The Sun. — London, England, 1842-04-22 00:00:00

ioloing the station who answered the description of the man Good, the supposed murderer of a female at Putney, which he had s ,seen in the Government Hue and Cry. I told my man to keep watch, and to follow me, but not to let the object of my search imagine that he was suspected. I then proceeded to the buildings in question, and Just before I got to them I saw the man who had been described to me ascending a .ladder'svith a hod of bricks on his shoulder. I was :not Airassgd in private .clothes, but in my uniform. The man saw me, and looked at rue very attentively, and when _he got to the top of the ladder went into the buildingoind I lost sight of him for nearly a quarter of an hour. Hewes gone much longer than there was any necessity for, and I believe be was _then considering how he could best make his escape. I .went round to the back of the building. but could see nothing of him. I then turned and went away towards the line, leaving the constable to watch him. When I had got on the line, I turned and saw him descend the ladder and go to a heap of bricks. I got up to him as he was filling his hod, which he did much more quickly than the generality of labourers are in the habit of doing. I observed to him, " You are working hard." He said, " Sure enough 1 am, the bricks are very heavy, and my shoulder is very sore." I asked him how long lie had been working there, and he said a fortnight. I then asked him to take a glass of ale, and he said, " Thankee, Sir, I will," and came away imme diately. I asked him, as we went along, now long he had been used to that sort of work, and he replied, about eighteen years. I asked him where he had last worked, and he said, at Deptforsl. I saw my constable following me, and I held up my hand for him to watch us. I took the man to the parlour of the Angel Inn, and gave him a pint of beer, which he said lie preferred to ale, and said, " You had better take your cap off or you will not feel the benefit of it when you go out again." He took it off immediately, and to me apparently without suspicion. [saw then that his head was partially bald, and exactly answered the description in the Police Gazette. My constable then came in, and I called him on one aide, and told bim to place the man under no restraint, but if lie at tempted to leave the room, to make apr isoner of him. The man sat by the fire, and from his attentively gazing at me and the constable while we were talking, I think he imagined we had found out who he was, and that the game was up. I then asked him where he lodged, and he said at the basketmaker's, near the Bull. I left him and the constable together, saying that I would be back directly, and that he was to wait until I returned. I went immediately to his lodgings, and asked the keeper of the house, Mr. Audrey, if they took in lodgers. He said they did. I asked him if they had an Irishman lodging there—a bricklayer's labourer. He said they had. I asked him where he worked, and he said at Mr. Izard's cottages, close to the line. That was the place whence I took him. I then ascertained he had been lodging at Mr. Audrey's from the :Monday night previous. I asked him what he had got with him—if he had a parcel ? Mrs. Audrey said. be gave her a parcel, and desired ker to take most particular care of it until he asked her for it again. Mrs. Audrey also said she took is from him, and locked it up in a box in her bedroom, and she had not seen it since. I asked her' to allow me to look at it, and she went and brought it to nie. It nes a bundle tied up in two handkerchiefs which had been sewn toge ther. There was a piece of string also round it. After examining the parcel I went to the lodgings of another of' my constables, and took him with me to the Angel. I told both of the constables not to allow any person to come into the parlour ; and 1. told the prisoner he must consider himself in my custody for a time. The constables (Stephen Lialow and William Peckham) then proceeded to search him, when Ihey,found a small engine -turned silver watch, a blue and black purse tied to the garter which was round his left leg, containing three sovereigns, a half-sovereign, and three half-crowns. He did not account for the possession of this money, and I did not ask him a single question respecting it. On the top of his shoulder, and under his shirt, we found part of an apron and two halves of very old and dirty stock ings. The prisoner, without being asked, said he had put slitoe things there to ease the pressure of the hod, for it hurt his shoulder very much. I then went out and asked Mr. Barrett, the builder, who had employed the man ? and he said dr. Steer, his foreman. I saw Steer, and asked him if the man told him where he came from, and he said from *London the day before. I then asked Steer if he had observed anything particular in his appearance while at work. Steer said, as did also some of the men, t hat he appeared a strange man, and that his manner was different to ordinary risen. He appeared, they said, restless and fidgety. I then returned to itis lodgings, and asked the landlord and landlady 'what they n a j ohserved in the man's behaviour. They also said lie was very r-es tless, and that if any person knocked at the door when he was the first to go to the window he was :t home , en n_ we w h o . ;t was. He would walk about the house a great deal, and was uNcli disturbed at night. I then took the pri soner formally into C and sent to Mr. Hare, the nst" dys from Tunbridge. That ma gistrate, who resides s.:_m ) tit two miles gentleman came into town' its soon as possible, arid at half past eleven o'clock he was taken before him at the office of Mr. Se.)one, the Nlagistrate's clerk. s!'re man Rose, at the exami nation, positively identified the prioner. The examination was over at half-past four o'clock, when 1 procured a light cliaise-cart, and having previously handcuffed him, sent him in charge of Ludlow and Peckham to Maidstone gaol. I pro ceeded immediately to London,calling on my way on Mr. Mal jalicu, the Superintendent of the R division, who accompanied sae to Scotiand-yard, where I acquainted the Commissioners of Police with the capture of the prisoner.. From Scotland•yard I proceeded to Wandsworth, and brought back with me Wheeler, a Constable of the V division, to:whom Good's person was well known. We then came back to town, whence we proceeded to :Maidstone, where we arrived at four o'clock on Sunday morn- Pug. I called up Mr. Joseph Bone, the Governor of the prison, and "id I had brought a man with me to identify hates Connor, who was committed to that prison on the previous day from Tonbridge. By direction of Mr. Flare, the Magistrate, two into, as much resembling tl:e person as could be obi :silted, had been placed in the cell with him. On proceeding to the cell we found the prisoner and the two IPell asleep. The ('over nor called all three by their names, and ld their. to sit up in their beds, and required them to take off 'heir night-caps. The moment that was done the constable Wheeler' pointed to the prisoner, and speaking in a low tone of voice to the Go vernor, so that he might not be overheard, said, " That is na vel Good." The Governor then said, " That will do, my . men—lie down again." We went again to the gaol, at a later hour of the meriting, and Mr. Mallalieu wished to take the prisoner to town, but the Governor said he could not d.s kharge him from his custody unless he had a warant. from Mr. Bare authorising him to do so. We then went to Tonbridge, and obtained a warrant front Mr. Hare for the removal of the prisoner to town, with which we returned to Maidstone. We quitted that town with our prisoner about three o'clock on Sunday afternoon, and stopped at Greenwich on the road to s o wn. On the road the prisoner spoke of different things, and it was su-prising how lie held the connecti ng li n k s o f hi s conversation tog ether, so that we could scarcely get in a word. He betrayed not the slightest symptom of excitement. At Greenwich we stayed until the horses had been put into the police van, and in that van he was conveyed to Bow-street. where he arrived a few minutes before eight o'clock ; and I gave him over into the custody of Superintendent Shandrock, of the F division." CONDUCT OF GOOD IN PRISON. Since his 'confinement in the House of Correction he has behaied in the most exemplary manner, avoiding all conversa tion in regard to the murder, stating only that Butcher has been the cause of all his present misfortunes. He says that he first became acquainted with Jane Jones (the murdered woman) in France, and by his own account he has travelled fora long time on the Continent, and was for several years serving in the Peninsula, as servant to Colonel Mainwaring, of the Portuguese army. His manners are mild and obliging, but he seems to consider that there is no proof that he is the murderer. He made an inquiry of a party connected with She prison whether he would ba dissected, and his body be kept above ground, in the event of his execution, and he seemed to grieve very much at the idea of his boy being sent to a union workhouse, as he says he would be pointed at as the son of a murderer. messes. Williams and Hillingworth, the clergymen attached to the prison, are constantly in attendance upon the prisoner, in their religious capacity, and Good pays every respectful at tention to them. Yesterday, Mr. Mayne, one of the Commissioners of the Metropolitan Police, attended at the prison, and directions were given that the clothes which he then had on should be taken off, and a blue prison dress, such as ' is ge nerally worn by the prisoners committed for offences by the Magistrates, be put on. God was instantly taken to an apartment, and the storekeeper was ordered to supply a blue prison dress, which Good put on, ane his clothes were placed in the bands of the proper officer. This change, it is supposed, was caused in consequence of Gamble, the bricklayer, who is in custody on suspicion of being an accessory after the fact, being suspected of baying supplied Good with the dress, for the purpose of facilitati n g hi s esca p e . The description given of Good in the handbills circulated for his apprehension is said not at all to correspond with his real person, but this report, it is probable, originated from his having ultimately disguised Liniself, for the, purpose of escape. He saes that he bought the hod which was found upon him at Tonbridge, at Deptford, and he carred it all the way to Ton bridge, in the character of a bricklayer's hodman. When unobserved, he paces backwards and forwards, with a steady undisturbed look, and when spoken to maintains a confidence and placidness Which could scarcely be expected in a person placed under so heavy charge. ELECTION COMMITTEES. WAKEFIELD. •1 The Committee remained in deliberation during all the early part of the morning, and, at twelve o'clock, the Chairman an nounced that the Committee had declined to declare the e!ec tiun void, on the grounds submitted to them yesterday. The Committee then proceeded with the scrutiny. Great complaints were made of the needless delay and expense occa sioned by the non-attendance of Counsel. Mr. Austen, Mr. Talbot, and Mr. Wortley were engaged by the petitioners, and yet not one. of them was in attendance when tote decision of the Committee was announced. The scrutiny having been gone into, the Committee pro ceeded to strike off a sufficient number of votes from the poll of Mr. Holdoworth, to place Mr. Lascelles in a majority, and then came to the following resolutions:— " That at the last election for the borough of Wakeilelti, Joseph Holdsworth, Esq., was not duly elected, and ought not to have been. returned. " That the Hon. W. Sebright Lascelles was duly elected, and ought to have been returned. • " That neither the petition, nor the opposition to the peti tion, was frivolous or vexatious." IPSWICH. AtMorley, C. IL A rhwiight, Gorge .li.seph Baskerrille, T. B. M. Bodkin, W. 11. Bot tiel I, Bei lab It:oahlley, H. Campbell, A. Christie, W. D. Christopher, H. A. Colville •C. Cripps, W. .Jar y, George NOIS► EWS /. 