The Sun. — London, England, 1855-06-09 00:00:00

to that of Mr. Lowe. He did so because he held that it would be most unwise on the part of the House of Com mons to fetter any Government as to the terms on which peace was to be concluded. It would be far better to con tinue in the course the house had always followed —to entrust to the Crown the conduct of the negotiations ; but at the same time to make it known to the Govern ment that :the war was to be pursued for objects that were real and practical—not vague and remote. Mr. WALPOLE complained that up to this m oment the house did not know what was the policy of the I Government except it was to be gathered from the in flammatory speech of the Attorney-General that would land us in a perpetual war ; for, according to him, our enemy was a power so perfidious that we could never trust him. He rose, therefore, to ask from the head of the Government a statement of something like the po licy which the Government intended to pursue. He entirely agreed with the Government that the war was just and necessary—a war so just that they ought n ot to have avoided it if they could, and so necessary that they could not have avoided it even if they would. Were the objects of the war to be obtained by the negotiations He thought they were—at least to this extent — that if they were justified in entering into nego tiations at all, they were not justified in break ing them off in the way they had done. He gave no opinion, however, on the point whether the negotiations ought ever to have been entered into. Now that they were broken off, hehad to consider what course the house had now to take. He objected to the first part of Mr. Lowe's amendment, because, in point of fact, it was not strictly true ; and he objected to the second part, that it would limit the power of future negotiators, and because the limitation it recommended was practi cally illusory. He went through the amendments in the same manner, objecting to them all, and he hoped the Government would adhere to the course indicated by Lord John Russell at the close of his last speech, in which he promised that the Government would come down with an address to the Crown. Lord J. RUSSELL intimated that that was on con dition of the amendments being all withdrawn. Mr. WALPOLE thought that ought to make no difference ; and he earnestly urged upon Ministers the necessity of now clearly defining the objects of the war, and of stating whether the four points were now the main objects of the war, or whether we had gone beyond them, and if we still held to them, to explain their construction of the third point. That had never been done yet ; and to show that it had not, the right hon. hart. went into a lengthened review of the different treaties, negotiations, and protocols, which preceded and accompanied the events of the war. This uncertainty and ambiguity on the part of the Govern ment had led to most extravagant expectations, and had misled the people of this country. Some held that Sebas topol must be taken at all hazards—others insisted that Russia ought to be cocked in Asia—others that she must be stripped of all her conquests made during the last half century ; and others still were for waking up a war of nationalities. Many of these would have their expectations still further inflamed by the speech of the Attorney-General, Which, if the Prime Minister did not temper down to-night, there would be no peace for the next ten years. In conclusion he denied that the Conservatives wished to make a party question of this subject, and pledged his support to the Government on condition that they would clearly define their policy.: Mr. HORSMAN defended the speech of the Attor ney-General. He was as warm an admirer of peace as Mr. Bright, and he believed every member of the house had the same feeling. But what was peace ? War post poned till resistance became impossible was not peace, and serious as was the responsibility incurred by the Mi nister who pronounced for war, still more serious was the responsibility incurred by him who declined war when circumstances rendered it necessary. He explained that the Four Points were urged upon England by Aus tria, and were accepted by our Government not as the best terms that might have been insisted on, but as a compromise. He contended that Turkey gained no ad vantage from the first two points, and as to the third, he could not understand how Mr. Cobden or Mr. Bright could support the Russian proposition, which involved the country in the great annnal expense of keeping up a large fleet at all seasons ready to enter the Black Sea. He contended that Parliament had entered into the war to defend Turkey, and we could not now recede from it with honour. Mr. DISRAELI—I have heard in the course of this debate now prolonged for an unusual time many diff,r sent characters of our discussion. I have heard it called ra discussion without an object. I have heard it called a wearisome discussion. I have listened to gentlemen apologising for prolonging a debate which was tedious ; there was a moment when the house, now so crowded, seemed to tremble fur its existence. Four days have elapsed, and it is now my duty to offer an impartial opi nion on the subject. (Laughter and cheers.) I can truly say that, unwilling as I am and unnecessary as I have thought it, having lately expressed opinions een the important subject on which we were engaged -very lately, for me to interfere in it on the pre. sent occasion, I am yet bound to express my sincere opinion that since I have had the high honour of sitting in this house I have never listened to a debate more im portatnt, upon a subject of more transcendent interest, in - which greater abilities have been shown in its conduct, in which a more important issue has been at stake, -which has thrown greater light upon public transac tions, which has placed public men in a more intelligible position—(laughter)—than this debate, which it has been convenient for some to characterise as a debate of little importance. (Hear.) My opinion is that it will be re cognised by the country, not only in its immediate cha racter, but in its ultimate consequences, as one of the most important discussions that ever was originated and sustained in the House of Commons. But we are told that even the object of the debate is a mystery. There are gentlemen—l should hope, gentlemen who have not been present during the discussion—who really do not know what is the point upon which we are going to decide. Now, before I presume to offer any observations upon the topic before us, the house will not think it unreasonable if I try to ascertain in a manner which can no longer be ques tioned what is the character of that issue—what is the •question before us, what we are to decide by the irn lpending vote, and what may be the consequences of that -vote. I will first explain to the house the reason which Induced me suddenly to give the notice which I placed on the paper. It was a notice of motion asking the house to express its opinion that in consequence of the ambi guity of its language, and the uncertainty of the conduct of her Majesty's Government, with respect to the great question of peace or war, it was our duty to rally round the throne, and assure her Majesty we would stand by her. The reason why I gave that notice so very sud denly on behalf of those with whom I have the honour to act was this—we had cause to believe that her Majesty's Government were on the point of concluding a peace—a peace which I will not characterise as inglorious or igno minious, because these are epithets to which different peo ple may ascribe different meanings—but a peace which, in ouropinion, was one which would have caused a great