The Sun. — London, England, 1849-07-31 00:00:00

er r7O, TS, e; HUNGAItY. nd he up ,rd to of P., ~~r, ~Y► U~ 'C' INDEPENDENCE OF Last evening a meeting of the inhabitants of the borough of Marylebone, was held in Captain Hall's Riding School, Albany-street, Regent's-park, for the purpose of sympathising with the Hungarians in the struggle they are at present engaged in, for the main tenance of their independence. Long before the hour of meeting the doors were besieged by parties anxious to get admission, and on the doors being opened the build• ing was speedily crowded to overflowing. The platform was tastefully decorated with various emblems of Hun garian nationality. At the back of the chair was sus pended the Hungarian national flag, supported by the British colours, while over it was the Phnix rising from her ashes, representing Hungary rising to inde pendence and glory. In front of the platform was displayed the Hungarian national arms. These have the cross on the orbs slanting, tied considerably bent, which is explained by the following historical fact. When Charles, who usurped the crown of Hun gary, was being crowned, at the moment of putting it on it fell from his head to the ground. The assem bled nobles, instead of assisting him to recover it, kicked it from one to the other, and when at length it was taken up it was found to be much bruised, the cross and orb bent, and in remembrance of which it has been carefully preserved in that state. O n either side of the national arms there was inscribed " Kossuth and Inde pendence," " Bathyany and Freedom," " Dembinsky and Victory," "Bern the Invincible," " Gorgey the Brave," " Perczel and Glory," while the two Austrian and Russian chiefs, Jellachich and Paskewitsch, had their names reversed and marked with crosses. Amongst the gentlemen on the platform we observed the-following:—Lord Nugent, M.P., Mr. Hume, M.P., Sir De Lacy Evans, M.P., John Abel Smith, E,q., M.P., Monckton Manes, Esq., M.P., Colonel Thompson, M.P., M. J. O'Connell, Esq., \LP., John Williams, Esq., M.P., W. Scholefield, Esq., M.P., J. Wyld, Esq., ALP., F. Mowatt, Esq., M.P., J. A. Nicholay, Esq., John Robert son, E q., &Le &c. • Lord Dudley Stuart entered the meeting at half-past five o'clock, and on the motion of Mr. NICHOLAS was *toted to the chair, amid enthusiastic cheering. On the cheering subsiding, Lord DUDLEY STUART spoke as follows :—Gen tlemen, I thank you for your encouraging and cheering rr ception, and I assure you that I am most de lighted to have the honour of meeting you here to-day. It is delightful to me to be called upon to preside over a meeting of the men of Marylebone, assembled together to 'beUr witness to their attachment to liberty—(Cheers) — end to proclaim their sympathy with the oppressed — with the oppressed who are bravely and nobly defending tlienaselves against their oppressors.—(Loud cheers.) I have no doubt that the people of this great and en lightened country will speak out from one end of the land to the other. The city of London having pro claimed its feelings, immediately afterwards this great, important, and influential borough of Marylebone follows and will not be outdone; and proud am I to see such an assemblage, the account of which will go forth all over Europe and all over the world. We in Marylebone form certainly only a portion of the Metropolis, but the three parishes composing the borough of Marylebone form together a city larger in population, larger in extent. superior certainly in wealth, and far superior in intelligence to many other capitals of Europe. —(Cheers.) And the men of this place come forward to declare their feelings for Hungary.—(Cheers.) Yes, gentlemen, you assemble here to-day to declare in a manner unmistakeable how great is the ardour of your feelings in favour of that oppressed but gai:ant people. —(Cheers.) You tell the world that you cannot see that noble nation struggling as it is against the attempts of vile despots without indignation—(Cheers)—that you caunot bear to see one nation interfering in the internal concerns of another nation.—(Hear, hear.) Still less can you tolerate seeing one wan with a crown upon his head pretending that he is to decide how people are to be governed and under what institutions they are to exist. (Cheers.) You abhor, I know you do, all foreign inter ference, and you feel with me that men have a right to govern themselves—(Loud cheers)—and, even if they chose a bad form of government, that is their Tight, and no foreigner, no man has any just cause of interference with them.—(Great cheering.) But further than that, the people of this country feel sympathy with the people of Hungary, because they are struggling not only for their independence, although that were reason enough, but also they are struggling for a free govern ment—they are struggling for their rights, for rights Which have been transmitted to them from father to son during many centuries—for those natural rights which all men have, and which rights are also legal rights; they are struggling for a uonstitution which, more than ' t r a y other in Europe, or that is recorded in history , is like our own constitution — because it is not true , as h as "een said often by the enemies of Hungary, and the ene mies of Hungary are numerous, and they are as base and insidious as they are numerous—(Cheers.) The emis- Aeries of Austria and of Rossia are making themselves busy throughout the world, and endeavouring to raise ul 3 prejudices against Hungary by misrepresenting the truth; and on the one hand, they tell those who are enemies that popular rights this moment in Hungary means nothing more than at ia n u attemptii to set up a Red Republic.—(Hear, and f ter.) N ow, the trut h i s, t h at i t i s no suc h thi ng . Its übir attempt to set up a Red Republic, nor even any not be le, although if it were, I must say that that would Cheers.) t be a rea son f or me to w i t hh o ld m y su pp or t —(Loud On the other hand, they tell those who like • us, ,ut are th e f r i ends of popu l ar r i g h ts , t o s y m pathise with Hungarians; their struggle is only for aristocratical privileges; they only wish to establish an oligarchy— they , care not for the people. and the people take no in terest in the contest. Thet statement is equally false, as the other. The constitution of Hungary has always been a fre e const i tut i on. I t h as b een ve ry like our own. It has consisted of a Ki ng , o f a House of Peers, and a i r of Commons selected by the people. It has been freerand better than almost a n y other constitution in Europe in times gone by, and in times present the Hun garians, like ourselves, have felt that their institutions required re f orm —(L ou d c h eers )— t h ey h ave f e l t t h at t h e i r suffrage requ i re d extens i on — they have fe l t t h at popular rights ought to be increased—they have passed those reforms—they have instit u t e d those ame liorations—and under the guidance of their great and illustrious Kossuth—(Loud cheers)—they have established the freedom of the press —they have done away with all privileges, and they have brought to more complete perfection than it can be viewed in any other part of the world religious liberty.—(Cheers.) I think, then, that these Hungarians, who have been nurtured like ourselves, and whose forefathers have acted a part similar to our forefathers in de!ending their institutions and in claiming when need were and sword in hand their liberties, and who now like ourselves have ex tended those liberties, and have insisted upon such a measure of them as they thought necessary for the good of the people at large—l think that these Hungarians are peoples who deserve the sympathy of Englishmen— (Great cheering)—and I am certain that they always will have it. This meeting then has been assembled to give you an opportunity, of proclaiming your feelings in this respect, and some resolutions will be proposed to you which will furnish that occasion. It will be pro- Posed that you should pass resolutions, in the first place, Proclaiming your general sympathy with the cause — Your horror at the atrocities which have been perpetrated by the enemies of the Hungarians —your detestation of the violation of the law of nations perpetrated by the Emperor of Russia—(Loud cheers)—iu sending his troops to in terfere in their contest, with which they had no business whatever—in which they could not interfere without C ommitting an act of piracy.— (Cheers.) You will also be informed that it is intended to assist these brave ' o l f u t ngarians by o pening a subscription, so that the people (Lone" country may peacefully afford them assistance. — tia d cheer s .) I ma y tak e this opp o rtunity of men ailing that I h ave rece i ve d to-d a y several letters from ja' this 'ent persons, expressive of their desire to aid . endeavour.—(Elear, hear.) I have one from my al3o f l - Culleague Sir Benjamin Hall—(Loud cheers)— hiz eseads sueusaeri.rels fr is only prevented from being amongst us hecialn,,being stretched on a bed of sickness. But that we have his entire sympathy, and desirous contributing the sum of ten pounds to (Cheers ) I have also a letter from another h i ""urable Frierad;the Member for Semersetshlre. I v a a v i e feceived ju s t now a l e tter from a gentleman with o ili a rn I 13 not acquainted, but who signs h i s name 4 neld, expressive of the warmest sympathy, and a con tribution of five pounds; also a letter from ano ther gen tleman who will not eive his name, which desir es that it may be ent e r e d as a Detester of Tyranny, for the like sun s o r five po un d s; an d a l a d y — w h o I do not know — has wiittea to me, enclosing me five pounds, desiring me 11 0 . _ insert the subscription as from an Euglishwoman. I di Vre great pleasure in so inserting it, and I have also ° tiler noble donation from a gentleman who likes to do dnot have his, and would blush to finding fame—he will : name mentioned, but he shows his sincerity in the eaus() by sending a donation of 1001.—(Loud leers, an d " One cheer more.") Gentlemen, at this n . Q e r e y moment I have r ece i ve d anot h er d onat ion which has put int o my h ands from Jonas M urray, and who o n contributes the su m o f too/. (Cheers.) I think, gentle men, th at these subscriptions, thus begun to-day in the borough of Ater I bone, will spread through the land— (Cheers)—ane b Y e afford to the bra,3;ern v eans of which we shall be able to assistance.