11 _ -0173 v. 1 1 , r d. ‘‘r . ft ;i v * enerat - ,arrive. houii. it N, The Committee proceeded yesterday with their investigation. The room was so crammed with persons from the borough, every one of whom seemed to have an intense personal interest in each and all of the details, that it was with the utmost diffi tulty the reporters for the press could make their way in and out. Some arrangement ought to be made by the Committee to keep a passage open. The examinations are infinitely more important to the people of Ipswich, particularly since the re port of the Sudbury Committee, than the discussions on the tariff and the Income tax, but they would not concern the general reader. PARLIAIVI—E—NTARY DIVISION. (From the Votes and rocredmgs of t/se House of COnUnOns.) WF.I.NESISAY, APRIL 20. ' COPYRIGIIT 1.3 ILL—( In the Committee) Fifteenth Clause (Remedy for the Piracy of Books, or parts Of Books, by Action on the Case) :—Question put, " That Gaitie, as amended, stand part of the Bill :"—The Com- Miitee divided :- 31.1JOR1TY—AYES, 36. inson, F. H. Wills, David Farnham, F. B. O'Brien, A S. ' , widen, J. O'Brien, W. s. Forbes, William Pakington .1. S. Gladstone, W. E. Palmer, George Hardy, John Rous, Captain Howard P. H. Scott, Hon. F. Sutton, Hon. 11. M. jganeklsit'll Si r Jackson, NVhittnore, Lockhart, William Wilmington, Sir 7. If (aeTELLERS. a ‘ a ‘43 ... (,•L I t Nlalion, Lord Miles, W. Godson. It. NORITY Ewart, W. Molar, G. F. Plumridge, Captain TELLERP 'namely, Thomas %VAley, Thorrva Villiers, Om:les J. Aglionby, 11. A. 11. Williams, W. team NaN lt ion Company's ship from Antwerp, yesterday, after a passage IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 21. The Loan CHANCELLOII took Ins scat on tho Wool sack at Five o'Clock. MUTINY BILL. The Mutiny Bill, and the Marine Mutiny Bill, were read a third time, :Ind passed. MARRIAGE LAWS. Lord BROUGWAM presented a petition from a place in the county Tyrone, against the Marriage-laws. CORN-LAWS. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM presented petitions from the farmers of East Sussex, from the Isle of Ely, Tetford, and Aylesbury, against the proposed Corn-laws. The Earl of YARBOROUGH presented a petition from Lincolnshire against the proposed alteration in the Corn-laws. IRISH SPIRIT'S BILL. The Duke of WELLINGTON gave notice that he would postpone his intended motion for the third reading of this Bill from to-day until to-morrow evening. QUARTER SESSIONS BILL. The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a petition from the Mayor and Corporation of Kingcten- upon-Hull, praying the House not to pass the Bill now before the House, for amending the criminal jurisdiction of the Quarter Sessions Court. INCOME-TAX. The Earl of ZETLAND presented a petition from Northallerton against the Income-tax. Lord WESTERN presented a petition, agreed to at a public meeting in Essex, convened by the High Sheriff against the Government Corn-law measure. The meet ing had entirely originated with the farmers ; and they prayed the House not to pass, without amendment, u Bill which would prove so prejudicial to their interests. Lord FAVERSHAM presented a petition from the farmers of Boroughbridge against the Corn-law Bill. CORN BILL. The Earl of RIPON moved the Order of the Day that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Corn Bill. The Earl of STANHOPE said before their Lordships went into Committee on the Bill, he wished to address a few words to their Lordships. He must contend that the House ought not to be deterred from making alte rations in this Bill, although it might be considered in the :light of a Money Bill. No such consideration ought to prevent their Lordships from doing their duty. Ile would ask whether it would not be fair and reason able to afford to the House of Commons, par ticularly those Members who were opposed to the Bill, another opportunity of discussing it ? With respect to the Bill relative to the tariff, he begged to give notice that it was his intention when the Bill came into their Lordships' House, to move its rejection. The House then went into Committee on the Corn Bill, the Eirl of SHAFTESBURY in the Chair. The preaMble of the Bill was postponed, and the clauses up to No. 12 were agreed to. On clause 12 being proposed, Earl STANHOPE observed that, it would empower the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London to nominate a corn inspector for that city. Now he would move that this clause be struck out. He objected to Lon .don being admitted as an average town at all. It would exercise an injurious influence on the price of corn gene rally, In 1840 , its price was on the average ss. 9id. higher than that of the provinces. The Earl of RIPON said that there were other towns besides London in which the averages varied from the general average of the country; and if the principle of the Noble Earl were adopted, those towns should also be omitted. The only object in including large towns such as London, was to 'enable them to get as fair a general average as possible ; and if those large towns were omitted, the equilibrium of the system would be destroyed. Ear' STANHOPE said that he objected to London, because in the London averages the charges of carriage and commission were necessarily included ; and that was not the case in other market towns. The clause was then agreed to. Clauses 13, 14, and 15, were agreed to without any amendment. On clause 17 being put, Lord BEAUMON'I' said it was his intention to move an amendment to the clause, his object being to get the prices from the grower and not from the factor. He did that on the principle thatfrauds were at present com mitted, and there was nothing on the part of the Govern ment system that showed their principle would remove those frauds. He should therefore move the omission of this clause; and when they came to the 25th clause, he beg ged to give notice that he would move an amendment to that. The reason why he proposed that amendment was, that it would destroy the frauds that all parties were agreed had been committed under the present system.. It would ' take away all inducement from the seller of corn to make a false return. He would have no reason to give out that the. average was contrary to what it was in fact. It would be a great absurdity to attempt to apply the bonding system to cattle. Why, under it, the calf put bond might come out beef.—(Laughter and hear, hear.) But as for corn, all he asked was, that the grower should endeavour to ascertain the truth, and therefore he moved that the clause be omitted, and that his plan should be adopted.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of RIPON said it had been long a question whether or not the grower should unite with the buyer to make a return. This might be advisable if you could -nel the growers to do so. If you left it optional, the coma -ould neglect it, and if you fine them for not dittrinCT doing it, it W. -suld be persecution. Therefore, he thought ^onfined to responsible officers. it would be better , LNG' lIAM was in favour of the The Duke of -•-ties who did not comply imposition of penalties on p:.. nu thought that the with the provisions of the law. more strictly the law was enf o rc e d, better for the farmers. ""Id be The Earl of WINCHILSEA thought that it wo. . 4 unjust to impose penaltieS on parties who have omittes to conform to the law. The Duke of CLEVELAND thought that it would be for the interest of the farmer that the law should be strictly enforced. He was persuaded that the farmers, when they found it for their own interest, would not he sitate to comply with the enactment. Lord STANHOPE gave his cordial support to his Noble Friend on the cross benches (Lord Beaumont), and he would take the sense of the House upon the motion. After a few words from the Earl of RieoN and Lord STANHOPE, in explanation, The Earl of MALMSBURY said that he had had a conversation with several farmers in Hampshire, and they were of the same opinion as his Noble Friend, and would be perfectly willing to pay any fine that might be in flicted. After a few words from Lord BEAUMONT and the Earl of RIPON. the Committee divided. when there ap peared—_ _ For the clause Against it. . Majority The clause was then ordered to stand part of the Bill. Clauses up to 26 were than agreed to. On clause 26 being proposed, Earl STANHOPE moved that the books kept by the in spector s should be open to the public. The Earl of RIPON opposed the amendment on the ground that the disclosures, which would follow from its adoption, might prove very injurious to individuals. The amendment was rejected without a division. Clauses up to 39 were agreed to without any amendments. Clause 40 was also agreed to, after a few observations from Earl Stanhope. The remaining clauses were then agreed to, without any amendment. 80 On the question that the schedules to the Bill be agreed to, Earl STANHOPE rose to address the House. It was not his intention at the present moment to argue the merits of the present and former Corn-bill, but he wished to notice some of the errors that had been committed by Noble Lords relative to the priee of corn in different years at Dantzic and other places. He held in his hand a Parliamentary return for the year 1840, and by that return he found that, taking the last returns from Dantzic the price was 24s ; the year before that it was 235. ; the year before 21s. ; the year before 325; the year before 265., and the year before 28s. ; so that in all these years the price was considerably below 30s. He should like, therefore, to know what prevented merchants bringing corn to this country and putting it in bond. The amendment he intended to propose was founded on two reasons—the first was, that when corn was imported it would make a reduction in the present duty; and the second was, that it would prevent foreign corn from interfering with the home produce when it was not necessary. It had been admitted that a duty on corn was not defensible on the ground of a revenue, so that that reason would not be opposed to his amendment. He now moved as an amendment, " That when the price was 725. and upwards, foreign wheat might be imported at a duty o f a Id. a quarter, but that no corn be imported while the home market was under that price." The Earl of RIPON said it was impossible that the House could agree to this amendment, after having, by voting for the reading, given their sanction to the principles of the Bill. The amendment of the Noble Lord would give rise to a new discussion for it proposed nothing less than a re-enactment of the measure, or rather a renewal of the Act of 1822, which it was univer sally allowed could not work. 'the question was then put, and the amendment was nega tived without a division. Lord SH AF'FESBUR Y—Are there any other amendments? Earl STANHOPE—Oh, yes.