and a just discontent in the country, and, which was of far greater importance than the discontent of the country, a peace which would not have accomplished the great object of the war, which I take to be to maintain the power of the Ottoman Porte at Constantinople. Under these circumstances, we had to consider whether the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers, or whether the language of her Majesty's Ministers, was in consonance with the behaviour which we were induced to believe they were about to follow. We found such uncertainty about it, and the declarations of the Government were so doubtful, that we felt it our duty at once to ask the house to declare an opinion on the subject—the house being about to adjourn—and to decide whether in their opinion there was that ambiguity in the language and that uncertainty in the conduct of her Majesty's Mi nisters which justified that interference. The house remembers well the issue of that debate. (Hear, hear.) A majority decided that my resolution should not be sanctioned. (Hear, hear.) It decided nothing more. I may be permitted to say that every honourable member who took pert in that debate, on whatever side he sat —every member almost who has taken part in this renewed debate has found the amplest materials for his speeches in demonstration of the ambiguity of the lan guage and the uncertainty of the conduct of her Ma esty's Ministers, and i t was a very strange thing, which I am sure the house will hardly f hile orget, that the night, when the division was called, the I:Limbers were still in the ears of every member and the rash cheers of gentlemen opposite were still sounding —proving that a majority of the House of Commons would not sanction the imputation of ambiguity of language or uncertainty of conduct on the part of the chiefs of the Ministry —one of the most distinguished gentlemen who bad voted on that side instantly rose and brought a strange and start ling, but, I think, a well-founded accusation of ambi guity of language against the noble lord the member for the City of London. (Hear.) It is from the motion of which I gave notice that the question now before us has arisen, and the house must trace well the pedigree of the motions on which they are going to vote. Depend upon it, if you will only give your atte ntion, the pedi gree is clear. It is not that doubtful, that obscure question that persons too rashly imagine. Let me ascer tain that before I venture to make the few observations 'which it will be necessary for me to make on the general question. There was an amendment made to the mo tion whioh I offered to the house. I don't think it ne cessaryfor me to make any remarks on the amendmen t of the right hon. gentleman the member for Portsmouth —not fro m any want of respect for the right hon. gentle man, because he knows that ii a feeling quite foreign to my nature. (Laughter.) I think I may on the part • of my friends on Chi a s id e of the house , s tha ' t we are not going to support that amendment. The noble lord at the had of the Government has more i , h. than once announced do t that he will have nothing toit, and the most re markable thing to-ni g ht is that the right hon. gentleman says he will have nothing to do with his own amend• went. (L a ughter.) Yet, remember that this slippe ry an d broken • I broken bridge , which nobody will tread on, was theon n lY :means of escape of the Government from a vote which the house would have arrived at on the motion which I made. Many gentlemen have told me that they agreed with my views and with the language of that vote, but they had been informed that it was a vote of confiden ce in the Government, and they were not prepared at the present time to cause a change in the Government ; I was astonished to see a great authority in this house, the right hon. member fur Carlisle, rise in his place anti vindi ca t e a vo t e o f which be did not approve, and which. the moment after, he ga ve with a feeling of irresistible penitence. (Laughter.) I was astonished that a gen tlernao so acquainted with Parliament ar y life, and who _is looked upon as a great leader and authority on the subject, s h ould not have discriminated between a vote .0i censure and a vote of want of confidence. Over and rover again it has been decided that a vote of censure .ern any specific Government is no reason why that ,Government should relinquish office. I will take a casee in which the right honourable gentleman was THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 9, 1855. • hnutteda ambas sador of . as personally concerned. There was toe whose e in a gn bi i l s i h ti e e d s nobleman, now no more — a man very scant pbujtice was done w i n his ap; m uslicservice_b u was moved, praying the C rown not to sanction that appoint sador to his Majesty. An address to the Crown was appoint ment. The right hon. gentleman supported that address. But did the Government resign because Lord London derry was made am bassador at St. Petersburg ? No. It was considered a vote of censure for a specific object. I could multiply instances of this kind, but will not do so at this late hour. It is quite clear that a vote of censure for specific acts and a vote of want of confidence are per fectly contrary, and the house was justified, if it thought that the charge I made was a just charge, in voting for that motion, and the Government would not be justified in resigning office, and that is a position which I think every one will be ready to admit. I will say nothing more of the amendment of the right hen. member for Ports mouth. It was a case of felo de se. He has himself finished it to-night, and therefore I will come to the more im portant motion of the right hon. member for Kiddermin ster. Technically speaking, that motion is an amendment, because, unless it had been put as an amendment to my motion, it could not have been introduced to the house,' But it is, in fact, in itself a complete proposition. It is this, in effect, that in consequence of Russiahaving refused to reduce the Black Sea fleet the means of nego tiation are exhausted so far as the third point is concerned, and therefore we are called upon to rally round our Sovereign and support her in the war, It, in fact, calls on the house to announce that, unless Russia will reduce her fleet in the Black Sea negotiation is not to be sanctioned so far as the opinion of the House of Com mons is concerned. Well now, what happened when the division upon my motion took place' The noble lord, who is not only the leader of the house, but also the First Minister of the Crown, and moreover a man pre eminently versed in foreign politics, and perfectly aware of the importance of the issue in question, selected this motion of the member for Kidderminster. He said, " I discard the clumsy assistance offered by the member for Portsmouth, and of the many amendments before me I select that of the hon. member for Kidderminster as the one to which I give my adhesion, and on which I will take the sense of the house," and in order that there might be no mistake, he rose again on the motion for the adjournment of the debate, and said, " The real question we have to decide is the conduct of the negotiations by her Majesty's Government at the conferences at Vienna." Now I admit that the noble lord did on that occasion say, that he would only agree to that part of the amend ment which " regretted that owing to the refusal of Rus sia to restrict the strength of her navy in the Black Sea;" and that there he would stop, and that he would not agree to that part of the amendment which went on to declare that the means of coming to an agreement on the third point were thereby exhausted. But what was the reason