—(Cheers.) of Hungary some important posed to you, asking You to call resolution will be pro- II upon the Government to recognise the independee2; cheers.) I am interrupted Hungary.—(Loud regard to this subject by my friend Mr. Nicholay, Goldsmith, me that there is dsrnith, of Harley street, subscription from Francisshat throb be street, of 51.; bat I give notice 5 willi. ou g h a sentence inter rupted again, because I could not get if I were to step every time that —(Laughter and cheers.) Then you come now. asked to petition both Houses or Parliamentwill be and the Crown to recognize the Government there .n of Hungary—(Cheers)—and I do not think that a, proper course could be adopted.—(Loud cheers. is generally a very great objection to war, an d are many reasons why this country ought not to go t o War ; but this matter of recognizing the independence of Hungary would render her almost as great as if y ou were to send an army to her succour, and it would be a matter entirely of a pacific character.—(Hear, hear.) ttungary, gentlemen recommends herself' to you as being a country which , has ever promoted liberty—which has ever d eman d e d an d en j oye d l oca l se lf government — (hear and ch eer s)--one of the most important things that can affect the welfare of a nation, and one which is „ 11 appreciated in Marylebone.—Prolonged cheering.) Itungary has always enjoyed because she hes demanded t'eal self-government. j She y was divided into fifty. two nties, like England; and in all those counties the affairs of the ceentre were carried on Ly local self government, a tele the central G oVOrElla , at was never allowed to interf'ere any way. The representatives were elected by the nobles, as they were called, but v he, in reality, were nethrig more than freeholders. Since that time ~hie,.; hew , been so alterel that every body has a vote, with some ( permeation.— (Clieere.) Ido not pre tend that they have get universal suffrage thera.— (Hear.) Ido not say so— hut we say that they have progressed, and we are quite aware that they are de termined to proceed in their onward career.—(Cheers.) Those representatives were so elected, and the electors had the right of calling upon them to resign their seats if they do not act to their satisfaction.—(Cheete.) An other feature in the G ov erment of Hungary has been the complete triumph of religious as well as civil liberty. —(Loud cheers.) There is no difference as to creed, — (Loud cheers) —there is no excleadon on acceunt of any religious faith ; and for some time there was that perfect equality of all Christian creeds, and lately they have put the crown to it all by finally and completely emancipating also the Jews.— (Cheers.) And, besides this, I may tell you that in the present Government of Hungary, the constitutional national Government, with Keesuth at its head, there are men of every religious persuasion. The Minister of Public Instruction is certainly a Roman Catholic bishop, but his secretary is a Protestant. That is the way that affairs are carried on in that country, and I think you will say that is the right way—(Hear, hear)—and besides this, no country has ever been so much attached to free trade as Hung,ary.—(Loud cheers.) If, there fore, this nation is calculated to excite our sympathies on account of its civil and religious liberty—on account of its good institutions, with regard to local self-govern ment, and in other respects, it also ought to enlist all our commercial sympathies by its supporting and pro moting the principle of free trade--(Cheers) --and it would be a most important benefit to this country. Upon a strictly selfish principle, we ought to desire to see Hungary independent, for there would be immediately a large opening for our manufactures, and a trade would spring up between Great Britain and Hungary which would have the effect of enriching the inhabitants of both countries, and promoting the welfare of all.—(Loud cheering.) And is it not intolerable—is it not enough to make one's blood boil, to think that at this very time those perfidious Austrians—(Hisses) --and those butchers of Russia—(Elissing)—are all leaguing together in an unholy and infernal alliance in order to put down this brave and glorious and gallant people?—(Loud cheers.) We may condemn them out of their own mouths — we have only to read their own proclamations.—(Hear, hear.) I this day read in the Times newspaper.— (Loud groaning and hissing, and a great uproar.) Gentlemen, I am quoting to you (he words of the Austrian General himself, reported this day in that paper which I have mentioned, an official bulletin.—(Hisses.) Well, what do you think of that great man—that man whom I c in only describe as the butcher Ilaynau? He has come into the Hungarian town Pesth, and he says to the people —" Doomed to death are ail"—(this is not pronounced, but it is deliberately written and printed—" who take part with the Hungarians." Now, listen. "Of what ever age, of whatever sex."—(Hisses,) That is not all. It goes on—" Doomed to death are all, of whatever age, of whatever sex, who circulate any false rumours in ~e- half half of the rebels."—(Hisses.) I do not think it is pos sible to conceive anything more base, bloody minded, or brutal than this.—(Hear. hear.) But I am happy to think that this is likely to be impotent rage, because those brave Hungarians have by this time well beaten General Haynau—(Cheers)—and all the the other generals who have attempted to resist them— (Prolonged cheering) —Haynau, Wieldee, Windischgratz —all of them—all these minions of despotism have been beaten by the brave Hungarians.—(Cheers.) The Rus sians have been called in, but it has only been to be beaten.—(Loud cheering.) The gallant Bem— (Voci ferous cheering)—from the first day that he met with the Russians, remembered his old habit when he used to meet them in Poland.—(Loud cheers.) He gave them a beating then—he drove them out of Transyl vania—he has beaten them in encounter after encounter; and, please God, aided by his gal lant countrymen, Dembinski, he will succeed in driving both Austrians and Russians back to their own country, and in establishing the indepen dence of Hungary.—(Cheers ) Yes, gentlemen, you will help these gallant fellows—(Great cheering) —you will cheer their spirits—you will send them moral supper:, if you insist upon the Government of this country recognizing their independeuce.—(Continued cheering.) Speak out—h t the men of Marylebone speak out—(Cheers) —and tell the Government—tell Lord Palmerston—(Cheers) —that he could do nothing more agreeable to the people of this country than to give at least his moral support to the people of Hungary.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I will tell you, as I have mentioned Lord Palmerston, an anecdote about that Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) I will not go hack to the pages of history—l will tell you an anecdote which dates this very day. I happened to be this morn ing at the Waterloo station when the train was depart ing. Her Majesty's Ministers had this day to go down to Osborne to wait upon her Majesty; they came up to the train, and just after the train had set off arrived a carriage full gallop, and in it was Lord Palmer ston.—(Laughter.) He was too late for the train.— (Renewed laughter.) It was necessary for him to go. He did not know what he was to do—but in a moment ho jumped upon an engine, and with the engine he set off.—(Cheers and laughter.) Well now, Gentlemen, let Lord Palmerston ride on the engine of public opinion.—(Vociferous cheering.) Let him not stop for the first class—(Laughter)—let him take the advice of meetings such as these. lie will then overtake and surpass all other Ministers.—(Cheers.) He will consult for the advantage of his own country and the welfare of Hungary and of Europe.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have detained you a great deal too long in opening the business of the day —(No, no; go on.) I did not mean to have said half so much. I shall now hasten to call upon gentlemen who have been kind enough to say they will take a part in the proceedings of the day to move the resolutions; but before I resume my seat, permit me to say this— I feel exceedingly anxious for the success of this Marylebone meeting.—(Hear and cheers.) I feel a per sonal pride in it. lam anxious that it should not be se cond except in date to the one held the other day in the City.—(Cheers.) I am anxious that it should set an ex ample to all other meetings; and, therefore, I am most desirous that nothing should occur to trouble the good order of the proceedings.—(Hear, hear.) Be assured of this—We have enemies, we have emissaries of Russia and of Austria watching us closely—(llear and hisses) — and ready, if we stumble in the slightest degree to pro claim it to the world, and to tura it to our shame. — (Hear.) Therefore, let us show an example how the men of Marylebone can act upon such great occasions. —(Cheers.) Let us not be backward in expressing and my d p o a i r t t, a a ll h se a t e h n d perfect good o or d y e r d . u — t y ( C i e p e a r r s t . i ) s y I, a f n o d r e n e s pressing strongly our o pi n i on an d sen timent, but let fiormurlsy.—in(tßhreaveoh,a and a long continued ti ncertainue cheering.)dhat you will all do y Mr. IlumE then presented hi mse lf to move the first resolution, and was received with much applause. He said he had attended there that day to express his ad miration of the gallant conduct of the Hungarians, and he was glad to see so numerous a meeting assembled in their behalf.—(Cheers.) He was pleased at that nume rous assembly, because on other occasions, when Rations had broken neunder the bonds that bowed them down, he had seen equally numerous assemblages in that parish to congratulate them on the event. In 1830 he presided at a meeting, held not far from that place, which had for its object the congratulating the French people on the success which had attended them in the assertion of their rights, and on having driven from their shores those who had attempted to tyrannise over them.