—( Hear, and laughter.) He had now to propose amendments to the barley and oats scale. He should propose that the former scale on barley and oats be restored. The Earl of WICKLOW could assure his Noble Friend that he should have his support to a certain extent, if he did not know that such a measure in this part of the Bill would be to tally fatal to it, and lose it altogether. The Earl of PIA RDWICK defended the scale proposed by the present Bill. The Noble Lord referred to the scale of duties on barley as applied under the present law, and under the proposed plan, to show that there was nothing to be dreaded from the introduction of foreign barley. The quantity im ported was 852,666 quarters, while they had an increase of population amounting to 2,000,000 and a counterbalancing duty of 2s. Earl S I'ANHOPE said that the Noble Earl ought not to assume the price to be so low as he represented. The Marquis of el. AN HICARDE could not understand why there should be such a difference in the diminution of the duty on oats and barley, in proportion to the reduction of the duty on wheat. The diminution on oats and barley was a positive evil—( Hear, hear)— and would, with the increase of the duty on spirits, give a most demoralising encouragement to it icit distillation in Ireland, and would, he feared, undo much of the good that temperance had done in that country. He did not see why oats should not be protected to the same extent as wheat. There was a report in circulation which acccunted for the difference in the following way: It was cur rently said in society that the Government had originally in tended to propose a duty of 163. on the maximum pro tection for wheat ; but that when they had considered the subject there was a difference of opinion with regard to it, and it was at length agreed, out of deference to the powerful interests who supported the proteetion,,to wheat, that the scale should be raised from 16s. to 2 0x. It may be said, however, that the original scale, with respect to oats and barley, was retained; and that this circum ,tam,e hail given rise to the difference of which-he now com plained. That was the report in circulation on the subject he did not say th at h e b el i eve d i t, or t h at h e cou ld wholly diSbe.; l i ieve it, un til h e had received come explanat i on on the matter. i oats, under th e c i rcumstances He was pe rsua d ed that the lowering of the protection upon proposed, would prore very de_ triinental in Ir e l an d . When lands were drained i n that coun. try, the princip il remuneration to the speculator was the oat crop, for which such land was peculiarly fitted , after the first or v second year. The Earl of RIPON said, that though the repbrt to which the Noble Marquis had referred might do very well had no for the Clubs, he could relieve his mind by assuring him it foundation whatever in fact. He wished to say a few words on the subject of oats : he thought his Noble Fri end d to his left h ad ad answered the question fairly. On the subjof barley, with respect to oats, he thought it wnte as clear t the hat full attention had been paid to the interests of growers of oats, for the reduction had been made in the same proportion., !The question was whether it was a sufficient protection, and he must confess he thoug ht it abundant for all purposes. His Noble Friend at the table had quoted Dr. Johnson's opinion with respect to oats. He stated that they afforded food for horses in England and men in Scotland. The Noble Earl did not know much of the northern parts of Eng land or he would not hare made such a statement, for in dif ferent parts of England oats formed the great proportion of the food of the labourer. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE agreed that there was ample protection in the abstract, but not on the whole. .After a few words from the Earl of Hardwicke, Earl Stan hopetand the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Committee divided, when there appeared—. For the clause Against it —43 Majority The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL moved the addition of a certain number of towns in Ireland to those from which the averaes were to be taken. He would also be glad to see some towns g in Scotland added. The Noble Earl then named a num. ber of Irish towns which he proposed should be added to the Bill. The Earl of RIPON opposed the ;notion, on the ground that it would destroy the working of the Bill, by lowering the averages, and consequently lowering, at the same time, the duty. Earl STANHOI'E having moved that Liverpool, Man chester, Birmingham, Bristol, London, York, Leeds, Shef field, and Hull, should be struck out of the number of towns from which the averages were to be taken, the motion was re. jected without any discussion. The amendment of Earl Mounteasbel having been put, The Earl of WICKLOW thought the amendment of the Noble Lord would be interfering with the privileges of the other House of Parliament, and he should, therefore, oppose it. The question was then put, and the Committee divided, when there appeared— For the original motion ei.. 29 For the amendment 3 Majority. On our readmission to the gallery, we found the Earl of Shaftesbury putting the title of the Bill, which was agreed to. The Bill was then reported to the House without any amend ments, and ordered to be read a third time to-morrow, MERCHANT AND FACTORS' BILL. On the motion of the Earl of RIPON, the Merchant and Factors' Bill went through Committee, and the Report was ordered to be received to-morrow. Their Lordships adjourned at Eight o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS April 21. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. NEW MEMBER. Lord NEWPORT took the oaths and his seat as Mem ber for South Salop, in the room of the Earl of Darling ton, now Duke of Cleveland. WAKEFIELD ELECTION COMMITTEE. Mr. HOME DRUMMOND reported that the Com mittee appointed to try the Wakefield Election POtition had resolved that Joseph .Holdsworth, Esq., had not been duly returned to serve in the present Parliament for the borough of Wakefield, and that the Hon. W. S. Lasealles had been duly elected, and ought to have been returned for the said borough. The Clerk of the Crown was ordered to attend to morrow to amend the return, On'the motion:of Mr. MUNTZ, the Birmingham and Derby Junction Railway Bill was read a third time and passed. • Colonel VERNER presented a petition against the present system of national education in Ireland. Lord CHARLES MANNERS presented a petition from a place in Leicestershire against the new tariff, par ticularly that part which proposed to reduce the duty on live and dead stock. The petitioners also prayed the House to adopt such alterations in the new tariff us would give due protection to the agriculturist. Sir E-FILMER presented a petition from the Guar dians of Wandsworth, with respect to the rating of te nements. Also a petition from Maidstone, against the new tariff ; and also a petition from Birmingham, against the Act with respect to boroughs , Mr, WARD presented petitions from Bishops S tort. ford and Royston against the Income-tax ; also a peti tion from tile dordwainers of Sheffield, against the proposed tax on leather, considering the present depressed state of the trade exercised by the peti tioners. The Honourable Member also presented a petition from an individual of the name of George Smith, who in 1839 was an elector at Cambridge, who had been imprisoned on account of bribery. It appeared from the statements of the Honourable Member, that in 1839 Mr. Manners Sutton and Mr. Milner Gibson were two of the candidates for the representation of Cambridge. Upon that return a petition was presented to the House of Commons, praying that the election might be declared void, on account of bribery. An Election Committee was appointed to try the merits of the election, at which it was proved, that although the petitioner himself did not receive the money, his wife had received nine sovereigns from a person of the name of Long for the petitioner's vote. Those nine sovereigns were at the present moment in the possession of a person name Bayne, and the object of the. present petition was, that the House would order that money to be paid by Mr. Bayne, either to the fund for the relief of the distress at Paisley, or to some other charitable purpose.—(Laughter.) The Hon. Member was at a loss what course to pursue with respect to the petition ; but as he intended, on some future occasion, to take the sense of the House upon it, he would move that it should he printed, giving, at the same time, notice of his intention to bring it under the consideration of the Housa on some future occasion. _ I Lord I?, GROSVENOR presented a petition from Chester, praying Oat the some rule which was adopted with respect to public-houses n London, on Saturdays Sundays, might be adopted in Chester. BEWDLEY ELECTION. X.ER informed the House that the parties The SPEr.._ ' 4.ainst the return for the borough who had petitioneu . to ''.. ,proceed with their petition. of Bewdley, did not inlet.. T-ECTION. RUTLANI) .L.- • 'h e House that the The SPEAKER also informed ... . Rut parties who had petitioned +gm for against the re.. '-tention land, had informed him that it was not their 5.... to proceed with their petition. THE TARIFF. Mr. CUMMING BRUCE presented petitions from places in Elgin, against that, part of the new tariff allow ing the importation of live stock. Mr. G. BANKS presented a petition from Dorset, against the alteration proposed by the new tariff with respect to the importation of live stock. INCOME TAX. Mr. P. SCROPE presented a petition from Stroud, against the Income-tax. Mr. BYNG presented a similar petition from Ham mersmith. Mr. EWART presented a similar petition from Annan. Sir MIL INGLIS presented a petition from the Church Society of Shepton Mallett, praying fur in creased church accommodation. _ _ Mr. SCOTT presented a petition against the Income tax. Mr. BOWES presented a petition from Durham, against the proposed alteration in the duty on the im portation of live stock. Lord G. SOMERSET brought up the Report of the Committee of Selection. LICEIFIELD ELECTION. The following Members were appointed to try the merits of the petition complaining of the undue return for the borough of Lichfield, viz., Mr. I)undas, Mr. Trotter, Mr. Gordon, Mr. Bellew, Mr. Marsi all, the Hon. F. Scott, Mr. Fitzroy, and Mr. E. Divett, Chairman. SOUTHAMP T I'ON ELECTION. The following . Members were appointed to try the merits of a petition complaining of an undue return for the borough of Southampton, viz., Mr. R. Curties, Mr. Godson, Mr. W. 0. Stanley, Mr. Bucke, Mr. Hutt, Mr. Wiltshire, mid Mr. Redington. MEDICAL CHARITIES BILL. An HON. MEMBER wished to ask the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Ireland, whether, in the Medical Charities Bill, which he was about to introduce, he intended to in sert a clause to provide for the government and support of county infirmaries ? Lord ELIOT said he had no such intention at pre sent ; but if, in the discussion, he found the majority of Irish Members in favour of such a clause, he would be disposed to accede to their wish. IPSWICH ELECTION—CASE OF LUCAS. Mr. RIGBY MASON wished to draw the attention of the House to the petitions of Obadiah Barwick Lucas, who had been committed to Newgate for prevari cation, before the Ipswich Election Committee. It was stated in the petition that the wife of the prisoner was ill, and that the prisoner him self had been in a very distressed state since 1837. He moved that it be referred to the Ipswich Election Committee, and he hoped the House would assent to the proposition. If the Committee now wished to examine this man, they could not do so without applying to the Speaker for his warrant. Now it was most desirable that this man should be examined before the Com mittee, as he had stated he could and would give them most important information. He hoped the House would assent to his motion, and he would therefore move that the petition of Obadiah Bar wick Lucas be referred to the Select Committee appointed to consider the merits of the petition complaining of an undue election for Ipswich. Mr. PAKINGTON, as Chairman of the Ipswich Elec tion Committee, felt called upon to state his reasons for opposing the motion of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, but before he did so he wished to allude to a circumstance to which, had he not been called upon to address the House on the subject of this petition, he should not have thought it worth his while to have alluded; he meant a letter signed by the Hon. Member for Ipswich, which had appeared Lint; the Morning Chronicle, arid he only alluded to it to express his surprise that the Hon. Member, after speaking to him (Mr. Pakington) in the library of the House, to induce him to enter into a brief conversation, should without consulting him (Mr. Pakington) on the subject, publish a report of that con versation in the morning papers.