi on as when it left this out from this country one year, an d th e cargoes country, anti that it is as prepared t o t a k e th e f i eld and carry sent thence in return in th e f o ll ow i ng year, and on any operations which may be a ss i gne d to i t as it has ever there was every reason ther e f ore w h y no b lockade should be instituted until those car goes h a d been despatched fo r been from the commencement of th e war. I see the noble earl doubts that statement. He knows th e s t rengt h of his position which the money had been p a id . I n t h e Baltic a thorough blockade had certainly be e n es t a bli s h e d , though the result anti the weakness of mine. Be k nows t h at he may with safety make statements about the s t rengt h and power of our of it had been to throw the wh o l e commerce of Russia in army ; but he also knows, on the o th er h and, that lam that quarter into the hands of P russ i a, j ust as the manage unable, by document, to give that d e t a il e d contradiction went of our armies in th e sea t o f war h a d resulted in throw. which I say, on any character as a Mi nister and a gentle- ing two of the finest provi nces o f th e T ur ki sh Empire into man, lam quite prepared to give t o it . (H ear.) But, my the hands of Austria. Th ese t wo G erman P owers therefore, lords, with reference to that army, f rom the b eginning of instead of assisting us t o b r i ng th e war to a successsul ter- February, in a great measure o w i ng t o t h e precautions • ruination, were far m ore lik e l y t o d es i re the continuance of previously taken by my noble fri en d (th e D uke of New- a state of things fr om w hi c h t h ey were so great gainers. But the maritime p o li cy o f th e G overnment in the Blank castle), and owing to the steps t a k en b y t h e G overnment who wore in power previously to th e present, t h at army Sea was calculated t o exc it e the greatest dissatisfaction. The Government, i n d ee d , never seemed to have made up creased efficiency. From the e ar l y part of F e b ruary that began gradually to resume its c on diti on, and to ga i n in their minds what th e y s h ou ld d o i n reference to the blockade ' in that quarter, f or on th e I st of June, 18 i 4, the First Lord army began to shake itself clear f rom th e e ff ects o f s i c k ness, and the supplier to the army w ere i mpro — e d , b ot h i n the of the Admir a lty s t a t e d i n the other house, in answer to time of delivery and the quantity supplied. And, my Mr. Horsfall, that orders had been given to the admirals, lords, it will hardly be believed, w h en t h e no bl e earl talks both in the B a lti c an d t h e Black Sea, to institute and en of the state and condition of our army, that it has not force strict blockades, and that there was every reason to only been increasing in effi c i ency, b ut t h at regularly believe that th ose bl oc k a d es h ad been instituted ,- and yet since the beginning of March that army has been deriv- nearly a year after in that house his noble friend opposite log reinforcements from this country and the Mediter- (Earl Granville), in answer to a question from the Earl of ranean t which have put it i n as v i gorous a condition Airlie, gave their l or d s hi ps t o un d erstand that a blockade as it has ever beep. But, my l or d s, t h e no b le earl has given had not been enf orce d i n th e Bl ac k Sea, but that the atten us a speech on the qu es ti on o f t h e select i on for the proper lion of the admir a l h a d b een di rected to the subject; and places of the fittest men who can be found in the public there was every reason to believe that his measures for that service) but during the whole of that speech, and at its purpose would he successful. Such conflicting statements as these were calculated t o mislead the mercant il e commu conclusien, I have n o t ga th ere d t h at the no b le earl has put in hand upon a single i ns t ance —( c h eers )— e i ther in which fit nity, to induce them t o t a k e steps which the actual circu men are found iu unfit places, or that he has convicted the stances of the case did not warrant, and finally to throw Government of making any selection of unfit men, which them into a state of doubt and uncertainty which the noble earl has thought it worth his while to adduce. entirely put an end to all commercial operations. The (Hear. Whether the noble earl at first intended to charge conseqtence was, that the trade of the foreigner had been the Government with having selected unfit men for their conducted with facility, while it was impossible for our places in the military direction of this war, and has since own