— (Cheers.) He hoped the meeting would be productive of beneficial results. At the distance they were from Hungary they could do little more than express their sympathy for those Hungarians who were struggling for their rights against such odds—ah, struggling against odds that would daunt almost the bravest man; yet, from the accounts they received from day to day of the head they were making against those odds, and when they were also told that almost every male in Hun gary was in arms against the oppressors of that coun try, he thought there was ground for hope that Hun gary would maintain her ground. If one country more than any other ought to sympathise with them in that struggle it was this country. Here they were enjoying liberty, but it had only been attained after many years of struggle.—(Hear, hear.) They had done much in the way of reform, but they had yet more to do— (Cheers)—and they ought, therefore, to have a fellow feeling for those who were not so fortunate as themselves, and who were being run down by—he would not call them butchers, but barbarians from the north, and whose movement to the south was intended to stifle and put down that representative system which alone was calculated to give relief to nations. For him self, he was anxious to see people enjoying all the rights it was possible for them to enjoy under a free govern ment; and while he had no doubt that the meetine fully agreed with him in sympathising with the Hungarians, he would take the liberty to throw out a suggestion. In (Loud t u t t i b 1830, when they ad o pt e d t h e a dd ress to t h e F renc h cheers.) esatueplan Wiry b people, they sent a deputation t o P ar i s t o p res ent it. S) e carried snon out not n th e present some of their friends go to Hungary, and tender the sympa thies of the people of England to the noble Hungarians? —(Cheers.) Ile wily wished that he had more e, and was a little younger, and he would go himself.—(Loui cheers.) But when he looked around him on that plat form he was satisfied there would be no want of men to go—(Cheers)—and, should it be agreed upon, lie thought it would have a very good effect. He trusted, at all events, that the people of this country would do their utmost to aid the Hungarians, and would conclude by moving " That this meeting regard with sincere admira tion, respect, and sympathy the noble determination of the Hungarian nation to maintain intact their just rights and the constitutional independence they have inherited from their fathers, against the tyrannical encroachments of Austrian despotism."—(Cheers.) Mr. JOHN CASSELL seconded the resolution. He was happy to see so numerous a meeting of the people of Marylebone assembled tot express their detestation of this barbarous and unjust war, waged by Austria and Russia against the Hungarians. He trusted that a war so unjust would call forth the unanimous expression of the people of England, and that, so far as their moral in fluence could go, they would exert it in favour of the Hungarians. Rapine, murder, fire, and slaughter cha racterised the onward march of the Russian and Aus trian forces, But, thank God, it was not a victorious march, for the gallant Bem, Dembinsky, and George) , had given them a severe check.—(Cheers.) It was im possible for those b ar b ar i ans t o put down the people of Hunga r y, —(Ch eers. ) B ut w h y was all this chastise ment manifested towards them? Had they been dis loyal to their Ding? No • such thing, for they had often • risen in defence of the Crown of Austria. But Hungary was fighting for its just . rights, in regard to which Au s t r i a h ad no more right to interfere with her than had this country a right to interfere with the THE .BUN, LO N, rights of the people of Hanover. The whole quarrel had arisen from itepoia tine , Jellachich, who was a colonel in the Italian army, Bin of Croatia, w hich could not have been legally duae without the consent of the Hungarian Government, but whieh had been persisted in by the Austrian Government, notwithstanding its illegality. Such was the state of things when Radetzlzy was see cessful, and the Austrian Court threw off the disguise. The Austrian troops united with the rebels, but :fella chich got a good dressing, and the Hungarians took ten thousand prisoners. So far as the question between Hungary and Austria was concerned, the matter was settled, hut the Russians then stepped in, and the Hun garians declared for independence. Was she not right in doing so, and was it not their duty to assist her in her noble effort? He trusted that public opinion would be brought to bear on the sentiment uttered by Mr. Cobden with respect to the Russian loan. He could not believe that the house of Rothschild meditated the loan, or that they would take any step to facilitate the opera tions of Austria in crushing the spirit of independence which so happily had sprung up in Hungary, end which the brave Hungarians were so nobly struggling to main tain. Mr. Cassell concluded by recommending the adoption of petitions in every district of the country, calling on the Government to recognise the independence of Hungary.—(Cheers ) Mr. MoNcrurraa MILNES expressed his gratification at the admirable historical statement they had just heard from Mr. Cassell, of what was going on in Hungary. It would be unnecessary for him to travel over the ground which had beau so ably occupied by that gentle man. What they wanted was the assurance of sympathy with the gallant cause, and the more they differed on other subjects, the more valuable was their opinion in agreeing on this.—(Elear.) He certainly should not have been present that evening if they had met to interfere in the internal affairs of any other state of Europe. He believed that non-intervention was the right English principle, and if that principle had been more rigidly adhered to, it would have saved them considerable difficulty and trouble. If the contest had remained be tween Hungary and Austria it would be a civil war, not unlike to civil wars which they had before witnessed ; and though no doubt their sympathy would be expressed on the side of constitutional freedom, yet they should not, in his bumble judgment, be justified in a meeting of the kind they then held. All the misfortunes of the existing state of things had arisen from interference. France had interfered with Rome.—(Groans.) Why had not the Romans been allowed to settle their own affairs?—(Hear, hear.) In the one case it was better that they should be left to themselves; but in the case of Hungary it was different, and called for their most active sympathy and interest. Why, simply for this reason, that the Emperor of Austria having been beaten in Hungary, called in the as istance of 200,000 foreign troops to crush the Hungarians.—(Hear' hear.) Let them suppose a civil war between England and Ireland, and that the English Government called on 200,000 troops to crush the Irish people, what would they think of such a proceeding ? - - A Voice—" They did so before." He protested against the Russian invasion of Hungary. He had no objection to urge against the Russians, or any other state, so long as they remained at home, but when Austria broughto her aid 200,000 foreign troops, to put down freedom in Hungary, all the balance of power was destroyed, and the people of the western world, who asserted constitutional liberty, would not stand by in peace and see a great and gallant people destroyed by the mere brute force of a foreign nation. This was the reason why he appealed to English faith. He advocated the cause of a people deprived, not of the forms, but of the absolute sense of freedom, and their restoration to that free and independent position given them by the treaty of Vienna, which, if the present state of things was allowed to exit, would be nullified and destroyed. Mr. KEYZOR, amidst some confusion, wished to speak to the resolution, but it was some time before he could obtain a hearing. At length, when silence was partially restored, he expressed a hope that the bull dogs of Eng land would endeavour i❑ this glorious struggle to keep the Russian bear at hay.—(Cheers.) Let the great lion of England arouse himself, and placing one paw on the shoulder of the Russian bear, and another upon the shoulder of the Austrian wolf, tell them that they should go no further in the crusade against the brave tiger of Hungary.—(Laughter and cheers.) Hungary had the sympathy of all England, Ireland, and Scotland—of Jew and Gentile alike. God had blessed their cause with success, and if they continued to maintain a bravo front, prosperity must remain with them.—(Cheers.) Some thing had been said about Rothschild negotiating a loan for Russia; but, as a Jew, he came forward to express his belief that Baron Rothschild would never di-grace his name and career by advancing money to put down so glorious a struggle. Upon Sir De Lacy Evans presenting himself, great confusion prevailed. The CHAIRMAN said he hoped they would support the chair ; if they did not there would be an end of the meeting, and the enemies of Hungary would triumph.— (Cheers.) Those who interrupted the order of the pro• ceedings were not friends to the cause.—(Clieers.) Did they wish to hear Sir De Lacy Evans or not 1 —(Cries of " Yes," and continued cheering.) Sir DE LACY Evales again presented himself in front of the hustings, and was received with a volley of cheers. He said there were subjects upon which, perhaps, he had not given everybody that satisfaction which he could wish to have done; but the cause which had now called them together, and which was the immediate business before them, had his cordial ca-operation, because it was a cause in support of which he had the honour of shedding his blood.—(Loud cheers) — and now he came there, if he came for anything. to support by moral, if not by other means, the cause of liberty abroad.—(A Voice—" You have not supported it.") He did support that cause; and he would tell them the result of it— (Cheers) —he did not shrink from that. Hungary he wished to speak of, but he begged to be understood as supporting the cause of liberty in every foreign country.—(Cheers and hisses.) A gentleman in the meeting challenged him that he had not supported that cause abroad; he now declared that he had— (Cheers) —he supported it in Spain, and he would tell them the result, not so much with regard to himself as for the purpose of showing that by giving their sup port to the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston, they might possibly contribute to the emancipation of other nations besides that to which the meeting more particularly referred.