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Pakington) would not allude to that subject further than to say that he denied the accuracy of that report. The petitioner applied to be discharged on two grounds, one of which was the bad health of his wife. He had thought it his duty to consult the Committee on those two points, and he had to state it as their unanimous Opinion, that they could not think of again examining him. With regard to the two questions, or any other claim he might have to be discharged from Newgate, he spoke the opinion of the majority of the Committee, when he stated that that opinion remained entirely un changed. The Committee had been placed in very pain ful anddiffictf t circumstance s. The p e titi oners having to substantiate their case by evidence taken from among the political partisans of the opposite party, many of whom were of the lower classes of society; the consequence was, Vsses apparent perjury. - . scrod hi such conduct, the d I — of that there was a great ea . I * - "P . eication and unwilling iPnervesijs"ted. After repeated b i e n er! s° f ul o; ) c3f d in several instances t° giving rcra huet _ eno o rt f re e de witnesses Committee had e, how they gave their evi dence,Committee would be compe 4cl to resort to the powers serious cau tions, this witness was g' ailty of repeated prevarica tions, and the. ease we s all the worse from the *Navihidichthaittif v,t,hasey respectability of the party. The indignation of the Com svit h Com mittee had been very great on finding a person filling the situation: a...innkeeper, charged with corrupting others. He had be e n guilty , in four several -in stances, of self-contradiction, confirmed by the testi mony of other witnesses, and as far as it was possible to judge of the motives of another, his intention could have been nothing but deliberate falsehood, The petition prayed for his release on distinct and separate grounds, and al leged the dangcruns state of his wife, . Retaining its own opinion, the' Colitillittee did not interfere with the judgment, discretion, and compassion of the 'loud°, With respect to the illriediction of the House o f Oons. mons with regard to contreveated eleetiens, he for one. ; maid be slow ,to part with that privilege. He was watching with Wilt civ,iety the result a ow experi ment. He Ives eiyere that some !Ton. Members had very recently expressed an amnion that it would be a Wiese. With great submission, in his hannble opinion, he thought that was a pl't4hVil:fit Jlittenent, It appeared to him that a Committee of the louse of Commons was called upon, in trying election petitions, to look with peculiar jealousy on the natuse of the evidenee larenght Le .are them. Groat part of that evidence ryas given by persons who wire strong partisans. The witnesses were li a bl e t.e gyi.at temptations,' not known Courts of Justice ; aisd lit pushy 141 preyerieatien he L that the powers given by law t 4 the Ppmnelttee ahoald always be enfi reed. It was on these ground's that the Commit tee bed acted as they had done. Mr, fliii-DYiir4§oli said, that after what had Legg stated by the Jion, Yen Slier, lie elmald hest penstilt the feelings of the HMIs? by merely moving that the petition do lie upon thP table, The Hon. Member also presented two petitions on the seine enbject one of which was from the sisters of Lucas. The original motion was then withdrawn, and the petitions were ordewed to lie o n the table, On the motion of Lord STANLEY, the Order of the Day for the House going into Committee on the Aus tralasian and New Zealand Bill was read, for the purpose of its being postponed until Thursday next. Dr. BOWIIpIG paeser4e4 ppi.itiee from the rrish of St. Pancras, against the ineoliep-44. In answer to a C11.11244)11 from captain ;NIANGIsES, Lord g'PANT I gy Oftt What lie had stated the other night with repFci tq t he colony of New Mealand was, that ha could not *peak with : the same confidence in reference to that colony, as ho cenlsl in reference to many others. He believed, however, that there tyae eensidee able demand for labour: PARMAMENTARY REPRESENTATION. Mr. 8, CTIAWFORP then rose to propose she follow ing resolution ;--se" Whereas vefiOlis petitions hare been presented to this House, stating, to the effect, that, under the present system of eleetion laws, the people are not duly represented ; and that they are thus deprived of the acknowledged right of freemen to have a voice in the making of the Jaws by which they are governed, and in imposing the taxes weigh they are recpired to pay; and therefore praying, that the right of VPtillg may he extended to the adult male population of the realm, subject to no limitations or restrictions but such as may be necessary for the safe and tioureet practical exer cise of the right itself ; that votes should be take* by ballot ; that election districts should be equa lised to accord with the number of electors ; that' no qualification shoehl be demanded from Mem bers but that of being duly elected by g majority of votes ; that representatives should he paid for their services at the public expense ; and that elections should be annual :—And whereas, complaint having been made, as above stated, that, under the present limi tation of the franchise and laws of election, there is not a full and free representation of the people; it is therefore the duty of this Rohe() to take Op immediate consideration the amendment of these laws, wins a view of giving to et pr) - portion of the community a full, fair, and free representa tion in the Commons' House of Parliament; and this House will, on an early day, resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, for the purpose of considering the same." The Hoe, ivierilber, y, i q IYal3 heard very indistinctly in the gallery, commenced hi fPfPrline; to a 1144 1 ber of petitions, including a petition from Bradforst ant Gates head, which had recently been presented to the House, praying for an extension of the suffrage, There was also a petition signed by the chairman of a meeting of delegates which was held at Birmingham. It was signed by eighty-seven delegates from fifty-one towns, who were appointed Jointly by the ll:addle classes to represent their views with respect to the representation. How stood the representation of the country—could it be said it was fair ? Was it not the case that 133 Members of that House, belonging to the counties of England, Scotland, and Wales, were returned by means of the influence which the aristocracy possessed through the Chandos clause? They were the representatives not of the people, but of an aristocratical oligarchy. Thus, in consequence of the division of the counties, and of the influence of the oligarchy, the abolition of the nomination boroughs had not produced the °trot which had been anticipated in giving effect to the popular voice, besides every method of bribery had been had recourse to in order to defeat the objects of the Reform Bill, and the people justly complained that their voice was not heard in t hat House. If the voice of the people had been heard in that House, the expensive wars in China and Hindostan would not have been undertaken; and those measures which had driven the Canadians to revolt would not have been adopted. It was impossible to enforce economy with such a state of things. 'The shortening of Parliaments had not been effected, and the very reasonable proposition for extending to Ireland equal political rights with England, had been rejected. The Corn-law had been kept up, and a most oppressive Poor law enacted. To what was all this owing ? Un doubtedly to class legislation. He would do the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of the Govern ment the justice. to say, that he (Mr. Sharman Crawford) believed that he would have advanced further to benefit the people if he could, but he was re strained by the aristocracy. The first thing he pro posed as a remedy for these evils was an exten sion of the suffrage to all males above twenty-one years of age, and unstained by crime. The prin cenil which this proposition was founded had been ple , ntly and powerfully : enforced by the Noble most clogn. es t , for London on introducin the Re- Lord, the Mel- -Toole Lord • g on that occasion said that Re form Bill. The es. could pretend that the House of no man of common sense 9, Commons represented the Peopi,;, of England, and he (Mr. S. C.) said the same of the present ;louse of Common. These were the general principles whichthe peti tioners desired—and he also desired-eta maintain. But .110 did not deny that limitations were requisite--- limitations to protect the exercise of this right itself, Minors should be excluded, to gether with lunatics , paupers, an felons. His d object, and the object of the pe titioners, was to vest the franchise in the industrious classes of the costritry, and he would support all such regulations which were necessary to, effect diet object, He thought lodgers admittedto e the franchise as well as householders. H e thou ght a lso that there should be a particular law with respect to registration in Ireland. It was necessary that he should new refer to some of those objections which he was aware might be made to the proposition he laid before the House, He maintained that most of these objections were applicable to the sufferings at present exist ing. The first of the ohjeetiens to which . he hadalluded, was the want of education, He would ask, were the majority of voters now existing educated ? Was not a great number of the - county 10/. voters inferior in education to the industrious classes? Wavoter hat was the amount of knowledge held to be necessary for to acquire before he was qualified ? Wits it necessary that he should be competent to understand all the questions brought before Parliament ? If they demanded such a qualification, a great proportion of those who now held the franchise would be excluded. It was not necessary that the voters should understand all the questions brought be fore the House of Commons. He considered it sufficient that they could judge of the character and conduct of the representatives who - required theis votes, The next objection was the greater corruption that would prevail. Was there not as much corruption at pre sent prevailing from the highest to the lowest'? The third objection was, that if they admitted a larger class to the franchise, it would endanger the rights of property. He contended that the working claws, from their endeavour to obtain property, were interested in protecting it as much as those who possessed it. He did not deny that the people might, by , unjust legis lation. be tempted to array themselves agunst property, but if that array took place, it was not from , ; ny dis position for such on the part of the people, but because property arrayed itself against them. He now came to I the second point to which he wished to call the atten tion of the House—he meant the necessity of equalising and apportioning the franchise to the population. The Hon. Gentleman here went into a detail of the number of inhabitants and voters in the principal towns and boroughs, for the purpose of showing how small the proportion was the latter bore to the former, and then went on to say it was impossible for any one lAD studied the subject, not to see that there was the greatest irre gularity in the representation. That question had been ably argued by an lion. Gentleman who was not then a Member of that House ; but as the Hon. Member for