countrymen to carry on their mercantile transactions. changea his mind, lam unable to say. (Cheers.) But Ido Now, the trade of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azoff most heartily congratulat e th e no bl e ear l , an d Id o most together was o f very considerable magnitude, consisting, heartily congratulate your lordships' house, that you are as it did, of articles which peculiarly belonged to the not called upon to look at this question in this light— trade of this country—of wool, linseed, and corn. In 1854 (hear)--for I know that no more unpatriotic course could there arrived at Constantinople, from Russian ports in the be taken, or one more dangerous to a successful issue of Black Sea, 453 vessels with linseed, containing 770,000 the war, than that your lordships should by any vote an d quarters, exclusive of ships containing other cargoes. It act of yours lead the commanders of our armies, or was a singul ar f act that this trade was continually increas even its lowest he a d s, t o suppose t h at P ar li ament is dis- ing, for iu 1352 only 445,000 quarters arrived at Constan posed ih any way to do them an injustice, or to reflect tieople, and in 1853 640,000, while in 1854, as he had -en their acts, while they wore devoting their best ener- stated, there arrived 770,000. Oat of the 453 vessels which 3 anti mind to the service of the country. (Hear. hear.) conveyed these cargoes no less than 333 passed the Straits ell, my lords, is it in civil employment that the noble of Kertch, coining from the Sea of Azoff. Now, he was . 1 finks that improper men have been selected. I think sure that if the navy of England in the Black Sea had not at if le advanced such a chargeas that, it was his duty at • been made subservient to the use of the army, it would ist t point out some instances in support of it, that we have been enabled to perform the great and important ght now the direction, in which the noble earl's corn- duty not only of carrying out an effective blockade, but of tint ends. But, however, he has chosen to lay hishand conducting upon the shores of the Euxine and of the Sea on n perticnlar instance. It is sufficient for him to dis- of Azoff' a system of guerilla warfare which would have rage ll public inen—(hear, hear)—by a vague and uni- tended to harass the enemy anti to create an important •mal ssertion, leaving everybody to co for himself the i divereion. There was, however, one important point tan s which the noble earl alight have pinted out to us, connected with the transport service to which h© t ~vch he hae to-night utterly failed to do. But th e hoped ho might be permitted to refer. It was found 1 ode girl went on to express some opinions in connexion I essential, from the progress of science, to conduct operatio rli ti is subject to which I, a t l ea st, canno t g i ve my as- with et, cam power, and a largo expenditure was incurred t in s it. le says that he opposed the Reform Bill be- that respect. It was of the utmost importance that the ar ise e thought it limited the c'eoice of the best men raugement s for coaling ships should be as complet ' t public service. (" No, no !" from the sihle, but at Coustantinopie, Malta, and Gibralt e , as nos. rl o Ellonberough.) He said that, under the old con- lieved that the arrangements were very defective.ar,he be " tuti nof this country, you had men in Parliament who would ask their lordships to consider how defective re fi to carry on the business of the State, but that asl ments in that respect entailed a heavy expenditure on the na. the reformed Parliament was established those men country. He would take the case of tbil• y were succeeded by men-who were not equal to engaged at a rate of 50s. a month eer '.. t )Se N 110 preceded them; that, in fact, the public expec- 2001. a-day. When the ship arrive 1 nip ; that was about ions had been disappointed, and that that reform, which and required to be coaled, the arra c, ' • its o ie, , in was a measure that was obnoxious to him, had, that only 30 tons of coals could d e put on board in a Len vied by experience, proved a failure in its results. clay, whereas, in a good coaling , w , y lords, I cannot admit that the Reform Bill has could be shipped iu an hotir and taking the price sved any such failure. I think that there have been of coal at Constantinople at 3i. ; a_da a-ton, l the ship would may i en returned to Parliament since the passing of that be costing the country 290/. s,st irp who have taken a part in the conduct of public cessarily detained doing tiothi drarhich has done them great credit. (Hear, hear,) importance, not only that the arrangements for putting tie cc