given by the noble lord why he could not agree to the latter part of the resolution I Of course it could not be that the means of negotiation were not then exhausted, because the noble lord was no doubt then aware that the conferences at Vienna were closed, and that the means of negotiation were exhausted. He there fore did not insist on that—but taking up a random ex pression of mine in reply—and really I think express sions in reply should not be noticed—that that part of the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster was unconstitutional, the noble lord said that it was de cidedly unconstitutional, and that therefore he could not agree to it. Unfortunately on that occasion I re-echoed an opinion I had heard from the highest authorities in this house—some of whom are still living, while others have left us—that it is an interference with the preroga tive for the house to express an opinion as to the terms on which peace should be obtained or war waged. There are several opinions that have been going about the house for some time equally popular and equally un founded. (A. laugh.) The hon. member for Leominster has to-night vindicated the constitutional principle, and if it was necessary to enforce his arguments or add to the facts he cited, I could easily show that nothing is more certain than that it is the privileee and the duty of the House of Commons on proper occasions to advise her Majesty as to the terms upon which they should nego tiate peace, or the objects for which she should carry on war. I think, therefore, that the house may assume that the solitary reason which the noble lord gave for not supporting the motion of the hon. member for Kidder minster has no foundation. But if it had any foun ' &tic n, it is not of the slightest consequence to the ques ion before the house. Because if the house, adopting merely the first part of that motion, address the Crown, declaring. that in consequence of Russia having refused to restrict her naval force in the Black Sea, we feel it our deity to rally round the Throne and support her in Vie war, the only deduction is that we have mule that condition a sine qux non in our negotiations. (Hear.) I say then that the question before the house is neither an obscure nor an insignificant one. On the contrary, the decision of the House of Commons to-night is: of vital importance, and I would really venture with the ut• mos; sircerity to impress on • the house the nature of the subject hey are now called on to investigate, and di cuss. Let me remind them that there is a great dif ference I-etwcen onestions of domestic and questions of foreign policy. The power of a majority of the House of Commons is omnipotent so far as domestic questions are concerned. A minister by their aid may support un ju t laws and uphold a political system which a quarter of a century arterwards may be condemned by the aid of another Parhamentar r majority. The passions and the or - . indices of p trty spirit that flourish in a free country may supnc rt nd uphold him in the course which he is ta':ins. But when we come to foreign politics things are very different. Every step you take is irretrievable, and the conseetzencee of your conduct are immediate and pal pable. If you make a mistake in foreign affairs, enter into unwise treaties, conduct campaigns on vicious prir ciples ; if the scope and tendency of your foreign system is founded on want of information or false information, offering no clear idea of what are your objects or your means of obtainine• then), there is no majority of the Hoilee of Commons that can support a Government under such circumstances. (Hear, hear.) A majority under such circemstanees will not make a government stronger, hot will make this horse weaker. Therefore, entreat the house very carefully to consider the course they are taking, lest while they are only supporting their own political friends they should injure the country ; and that when they cheer over a majority as they the red the other evening, the day may be coming, and that rapidly, when they will remember that cheer with confusion and shame. (Oh, oh.) I beg the house to consider how the house has been treated by the Go vernment during this debate. Last night we were ad dressed at considerable length on topics of high interest by a late colleague of the First Minister of the Crown, and by the hon. member for Manchester, who always, and especially on questions of peace and war, addresses this house with great power, and in a manner which de mands great attention ; but no Cabinet Minister rose to reply to that speech. To-night another right hon. gentleman, also a colleague of the noble lord, addressed the house, and that, too, in a vein which required some response. A right hon. friend of mine also gave to the house the results of as deep and as fine a study of these diplomatic documents that have confused Europe and complicated the subject as the human intellect is capable of. Now, although no one re spects more than I do the talents of the Attorney- General, and of the Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, who have conducted the debate to-night on the part of the Government. yet they are not Cabinet Ministers, are not acquainted with the subjects on which we want information, and cennot speak with authority on the points on hich we require to have some knowledge. Take the inquiry addressed to the Government by my right hon. friend the member for Midhurst. He asked when we might expect to Faye delivered to us that mes sage from the Crown which, for the purpose of influ encing the debate, was announced to us by the Secre tary of State, the late plenipotentiary at Vienna—the announcement being corroborated by the First Minister of the Crown, but which we have never received. It certainly was very natural in my right hon. friend to ask when we might expect to receive that communication. No Cabinet Minister rose to give the house the necessary information. Five nights have passed of a debate on the most important question that could be imagined, in which some of the most distinguished men in the house have taken part, and no Cabinet Minister has con descended to rise. That does appear to be a mode of treating the house not sanctioned by custom. There m of an r ti es c p i s l e s e bu s a uld d u efi n ci t e b n a c , T e p e a c t t ed to f w rn a m rds tb t e h n e u h b o le us l e nr w d h a i n ch d his colleagues. The coalition no longer exists, but it is not to be supposed that administrative ability and de bating power have both receded to below the gangway , therefore I think that the house had a right to expe c t that some Cabinet Minister—the First of the Admiralty, for instance—would have condescended to address it. If the house thinks it right to declare that the limitation of the Russian fleet should be a sine qua non of peace, it ought to adopt the resolution of the hon. member for Kidderminster. I am opposed to that re solution, not merely because I think it unadvisable that the house should, in this crude and hasty manner, assent to a proposition so untenable, and, at least, so important, but because I think that the proposition ought never to have been made, and is essentially inefficient. Our object at present is to check, to control, to diminish, if possible to destroy, what is called the preponderance of Russia against Turkey. That preponderance is not limited to the Black Sea. Of the three quarters from which Turkey may be menaced by Russia —the Danube, Asia, and the Black Sea—the Black Sea is the one which is least to be feared for. The proposition of the noble lord and the Government only pretends to meet the difficulties and dangers which may arise from the Russian preponderance