Sheffield had given a notice of his intention to bring forward the is' su jeet, he would not, at present, wear the House by going over the arguments. Now, rat respect to the ballot, he claimed it as a protection for the holiest voter, who could not be expected to sacrifice all his worldly interest to the exercise of the franchise. It was essential to freedom of election, and , the franchise was of little value 'without some such protection. The next point to which he wished to draw the 'attention of the House, was the property qualification. His argu ment was, that Members could not fairly be expected to perfinan their duties, and could not fairly be held re sponsible for them, without some remuneration. Many sincere Reformers, were of opinion that it was not ex pedient to shorten Parliaments to a period less than three years' duration. He admitted that there were strong arguments both for triennial Parliaments as well as for annual Parliaments ; but this was : a fair subject for discussion in a Committee of Inquiry. He (Mr. S. Crawford) was for annual Parliaments, because, in the first place, the constituencies would be greatly extended, and thus the probability of bribery would he lessened. He had now taken a review of the several points which the petitioners had entrusted to him to bring forward. He felt that there were other Members more able to dis cuss the subject than he was. He thought that he had shown to the House that the present House of Com mons was not a fair representation of the country, and he therefore called upon them that agreed with him, to vote for the inquiry he had proposed. He was aware that the subject ought to be fully discussed before the enquiry was granted—(Hear, hear)—and he therefore I thought he had done his duty in bringing th e su bj ect forward. It w as not his intention to ask Members to pledge themselves to all parts of the plan. He, merely wished them to go into the consideration of the present state of the representation, and to endeavour to devise means by which a full, a fair, and a free representation of the people, might be attained.—(Cheers.) The points which he had brought forward for the consideration of the House had recently, he was aware, fallen into some discredit, as being contained in what was commonly called the Charter. That such was the case he would not deny ; but, at the same time, he did not wish to identify himself with any proceedings which had taken place in relation to the Charter. He was aware that many of those proceedings had done great injury to the cause of Reform. He alluded to attempts to attain the objects sought by means of physical force and tumult. He utterly repudiated all such attempts, and the first resolution of the delegates to whom he had al luded was, that the -Object for their consideration should he the best measures for securing, by peaceable means, a full, a fair, and a free representation of the people. It was only by those means that he desired to carry his object. He wished to create a moral power, which by a temperate, yet forcible expression of opinion th roug h out the country, should accomplish such changes. He was bound to .repeat that if there were any disposition to attack property, it was only be cause the property of the country arrayed itself against the people The moment they did justice to the people, the mo ment they showed a disposition to inquire how justice might be done, they might depend upon it that the same security for property that always had existed in England would return. file sufferings of the people are gnat, and those sufferings they ascribe to unjust legislation. Their presem., demand for a reform of that House arose in consequence of their refusal to make reasonable amendments in the Reform Act. Neither the working class nor the middle class could effect this Reform by itself ; but if a complete union took place between these two classes, it would produce a power which it would be impossible to resist. It appeared that that union was now in progress. Both classes ceneurred In the propositions that he laid before the House. (Hear, hear.) Theae propositions were most temperate, and free from all harshness. They had the power to answer this petition by taking into consideration the grievances it expressed. He asked no more of the House. It had twee said that the power of the aristocracy would be epdaegered by a free admission of the people to political power. On this paint he should refer to the declaration of the Noble Lord the Member for London, who assumed that objection in a more forcible manner than he could do. He said that while the aristocracy performed the important duties and dispensed extensive charity, both public and private, in their respective districts, it was not i n h uman nature but that their influence shou'd be very great, He would now call on the ggeeeeFent tit sbew itcdisposition to consider the present applicetiop ; it they did not feel justified in acceding to the resolotions, let them at least treat them with kindness, If the Noble Loss! the Member for London had been present, he should have called on him, as a leader of the cause of the people, to advocate the extension of their rights. He regretted that he was not there, hut Ite Melted that he should have his assistance litt ttltliee Oceasioe, He believed he had completed all he bad to say in reference to the present motion ; in bringing it forward he trusted that he had not offered any disrespect to any party.—(Hear, hear.) He wished tq bring it forward without any aggravation of party spirit. He wished to do it ip a manner ettwietellt With the prayer of the petition, which eepressed the complaints of the people, and he thought they had a right to have those complaints heard. Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the motion. The SPEAKER having put the question, Mr, WALLACE was quite satisfied, from being one of the oldest Reformers in the House, that the time had come when those sentiments, which had been so ably worked out by the Hon. Member before him ( Mr.S. Crawford), should receive the serious consideration of the House and the country generally. Unless the middling and the working classes were brought to art in mere perfect unison, ho roust say that the Reform Bill was a delusion, practised upon the country by those who had been parties to the passing of the Bill ; and among those he included Hon. Members on that (the Ministerial) side of the House, as well as those Members who ought to Le, but now were not, sitting upon that bench.— (The Hon. Member here pointed to the bench generally occupied by the leading Members of the Opposition.) He felt that he ought himself to have gone down into that place which, those whom he re gretted to say were absent, ought to fill on the present occasion. —(Laughter, and cries of" Go down.") He (Mr. W. )appeared on the present occasion to advocate the rights of the people respecting those points alluded to in the keels - tent whioh had been se ably brought ferwassl, end in so mild and gentle rpaply e; tong, by tiie Han. Member for Rochdale. He (Nir. Wallace) knew that he was not speaking at that time of the night, at 11 or 12 o'clock, when those who could command the attention of the House generally rose—he was speaking as one of the minor poets —(Laughter.) Could it ha said that the Reform Bill had effaeted any of the things which had liege espeeted of it ? Certainly not. Some measure in reference to the franchise was absolutely ne cessary for the public interest ' his conviction of that was con tinually increasing. He had originally been an advocate merely for vote by ballot ; he then became an advocate for tri ennial Parliaments; and recently he had taken into his consi deration the question of anneal Parliaments. He had from the first opposed the Charter, and some or his constituents.had on that ground refused to support him. But he believed that they would have come to his rescue if there had been the slightest risk of the Carlton Club money finding any favour in the town which he represented. He was satisfied that if they had triennial Parliaments in the place of septennial, they would have had proposed totally different measures of general finance from what the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed. He would not have ventured to propose such. Such things would never have been heard of. He (Mr: Wallace) for one would say, although he had not consulted his consti tuents, that he was nearly prepared to vote for annual Par liaments and for the proposition submitted to them that eight ; and if he did so, his course would he to say to his constituents, that if they were not pleased with his conduct with respect to annual Parliaments, that he would re-place the trust they had reposed in his hands, and they might give the representation to any one they pleased.—(Laughter.) He would not vote for the motion, and then sit for seven years. Would the Flight [lon. Baronet follow such a course? He fancied not. He gave the Hon. Gentleman who had brought forward this mo tion his hearty concurrence with respect to part of the mo tion, and he could assure him that he almost wholly agreed in the proposition he had brought forward. He was quite sure there was no property qualification necessary. The i%lembers for Scotland proved this. He defied England or Ireland to show that they (the Scotchmen) were not fit for the repre sentation. He would like any man to get up and say that.— (Laughter.) He said they were as good men as any in that House, either Tory or Ra:licat. There were very few Whigs amongst them—(Laughter)—only one here and there. Scot land knew better. They always had out-and-out men, and no half-and-half Members.—(Loud laughter. ) Dr. BOWRING said he was unwilling to give a question of such extreme interest and gravity a tacit concurrence. There could be no safety for any Government that did not rest upon the affections and opinions of the people. The great principle of representation was freedon of admission, and ex clusion was the exception. He was aware that until some change should take place in the constitution of Parliament, there was little chance of obtaining a hearing for the advocates of sound principles in the House of Commons, and he was also aware that that change could only be brought about by a hearty co-operation between the multitude and those who were somewhat above them in society. Hon. Gentlemen opposite paid great atten tion to the petitions of the people when it suited them to do so. Hon. Gentlemen opposite attached great importance to the petition which had been presented in favour of the Income tax from Manchester, signed by 24.000 persons. He would ask them,was not a petition signed by millions of quite as great im portance ? The petitions of the unrepresented were in lass opinion entitled to more attention than were the petitions of the represented. The represented spoke through their repre sentatives ; the unrepresented many, the suffering masses, suf fering through the effects of evil legislation, had no means of making their sufferings known, except by petititin. There were elements of danger in the present state of society—on the one hand, they had the privileged few; on the other, the suffering Many, On the one side, the agglomeration of property in the hands of a few ; on the other, millions possessing nothing, yet suffering mush.