P t : greatest I in ys c e o l m f rmeecieciivaeldeoanmpoaffneyr ionfththeenocohnatirry.m;anonenshd_ictp.,4 office had been fillad by two members of the arista one of them a descendant of enets—(ll,vo. —who does the business with credit to himself and aau.sys. tan to the company. Lord Palmerston offeredo took councillorship to Mr. Laing. That gentletual:!,. . I % cep tetl honours at Cambridge and went to the bar. nu,' ; snort t,nle a clerkship in the Board of Trade, and after a first year left it to practise in his own profe ssion. In the he received ten times the amount he received of servant of the Crown. He was afterwards at a t rikr neA two copanies, one of which he saved from b _ uP. t s c .. Y d, and he m is at the head of one of the most remarkable grlT:be c• a enterprises in the country. No doubt, he is ex , but he - kind of man to assist us in organising departments:. .01 we e.- could not accede to the offer of the Governmetlie, there are many mercantile or professional men w to . not be so blind as to give up their business for L., no porary occupation of political office. My lords,. 1 0 l e: jot means say that there are no men of business Itu_ s • h to be made available for the public service, but s er :! o i n e- -- correct a misapprehension that it is want of off e keeps men of eminence in private busin ess from rov7e, the public service. The noble earl went on w ; a t be ject to the resolutions ' because they imp could not concur in. Secresy was part of the ° art t ration and not more secresy, but especially the extsgg e e c ,_ . The our prosperity, and the concealment of our det t t b s 0 , 1 ,0 Russians were such masters of this stratagem th at n iee,oo o extorted the treaty of Adrianople when they had 0 s to te ll D f war, fighting men in the field. Napoleon told his gener.a the truth to him, but lie to all the world. Was iM lT e ssed sorted to the same art. The Duke of Virellington f o o cot , different system; he concealed all that ought t o P . ' j3 O sealed, but when obliged to speak he spoke h th ad e t t i be t : Tie y s i a i a tr i we had done that which no other country to do—we had laid ourselves on the operating-tt; & erg had dissected ourselves in the face ofllay. This ev ery to something interwoven in our institutions. every deficiency had been exaggerated ished if, w ide newspaper and every speech. No doubt this vies n7.,, o gth out advantage; for a great country, proud rousedits ne ver correction tit and relying on its resources, might thus be _ correction of faults in its system. But were w s ! ° bear, get out of this eternal abuse of ourselves ? the from the Ministerialists.) The impression left ,`,`P at Ptg" mind from a perusal of these resolutions was, land had shown none of the qualifications n C1e . 11, 1 0 -f i l success in a great war, except valour. Nothing esa as to our mercantile marine, by whose aid we Su cr ieres• veyed 100,000 men, English and French, to the i of o ur Nothing was said as to our landing the there — elect s is victories. Nothing es to the applicati on of .irieslara' telegraph, or the construction of the railw a y to -P a ed coo' lit Above all, nothing was said, as to the igigre eT v 0-11 0 0 , dition of our army at the present tim e. n ' n otia c ' would be the effect on Russia and on Europe, 3 0 res ole' ing to all the world such a state of things 3 5 t bes to int° tions represented ? Would Russia be more reanY of ac re peace ? Or, if she offered terms of peace, wou ld n eeitb ceptance of them be liable to misconstruction ? °s te rls O PP al spect to the policy to be pursued the noble re e r, 3 s no , e ,;e did not agree—especially as to Germany. "" , V al tha l (Ellenborough) was in favour of operations in statedtile in Bessarabia, and in Georgia. He had already by CO ' resolutions of this nature, proposed and supeorte`seee servative members of their lordships' house, woulaeenro6 worst effect in Germany ; and, to judge from the .. e io et with which speeches delivered in the English r' s w et" were translated by Russian agents in Germa ny, wher e i able to their views, he thought he might the re elt 0 a st', l „ I effect would be produced. (Hear.) But soels more serious consideration—what effect would th!' , titer! lutions have upon France ? He did not wish to 07,00' was a numerous peace party in France, the rani,kos of ero had been swelled by the greater part of those svil, its elf posed to the present Government. Peace W aS t i t he O l e; great a blessing, and war was so detestable, the n: e O s sates of peace had always a powerful arguns3t partYl:i favour. But the prinsipal argument used by . , u o , Fiance at present Was, "We are