in the Black Sea. I deny that Russia has, ever had, or ever can have, the power to send an army with the necessary cavalry, artillery, and means of transport to any port on the Turkish coasts in in the Black Sea. On the second night of the debate a learned sergeant talked of the great expedition of a Russian army to Unkiar Skelessi, which he estimated at 5.000 men. I think the number was nearer 10,000 or 12,000, but the transport cf that small force took all the power of Russia, facilitated by the Turks, who were most anxious to receive the Russians. All that Russia could under any circumstances do she did in 1828, when she disembarked forces at Scezcpoli and Bourgae. Those armies had no power of moving, and could have-no effect, except in making, to a certain extent, a military diver sion in favour of Russia, which was then invading Turkey frontthe Danube. Th e r e i s on ly one point of the coast on _ o which T ur k ey cou ld b e assa il e d , an d th a t i s th e Bosphorus. d I not pretend to say that the command of the sea is not a great nava twar with Turkey, as enablingammunition t o h er her to transport stores, arms, and tage, and one not rtr?ops, but that is a limited advan at the natu re of decisive as to the result of a war. Look theand reciprocal l limitation of the naval forces of Turk ey tain number of shi ps i n h u t ssia. Turke y is to have a cer number in the Bosphorus. Russia, Sea, and an u n limit e d l i t p u la ssia. is to have only a limited number of ship,, thein ek as many as she likes at Nicolaieff, Sea, but may build w ships. I have seen them floated th en %r o e s t ile builds all her o Sebastopo l in four or five days, andrigged, ammunitioned, armed, and prepared in the course of another week. What then be comes of the treaty ? Suppose there is the most rigid, exact, and scrupulous observance of the treaty, all that Turkey gains is at the most an advantage in case of war of three or four weeks. But if that happens which is sure to happen—if Russia declares war, or manages; as she usually does, that Turkey shall declare war 'when Russia is quite ready and prepared for her—why, of course, you have a Russian fleet in the Black Sea before ;the diplo matic note is drawn up which can remonstrate against the violation of the treaty. It requires, therefore, but common forethought and prudence on the part of Rtissia to enable her to have in case of war a fleet in the Black Sea without sending to the United States for any of those 130 gun ships of which we have heard so much. I think there are good reasons why the war should be con tinued ; but, according fo the terms of the Government, war is to be waged indefinitely because the Russian Go vernment will not agree to a condition which, totally irrespective of its impolicy, is utterly inefficient. (Hear, hear.) Suppose Russia should send troops, as she did before, to Scezepoli and Bourgas. If a fleet belonging to the Western Powers had passed the Bosphorus in 1818, the communications of the Russian troops at those places would have been cut off, and the whole army must have capitulated. I think that this propo sition, which the noble lord made the mainstay of his diplomacy, was also most impolitic ; because nothing can be more unwise than to insult an enemy with whom you wish to make peace—nothing more un wise than to humiliate a power which you recognise as an important and necessary element in the European sy,tern. The right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle vindicated the noble lord from some observations which I had made, on the ground that the noble lord was quite justified in all the arrangements in considering the ho nour of Russia. I did not blame thenoble lord for making that an element of his system of negotiations. What I blamed him for was for making the great and unneces sary admission that he would consider the honour of Russia, and thereby giving an excuse to Russia to avoid commencing the negotiations, and to answer every pro position which was made by alleging that the honour of Russia was concerned, of which Russia was the only judge. The noble lord has regulated the whole of his conduct apparently, on this question, by the treaty of Utrecht. I believe the noble lord was the author of the proposal of limitation. Lord J. RUSSELL—I made it in conjunction with my colleagues. Mr. DISRAELI—ExactIy. I remember that at the end of July last, the noble lord reminded me in discussion of the case of Dunkirk, which was to be his guide on this ques tion. The dismantlement of Sebastopol could not be in sisted upon, because the cause of the war did not warrant the demand, and it was that proposition which took the more qualified share of thelimitation of the fleet. Butdoes the noble lord forget the material difference which existed between the case of Dunkirk and the present. By the third article of the treaty of Utrecht, the destruction of the har bour of Dunkirk and its fortifications was secured, but the allies made it a condition that the King of France should have an equivalent, and that which was fixed upon was not a slight one. The King of France demanded Lille and Tourney, and the great city of Lille was yielded up to him so that this natio. , , prostrate in fortune and exhausted in resources, submitted to such a condition as was now proposed for Russia only in return for a complete equiva lent. (Hear, hear.) But was the condition a successful one ? No sooner was it made than it was evaded. In the words of an authority whom I quote the more gladly that he is opposed to me in politics, " In order to evade the stipulation of the treaty with England, which compelled Lewis to fill up the port of Dunkirk, ho made a canal at Mardyke, and persisted in continuing the work in spite of all remonstrance." At a spot, one league from Dunkirk, with a more capacious basin, and materials for a stronger position. he immediately commenced his second Sebasto pol. Who is my authority for this ? I take the passage from the "History of England since the Peace of Utrecht," by Lord J. Russell. (Cheers.) The noble lord, though a distinguished statesman, and unfortunately also an un successful negotiator, is till, I am sure, proud of being a man of letters, and lie will excuse me for quoting his own words, in order further to show the condition to which France under Louis XIV. had been redUced at that mo ment. " The treaty of Utrecht," says the noble lord, " secured a peace only wrung from Louis XIV. when the nation was utterly exhausted by the expenses of a ruinous war, when his recruits had been conducted to the frontier chained like malefactors, when by that peace Louis XIV. had not to dread the presence of the enemy in his capital, or the cruel alternative of being obliged to dethrone his grand son by his own armies." So that the noble lord's his torical illustration offered at the Vienna conferences had two great merits—first, it humiliated Russia by impliedly stating that its monarch was in the forlorn and pitiable con dition I have just described in the nervous and picturesque language of the noble lord ; and again, the noble lord made a suggestion of conditions for the treaty, which perfidious Russia, as the noble lord deems her, might learn from his own pages instantly and successfully to evade. (Hear.) The noble lord and his colleagues are apt to consider the qnestinn of preponderance as if it were something new in politics—some phenomenon recently introduced, the solu tion of which could hardly be counted upon from our want of experience in matters of this kind. But, after all, the history of modern Europe is the history of attempts to check and control the preponderance of a strong State over some contiguous weak one. We have heard most fa - Inning harangues respecting the designs of Russia from the law , fliers of the Crown to-night. I do not suppose Russia is more free from ambitious designs than other great coun tries ; but have we not heard of the designs of France noon the low countries, prosecuted for more than a cen tury by individuals of as groat genius !and energy as any Russian sovereigns, by Cardinal Richelieu, Lone XIV., a-,1 Napoleon? Yet thnsl designs were baffled, and at no period of her history had the approsriation of Belgium been less a feature of French policy than at the present moment. Belgium is a neutral State, and was so created under the sanction and protection of united Europe; but I do not find that the noble lord and his colleagues have at any time started the idea that the neutrality of the Principalities should be established. The neutrality of Switzerland also wee established by the Conference of Vienna in 1815. What I complain of in the negotiations of her Majesty's Government is, that I see no evidence or a recurrence to those methods by which statesmen of - great ability and unquestioned reputation have at • tempted to solve such difficulties as encounter us on the present question. What would be the effect on Turkey if tho Principalities were declared a neutral state, like Bel g,i'arn and Switzerland ? It would reduce her most ex posed frontier, that of the Danube, which is her worst noint of danger. Suppose Russia tried to pass that liver, if she succeeded in doing so,,,she must plunge into the fell and pestiferous swamps of the Dobrutscha. On her left she would have Sehuml I, Varna, and the great fortress of Si listria, altogether presenting obstacles of such a gigantic character, as would require an age for her to surmount. I do not sayyou could in Asia favour diplomacy so efficiently as on the Danube; but if you have not natural barriers the noble lord will not pretend that there are not means of making artificial barriers. There are means, and those not offensive or humiliating to Russia, which might have placed Turkey in a position which for a longtime would have secured the peace of Europe, and rendered her an efficient member of the European Confederation. There is another most im portant point which the house ought never to allow for a moment to escape consideration, and that is the condition of the eastern coast of the Black Sea. At this moment every fort on the Black Sea below Anapa, with the excep tion of two in the possession of the Turks, is destroyed. When peace is concluded, if you restore that coast to Rus sia, you have a right to stipulate that these forts shall not be again raised. That is not a stipulation which would humiliate the feelings or injure the honour of any power, however great, but it would consolidate the power of Tur key and secure the possessionof Constantinople to the Otto man empire. It is of the greatest consequence that when these crude schemes of the Government are placed before us —when they tell us peace could not be obtained, according to their own principles, because of the inefficient and useless methods that were employed at the conference—it is our duty to denounce a policy so inefficient, and to awaken the country to the great means by which the great question of modern politics can in my opinion be alone solved. The right hon. gentleman the member for Carlisle has asked what shall be done when the Turkish empire shall dis solve, which, he said,'is inevitable? I cannot agree with the right hon. gentleman in that. I believe there aro the elements in Turkey, if it were fairly treated—which it never has been, and especially within the last two years —of se curing what is to us of vital interest, securing Constanti nople from being an appendageof apygreat militarypower. But if you carry on the war for that end, you must do sd with a more definite object, and by means more matured. We can only judge of your policy, your resources, and your ability to deal with those great difficulties from the records which you have placed on the table of theresources and con .:he gar ntewlnnti con duct of your Government ; records more barren, and more calculated to impress me with the melancholy convictionof the incompetency of the statesmen dealing with the subject before re, never yet met my eye or engaged my study. The noble lord may feel, though he may defy the words of those sitting opposite to him in this house—though he may be proud of the majorities collected, God knows how, and voting, God knows why—(a laugh)—that he and his colleagues are pursuing a course without sufficient know ledge, without ideas sufficiently clear, without a resolution sufficiently firm ; but if there is any wavering in their counsels—if there is any hesitation—if at this moment when they meet they have not a definite idea of the object for which they are struggling, and the means by which they are to accomplish the avowed object—namely, the preservation of Constantinople to the Ottoman Porte—we may rest assured that the utmost confusion and consterna tion will fall upon the Cabinet of which he is a member, t e Ministry notc d m e p a e l • h s i u ch sta th in e ; o n n g d f u r c o t m e d handin t t o h this on country th, f home r o m u i r ng affairsexpedients comps tent; ; and if they are conducting our foreign affairs as they t s: n ea m k o n m o o w nt o , f w th it e i p n r o ec m ed a i t n u g re a d s well as t n h o e p d r e e t s e e r n m t in G e o- d o g i e n e e o x u h u a t u ry s t i i b e e e f r u e t s: r u e r resources gloom o s m 4 t p o o o r support terribleth the for for t h e o o t e 1 sonFtlga_orrnel Parl i amentary conducted transactions en t r y power e t r can w m l future)rp im os a eo gi l. nt nition to contemplate. (Cheers, and an ironical laugh.) Lord PALMERSTON—The right hon. gentleman has ad verted to the motion which he made before the late brief re_ cess, and stated, in the first place, that it was far from bell).g his intention to imply that if carried ho wished the Govern. ment to abandon their position ; and he mentioned a similar case of Lord Londonderry, in which that nobleman did not resign. If we are to judge of the accuracy of the right hon. gentleman's information on these great subjects by the cor_ rectness of his memory on the point I have mentioned, I am not much disposed to adopt his conclusions, for if the right hon, gentleman , will refresh his memory by reference to the re cords of the transactions to which ho has alluded, he will find that the house upon that question came to no division, and Lord Londonderry retained office out of deference to the feeling of the country. But I must own that the observations of the hi m ,con tra stsomewhatslt ran gelywith the language be held before right bon. gentleman , and the criticism which has fallen from the late recess. What was the ground on which he proposed the resolution on which the house came to a decision He said, " I call upon the house to interpose, because I am convinced that if the Government le allowed to go to this proposed ten days' recess without cheek, they will during that time con the papers before him he m ade that char g e u p on the Govern elude a disgraceful and i g nominious peace." (Hear.) With ment. What has he told us to -ni g ht ? He has told us that the Government has insisted u p on terms too bard to be imposed upon Russia. (Hear, hear.) The whole of his speech has amounted to this, that we were demandin g some limitation of her fleet which in honour she could not agree to. (Hear.) With regard to the amendmentewhich we are called upon to discuss, I confess that, though the right hon. gentleman has repudiated my agreement with him, and seems to be uneasy when we happened to concur in