—(Cheers.) Now, what was the result? The English Government, Lord Palmerston himself, and others were taunted for assisting in that cause. But it had triumphed; and that day Spain was a proof of the good which had resulted from it.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Who could know the matter better than he did?—(Cheers.) A Cortes had been sitting at Madrid for the last seven months; there freedom of de bate had existed; and the Cortes had been prorogued as our Parliament was about to be, and the last Act which they passed was a free trade Act—(Cheers)—and now a freer press existed in Madrid than was to be found in any other country in Europe. Well, then, he had reason to be proud of the humble assistance which he had ren dered in that naive, and he did think that the aid given by the English Government taught them not to despair of being a bl e to g i ve ass i stance to o th e r n ations. they y illin h g ad to no admit right interfere —(Cheers.)he general principle as quite w that to with the concerns of other • nations, but there were many exceptions, and righteous excep tions, to it.—(Cheers.) He should like to know if the principle of non-interference were never to be deviated troth, in what state this great and powerful nation would be at the present moment ?—(Cheers.) He would re mind them that 150 years ago we were in want of foreign aid to support our liberties in this country—(llear) and it was - through the assistance of that noble and ex alted friend of Britain, William the Third, that foreign troops were brought over here to assist us in establishing our liberties. There was no more conspicuous proof in all history than that, that there were just and righteous exceptions to the principle of norainterference.—(Hear, hear.) Thut maxim, therefore, ought not to be pushed too far. But he was not there to advocate war ; his de sire was to humbly offer an expression of his concur rence in the propriety of publicly expressing their sympathy with the Hungarians.—(Cheers.) The first consideration, before even offering any moral assistance with respect to squabbles or wars between foreign countries, was, on which side did justice lie ? The able speeches which they had just heard, and the able speeches that were delivered last week, had pointed out, if the press had not amply done so before, that justice laid completely and exclusively on the side of Hungary.—(Cheers.) But if there had been any doubt upon that point, the events which had occurred were striking proofs that the Hungarian people were united, and whoever heard - of a contest in which a whole nation were united that had not for its object a just and holy cause?—(Cheers.) What were the proofs? They had heard an admirable analysis, or resume, of the military operations in Hungary; he would not trouble them with any observations upon that subject, but he might be permitted to give a short resume of the political pert of the question. Hungary, it was admitted on all hands, had possessed her constitution 800 years. It was supposed, however, to be too aristocratic, but within the last fifteen months; that illustrious man Kos suth, and others, had resolved that it should be reformed and made more popular, and they had already been told by Mr. Casseil that universal suffrage now very nearly prevailed in Hungary. But what did Austria do ? Austria declared that Hungary no longer possessed an independent Government, and that it was to form part of a confederation that was to be governed from Vienna. Where was the justice or the parallel ? Why it had no parallel in any other case. Austria was the revolu tionist.—(Cheers.) Then his Hon. Friend, Mr. Milnes, had stated, that if Russia had not interfered, there would not have been ample cause, or any cause at all for them to manifest their opinions. He must confess that he differed with him ; that interference had certainly aggravated the question extremely, and added immense importance and gravity to it (Hear, hear) — but without that interference, it was their duty as free men to express their sympathies for the Hungarian people.—(Cheers.) The contest of Hun gary and the Gorerninent of Vienna was not a civil war; it was a war of the Hungarian nation against a Sovereign and his sattelites at Vienna, who dared to assume the right to put down the government which the people had established. It was not a civil war but an infamous attempt on the part of Austria and the Cabinet of Vienna.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, if that be se, if justice be on the side of the Hungarians, was it not fair and proper for other nations to express their sym pathy, and even to do more--(Loud cheers)—but, at all events to recommend their governments to acknowledge the de facto Government of Hungary.—(Cheers.) This was no novel proposition, it had been done again and again by different Administrations and by different statesmen in this conutry. In the case of Belgium the Whigs acknowledged the de facto Government, which was to occupy th e place of the old race of the Bourbons--(A cry "D —n the Whigs" and laughter.) Well, the Whigs had had their backslidings, but he hoped, as it was said they were made of squeezable materials—and that was one of, the best qualities they possessed—that they would be able to 4~_ -+: , -- , t • • ON, TUESDAY EVENING, .JULY 31, 1849. L ,~.~ v: : At. other nations which yet denied the people the just mea sure of their rights.—(Loud cheers.) Those who had pree,ded him had forgotten this fact—th a t the pe o pl e o f Hungary had achieved more liberty than the p eeple of this country. They had been li!ted up to the enjoyment of all political rights, and the tuffrage had been so extended that it might be almost called the Charter itselt.—(Cheers.) Besides, the aristocracy of Hungary had emancipated the peasants, giving at the same time to 500,000 of them 30 to 60 acres of land each.—(Pro longed cheering.) When the leaders of the people had conferred upon the people these great rights, was it to be wondered at that they were ready to fight for them; and an Austrian had told him that the Hungarians, when their rights were assailed, fought like devils for them.— (Laughter.) Now he admired a people like that. Colonel Thompson had declared that England was the first nation in Europe.—(Cheers, and marks of dissent.) This was the way they must look at that; there was something inherent in Englishmen that made them ex press their honest convictions at all hazards, so that in that sense they were the first nation on the globe —(Hear hear, and cheers)—and he defied any one to rob them of the liberties they enjoyed. Yet at the same time this broad fact was evident to ell—that the people could not give effect to their wishes because they had not that political power to which they were entitled, and which the people of Hungary, with whom they deeply sympathised, enjoyed.—(Cheers.) Now they wanted the gentlemen who had spoken, when they went to the House, to tell it that they ought all to have votes likewise--(Cheers.) A gentleman to his right called " Question." Now that was the question—(Loud cheers)—for he for one would not sympathise with a nation fighting and cutting throats unless the object was to lift up suffering humanity.—(Hear.) He give his heartfelt sympathy to the people of Hungary becanse they were standing up boldly for the rights of man— (Cheers) —for the rights of nations, and doing so, too, with a degree of honour, consideration, and fairness which was not imitated by the brutal oppressors of their country.—(Hear, hear.) The working men of this country ought to draw this distinction—they ought to look whet this contest was for. If it was for changes which would benefit the people at large—if its object was to maintain reforms of an useful character, and to carry civilization to the humblest cottage in the empire, they should be all for it. The brave Kossuth told his people the real extent of their danger, for they were a brave and a noble people, and would beat their oppressors—he told them that " God helped them who helped themselves," and no sentiment could be truer; but he never helped anybody else—(leer, hear)—for be never found that God elevated a man who was base and despotic; he left him in his degradation and vileness, but when men showed a desire to be just, and had the courage to obtain it, God took him by the hand and helped him to achieve it.—(Cheers.) And, when we had sympathised with the Hungarians and they had ob tained their rights, might we speedily follow their exam ple.— ( Prolonged cheering.) The CHAIRMAN put the resolution, and it was carried unanimously. Mr.J. WILLIAMS, M.P., proposed the next resolution. He said, if he had ever felt it an honour to be an elector of Marylebone, he felt that honour enhanced tenfold on the present occasion, for the people of Marylebone had never met to promote a nobler cause.—(Cheers.) It was well that the feeling of sympathy with Hungary should be fostered and rightly directed, in case they should ever stand in need of such sympathy themselves. He was much pleased, the other night, at the courage evinced by Lord Palmerstoneand wished they had thirty such men, for he believed in him were concentrated all the good qualities possessed by the Ministry. He had also been much pleased to hear him declare as his opinion, on a former occasion, that sovereigns were not made for.themselves, but for the people. Having been his sympathies organizing were ly - four Governmentu altogether himself a working man, and having raised himself by industry t o hi s p resen t p os iti on , h e assure d th e m th a t a monthsnbelievedar my hwa w h i dßi ma passed h t t ao h d e barr p i ia e vny o e people.— tni . hlee, — ce ch ( tb l C u i the Austrian (Cheers.) rewas s. ) Austrians out of Hungary, and but for the Russian bear Hungary would have now been an independent state.— (Cheers.) In this matter was involved the great ques tion of free trade, for, with the exception of the United States, no country would be so good a customer to us as Hungary. The commercial men looked at that. Why they would take a great quantity of their manufac tures. They were nearer, and the spirit and feeling of the people of Hungary were consonant with their own.