ernbarlfed in 3 tbo o ;i we send three Frenchmen for every EDgli shm3 ,v n 'ar B ible we have not the same interest in the ssensib England has." That argument was inconsPofeo ore to him. There was no doubt that Austria I, l l siod_;. • interested in the question than either France or - " ge l but that France, with her continental position,ereed, bd stake in the Mediterranean, was not deeplY l e earl „ 1 1 3 - could not understand. In his opinion the this q" - e f from time to time uttered very great fallacies 0 ..ron se ra j tion, not the least of which was the vast tinF„,ble ea, this war in an Indian point of view. But tbe t l, ca (Ellenborough) gave France another ergo-re el ; osia l ';,:se upon their lordships' house—an assemblale,, ° the se , i s esi, grave, so free from popular influence —to P —s dee'" of lutions. Well might they sas the noble ea des or l " These co-belligerents of ours are absolutelY usef-eleelt every qualification but one that can make th e T pres s war." The noble earl should remember that in thesaluirsut undertaking great secrecy and confidence seer .-avotriile and it might very naturally be asked by as au th r eeuns go on in close alliance with a country whie'' o , l o job as water, changes its administration every bt to O ar s months ?" He thought that consideration ng i , w ore, of with their lordships, even if there were In" L ' ls r. e a t tainty about the resolutions than he could diec e ,,,, r es o „ hear s ) But there was historical precedent for: e r le tee c o i l ' t motion. In one year after the battle of Ble, p o slig e , c y duct of the war was severely anvassed bY tu e o ne et e lorl t tits and - country, but that did not prevent the n ot forge do, of Ramillies. Their lordships would of Lon after Talavera, addresses came from i t_he e t .i t Y es --sellieg t° b; ed arraigning the conduct of the pne -e s s n ,t he .° titre ° and speeches were made predicting "": so lar o'• hie' army would be driven out of the P duke Moe months; but that did not stay the illustriouresuit dp er career sceen .t o b f nu v nt i cditotorrwtyaah. undertaking ewataorn.o) mainlyN coh d t o ion u e b t2 L 3ee t c h tb e , attntb d ise s to o xfo f f t0.._4 1'1 1 ..n00 s t p a l l e a n k d i l a d v a l a , n a d n i d n g i i n n h t e h r m e C a m ea—a _ se verY • e not de') s— f t r : o ..n m rdeia t nt h o. e s h u a c r ee d s s s h e ip s and privations, r tbern , anything that m et omianohybtt lordshipsba b ieti e ne s tfiv D tc f oe olf bas a f.t : e e ihi : e r oip e ner s 'I I e:0 early 0 en 0 14 17. 1. 1 s ( wo li a.s e (Hear.) or just, begged their o u The 1 ingeniously g e contrived e E ni a o r u l s o ly f D e i on thise with what hsas disappointment jeurest he f t e i a laY h t l l n a e lt s n ioi nr e td x h f ss r p fo e 7 - m lr r ri; : c4 t c ; l o o e bb d i s t 6 . 0 gn u d r i l l . dye t a h rßptrrpEiovamyetrido_totie, t o agree to these net int,. with the speech of my noble friend (the Earl of Ellenhc're bill fo r _ .fl e of "gradiloquent speech," as the noble Ministers: sP ev. ' r it, but which I call the able and statesmanlike poste my noble friend—so entirely at variance in it ' s ,,:ieipa tei li and tendency from that which he had fella,' 11 " 1 sip wh o and against whi c h h e h a d prepare d his rep l y woo f ob aware aware that, if not by the noble lord, at least bY ted 00' 1 ' act with him, it has been industriously circu le ' 9 , he e , °3 o ' town and through the members of your lord :sake that . it was the intention of my noble friend to 00 r g th oi v affi i n d te w etrs u ro s wo a p n bs cl o, unseemly attack upon the condr iet f s o g 511 9% a s c m also m upon n them.t he colndkuncotwofotfheophroe:i:st libovibieeas been made to private friends—appeals to the M ill , fl i ' s oa 9er professional feelings of members of your lordshirtbe c 01; not to sanction by your assent an attack made on r, i thr menders of our forces here and at the seat of vi g 1 ` se ice might have the effect of weakening theiietr erts ' be sel l ' doing great injustice to men actively engage d in e t s ling s "„:4 of their country. I do not know but that these it 3" e l, of have had their effect ; for in the course of the sP ee o pret noble friend there has not been a single w°rd ! °r ot P t ' fl7 . sion, or ge s t ure , w hi c h b y th e grea test inge nultY feeling could be di s t or t e d i n t o an attack. bey le _no he with regret the steer i ng imputation ma de b 7 lord the Mi n i s t er f or W ar (L or d Panmure)) M seed the views, congratulated my noble friend on his having gati"-of and adapted his resolutions to the feell-lotet country. -Now, I say, th e noble lord