opinion, I, though perhaps not for exactly the same reasons, concur with him in the re- solution to which he has come. I stated some time ago that I had no objection to it on the first blush of the thing, but that I had a great objection to the last part of the amendment. and for the reasons which the right hon. gentleman himself has given. He says he has re-considered his reasons, and thought now, upon a full consideration, that there was no in vasion of the prerogative of the Crown in expressing an opinion as to the terms ea which peace was made or war was continued. I will not put it upon that abstract principle, but I say that it is highly inexpedient for this house to take into its hands negotiations with foreign powers, to state on the one hand what are to be the terms of peaee, or, on the other, what proposals ought to be rejected. Any expression of feeling on the part of this house cannot fail to be embarrass ing to those who are conducting the negotiations, and inju rious to the interests of the country. If that remark is ap plicable to a war in which we are singly engaged, it is infi nitely more dangerous when we are engaged , in concert with allies, with whom, step by step, and at every step, we must consult upon terms to be accepted or refused—(cheers) — with ,whom we must agree in every step taken in the ne gotiation. It is evident, therefore, that for this house to lay down an opinion as to the adoption or rejection of terms of peace and war is much to be deprecated, is highly injurious and embarrassing. If the right hon. gentleman does not take offence at my agreeing with him—(laughter)—l think there is so much force in the argument that the two amendments are so linked together that any objection that applies to the last applies equally to the first. (Hear.) So far, therefore, from not accepting that cautious bridge which the right hon. gentleman says has been constructed by my right hon. friend, so far from expressing an opinion averse to his amendment, I am prepared to vote for it, and the best thing I think the house could do is to take that amendment with part of the amendment of the hon. gentle man, and allow that to be the distinct question before it. (Hear, hear.) I hope the hon. and learned member will allow his amendment to be cleared away—(laughter)—so that the house may come to a vote on the amendment of my right honourable friend. With regard to the course of the debate, ono circumstance impressed itself very much on any mind. We have been debating the most important matters, involving interests of the deepest nature, and the debate has in general been conducted with calmness and temper, and that deep consideration so becoming the gravity of the sub ject. The only exception to that rule has been evinced by the advocates of peace. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Those gentlemen had peace in their hearts, but they had war in their mouths. (Cheers.) They showed so much heat, and passion, and violence—their speeches were delivered in a manner that showed how angry passions were struggling for mastery within them—(cheers)—and to judge from those speeches—the manner, the substance, and the language of them—any one would say they were much fitter to be a party for war at all hazards than a party for peace at any price. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) But their arguments were not such as are likely to have much influence in the debate. They have been complimented for their courage in standing forward as the champions of their par ticular opinions. But I even doubt if they deserved that compliment, for the danger of their opinions has not been much increased by the speeches in which they delivered them. The hon. member for the West Riding says that the periodical press goaded public opinion into a temper for this war. That was an assertion quite at variance with the histo rical fact. (Hear, hear.) So far from the periodical press goading the public feeling into an artificial excitement, the people of this country tyo years ago exhibited their delibe rate opinion and conviction ; they wanted no stimulant or excitement ; they acted from their own instinct and feelings —those manly feelings which, in spite of the peace party, I hope will animate the people of England. (Hear.) But it is somewhat extraordinary that those gentlemen who had risen to eminence on the strength of public opinion upon a question on which public opinion went with them, should now re proach and taunt the members of this ho'use with being un true organs of public opinion. (Hear, hear.) After having built their own fame on being the organs of public opinion and the national will, it is strange that they should now endeavour to make it a reproach to this house and to the government that they were following the national feeling on this great question. (Hear, hear.) At this late hour I will not follow them in their many fallacies. (Hear, hear.) Their speeches abounded in fallacies. (Hear.) The hon. member for the West Riding, I believe, said that we proposed to limit the force of Russia in the Black Sea to 4 sail of the line and 4 frigates, but that Russia, by certain contrivances, could make her fleet in the Black Sea greater than it was before. Well, if that be so, why did not Russia accept our proposal ? (Hear.) The hon. gentleman said that Russia did not accept it, because it would have been incons'stent with her honour. It is, therefore, for her honour and glory that Russia is main taining this war, but the hon. gentleman has told us over and over again that honour and glory are not things for which a nation should fight—that we should fight only for other lower considerations which I will not further advert to. (Laugh ter.) The hon. gentleman, however, said that he would fight —(laughter!—hut that if the enemy wore to come to Ports mouth—not to the Isle of Wight—(laughter)—but to Ports mouth, he would—go into an hospital. (Loud laughter.) But many persons in this country—let not the hon. gentlemen deceive themselves upon it—think that that party ought to go into hospital indeed, but an hospital of a very different kind—an hospital which I shall not mention, but which every body understands. (Laughter.) Those gentlemen who are so anxious to make peace on their own terms say what madness it is to go to war with a nation numbering 60 millions of in habitants. But do they know that the population of England and France also numbers about 60 millions, and that they have the further advantage of concentration, and all the arts and appliances which civilisation and science can give in addition to the national feelings which belong to nations in the condi • tiou of England and France, but which never can be asserted by the unhappy serfs of the sovereign with whom they are contending ? The hon. member for Manchester, in a speech of undoubted talent, has been pleased to find fault with me for treating, as he says, grave subjects with unbecoming levity. (Hear.) lam not conscious of deserving that reproach ; but the house will not accuse him on that head, for certainly his j( kes had not much levity in them. (Laughter.) I heard with regret the change of opinion which had taken place in the minds of the right hon. gentlemen who had lately left the Government, because, as well and properly acknowledged by them, they were not only parties to the war, and t the terms which should in general be proposed as the terms of peace, but they were distinctly parties to the insisting upon that particular condition of the limitation of the naval forces of Russia in the Black Sea. (Hear, hear.) There was one con dition which they stipulated should be made, but it is not the limitation of the naval forces of Russia in the Black Sea. (" Hear" from