—(Hear.) This was a fearful state of things. If the multitude were entitled to those expressions of sympathy which had been made use of by Hon. Gentlemen opposite—if they bad borne their sufferings with such patience and fortitude—surely the House was bound to pay at tention to their prayers. What his Hon. Friend asked, then, was, not to pledge themselves to the principle at once, but to consider it. He (Dr. Bowrtng) was satisfied that those princi ples must ultimately be acknowledged. All that was wanting for their success was, that they should be detached from those nroteets of violence, and from those projects of ignOrance with which they had been mixed up. They had only to be exhibited in their naked strength, and their naked truth to prevail. The extension of the suffrage had never been attended with any danger to property. Were the men of England less worthy to be trusted with the suffrage than the inhabitants of Switzerland or Spain ; or were the fathers of the people of 4a:dories, less worthy than their descendants on the other side of the sastlentio? - No danger had ever arisen from an extension of the suffrage. He could not look at an excluded man with• out feeling as if he had done the man a wrong. He could ask, because one man was a little less opulent than his neighbour, was he therefore to possess fewer rights? He had heard the late Mr. Roscoe say that he could not understand how the principle of universal suffrage could be repudiated by any man who reesignised the great Christian principle of doing to others th'it which he would have done to himself. Yet so strongly anorpelees was the principle at present acted on, that in acme instances they did confer those pri vileges upon the poor. If they found a poor man in a situation so degraded se to be influenced by their bribes or ter rified by their threats, they let that man have a vote in return • ing representatives to that House. His Hon. Friend had at tached to his motion a proposition for securing to the voter the protection of saereey. The Radical Reformers were de sirous of securing the protection of the ballot, in order that every man might have an opportunity of recording his free and unbiassed opinion. The present state of the represents tMe was indefensible. They saw small bodies electing the same numbar pf representatives as large ones. Small cities returned an equal number of representatives as large cities,and small agricultural districts the same as large ones. His . Hon. Friend had likewise represented the necessity of shortening lie (Dr. Bowring ) had always Leen in favour of annual Parliaments. It seemed an arrange ment in eenrermity with the general course of nature, and of our social habits, We settled our accounts from year to We elected our muiiieipal officers annually. —( Hear.) spear. The Hon. Member for Greenock had been in the habit of re turning to his constituents at the end of every year, and he though the less of this part of the question, as every Member who approminf the principle of annual Parliaments, had it in his own power to eceneint the community of it. With respect of equality to the number of votes could anything be more de sirable? Could anything be less defensible than that a thou sisisd persons in one part of the country should exercise in that House s e s much political power as ten times that numb er in ante then district? This seemed to him exceedingly indefensible. If they said that th,ir constitution should be made up of" incon gruity and absurdity, so he it. Pet if they wished it to be eoh sistent with public opinion, gathered ciit of the sources of public opiniene-the entire community—let them make it consistent with that peislic opinion. No man would say that Scotland was worse represented hottanse the money qualification was not re quired. This qualification: 57,0p1d exclude some of the best men • in Parliament. The man most 4t of all to be a legislator might to-day possess a fortune; a calamity might overtake him to morrow, and the next day they would decsde that he ought not to have a seat in this House. What was the ttedactleo ? that it was not his intellect, nor his mind, nor his knew!edg,. 0, whiph they desired to come to their assistance as legisieters, ;set his wealth. There was nothing like common Ramp in this pro ceeding. He concurred with the principles of the propesittoee, and he hoped the House would consent to consider them in detail. Mr. WILLIAMS was not at all surprised at the indiffeh settee rneraes..ed on the other side of the House towards this important question, when he saw how much the present system e of representation marked of the great object which those people had in view, namely, to prise-este the interest iv of the aristocratic few at the expense of the inclastriolas eof duringthe country. Having had a seat in that House duringttse whole period the Reform Bill had been in operation, he had had opportunities enough of witnessing how incomple single Incomplete that m easure had been—that it had pot worked out on principle which it had been professed it had been . should, according to the statements of Lord Grey tne nous .nten,cledi,to • of Lords, and of Lord John Russell in the House of Comn - on:, on the introduction of that measure. Seeing the failure of • that measure se complete, he (Mr. W.) had no hesitation is supporting the proposition of the Hon. Member for Rochdale (Mr. S. Crawford.) But he felt the deepest conviction that no justice would be obtained for the people of this country until anther Reform Bill was carried out to the full extent of the • principle which had been ex pressed by his Honourable Friend (Mr. S.• Crawford), What had Lord Grey said upon the introduction of the Reform Bill in the House of Lords? He stated that the object of it was to procure for the people of this country a cheap and a good government. Had it obtained either one or the other of these two great objects? Good government meant good and just laws. Had those laws which were passece since the Reform Bill came into existence been founded uptei the prin ciple of equal justice to the rich and to the poor ? He believed that if they examined almost every statute they, would find some part of each formed for the advantage of the rich and the disadvantage of the poorer classes. Had the Reform Bill pro duced them cheap Government? nby the expenses of the present Government, and the Government for some years past, had been some millions more than they were the yesr preceding the passing of the Reform Bill. Lord John Russell, upon the introduction of that Bils in the House of Commons, said, in June, 1831, that when he proposed to have a Reformed Par liament he proposed to have sent to that House real representa tives of the people, to deliberate upon their wants, and consult for their interests ; to consider of their grievances, and to at • tend to their desires. He proposed that they should possess, in fact, what they had hitherto not within their grasp, the power of holding the purse-strings of their monarch. Laws would no longer be classed for particular classes ; they would no longerebe passed by men who voted at twelve o'clock for what they had not heard a syllable about, merely because the leader of their party told them so to vote. Not one of those prophecies had been fulfilled. There was not a Hefei-tree in the country who would tot be perfectly satisfied with eneh a result. All that was required was, that the Members of that House should really represent the people, providing for their wants, and consulting their interests—no one asked for a more extensive Reform Bill than that. He extremely regretted that the authors and promoters of the Reform Bill were absent from their seats in that House.—(Hear.) If there had been any party question under consideration they would have been in their places ready to carry out their purposes ; but when the interest of vast masses of the people were cocserned, they did not think it necessary to appear in their seats. He held in his hand a retu nof the registration for the year 1840. From that return it appeared that there were five towns returning Members to that House, of which the aggregate constituency was 1,1,88; five was returning ten Members. with a constitu ency of 1,496 ; and. twenty towns returning forty Members, in which the constituency was 6,288. Thirty towns were return ing sixty Members, with a constituency of 12,180. Manchester returned two Members, and possessed a constituency of 12,150. —( Hear, hear.) There were forty towns which returned sixty seven Members, with a constituency of 14,180; there were seventy-four towns returning 121 Members, with constitu encies of 29,99 e. The West Riding of Yorkshire returned two Members, and possessed a constituency o f 30,120. N ow thi s was a perfect exhibition of the representation of the country. There were 61 Members returned by the same constituency as two Members. In another case, there were sixty-seven Mem bers returned by a less constituency than two Members. In another case, there were 121 Members returned to that House by a less constituency than two other Members. It was proved by this exhibition that the Reform Bill had been a failure. '1 hey saw small constituencies, with vast interest and wealth, brought to bear upon them, in order to obtain seats in that House—in order to advance the interest of a particular class at the expense of the rest of the community. They had seen a vast system of corruption since the passing of the Reform Bill, but more perhaps during the last elect ion than any preceding one. He would venture to assert that in the old time of the boroughmongering system, when seats in that House were sold,, as was admitted by Lord Castlereagh, as open as the noon-slay sun, the system was not more noto rious than it was at present. In the time of the borough mongering system individuals purchased their seats for a certain sum of money. Now the same individual could go to a small set of sordid electors and make a purchase precisely the same as under the old boroughmongering system. He believed, in fact, that under the old system they might have made a better bargain than with the present electors, who sold their votes to persons ready to sell their country. Was it to be wondered at when such a system was in operation—when it was so sorely felt by the great body of the people, that a feverish anxiety should exist throughout the whole mass of the industrious and productive classes of the country for a great and important change in the condition of that House. There was no diffe rence in the country as to that change. The only difference of opinion was as to the means to be employed to - obtain it. The good sense of the country would point out the necessity of agreeing in the common principle, and acting together to ob tain the great end desired. He called on those who had the least ibterest in the possession of property to look to this sub ject, and make those concessions which, if delayed, would ul timately be forced from them. Mr. WARD said, there was nothing so disagreeable in that House as a one-sided debate. He could not impute the silence of Hon. Gentlemen oppceite to an intentional slight. He was rwher inulined to accept it as a sort of tribute on their part to the importance of the principle which had been advanced that evening; and as a sort of petiof of their consciousness, that however impracticable it might be in the pie seut• state of parties in that House to entertain such a principle, yet that principle was one of great importance, and they, there fore, left the Right Hon. Baronet to wind up the debate by some very courteous reasons, why he could not entertain the proposition. He (Mr. Ward) was willing, thus, to con. :true their silence. He certainly should not offer the House any very lengthened remarks in support of the motion. The motion was brought forward in a moderate form, and in that speech, the temperate tone of which was acknowledged by all who had spoken, the Hone Member asked them to take into consideration the means of securing a full and fair representation to the people of England, which was its ultimate object. They had all discussed this question, ht fore many of them had had an opportunity of voting on the ballot, which he had himself supported ; and he had also voted for triennial Par liaments, which he, on general grounds, preferred to annual. As to the question of qualification