had n o right of the ot ° a to throw out that insinuation, b ecause the fa ct , 14 altogether disprove the statement of the noble I° whe n ble once, but over and over again in last session, 104%0 question of this war was under consideration, !It s fon , 0 friend entreated and implored of you to abste -i° f orde l i fi. criticism on the conduct of the war, and as t° th , b e e it I I which the officers of the army were discharging fold alo e so that they should not be embarrassed. by an t l fo al % it attacks emanating from that house. I say t ha s ". s tr first, there has been no ground for these insirin'l" fl ass f soy _ l ,OO have been thrown out as to the intentions °- tbe ere friend. (Hear, beer.) But these reseltitions t• have been objected to because for the mo st P ar gret;tl "truisms." These resolutions assert the sincereoe inesaetbo tion with which we have regirded the nerf s ec l e ror of counsel between her Majesty end the -r - " r t in " French." I believe, my lords, that is a Setitiele2lo OOO every member of your lordshi s' house will ../V on s. Ton% ally as my noble friend who Lied the resot tl , i 'd l- s esse74ion,, , do not ccincide with the noble earl who last t s secl't s ion lordships (Earl Granville) that the unanitn ° ";setih e 'seec ci of this house, and its assent of the " since re Y .- re , it reels at the good understanding ex isting us, s oh (T o lnia" and England—l repeat Ido not concur they 0 0 04 '00 cioh of gratification will be regarded in France, naingiod. cant. When I exists between the Governments of France!'" I TOP i t te speak of the cordial and and ot as also between the commanders of both argon, e ta; to omit the opportunity of saying that I believe. f e re; to tics to a noble lord, the commander of the Bri` l ovi erfn l l y 7 say that nothing can have contributed more P s d eel° ai d the maintenance of that good understanding it-Seeitl,, to counsel, and harmony than the invariable rliies3oo2.,oo kindness of manner with which he has condueseprcis, L r le" _his intercourse with all parties. I dwell, nal "jog, " - r ote this because it has been said an attack wa s o F e ur sal made by my noble friend on the commander? nee d 0,9 10 ,0 If there had been such an intention I myself t o it. ' ae on? I would be the last man to lend myseu "'", L ey l'ffel' hardly remind your lordships that it wee ( - m. ke po. mendation, on the death of the illustriole Doke /Ole lington, that her Majesty called on my seem iii of site.(Lord Hardinge) to succeed to the corn the rest ' army. The high estimation which I n oble . 4 a l s o WO ; j ibs rbo capacity of the noble lord now in comman d e ot erase e r a hi e war (Lord Raglan) likewise induced me to roe 00 1 40 to to the control of the Ordnance, as w ell A : TO 6311 10 1eti f asigsennatlimnetrhiitssabuygursetcoamssmemehnldaing her Mai° these noble friersds to high position, ajvorirtithashi.:7'ine thing Worrier' would be the last man that w g o e u . l i d i y ivy th r ~ would stultify my own recommendations. foe se the resolutions go on to " express our adories i n t er many deeds of valour by which the allied,i have illustrated their brotherhood in arra. _ ho e 07 ice enter into the policy of the war in which rore .or tit s as this is not, the fitting opportunity, ant he °do :rill have an opportunity afforded us by the. eer j o it 0 1! noble lord opposite (Earl Grey) of exPr e , s .' l , l , ' . * Ar d 0L and determination with regard to that poil.F.iihe 0° iight be much disappointed if this house, a ue s ._ ...d by e_ it y, Commons also—where the issue had beeninr raised unatt?jigitler, hon. gentleman—will not, by a vote of a w l tha o t i t s t prove to foreign countries and to the. It low " o se regard to the justice and policy of it b t throng- ,oijure;t necessity of sparing no effort to carry i terwnor ary 4 , 0 , thwarted by delay or discouraged bY "l ee liege.; ° th e! ' I say I shall be disappointed if these? . s ts o made manifest by the declaration of tht,__' - ' tic e r House of Parliament in a manner so einPi .. e t i c . o , (o,"bj no doubt of our determination on the tir,, l thit'? 