Sir J. Graham.) To that condition, therefore, they must be supposed to have assented. But I will not al lude further to that subject. I think it is hatdly necessary at this time of day, and at this period of the debate, to urge the reason why it is right, and necessary, and just, that England and France should draw the sword in defence of Turkey. It is not necessary for me to follow in detail all the extensions of territory which has marked the advance of Russia for a long time. It would be easy for me' to follow her from the East ern shores of Asia through Central Asia, through the Caspian Sea, through Armenia, Poland, and the Danube, and then through the extreme confines of Norway and the Arctic Sea --it would be easy for me to show that in her treaties she never took any natural boundary as the limit of her territory, but some artificial separation which would give her the pre tence or the occasion for furtber aggression. When such has been the policy pursued by Russia, and when we find the pre sent Emperor of Russia declaring that his mission was to carry into effect the system pursued by Peter and Catherine, and Alexander and Nicholas, we felt that the time was come for defending the independence of Turkey and of Europe from such aggression. (Hear.) War, therefore, was declared, and Austria having expressed her desire to bring that war to a termination by amicable means the treaty of December was concluded, the purport of which was, that-if peace was not secured by a certain time on the basis of the four points, Austria would—not take the field—but enter into concert with England and France for devising means to carry out the object of the allies, that object being to secure the indepen dence of Turkey. (Hear.) England and France would there fore have been blameable if they had not entered into these negotiations ; but had the operations of the war in the mean time been suspended? On the contrary, they had been car ried on with the utmost vigour during the conferences. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman had made several sugges tions, some of which were no doubt well deserving of consi deration. He wished, for instance, to have the Principalities declared to be neutral. He (the noble lord) was not disposed, however, it great practical importance to that pro lace, when a quarrel had arisen, and p ospro position. to In attach thefii first p when it became desirable for the belligerent powers to possess the neutral territory, that neutrality had never been very re ligiously respected. Besides, were the principalities, if de clared neutral, to be continued a portion of the Ottoman em pire If.they were not, then they would soon share the fate of Poland ; if they were not, then the moment hostilities broke out, Russiawould cease to respect their neutrality, for war dis, solved all treaties. But the interests of the Principalities had not been neglected. It had been proposed to put them under the protection of the Five Powers, and to establish a system of internal defence. A force would have been established which, if not at once sufficient to resist a Russian invasion, would have supplied the foundation of a national defence. (Hear.) He (the noble lord) entirely differed from the right hon. gentleman in thinking that the Black Sea was the side on which Turkey was the least vulnqable. (Cheers.) On the contrary, he believed that it was, on that side that Russia could strike her most quickly, and to the heart. (Hear, hear.) They all knew that the Turkish army at the commencement of the present war had kept the Russian forces on the Danube at bay for twelve months ; and on a previous occasion, when the invasion was made by a large army and under more favourable circumstances, it had taken the itussians two years to get to Adrianople. On the Asiatic side it was true that Russia had prepared a great for tress at a place called Gumri, a place which jutted into the Turkish territory, and which was of no value except for pur poses of aggression. No doubt that by means of that fortress, in connection with Tiflis, she would be able to invade Turkey on the Asiatic side. But the march to Broussa was long, and the Russian force would have to encounter the Asiatic Turks, who were the most warlike of the Ottoman race. No doubt that there might be danger on this side, which ought to be provided against, but still the operation contem plated was one that would require time. But how stood the ease with reference to the Black Sea Why Constan tinople was within forty-eight hours from Sebastopol. The right hon. gentleman said that no great force could be despatched against that city, but an army might be col lected at Sebastopol, and might in a very short time be sent thither. The right hon. gentleman proposed to fortify the Bosphorus, but there were places not far north of the city where a large force might easily be put on shore. Why what had we done ourselves Since the Ist of May we had landed 103,000 men and 14,000 horses in the Crimea ; and in the course of ten days we had carried 40,000 Turks from Varna to Eupatoria. (Hear.) There had been two propositions with respect to the safety of Constantinople—the open straits and the closed straits. Now, the former of these had been entirely given up by every hon. gentleman who had addressed the house, with the exception of the hon. member for the West Ridliv, As a matter of fact, the straits were closed, and had always been closed by the inherent right of Sove reignty which every state possessed over its own waters. And this was no new thing. It was an ancient law of the Turkish empire that the straits should be closed; though we were the first in 1809 who entered into a treaty to respect it. Now, * supposing the straits were open, the Russian fleet o f 18 o r 20 ships of the li ne m i g ht any day appear off the Seraglio ; and there could be no doubt that whatever demands might be made that were supported by a demonstration of that kind, they would be granted before night. But it was said that the Turks might send for tho English and French fleets. But where would they find them ? (Hear.) The attempt might be made at a time when—as happened once —we had only two ships of the line in the Mediterranean, if he did not exaggerate the number—(laughter)—when we had only/one at Spithead, and that it was intended to send to America. Why, long before we could equip a fleet the whole thing would be over. If the Straits were closed, precisely the same thing would occur ; and th 4 only method therefore by which they could secure Constantinople from the danger of sudden attack would be to limit the Russian fleet in the Black Sea. (Cheers,) It should be remembered that England and France would have a right to keep as many ships in the Euxine as Russia ; and the Turkish fleet might also be equal in force, independently of any number of ships the Sultan might choose to have in the Bosphorus and the Sea of Mar mora. (Hear.) He (the noble lord) thought, therefore, that these terms might have been accepted by Russia without loss of dignity ; and that at the same time they would have suffi ciently provided for the safety of Constantinople. But it was said that under the Russian proposition, if Turkey should feel herself menaced, she would be at liberty to call in her allies. But the fact was that the Russian proposal was that Turkey should be at liberty to call in any foreign fleet ; and therefore that condition would have enabled any Russian ministry in Turkey, by means which it would be un necessary to describe, but which would be perfectly well un derstood, ,to prevail upon the Turkish minister to call in a Russian fleet under pretence of some danger which did not really exist. (Hear.) It was