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. WYLD, M.P., seconded the resolution. He said some of the speakers had talked about intervention. It was well to meet and offer their sympathy to a brave and generous people ; but whilst they did so it was in their memories that in times past they had sympathised with oppressed nations which—for we had gone no fur ther—had been trodden under foot--(Cheers)—and with respect to which their Government had not thought it politic, or had not dared to interfere.—(Cheers.) We could interfere when it suited our tactics to do so; but when the reverse was the case nothing had been done. For instance, we had interfered on the coast of Holland in favour of Btlgium, and had sent their ships of war to aid in the liberation of Greece. They must, therefore, back their words by deeds.—(Lond cheers.) A great writer had said that the time must come when resistance was no longer a crime, and forbearance a virtue. Let them, therefore, defend this brave people against the Calmucks and hordes of barbarians that were ready to burst upon her.—(Hear, hear.) A few ships of war sailing up the. Baltic towards Cronstadt'would have the desired effect. These ships, in which her Majesty's officers were now enjoying a summer holiday should be directed to sail off Constadt. The resolution stated the commercial advantages and in terest which were at stake in this contest. It had always been the pride of Great Britain that wherever she had supported freedom, there her commerce had invariably flourished.—(Cheers.) Ever since the Russians had gained additional territory on the Black Sea, our com merce had been declining. Hungary in 1830 was willing to grant a free•trade treaty to us, but the policy of Austria and Russia had prevented her; though, if the in dependence of the country was gained, there were emi nent statesmen in Hungary prepared to adopt a free trade policy.—(Cheers.) If so, it would open up markets for fifteen or sixteen millions of our manufactures annu ally. We had, therefore, more than a mere political in terest in this question.—(Cheers.) It was said that our navy was sustained to protect and extend our commerce; if so, let them blockade the Russian ports, enable Hun gary to achieve her independence, when a trade equal to that we now had with the United States would be opened to us. He was happy to add that England and the United States were the only two countries in which generous and hearty sympathy with Hungary was ex• pressed. In the towns of the States the same enthusiasm was exhibited as by that meeting. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by saying he cordially seconded the resolution, and retired amid loud cheers. The resolution was then put and carried amidst pro longed cheering. Mr. G. JULIAN HARNEY rose to move the next reso lution, which was in substance, that a petition, founded on the preceding resolutions be adopted, and presented to Parliament by the Chairman. He had to express his most earnest and heartfelt thanks to the Hon. Gentle man (Mr. Wyld) who had preceded him for his most admirable speech on behalf of the Hungarians. He thought that, and all similar meetings in future, ought to call upon the Government, not merely to recognise the independence of Hungary, but to send assistance to their Hungarian friends, that their independence might be the more surely secured to them. Colonel Thompson, in his excellent speech, had declared that any one who proposed to march into Russia should have a council of war held on his sanity. Nosy he (Mr. Harney) was not about to propose to the meeting to march British soldiers into the interior of Russia; •but he would re mind them that when the liberties of Greece were in suspense, England interfered on behalf of that country, and though we did not send an army into Turkey, we sent ships of war into - the Grecian seas. —(Load cheers.) A British fleet on its way to stike a blow for Hungary, might strike a blow for another I gallant state—he meant the glorious Republic of Venice. (Cheers) In supporting the resolution, he most un• equivocally and heartily adopted the principle so well laid down in Jellachieh's 'manifesto on When of Hun gary, that all nations were• interested in, and were re sponsible for, their mutual 'bell- being. That was only another mode of putting the golden rule, " to do unto others as we would wish others to do unto us." Now, be held with Colonel Thompson that that rule held good for nations as well as individuals, and that there was but one rule of right for men in the aggregate as for men in their individual capacity; therefore, when they saw a nation assailed by robbers and murderers, as Hungary had been, it was as much our duty to go to the assist• ante of that nation as it would be to go to the succour of a brother-man, or a sister woman, who was assailed by robbers and murderers in private life. Ile had heard a great deal of praise lavished on Lord Palmerston; buthe (Mr. Harney) had his own opinion upon that matter, and he must say, that neither Spain, Sardinia, Sicily, or any ether people, were much the bet:s.e. for Lord Palmer stou.—(Cheers.) He should approve of Lord Palmerston's interference in this case only on one ground, and that was the recognition of the independence of Hungary.— (Hear, hear.) Ho had heard of a compromise being talked of between Austria on the onehand, and Hungary and Russia on the other.—(Hear, hear.) In the first place, he would say, no alliance with France.—(Cheers.) He did not say no alliance with the people of France — (Hear, hear)--but he said, no connexion with the Government, on whose brow were yet fresh the stains of Roman blood.—(Cheers.) Our interference on behalf of Hungary must bo without France, who would tolerate the whole oppressed nationalities of Europe. Poland was not dead.—(Loud cheers.) Her sons were in the Hungarian armies, and, under Bem and Dem binski, he expected that few of the Russians would be left to cross the Carpathians, and tell the tale of their defeat. He would test the meeting as to the course he had recommended. All those who were of opinion that the Government of this country should go to war with Russia for attacking Hungary, hold up their hands. — (Here the whole meeting responded to the call, amid much cheering and waving of hats.) Mr. Harney then called on those of a contrary opinion to give expression to such, but no such expression having been given, Mr. Harney said, lam satisfied. Huila for Hungary. Mr. BEAL, in seconding the resolution, said, from the expression of feeling which they had just given utter ance to, it would seem that it was the wish of meet ingthe_no that the members of the Government shobuldt. only recognise the independence of Hungary oe h ra lr .) Ho had the utmost pleasure in secondtne ; for he did upon that understanding and tha t ground and a national words hut by their deeds also, if necessary.—(Cheers.) believe that if there was a purely righteousr(eusonition d en li g ht e ned liberliberty ifthere ever was a c ause of con tending for their own undoubted rights it was t men be cause of Hungary and the Hungarians, who were contending for their own national existence, and for the preservation o f the i r o wn Parliament, t h eir rights, cause—if there ever was a cause of ac , tl practical pro gress an their laws, their property, and their liberties, against the „, ._ _: -;-, ,: squeeze some good out of them before they they had done with them.—(Laughter.) Bat at all events, with regard to their foreige policy, it would, be difficult as the frien.ls of liberty to find limit with thern.—(Qaes tion, and a cry "Portugal:.") Even with regard to Portugal. He did n mean to say that they had been right in every case, but he did say that the generel policy of this country for the last 20 years had been to acknowl Age de facto Governments as soon as their power was established. England had heretofore ac knowledged the de facto Governments of France, Bel gium, and Portugal, and they not only acknowledged the Government of Greece when it shook off the yoke of the Turks, but they actually sent ships of war to assist them.—(Hear, hear.) What better proofs could they have then that Hungary was entitled to recognition at the hands of the British Government? Could any nation have a more just cause than Hungary? It was impossible.—(Cheers.) But there were two cir cumstances which of themselves, without anything else, proved the unanimity of the people and the justice of their cause. In the first place, the Hungarians had no separate army of their own, but as soon as it was known that Austria had determined to put down the Hungarian Government, they created one in a few months, and drove their enemies out of the country. Could they have done that if they had not been an united and a brave nation ?—(Cheers.) He would give another proof —it was brief, and he thought very conclusive. The Noble Chairman had read from one of the daily journals an order of the Austrian Government that of itself proved two things the unity and patriotism of the people. and the barbarous cruelty of the Austrian officers. Now General Hsynau issued that order on re-entering Buda, having a large force at his command, and having driven away the Hungarians--supposing the people of that city had been divided in opinion. Why even the French the other day, in their most detestable Roman interference, when they got into Rome said that they had come to support the well-conducted part of the people and to put down all those who were opposed to order. But what did the Austrian General do? He said he did not number one man in Buda who was not his enemy; that he had returned to them with stronger feelings of hostility, and that if any man, woman, or child should, even by word, gesture, or address, show any support to what he called the liberal cause, he, she, or it, should be doomed to death.—(Hisses and groans.) Could they have a stronger proof than that that every man, woman, and child in that city were enemies to Haynau's army?-- -(Cheers, and cry of " Time.") He was of opinion that such a meeting as that must have great influence, because it would reverberate throughout the country and throughout Europe. He would conclude by moving a reslution to the effect " That this meeting views with horror and detestation the. war now raging in Hungary, and the barbarous mode in which it was prosecuted by the Austrian authorities and generals, and that they con sidered their conduct to merit the indignant reprobation of all civilized nations."