2 ,l l o at , Greatly as I differ with the noble earl (Li - P s Ja parP,, t , , for giving this opportunity to both Housei... te', o to , for expressing their opinion ; and I hoPe eo u t ;pelli.n_g e p eel b7 e rceo i n teer c , o teete feeling of this house on the subject come to a division. (Cheers.) The t he psi _„ 0 11! affirm that " whilst we admit and lament of of the t , to which war necessarily subjects all ckyor t i o y w(?!T ri t, we yet venture to alsure her Majesty th!tr ou t ce rorn , apt 0 so just a cause bear those privations IX, _ ndu eteeo they could feel that the war had been i;objp. • the troops had not been exposed to spy coals on board the ships should be as efficient as possible, but that there should always be a sufficient supply of coals, and that that supply should not be dependent upon the direction of the wind. There was at Plymouth and in the Medway a number of hulks, which might very easily be fitted up with 'steam power and employed in carrying coals from this country, and then there would be no necessity to rely upon sailing vessels for a -supply of coals from Malta or Gibraltar. He would also endeavour to facilitate the means of coaling in those districts. He trusted that ho should be excused for entering into those details, for they formed part of the subject under consideration, and, if not attended to, the cost of the war would be enhanced to an enormous extent. Vessels were now in a great measure dependent on, for their motive power, a most expensive fuel, which, if rendered scarce in those districts, might rise to 101. a ton. Though the noble lord opposite (Lord Panmure) was not responsible for all that had taken place, still some blunders had occurred since he had accepted office. A noble lord had already pointed out that a vessel which received a body of troops on board was obliged to unship them, owing to some misun derstanding, and he (Lord Hardwicke) was inforinea that some curious blunders had lately been made, showing that these departments were still in a state of " higgledy piggledy," and required watching with the greatest care, or the country-would be put to the greatest expense, and the army involved in the greatest difficulty. The other' day it was desired to erect, at the seat of war before Sebas topol, some hospital huts for convalescents, and the engi neer whose duty it was to erect them found that the Go vernment had sent over the huts in three ships, of which only one had arrived in the harbour at Balaklava. That ship, however, had only brought the roofs and floors ; the ship that was next coming had the walls on board, and the ship behind carried the windows and doors. Under these circumstances the engineer was completely paralaysed,•for he could not put up the huts until the Beetled and third ships arrived. (Hear.) He would repeat another anec dote he had heard. A quantity of harness was sent to the Crimea, and, when the cases were opened, it was found that they contained no back traces, so that the harness was of no use at all. A noble lord had described the army as an army with a head and a body, but no legs, so that it could not move. However, to facilitate that operation, a number of Ameri can l um b er waggons were sent to le Crimea. Those waggons were fitted with poles, but not shafts • and, though th ere was h arness ready, it appeared that it made for shafts, and poles; and there was no harness for leaders. These blunders, when all put to gethei, were fatal to the progress of the war and to ;the success of our arms, and, as he inte n d e d t o g i ve hi s vote P for the resolution s , he only perf orme d hi s d uty i n showing that everything had not been done to enable our forces to achieve success. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of ELGIN said it was with verygreat reluctance that he was about to trespass for a few moments upon the attention of their lordships, more especially as the noble earl who had given way to him had much greater claims on their notice ; but' as he (the Earl of Elgin) had been absent from this country for sometime, he feared that a silent vote on the subject before their lordships' house might be liable to misconstruction. He had intimated to the noble viscount at the head of the Government his desire to give him an independent support; but it had also' ap peared to him that, in the critical circumstances of the country, it was the bounden duty of every public man to tender a hearty and generous support to the Government of the Queen; and he had now to determine whether cir cumstances had occurred which should induce him to join in a vote condemnatory of the Government. Nothing had occurred in the interval to make him regret that the pledge of support he had tendered was not unqualified. Neither in the Crimea nor at Vienna had any successes which had attended the exertions of the Government been so complete as to cause the germ of hope he had reposed in the admi nistrative ability of the noble viscount (Palmerston) to ripen into perfect confidence. (Hear, hear.) But when asked to unite in a vote of condemnation on the Govern ment, he had to ask first, was the condemnation just; and next, would it contribute towards the redress