of Members, he had voted on the motion of Sir William Molesworill, for equalising the system in Scotland and England ; and if the interests of the working classes could be represented more intelligibly, and more satisfactorily by a working man, he should he delighted to see him admitted into that House, if he could he so by not requir ing a properly qualification; which in the case of men of good family there was a thousand rr.cans of evadinv, and which he considered to be no better than a fraud. Ile did not know that they could entirely dissever the suffrae from the posses sion of eome property, but he wished to widen the basis of the present system, as a security against the dangers consequent on its present unsettled slate. Virtual representation etill pre vailed, though it was exploded as a system by the Right Hon. Barotiet, the Home Secretary, and tre Noble Lord, the Se cretary fur the Colonies, so long ago as 1831. They said that representation and taxation should be co-existent, while they taxed twenty where one was represented in that House. This was a great anomaly, if the ouestion were pressed out of that House. He considered the question to be one principally of time., Hove was the franchise used now? Had the people, who were interested with it, proved themselves before the Election Committees to be so free from sordid motives of ac tion as that the people of the country ought to be setisied to see the representation in their hands. A more disgraceful stn e of things than that which those Comniittess brought to light it was impossible for the page of history to unfold. He cared not to winch side it was attributed. It was only a question of finding out, for both were guilty of it. When the question of the disfranchisement of Sudbury came before the House, he would certainly vote in favour of it. But he thought it very hard that the charge -of corruption should be confined to that (the Oppositions) side of the House. He thought that there was as much corruption in that 1-louse as in any constituency. There.was as much corruption in a blue ribalid as in a couple of sovereigns.—(Hear, hear.) With one party the corn-laws, with another the sugar duties, constituted a sort of corruption. With respect to the suffrage, there was a strong organization among the people on the question, but that was owing to the want of kindness of feeling shown towards theth atter the Re form Bill. The only remedy for such a state of things was contained in the motion now under the consideration of the House. He remembered, when the question of Catholic Emancipation was sought to be obtained, the opponents of that measure resisted it on the ground of the' Catholics lesing under improper guidance, and that they would therefore make a bad use of the power they woted acquire. Mr. Canning, he remembered, in reply to those peisons, said that whatever they complained of was a sort of idol worship which they would put an end to ; they would throw open the temple of the Coestitution, and let them see the real divinity enshrined within. - He would conclu le by stating his inten tion of giving his cordial support to the motion of his Hon. Friend. Sir J. GRAHAM said that what had fallen from the Hon. Member who had just sat down, required that he should say a few words. From the great silence on the question which was observed on that (the alinis - erial) side of the House, he feared that it would be supposed disrespect was thereby meant to the large classes of the community ; but he was sere he need not say no such thing was intended. That night they had heard universal disparagement of the Re form Bill on the other side of the House, and it had been treated with contempt and derision, and they were told that it was, in fact, useless. The tin. Member for Coventry had entered into an analysis of the constituencies for the purpose of showing that the representation was unequal. Now, he slid not come there to discuss abstract propositions. The real question, as he conceived, was, what was the form of Govern ment under which they should live? and he believed the peerage and the monarchy would not survive if weight were given to Members, to the exclusion of pr,,perty;—( Hear, hear.) This subject was considered very • carefully by the eminent men who had taken part in the Reform Bill, and admitting the dangerous extent.te_which aris tocratic influence prevailed over popular influences, they thought that in applying the correction they went to the utmost ext nt which was consistent with the maintenance of the ancient con stitution of the country. That was his own opinion, and he had seen no reason to change it. He honestly entertained that opinion then. He sincerely entertained it now, and, enter taining it, he could not recede from it. He was bound to listen to motions of this description with respect, but, he be lieved them to be fraught with danger to the existing form of Government. Mr. O'CONNELL said he had heard with some sur prise the Honourable baronet's statement that, if the motion were carried, it would be followed by the destruction of the peerage, and the acuihilation of the mo narchy. He was sorry to hear the Hon. Member use those words, because he remembered that he was taunted, as one of the Reform Ministers, with that very prophecy, though he then very properly repudiated the prophecy and derided the prophet . . The Reform Bill had been hailed by the people, because they believed that it would secure to them real representation. That was the foundation of the speech of the Noble Lord, the Mem ber for the city of London. The people thought that although the franchise would not be universal, yet that it would give to the Members of that House the character of real representatives of the people. The Noble Lord began his speech by referring to the 25th Edward V., for the principle that no ,British sub ject should be taxed without his own consent, and he cited- also the statute, " De.tallagio non concedendo," declining that without the consent of the earls, barons, bishops, baronets, knights, burgesses, and other freemen of England, no money should be levied for the support of the State. He said it must be conceded that the taxation at pre sent was not placed upon that footing, and the object of the Bill was to remedy the evil. He (Mr. O'C. ) contended that the people had been disappointed, that the HOuse repre sented apartieular class, and a particular dais only, and that the object now stated by the Noble Lord had not been attained. Could there be any doubt but the people of England were di.. vided into two classes ? A master-class having votes in the choice of the representatives, and the slave class who had no y o ms yliert returning members to the House, who had no share to the IlliOlahrcif t.k , ' 1 4M, who were bunt to ..bey laws made by othcrs; arid wlignevPr there Were a Piasi bqtind tq obey laws made by others, no matter by what name that cla• s might be called, it was. in reality a slave-class. No one could deny that such was the situation of the people of England. The master-clans was a small one, the slave-class was a nume out one. There were not above 20 per cent. of the male popula • tion who had a right to vote for representatives in Parlia• ment. There were 80 per cent. unrepresented, SO per cent. of the slave-class. In Ireland the difference was still more pirtiopeteT is tins er t e tt li The s t l h av ° eTils 4 S n rit r u l amounted Tinneraey there Were four boo , t r and • 'only t thousand vo• erg to 400,000, Th o e master-class 1 . co . 2,000. Was that, he asked, to be the constitution of England? —(Cheers.) The Reform Bill had not effected the object— (Cheers)—fQr Thigh it was passed. Would they tell the people of England that they would not hold out a hope to tilt l s l - • that these e v ils s h ou ld b e reme di e d ?—(Cheers.) He wanted to know o n w h a t groun d t h ey gave a preference to the master Class over th e s l ave . c l ass. At the t i me that the statute " v ta distinctionlia gio no no f coneedendo" teeem. en was At thpassed,at timeit was the ssi e e t its () make, ackeiss ocji the slaves, actu a l s l aves, s l aves who were property. T h ey sal there were now ne slaves, no men who were the property: others. If they boasted of having abolished slavery, The did they continue a s l ave - c l ass ? —(Loud cheers.) s Right Honourable B aronet h a d sa i d that at t h e to „ ' t L t - , of the Reform Bill it h a d b een determined tTo the representation should b e b ase d , not Upon UP,;;;' lotion alone, but upon property. Was that so? property had the freemen?—( Cheers.) What property had the freemen by birth—what property had the freemen by servitude' —(Cheers.) Was that representation based upon propert)2r 4 , (Cheers.) But, then, there was the 10/. h ouse h o ld ers . 1 2,r, the possession of such a ho us e as th a t ev id ence o f properiV, A man might be liable to 30/. a-year rent, or 5001. a-Ye ii rent, and because he inhabited a house of that value they ga! t j him a vote, when, a t the same ti me , by th e very p osses sion t v:.7 that house he might be pauperised. There was the 50/. fella ti o; ' 1 "; at-will in counties who had a vote. He was liable to betur".'" out of his farm at any time ; he had no tentl eo r e :' whatever. Was that a proof of his property ? it was a proof hi s di s t ress , an d hi s serv i tu d e . I t was le surd to say that th e y a d o pt e d property as t h e b as i s o f the: l ' ; d representation—they h a d d one no suc h t hi ng . They h adopted -a f antast i ca l an d uncerta i n test, w hi c h was not a test di" of property.—(Che e rs.) They taxed every man, either rectly or indirectly. There was no man so poor that they ( 1 1', 1 not deprive hi m o f some par t o f hi s property b y taxat i on ; a 74 as they took p ro p er t y f rom hi m , h e h a d a r i g h t un d er the o' Constitution—he hail a right under the principle of represe"; tation—to a vote in the choice of representatives. Neitb e e Nature, nor Nat ure ' s G o d, ma d e t hi s di st i nct i on o f pro perty between man and man. Under the feudal system, the aristoerad claimed to be of a superior nature. The present aristocra e l, did not dare to do so in words, and ought not to do so tically by legislation.—( Loud cheering.) The results PP" duced by the present system were almost ludicrous. The coati of Tipperary had 482,908 inhabitants. 2,468 voters, and it re; turned two M em b ers . 'Th e b oroug h of Thetford had 15- ` voters, and returned two Members also. If they were to bac. e property as th e b as i s o f representat i on, l et t h em have IS reckoned according to the rules of vulgar arithmetic. 11e ) West Riding of Yorkshire had 1,154,000 inhabitants, 5 0,1 voters, and it returned two Members to Parliaineo t • The borough of Harwich had 181 voters, and lik e ; wise retur ne d t wo M em b ers to P ar li ament. W as tbs representation based upon property ? P ar li amen ts lasted seven y ears . Wh y was t h at ?—( Ch eers . ) ;yid w' they remember th a t th e same t ransact i on th at trans f err ed Crown of England to t'ae present Royal Family, at the sai se , time gave the people a right to triennial Parliaments ? HoN had they lost that right? By the grossest violation of trust o which men could be guilty—(Cheers)—by the most tine: ralleled enor m i t y th a t cou ld b e comm i tte d . — ( Cheers.) 1-" e men who had been elected to serve for three years, of the ir own power prol onge d th e t erm o f t h e i r existence to seve n . • ; He approved of trienni a l P ar li amen t s f rom t h e conv i ct i on th" annual elections became elections of course, and that it cry more difficult to remove a man e l e ct e d annua ll y than 1r was to remove a person chosen for three y ears . There „ another point which required investigation—that was bribery 4 Had it not been ackno w l e d ge d t o ex i s t, by b o th s id es of the House and by the organs of both parties ? If the llforiti% Chronicle admitted its exi s ten ce t o -d a y, it was on ly heel , r the Times acknowledg e d it y es t er d a y. H e h a d heard tbto Right Honourable Baronet attribute its existence 40 large constituencies even more th an sma ll one s ; m_. however that might be, th ere w as no d ou bt th a t the s si never had been such bribery in England as h, taken place during the last election. 