—(Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN said the resolution was to have been seconded by Mr. J. B. Smith, but having been obliged to go into the country, another Member of Parliament had consented to take his place. Mr. HEADLAM, M.P. for Newcastle, then came for ward, and said he had great pleasure in seconding the resolution which had been moved by his Gallant Friend. The patience of the meeting had been somewhat ex hausted, and he promised he would not then detain it long.—(" Go on.") The excitement and enthusiasm which they had all witnessed with so much pleasure was not confined within those walls, but the feeling which prevailed there would go forth into the very centre of the kingdom, and thrill generally throughout the hearts of the poeple.—(Loud cheers.) He had reason to believe that before long similar meetings would be hell in all the great towns of the kingdom to prove that there was one uni versal feeling of sympathy on behalf of the Hungarians. He was somewhat proud to mention that the first meet ing which took place in this country to sympathise with this oppressed people was held in the town which he had the honour to represent—(Cheers) — and when they found an opinion like this emanating in the north and extending to the south, and when they found it backed up by the strength of the metropolis, depend upon it that it would go forth and make itself 'heard and felt throughout the world ; that it would strengthen the hands of oue Government when it remonstrated with the Powers which were endeavouring to put down the struggles of the Hungarian people ; that it would strike terror into the breasts of the Emperors of Austria and Russia; thatit would carry sympathy and encouragement to the humblest patriot among the Hungarians who desired to shed his blood on behalf of a great cause. The resolution was then put and carried, with great cheering. Colonel THOMPSON, M.P., then came forward, and was received with loud cheering. He said—" Should auld acquaintance be forgot"—(Laughter)—to the extent of my absenting myself when the people of Marylebone have a point to carry !—(Hear, hear.) If the object you have in view coincides with that which has been dearest to me ever since I have had an opportunity of stepping forward in political life, I have always been exceed ingly ardent to serve you. How can we, gentlemen, employ more profitably the time which is left us than in endeavouring to lay before you a few of the reasons which I think gives every man in this room a good ground for praying for the success of the Hungarians; and since our forefathers thought the use of prayer was but hypocrisy when it was unaccompanied by some earthly argument—(Laughter)—l will show you why you should exert the power you have to assist those to whom power is lacking, that they also may gain that which was obtained by the valour of your fathers before you, and has been preserved by your own good conduct and resolution.—(Cheers.) Are you, or are you not, the freest nation in Europe—taking you altogether?—(Cheers, and partial cries of "No.") There are some strange geographers in these corners.—(Hear.) I don't know where they would point, despite our errors and our failings, to any country on the European conti nent which can surpass ours in the enjoyment of all that which makes a nation happy and respectable—to say nothing of future expectations.—(Loud cheers.) Well, then, we wish that others should be the same. Don't you wish the same for your neighbour? Take that as a parallel; see how you would act with respect to indi viduals in society ; and then the great rule which says, " you should do to others as you would they should do to you," will impress upon you the necessity, if you see some man or some nation that has fallen among thieves —(Hear, hear) —of not being the priest or the Levite who passed him by, but the good Samaritan that sat him on your beast, if you had one, and lift him out your purse, and promise to pay him more on a future day.—(Laughter.) And could you not do that without infringing the rules of justice in ordinary society? If you heard a cry of " Stop thief" or " Murder' in the street, is there a man among ypu so mean as to be afraid to put his head out of the window, and ask," What's the matter?"—(Cheers and laughter.) Do you call that interference?—(Con tinned laughter.) All men are under the obligation to hear the opinions of all mankind, and God has so or dained it, that justice in the end will invariably succeed, for nothing can withstand accumulated nations calling out against infamy.—(Cheers.) There must have arisen something like interrerence before. The judge inteferes to restore property. But why? because the thief interfered first, I think.—(Bear.) Now you will be the judge here, and don't be afraid of that kind of interference which consists in taking a thief by the throat and inducing him to let go his hold.—(Laughter.) There may have been too mach cause in times past for scandalous reports going forth that the people of England bad lost some thing of their ancient sensibility to the interests and sufferings of other nations. We who aro oldish have gone through bad times in that respect, but we are not all old, and those who are not old are not all stupid.— (Laughter.) We all, old and young, have sufficient reason to discern how great the interest is which this free country has in advancing the freedom of other nations.—(Loud cheers,) I tell you what it is exactly like. There is not a man in this metropolis 1 know but reads history. History, I am sure, will tell him how deep an interest our forefathers felt in the ge neral interests and the liberty of Europe. The question at one time took a religious turn; that might be by some sort of accident; but precisely the same interest which our forefathers felt in the days of good Queen Bess, of glorious memory, in supporting what they called the Protestant interest in Europe, we shall, if we are wise, have in seeing the advancement of liberal institutions throughout all Europe. Does any ono want the Government to attack Russia as Napoleon did ? Why, .if any one were to propose that we should march into the centre of Russia, it would be necessary to have a council of war to deter mine upon his sanity.—(l-lear and laughter.) But can there be any danger in the Government doing in this " sea-girt isle" that by which the independence of fereign states may be assisted? Do you think the des pets will come here to call us to an accouut?—(Cheers.) No. Wait till they do, and then let no man be afraid of aiding defensive operations. Let us be as strong at home as . possible, and we may attack foreign politics as long as we please—none making us afraid. We have a strong position, if we like to maintain it and use it.— (Cheers.) Our Government is strong, and altogether it is not a badly-disposed Government on the whole— (Cheers and counter cheers) —but they are rather a slow train.—(Laughter.) What they want is your Maryle bone engine stuck on behind, and if that be not enough half a dozen metropolitan constituencies to help them, and I should wonder if they we're not more happy than they have been of late.—(Laughter.) They say it is important to maintain Austria as being a bulwark against Russia.. Now, I want to ask this simple ques tion. If Austria, instead of shutting its door against Russia, opens it and lets Russia in, why should Hungary act upon the same principle?—(Cheers.) Think of that, and through your representatives ask your Government why England should not be safer and better with Hungary formed into a free and independent nation, bearing a memory of gratitude to England for as sistance—(Cheers)—rather than a country like Austria, which brings in barbarians to settle political equality ? (Hear, hear.) It will be a hard thing if politics in Eu rope are to be settled by such shameful means. In such a task it requires the best and ablest men, not a Russian corporal and his awkward squad.—(Laughter.) How would you like your liberties submitted to such a test and to such an arbitration ? Let me, then, persuade you men of Marylebone that you opine to win this great eause, in which your ancestors would have been delighted to exert their prowess. And if you be, then, true-born sons, show that the blood you boast of is really in your veins. The gallant Colonel concluded byproposing the resolution amidst much cheering. Mr. H. HETHERINGTON seconded the resolution pro posed by their old Friend Colonel Thompson with great pleasure. Being of a class entirely different from those who had preceded him—being one of the workers —he had come forward to tell them that it was their duty to help those who were struggling to free a whole nation. And this was the more their duty with respect to Hungary, as the higher classes in that country had shown an anxious desire to elevate the lower classes—(Loud cheers) — and had, therefore, set an example to the great men of -;' Ya; - ' f - 7 hated legions of the boysmortarell of Austria, who would unite there: to himself against their will, rod who, to .:is eternal dis„ t'ace, had called in the berbe.rens Cussueks to help him to do that which he could not do for himself. The Hungarians were contending for nothing but what they were entitled to.—(Cheers.) They were conteral ing for an independent Diet and Parliament, aid to make their own laws for the poor as well as the rich of their own country, without any interference on the part of Austria—(Cheers)—and it was not until the late Em peror had deliberately violated laws that ho and his pre decessors had sanctioned—it was not until he attempted to destroy every vestige of Hungarian nationality, thrit the Hungarians took up arms.—(Cheers.) The Emperor of Russia might just as well have attempted to invade this country when the Reform Bill passed, and poured his hordes of Cossacks into this island as he was now pouring them into llungary (Cheers)—giving the villages of Hungary to the fire and sword, and deluging the plains of that fertile and heroic land with Magyar blood.