of the evils the existence of which all deplored ? Now, it was notorious that the condition of'the army in the Crimea had of late very much improved, and that the Government were prepared with a scheme for the reorganisation of the military departments ; and to condemn the Government in the face of these things would be a violation of justice. The noble earl who proposed it kept out of sight the changes which had lately occurred in the Government, and charged all the blaoos supposed to attach to the ,conduct of the war upon the present Administration. The first part of the resolutions referred to the general conduct of the war, and was conceived in terms of exuberant exultation. Not a word of national friendships of long standing broken ; desolation carried into many happy homes ; Europe in arms ; Asia agitated to its centre ; America sullenly ex pectant. The latterpart of them was couched in terms of exuberant denunciation. But the departments impugned by the latter part of the resolutions had been changed, and the departments alluded to in the former part re mained in the same hands. And the doctrine of govern mental responsibility could not be carried so far as to make the present Administration responsible for the blame attached to the military departments of the former Govern ment. Even, however, if he cou ld concur i n t h e censure proposed to be cast upon the Government, he should be un willing to do so in favour of the noble earl opposite, and thus to bring about a change of Government at a time when it was most objectionable to have frequent changes of Admi nistration. He happened to be on the Continent at the time when the last change of Government took place, and the most painful impressions were created in foreign coun tries as to the instability ..d• our administrative system in consequence of these frequent changes of administration. 'And not the least of the calamities which the war had brought upon us was the tendency which it had in many, quarters to throw discredit on our constitutional govern ment. (Hear.) The only loss which was really irrepar able was the loss of character. (Hear.) Still there was a large measure of consolation. As to the military depart ment, the character of the British soldier for moral quali ties and physical endurance had been raised to an extent it never had attained before. In spite of the unfavour able tone of a portion of the American press, he had seen in influential journals of the United States commentaries on the conduct of our army at Alma and Balaklava which no true-het rted Englishman could read without emotion. And he had heard tribute not less generous borne to them by our French allies. He had heard, also, from bigotted votaries of that branch of the Christian Church which prided itself on having re tained within its limits room for the exercise of the heroic virtues of Christiani y, a frank admission that the hospi tals at Scutari had shown that the fairest and choicest flowers of Christian charity would blo an even in that which they were accustomed to call the arid soil of Pro testantism. (Hear.) He doubted if the character of states men, and public men, and of Parliamentary institutions, had proportionably risen. (Hear.) It was notorious that doubt had been created, in quarters where it never had existed before, as to the practical efficiency of our much vaunted constitution, and its fitness to carry us unscathed through periods of peril. (Hear.) There was only one way in which these doubts could be removed. Let public men evince the same indifference to personal motives, and the, same generons • patriotism, and the same disinterested de votion to duty, which had characterised our soldiers in the field and the women of England at the sick bed. (Cheers.) If God forbid—it should be otherwise, and if, un happily, in those whom fortune and rank or royal favour placed in the van these qualities were wanting, who should dare to blame the press and the people of Eng land if they looked for those qualities elsewhere? (Cheers.) The'Earl of WINCHILSEA said he was compelled solemnly to declare his conviction that this was an unjust war, which ought never to have been entered into ; and, therefore, he founded his support of the resolutions on this: that the Government had shown a want of judgment in placing the army in a situation in which, humanly speak ing, success was impossible, and sacrifice inevitable, with. out the special intervention of Almighty Providence.. He did not attribute to the Government all the disasters that had occurred, which mere partly owing to the impolitic course pursued by the other house—in obedience to the re publican faction