'They were ascertairope it even through the dark medium of the Election - Committe el ,,.; And what was bribery ? It was th e w o r s t s oc i a l cr ime tif"? could be committed, enhanced by all the horrors of perjury It demoralized and corrupted the people f rom o n e e n d of e country to the other. They were a religious people. Dat - Lj 1 the last election there had been much s p o ken o f t h e differe"'' of persuasion between Christian and Christian. Great I"; fessions were made of • Christianity-owhere was it reality? Where was it when they called upon tny t -- e to stop this enormous bribery ? It h a d be en sa id th a t - a fter t ballot had been instituted th e re would b e more bribery th Bo to ever—that constituencies would be bribed by wholesale. o , it should be remembered that that w o uld b e m o re diffies te and, in the next place, it would be a crimi na l co ns piracY . which very few gentlemen would car e to expose themsels ev _'_. while, at the same time, it would be almo s t impossible to er , cape conviction. But it was well known it was most pre'fa„, lent in small constituencies; and all h e a s k e d was , that th should do this to stop the practi c e, and in f av ou r o f morality t it give the ballot in great constituenc es. Let them s ot where they admitted that the ballot would stop it. Lett e . give this one proof of the reality of their 0 0 7 01 tessions, and not continue to talk of their religion with to . making out the morality it prescribed. He did ro t men er detain the House by speaking at any length on the qual° o tions of Members ; there was no qualification i n Ireland hV ,o toi , the Union ; there was none in Setland ; memb e rs of • versifies required none; the sons of Peers need nothav e oo qualification. He touched upon these poi n t s b ecau se be 1 10 . there to advocate as far as possible tranquil r e f or m, and ` 6 , quiet co , cession of principles that tended to th e p u blic adv s . o tage. He knew what was called the Charter had given l i the to a great deal of doubt and some apprehensions, but o h violence of the Chartists was not one that co uld l as t ; it o p passed away already, and men were now taking a lead le o . .,1 movement, who were incapable of involving themselves i species of violence. His only object was to show that t11;1 was cause for inquiry ; they put the case as di s ti n ctly ar_ t ol , could, and he could not think that they would m a ke sT. ; : e s , preference, as it would ex c lude s o la r ge a n umb er of the c_ fish people from their right of being re p rese nt e d i n that 1 1 °7 CI, He had t of mixed up other questions with it, but he might fat sent that they could not trust to the well-worki n g of the ti,,g sent system. Before the Reform Dill they were told. though though the principle was faulty yet the s y s tem worked' ti o' The reply to that was the enormous accumulation of debt, , lung wars, and the burdens they h a d b ro u g ht up on the cou? , ;(0 The Reform Bill was tried, and it mitigated but little ot, to evils complained of ; and at the present moment the r efuse t !,, allow the people of England a fair share in the representalr4 was said by themselves to be the cause of the over whelt distress which had reached them, and which was admitted : t o deplored by Members on all sides of the House. There 3e l distress and misery in the land, and the people were depriv e / r their inherent right to representation. All they asked 0 0 b ,,, a Committee to inquire and to bring every fact distine• g ue fore them; then they app'ied to the House either to e va" tto t the present system, it they found it preferable, or to giv e remedy which they might find most desirable. Mr. WA KLEY regrettA that he had not heard the spe eebof for the Right :lon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the floeto'i parlment, and he was also sorry that the Right Hon. Gonth'i o fer late colleagues were not p r es en t a l so . Wh at were t hey t" ht ors from their absence—from the abs e nce of th ose w h o broug ot ati the Reform Bill? 'They were placed i n co n s id era blepf in consequence of their absence, as they were not alit, or their own strength. Were they favourable to the chane es t. not? He inferred from their absence that they lif e 5 0' Well, we must fight that battle ourselves. Instead 0 1 i s os o sional motion on this subj ec t, th ere oug ht t o b e a mo nthly ro b' Was it not curious to see the state of the House on such t hat jeet? Millions were reflecting on what was p a ssing of House, and were looking f orwar d w ith anx i e t y to the " S piel the question; yet here they saw almost empty benches• oe gor would infer Irons this th a t th e H ouse did no t reP": O to the feelings of the people, or they would not etai ti u of neglect their business on such an occasion. They w ° ,l4 the y yield ield till thi y were driven to it by fear. The people , ‘", 4 5; were regaid'ess of their feelings. They asked for red ri- cit ier it was refused, the people would take it. It was onlY fired tat, tion of time. The very mo men t th e p eo pl e were res° o oer have redress, they (the House) must yield, because theY o sl not have the power to resist. They thought that this.," question gut up by agitator s ; he could assur e them the y 1 1 1 1 grossly deceived, and they were sleeping o n a volcano' tha people attributed the r distress to class legislation t"piee; House • Within the space of twenty-four boors a fax; h curred in that house to exemplify this, au" f -- of that kind was worth a whole volume ° 00. 5 e ttiry. lie said that man that was not rcpt . ; 1 .0 , was a slave. He had all the authorities since s' lo Revolution of RISS in support of the assertion that t,° o ' fro to slaves, and nothing but slaves, because money was ta i ' e ee d their pockets without their consent. What had haVd De rt , that House on Wednesday evening ? A question ,'" s ri - brought forward, which involved the' right man, and dealt ruin to 500 poor people. The quet l ; o, st i to with reference to a certain enclosure. The rich ~ g 0 l e s ' oj e " This is my property"-500 poor people said 1c „at , property." The rich man said to the Governmen t 5 00 P oo ' an office under your authority to dispossess thesc ite pfO people, and to raze their buildings to the earth. -I _, sition was, that the House would see the evidence "iviotted given between the parties before it come to a clef' . iveu r o t That determination was by a vote of 11 l to 30 w ou ld tie: - the rich man, and they actually decided that they a 01 , 1, 4 . see the evidence upon which they w ere go ing to mak e en $ r o e cision. Would any man tell him, that if there ha d ' Ou id b di f. per representation of th e p eo pl e , suc h con duct w er e e been allowed? Did they believe that the peoP l ; a t ferent to such conduc t ? Did th e y believe ' d aope6st ss 11 500 people, who had been r e ndered housele" ? oftbst would have any respect for the laws of their cotlf". l , - . 7 t he answer could be made to such a statement as this occasion it was not requisite to go into all the o f P 4 en ts resolutions. He was for shortening the duratln ar liael, o , minas, but he was very doubtful whether annu s at_ i ` ona ial 'The would be as productive of as much benefit a t e r e ,sioll' oree t, lit:merits ; but that was a question far future 0 1 7 „ w art., ea . Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the 1 - 1 00 4 a ' e wo? 1 0 " 0 , 0 - had told the House that an extension of the suu n Z e d tn ito ys danger the monarchy. Why, then, they enda w r ity , he 0 1 0 4 narchy by giving contentment to the people- so f the c , O ta tty' thought that the best security to the institution:, . 0t no i . t ef, re , was contentment its the people. Ho warned u l tt e . 31en'I'tbat the per with the feelings of the people. Let , cools , olds son frain from laying that flattering unction to tilt' v° otiou for people would remain passive under opPrea s !,S, on aPfy e ' elude with the words of Lord Camden, in ; a id, e t e s t a repeal of the Stamp Act. Lord Canyle fl oo ylif r t oed s tion is this, I will maintain to the last heti' ° Whoe," h , raY ation and representation are inseparable' ie t e ry s c ,'",.,' l c t ia t his b 4 man without representation committed a" it , -; t1.50t0 be le t t; opinion, almost amounts to a direct r obbe r3 - d disputed ?If its truth were admitted -- "! 1 the moti sente d ro mitted—how could they refuse to accede " e ct ion Hon. Friend? Millions in this country we_r e in t he W oe A nd that assembly. They asked to have a "i" m ade an efore, la those who made the laws. The Government..) t her ` near f Mr. nu tared said, they should have no voice. lie 'f t he y t 1 tal that „ c o / the language of Lord Camdem, sa i d, voice they became slaves, (the G o "' n them, they were committing a anti if the y r obber} he pre " ( Mr. It. YORKE said, to (slicle first thinos t" e f le were t° system of representation, one of the or sixty el T e ° , l ne O de ; effect of the v heard be disputed. In the last week el , election. Th teet ion sv g : after the last election, was thas di . re c 2 l l, lnet ,, e aoro ttte , their notice relative to the Sudbury only that the e u gh we' nfamous, that t" an bad and infamous, but so bad and i had therefore.., that"r' unworthy of representation, and t hey te , std. A g ain, t o ot , had unanimously advised the House not on her°. 9 1' ittee sitting the Comm for Y row day they had learned that that • had committed an lled befor _ 035. Ipswich election vagan u e, a nd — e '" suggested that it should be &siva ni :tem. ( Cheers. ) f il er (f or , This was under the present sy for hanself that .hitiee(vVit Yorke) had no hesitation in saying t ne h i a t t te t e h r t e o e a individuals ek%ci edg e h had themselves comp tn pr rogues ; Con t° which frA° He entire y 0.2 c ft, 4. Yorke) could nut g ive o hi Aiembers, but he ag ,eed it I the the principle of payiii„ II should, boWeVes;,, 0 some details in the .tion. e of toe motion. qua . , motion. that on e Mr. PROTHEROE t,!,,az.the sAlcornnsieenrt! ni° 1 di ssentC' ' f gel pre,ic•nt h encouragement to mow , the Reform Bill, gave so muc t ri; ohts l " p4 h/ !td under that sys e vote old system. as a no n a vitude. lie considered that the • we re .1 0 themselves lie did not nouseholder s than any no — o f those vei l corrupt .r class. He was not one Prr4P69ll i" tha"ausetAnk that e thl rilPti''g'rnea'4 d e d to e thou,4o. •:. right of voting should be exten scat the t to the no qualification peri3O ont 110 gave his as,en hers he thought no 111embhc"_'re, With rtsreet to posing Mern he returned to that House without possessing odi d ever S hould give his support t sn° he dto sLott qualification. He t them otion, so Mr. BERNAL said, that in suppor mk t but at th e ! wag not do so with a view of seeking populari f ys this cou ntry o i l time he declared that the representation of this did 1 1 " 1.° anything but a perfect system.—(Cheers.) tshteeuie,letielltdcir w e .._ • use anv he could ,ban, 'Gentler 1, e1 . 0 7, clOetrine t t9ttr of fill it 4 from hay Was fre e to easu re . 7:,(414, th e L ed that politicsll:ti_ll, rt!sing of Vas si 4prons he n „% , e of r.'t think or their 'at spreal ', 11 !? o a couli nut ppa 'o9 ll, re b ut it 'z of rep i 'vklarn zed lir. The t e suffra ; 44( "airaLl t , „ it tistotra e , do hE did enc it ' eyes to '": THE SUN, LO. 5 _ 3,1 L 22, 1t42.