—(Cheers.) But it was said that the Hungarian cause was a dangerous course, because there was a number of foreigners in the Hungarian ranks—that there was a number of Poles, and therefore to aid the dlungarians was a dangerous experiment. But the cause of Hungary was the cause of Poland, for it was because the Emperor of Russia had been allowed for a time to tyrannize over the Poles, that he thought he was at liberty to contend against every country where . the Poles fou n d a h ome . R estore t o th e P o l es th e i r Just rights, and the n no coun t r y i n th e wor ld wou ld b e troubled with them. But the cause of Hungary was not only the cause of Poland; it was the cause of every civilizednatnm on the f ace o f t h e eart h. I t was th e cause of country.—(Cheers.) They had got free trade in this country; but if other countries did not respond to their system, they would find little benefit from it. The present depressed state of Poland was a dead weight on this country, and to reduce Hungary to the same state matters would be made worse. Bat give these countries their independence, let their rivers be crowded with commerce, and their fields floating with golden grain, then would this country reap the advan tage.—(Cheers.) The true policy of this country was, that wherever they saw a nation struggling fur freedom, that nation was their friend ; and wherever they saw a nation oppre sse d, t h at opprssor was the enemy of this country. He therefore concluded by praying for the success of the Hungarians, and destruction to their oppressors.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put from the chair, and unani mously agreed to. Mr. NICHOLAY then came forward to propose that an humble address be presented to the Hungarian na tion, expressive of their admiration of their gall an t con duct in asserting their rights, and their sanguine hope of their ultimate success.—(Loud cheers.) He was sure the Noble Lard in the chair would feel proud . in pre senting such an address to the two Hungarian nobles at present in this country, as representing the people of Hungary. He alluded to Count Teleki and M. Pulski.—(Great cheering, together with a distinct round of cheers for these nobles.) Mr. Nicholay concluded by stating the pride and pleasure he felt in moving the re solution, and at the glorious manner in which the meet ing had been conducted and brought to a conclusion. Mr. ROBERTSON, the successor of Colonel Thompson as the editor of the Westminster Review, then came for ward to second the resolution, and was received with much cheering. He had a view :of the business before them to communicate which no one had hitherto ex pressed or alluded to. He had been reading, that morn ing, three Russian documents, which he thought very , few gentlemen at that meeting could have the :opportu nity of perusing, and those documents fully ex plained the reason why Russia had allied with Austria, and had now her armies in Hungary. —(Loud Cheers.) The Czar Peter, it seemed, had left a will, addressed to all his successors, in which he declared that the Russian people were destined, foreor dained by Heaven to the conquest of Europe.—(Great cheering.) This document was an historical fact.— (Cheers.) There was another document which was also an historical fact, and that document embodied the policy, or was rather a memoir of the policy, adopted by the Russian Cabinet, a copy of which fell into the hands of Count Teleki. In 1848 the idea of the Czar Peter was the idea of the Czar Nicholas, and it was in further ante of this idea that he issued his memorable proclama• tion. Before advancing into Europe he appealed to the God of Battles—(Ri=ses and cheers.)—and he declared that Russia would fulfil her mission. —(Hear, hear) Ile began with Hungary.—(Shame.) Would he have dared to begin with Hungary if all the despots of the continent were not in league with him?— (Cries of " No," and cheers) Would he have dared to enter llungary if he had not succeeded in placing his creature in the Presidency of the French Republic?— (Tremendous cheering.) Could any one deny that the policy of France, since the accession to power of Louis Napoleon? had been a Cossack policy?—(Cheers and hisses.) If any one doubted that let him look to Rome. A republican General has gone there picking up the sceptre of the Pope from a pool of Republican blood, and offering it to the acceptance of his H Holiness.—(Cheers.) The Hungarians wore now in the breach for this country.—(Great cheering.) - The Rus sians boasted that they would a second time water their horses in the River Seine.—(Cries of "Never, never.") They might depend upon it, %bile they had got a Cossack President over the Republic, it would only be a sequence that might be expected. Perfids might subdue for a moment the noble people of the whole continent, but that perfidy would soon have its termination.—(Cheers.) It was their hearts, their rights, their liberty, and everything that was dear to them, that they were ee fending that night in the name of Hungary.—(Cheers.) He would urge the propriety of inserting in the address a declaration that they recognised the truth, that if the popular liberties of the continent must live, the Russian idea must die.—(Cheers.) It was a life and death struggle between the principle of divine right, incarnate Hussar, and the principle of the rights of man incarnate in the people.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Ro bertson concluded by a most eloquent appeal on behalf of the cause, which he said was that of " God and ►iberty," and begged of the meeting to realise the serious duties of that hour. ae withdrew amidst vociferous applause. The resolution was then put and carried. Mr. HUGGINS then moved a vote of thanks to the Liberal press for their exertions in this cause, and their noble advocacy of Hungarian independence. This motion was seconded by Mr. WADMAN, and it was carried unanimously, amidst several cries from the meeting of The Sun. A vote of thanks was then passed to the Noble Lord, for his conduct in the cbair. and the meeting separated. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS TIMES.—The military operations in Hungary are known to us chiefly by the reports of the adverse party, for little or no reliance can be placed on the loose intel ligence of the German newspapers, and none on the Hungarian bulletins that reach this country. But when official statements, proceeding from the Russian or Austrian generals, are found to disclose a state of things which they cau have no interest or desire to acknow ledge, such accounts may safely be followed. We are now, therefore, the more disposed to believe them, be cause it is evident that the plan of the campaign, as it was begun by the Imperial armies, has been dislocated by the skill and vigour of the Hungarian commanders, and that down to the latest dates the fortune of the war was in favour of the latter. It will be remembered that we left General Georgey pressed on all sides by very considerable forces on both. sides of the Danube. Driven back from the hotly contested lines of Raub and Acs, he had found a temporary shelter under the guns of Comorn, and ho still held the left bank of the Danube as far as Waitzen, and consequently the valley of the Gran. But Generals Wohigemuth and Paniutin assailed him on the west; the northern dis tricts were crowded with the divisions of Rudiger, Grabbe, and Sass; General Haynau had crossed the Danube and marched with the main body of the Aus trians on Pesth, which indeed had been already entered by Ramberg on the 11th inst. Lastly, Paskiewitsch himself bad moved down from Mikolcz to the capital. Every road seemed bleckaded and the circle was com plete. Nevertheless, it is acknowledged by the Russian bulletin that out of this trap Georgey has found means to escape, without any serious loss of men or guns.. 0 t h e 15th he attacked the Russian outpost at Wa itzen, I. which was feebly defended. by some Mussulmsn trool s, who retired. Bat the attempt in this direction was probably a feint, for though he snbse quently repulsed the division of Sass, which fist cane against him, he seems not to have advanced eastward, but to have taken up a position before Waitzen. On the following day reinforcements arrived from the Russian head-quarters at Pesth, and a sharp cannonade ensued. Pasktewitsch himself came up, pro bably anticipating a general action on the 17th. At early dawn the Russians attacked and defeated what remained of the enemy; but it was observed that the Magyar force consisted chiefly of cavalry; and, in fact, Georgey had withdrawn in the night with the main body of his army, and was marching rapidly to the north. In the south of Hungary the last operations are most distinctly known, and there the peril is entirely on the aide of Jellachich, whose situation is one of extreme danger. In forming the plan of the campaign, it had been presumed that Jellachich would succeed in taking Peterwardein, and would then march north, defeating Perczel, until he met the Russians between Pesth and Szegedin. He made the attempt, and failed. Peterwar dein held out. Twice he advanced up the north bank of the Theiss, once to O'Beese, and once to Hegyes, and was repulsed. Subsequently he seems to have been more sig. nally defeated. On the 12th of July the camp of Jel lachich was about a league from the Francis Canal, in a strong position between Verbass and St. Thomas. On ' the 13th a courier arrived with the decoratioes recen bestowed on the Bann and his comrades in arms Sbroavteerdeiwginthaetxultretmhee enthusiasm. ymof tsitttufttimonow'veingct; position near the rmy m ae a n l l o u t b e w , a w r h m i whilst thron gsever, be a s e s a e C v t e io r n el s y lll b ll a s n t dllleadv;t7 four fboerenen t lstd the filmndpeJreial-1 and the siege garrison lachich driven back to Tate , The confluence o f fugitives o f w t e h r e e in a to Syrmia. of Peterward*in bad been relieved, raised. It is by no M eans i m probable that Bern may again driv e his adversariee across the Turkish frontier into Bosnia, the inter • T e h sn e ba is p s einn a g n r d eit t ihe h ved, d b i a te , h a es n a d di transported into the do m inions of the p e o establish a cause of war. Porte. To the intervention of Russia in Hungary O t toman Turkish y Emm C i g r ph o i r a t e t From tradition, from Vpo tcy, and from instinct, there can be little doubt that the sympathies of the Porte in this war are with the Hungarians, and the Porte might become, as of old, by f ar their most efficient ally. OWES, ISLE OF WIGHT.