in reducing our military establishments. The Victualling Office, the Commissariat Board, the Trans port Board, the Medical Board, all had been affected or destroyed by these reductions, and the result had been to render us, upon the outbreak of the war, unready for any great effort. The Baltic fleet had left England in a most disgraceful state as to its manning ; and it was well for us that the Russians had not met it. The object of the Se bastopol couimittee was to blind the public as to the real causes of our disasters. He should vote for the resolu tions, although not perhaps approving of every part of them, because the substance of them was this, •that the Government had shown a want of the judgment and ca pacity essential for the conduct of such a war. Earl GRANVILLE said he wondered that the noble lord could support resolutions, the first of which approved the justice and necessity of the war in which we were engaged. He disagreed with the noble earl in the opinion he had expressed, that if the Russian fleet had come out we should have suffered. (Earl Hardwicke—Hear, hear.) On the contrary, I regret that the opportunity was wanting to our gallant sailors of gaining a great victory. (Cheers.) The noble earls who had spoken in this debate had not agreed in their tactics, and the noble earl who had brought forward these resolutions had appeared to countenance, in supporting the last of them, the lino taken by a leading opposition paper, in representing the families of the Cowers, the Howards, and the Cavendishes sitting in con clave, acid dictating to the Premi er th e co ll eagues he should choose. (A laugh.) Now, my lords (said the noble earl), lam a Gower—(a laugh)—b u t l am t h e only Gower who has any official employment. I am related to a Ca vendish, and the noble duke at the head of that house has not shown himself slow to discover and encourage genius, even when found among the very lowest classes of society. (Hear, hear.) I see near me the heir presumptive to that house, who did not shrink at the university from success ful competition with the ablest and best-educated men of his day; nor did he shrink in his private capacity from aiding the country in any undertaking. And, as 'far as I remember, his only relation bearing the name of Caven dish is a gentleman Alio is fattening on the enormous emolu ments attached to the Foreign Office service. My lords, lam also, I am sorry to say, related to some of the Howards. (Loud laughter.) Not to "all the Howards ;" for since the time of Pope they have so wonderfully multiplied and increased (laughter)—that I believe Mr. Horace Mann would. find them as num erous as the Smiths. (Laughter.) rut the member of the Howard family selected by the Queen to represent her in Ireland is certainly not, in the west riding of Yorkshire, or any where in the United Kingdom, considered inimical to the middle classes. My lords, I may as well make a clean breast of it -- (laughter)—and I must admit that some of those who have gone before me had such quiversfull of daughters who did not die old maids—(laughter)--that I have relations on this side of the house ; I have relations On the cross benches--(hear, and laughter)—and I have re lations on the opposition. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Nay, I have had the unparalleled misfortune of having no less than three cousins in the Protectionist Administration of the noble earl opposite. (Laughter, and hear, hear.) Not withstanding all these hereditary infirmities—(laughter) —I hale had occasion, in a career not so brilliant as that of the noble earl, to mix much with the middle classes, and to acquire greater sympathy, perhaps, with them than he possesses—and notwithstanding his adulation of them, I doubt if his admiration for their peculiar characteristics came quite as freely and frankly from his lips as the sneers in the former part of his speech. There has been on this subject great misapprehension in the public mind as to the appreciation by official men of men distinguished in private business, and the facility of obtaining such men to fill offi cial posts. I remember one of the departments abolished by the House of Corn mons because it was "too expensive ;" before that happened it lost its secretary because a com mercial company offered him double the salary he was re ceiving from the Government. And a friend of mine, at the head of one of the departments, the expense of which was found fault with last year, was offered 2,0001. a year (double that which he receives from the Government) by a great commercial company —an offer he declined to ac- THE SUN, LONDON; TUESDAY EVENING, MAX 15 1855;