—EMEARKATION OF THE QUEEN FOR IRELAND.—Foar steam-frigates came into uur roadstead this afternoon with her Majesty's yacht Vie ria and Albert: they are to accompany the royal yacht to Ireland. The verse is of the rioyal Yacht Squa dron and other yacht clubs are hourly arriving, and a splendid sight is expected et the embarkation on Wed , 11, sday. THE -JOB AND POSTMASTERS', COACH PROI 3 RIETORS', HORSE I;EALERS' AND LIVERY-STABLE KEEPERS' OF ENG LAND PROVIDENT FUND. scree It general meeting of this soel!;ty was held nt Ale.,:trP. Tattersall's last arming; Mr. John D,:p.ccal in the chair. The CHAIP.IAAN, in opining the business of the meet ing, said that a report of the directors hail been pre pared, which he would call upon the secretary to read, but before reading the report he believed it would be proper to hate the minutes of the last annual general meeting read. Mr. W. T.-Clarke (the secretary) accordin&y read the minutes of the last general meeting, held in July, 184 S, and afterwards the report of the directors, and the treasurer's account for the past year, to the 30th of Juno last. From the report' it appeared that since the last meeting 6211. 12s. 7d. Conq:i's had been itiv , -.ste 4 , and that the total sum now invested amounted to 8,212/. 18 , . Id. ; that two additional life annuitants had b en placed on the fund, and that three applications for temporary assistance had been liberally responded to ; -that there were five life annuitants, whose annuities in the whole amounted to 106/. 12s. The directors then drew the attention to those members who were life annuitants, as affording strong examples of having effectually placed themselves beyond the reach of want, and who hailed with pleasure the advantage of this institution, which they, by being early members of it s -dad assisted to es tablish. The report being considered very satisfactory, was unanimously adopted. The CHAIRMAN then said that in accordance with the rules of the society the usual vacancies occasioned by the retirement from office of four directors, who - went out by rotation, would have to be filled up at this meeting. Three of the directors were then re-elected, and Mr. W. C. Markham was elected a director in the room of Mr. Joshua East. Mr. East's re-election was anxiously wished for on account of his active services, but at his own request it was deferred till a future occasion; when he said he would readily take office again. The thanks of the meeting were then given to the di rectors for their constant attention to the interests of the institution and management of its affairs during the past year. The CHAIRMAN, as one of the directors, then rose, and said it was a pleasing duty to find that the important and responsible duties which devolved upon himself and his co-directors had met with their approval, and that no exertions on their parts should be wanting to carry out effectually the objects of the society, , 2 auditors T he t Tattersall,hf o a r nks o their examining the or thy m t ht e re e e meeting w treasurer, s n urer re then voted to the accounts, fo and r to his s Mr most . v ß a ir u h a a b li e d exertions on behalf of the institution on all occasions. - A vote of thanks was then given to the medical WE, cers of the institution. The CHAIRMAN then rose and said, he was sure they would not separate without recording a vote of thanks to the secretary, and awarding him the same gratuity as last year, as his exertions were well known to them all. The motion baying been seconded and carried unani mously Mr. W. T. CLA.RRE (the Secretary) said he was in debted to them for the resolution which had been passed on his behalf ; that in his capacity of their secretary he felt he had only done his duty, and that his exec tions were greatly sided by their directors ; that the direc • tors, as would be seen from the pt.( sent and past reports, were carrying out the objects of the institution in the most liberal manner. Ue referred to this institution as affording assistance in cases where l i fe asshfance did not to the members personally, and said that they were now in health, but they might be overtaken by afflictions, such as paralysis, blindness, insanity, lever, &e., against which no one could gourd—that the moment any member was so overtaken by such afflictions, or was in mcessitous circumstances this institution pro vided for him, as well as those who might be de pendent upon him ; that the present life an nuitants, from untoward accidents and age, were at the time incapable of supporting themselves, and they now hailed with pleasure their having been early members of this society. He finally begged to assure them that his best exertions would always fe used to promote the in terest of the members and of the society. Mr. DlcKitisoN then proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, which having been seconded, The CHAIRMAN acknowledged the same and expressed the pleasure he telt on this and all occasions when his services could be made in any Ray useful; end lie said lie was truly gratified at the success and growing prosperity of the society. There was a very full meeting. THE PRIVY COUNCIL, The Queen held a Privy Council and Court at one o'clock yesterday afternoon at her Majesty's marine residence, Osborne, Isle of Wight. The Privy Council was attended by his Royal Highness Prince Albert, the Marquis of Lansdowne (Lord President), the Earl of Minto (Lord Privy Seal), Lord John Russell (First Lord of the Trea sury), Sir George Grey (Secretary of State for the Rome Department), Viscount Palmerston (Secretary of State tor Foreign Affairs), Sir Charles Wood (Chancellor of the Exchequer), Sir Francis Baring (First Lord of the Admiralty), Sir John Hobhouse (President of the Board of Control for the affairs of India), and Earl Fortescue (Lord Steward). At the Council the Royal Speech on the closing of the session of Parliament was arranged and agreed upon. Mr. Matthew Talbot Baines, First Commissioner of the Poor-law, was, by command of the Queen, sworn of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and took his place at the Board. A proclamation was ordered to be issued for giving currency to coins called florins. Another proclamation was ordered to be issued for a distribution of prize money. The Hon. William Bathurst was the Clerk of the Council in Waiting at the Court. Sir David Dundas, Judge Advocate-General, had an audience of the Queen, and submitted to her Majesty the proceedings of some Courts-Martial. Lieutenant-Colonel Sheil was presented to the Queen at an audience by Viscount Palmerston, G.C.8., her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Her Majesty gave audience to the Marquis of Lansdowne. The noblemen and gentlemen attending the QtAen's Court travelled to Gosport by a special train on the London and South-Western Railway, crossed in the Fire Queen steam-packe , t, landed at Osborne-pier, and arrived at Osborne at quarter before'l o'clock. After the Council luncheon was served, and at 3 o'clock the Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of-Minto, Sir George Grey, Viscount Palmerston, Sir John Hobhouse, Earl Fortescue, Sir David Dundas, the Right Hon. M. T. Baines, the Hon. W. Bathure, and Lieutenant-Colonel Sheil, left Osborne, re-em barked at Osborne-pier on the Fire Queen, crossed to Gosport, and retuned to town on the London and South-Western Railway by a special train, which arrived at the Waterloo-bridge terminus.at a quarter past 6 o'clock. The Chancellor of the Exchequer and Sir Francis Baring left Osborne for Guernsey. Lord J. Russell remained at Osborne on a visit to her Majesty. U r CIRCULAR. OSBORNE4MoNner. The Queen and Prince Albert and the younger barich walked and rode this There was no addition to the Royal dinner party morning r c ionf Osborne-pa rk. Royal ne-pa yesterday. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness Prince Albert inspected on Saturday the finished engraving, by Mr. Ryall, of the Royal Christening in Bucking ham Palace, from the picture painted by C. R. Leslie, R.A., for Windsor Castle, as a companion to the " Holy Sacrament at her Majesty's Coronation is Westminster Abbey," which was submitted by Mr: Moon. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent left town yesterday morning for her residence, Frogruore House, near Windsor. Her Royal Highness re turned to Clarence House, St. James's, at hag- past six o'clock in the afternoon. Lady Anna Maria Dawson has re lieved Lady Augusta Bruce in the duties as Lady in Virgting an her Royal Highness the Duchess of Dent. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL',9.—YEirrsaDAY. Not a bet laid, nearly all the au b.cribers having left for Goodwood GOODWOOD, MONDAY Nzawr.--No arrivals of con. sequence since eur last. • T HE CHOLERA. - RETURN OF CASES OF CHOLERA, JULY 30. Attacks. Deaths. In London and vicinity In England and Wales In Scotland 58 41 Total.. 618 340 OPENING OF THE NORTH KENT R,AILWAY.—It IS seldom that a great undertaking of this kind is permitted to begin its career of usefulness so silently as Aid the North Kent line yesterday. Doubtless there were rea sons why the directors had not, or could not, have re course to the usual expedients for celebrating or giving eclat to the event. Notwithstanding, however, it could not but be observed that the London-bridge station, on the Greenwich or North Kent side, was unusually thronged during the greater part of yesterday, and the clamour for time bills and tickets to Lewisham, Black heath, Woolwich and Gravesend, was "extraordinary. The line, we believe, is in excellent order.. On Sunday morning a long train of carriages drawn by thre en gines, on which were the chairman, secretary, superin tendent, and some of the principal officers, left the' Lon don-bridge terminus about ten o'clock, and stopped at every station on the line to see that all the arrangements were complete, and in a state of readiness for the open ing. According to the time bills, trains are to run to Woolwich every balf-hour, and to Gravesend and Ro chester every hour, from 7.30 until 9.30 P.M. This accommodation will not be more than sufficient'for the populous suburban districts between London and Wool wich, and those very popular watering places, Erith Gravesend, &c. A /