said again that the Turks under the old treaties were obliged to keep the straits shut except in case of actual war. But it was nonsense to suppose that a sovereign who saw a danger threatening him could be pre vented from asking the aid of the allies. It was no longer a state of peace in the sense of the treaty, when an ambitious and aggressive neighbour was menacing his capital. (Hear.) He contended that this condition was one which, having the consent of his right hon. friends below the gangway, having the consent of the French government and the ap probation of Austria, as well as the concurrence of Eng land and France, which it was fitting to propose to Russia as a fulfilment of those pointajby which she had agreed that her preponderance in the Black Sea should cease. (Hear.) That that preponderance might have been made to cease by other means was • quite unquestionable ; and they did not make it, in the strkt sense of the word, a sine qua non. It was the best method they could imagine; Russia proposed two other methods, both of which were insufficient; and she having nothing else to propose, the conferences naturally came to an end. That being the case, the question was what the house was to do in the present state of things. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) had given the house an opportunity before the recess of determining whether the conduct of the war should be left in the hands in which it now was, or transferred to the hands of - those who sat opposite. The house had answered the question by a majority of 100. (Cheers.) Surely gentlemen opposite did not wish to try the question a second time ? They said they expected the Government would have come down with a message from the Crown, and have proposed an address pledging the house to support her Majesty in a vigorous prosecution of the 'war. That was unnecessary, for Mr. Dis raeli had done that himself. That which remained of his reso lution, coupled with the introductory passage proposed by Sir F. Baring, would form precisely the resolution which the Go vernment, had it taken the initiative, would have proposed to the house. Next week, when they were able to lay on the table the remaining portions of the negotiation, the Govern ment would have broadly asked the house to agree to such a resolution. He had offered, if this motion were swept away, to propose an expression of 'the opinion of Parliament on this state of things, when the remaining papers were produced. The house had determined to go on with the debate. Being now ready to come to a division, it was childish to ask them to withdraw the resolution, which the right hon. gentleman seemed afraid of meeting. He was perfectly content to take the sense of the house upon that assurance of support which the right hon. gentleman, very much to his credit, proposed that the house should express. Such an assurance would be doubly valuable to the Government, following, as it did, the large majority on the last division, by which it was clear that they were the Government to whom that support was to be given. (Cheers.) But they were asked to say what were the objects of the war. The war was undertaken to repress the aggressions of Russia upon Turkey—he would not say to de fend Constantinople, for that was a narrow and limited view of the matter ; if Turkey had nothing left but Constantinople it would not be worth many years' purchase ; but it was to defend the Turkish empire from being swallowed up by Rus sia ; it was for that that England and France were fighting. They had been blandly and civilly told by the Russian Go vernment that Turkey must fall, that the man was sick, that his deathbed was approaching, that there was an in heritance to be divided, and that if Egypt and Candia would suit us, we might wink at the partition of the rest by other parties. (Hear, hear.) The intention of Russia to par tition Turkey was manifest as the sun at noonday ; it was to prevent that that the war had been undertaken. And let no man imagine, if Turkey was in the possession of Russia, if that gigantic power were to stride over Europe like a colossus, with one foot upon the Baltic and the other in the Mediterranean, that the great interests of this country would not be imperilled. Nor let the "peace-at-any-pace" party imagine that their interests would not suffer. (Hear.) Instead of things being as they now were-40,000 bales of,cotton being weekly manufactured at Manchester in the place of 10,00—all that lucrative trade up the Mediterranean to the East would be subjected to heavy incumbrances, if it did not actually disappear. The noble lord concluded by adjuring the house not to make this a conflict of parties, but to show them selves true representatives of the national feeling by giving their support to a vigorous prosecution of the war. (Cheers.) Sir J. GRAHAM wished to explain that he and his right hon. friends near him, though they were parties to the ar rangement of the proposition to be made to Russia, did not insist upon it as an ultimatum or sine qua non. Mr. LOWE rose to speak midst loud cries of "Divide," and " spoke," The CHAIRMAN told him that he had the opportunity of addressing the house when he moved his amendment, and could not do so now. . The question was then put, and preparations *ere made for a division. Sir W. HEATHCOTE'S amendment was negatived. Mr. PHILLIMORE withdrew his amendment. Mr. LOWE withdrew his amendment. The question was put on the amendment of Sir F. BARING upon which, Mr. WALPOLE said that although the wording of the amendment was not satisfactory, he would not damage the appearance of unanimity on the subject of the war by offer ing it any opposition. Mr. GLADSTONE, although disapproving of the terms of the amendment, would not offer any opposition, as he thought it the duty of the house to offer her Majesty their best sup port in the prosecution of the war. The motion before the house (Sir F. T. Baring's) was then unanimously agreed to. , The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-past 2 o'clock. RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS: TRAFFIC RETURNS FOR THE PAST WEEK. Miles Receipts. opened, NAME OF RAILWAY. 18',5. 1854. 1855. --- 1411.1T1817. £ £ 7214 Aberdeen ................., „. ..... 2,116 2,467 37% Belfast and Ballymena ••••••• • • • • • • • 899 824 17 Belfast and County D0wn............ - - 32 Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire 2,457 2,254 26% Bolton, Blackburn, and West York .• •• - - 103 % Bristol and Exeter .................. 5 ,7 5 i 5,959 189 4 . Ca1ed0nian............. ........... 11,074 11 , 85 7 94 4 Chester and Holyhead... •..... 5,160 4,903 6% Cork; Blackrpck, and Passage •• •• •• 211 164 20 Cork and Bandon .. • • . . .. • . •• •• •• •• 249 240 56 Dublin and Belfast Junction •....... 901 1,033. 63 Dublin and Drogheda.... -•••• • • • •• 1,408 1,291 7% Dublin and KingstOin . 1,552 1,130 16% Dundee and Arbroath ....... ..... .. 582 521 31 Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen Junction 813 865 25 Dundalk and Enniskillen.... .• .• - - 8 856 - - 63 East Anglian.... - - .• - .. .. .• .• •• - 63 81% East Lancashire .................... 5,582 8,057 417 , Eastern Counties and Norfolk.. ••- 7. Eastern Union •••• .•.•.•••• .. • • • • • • 22,773 24,094 i 142 Edinburgh and Glasgow .-- • • •..... 5,463 5,459 78 Edinburgh, Perth, and Dundee...... 2,992 • 3,021 6 Exeter, and Crediton - • • .......... ••- - 22 Furness Railway ... •• •••••• • • •• •• 968 f 67 6 183 Glasgow, and South-Western.• ••• • • • ,024 6,206 283 Great Northern and E. L..... •••• • • 17,860 20,502 188 Great Southern and Western (Ireland) 5,420 6,2,6 342 Great Western ... . 25 482 27, , ,02 25 Irish South Eastern •• • • • • • • .• • • • • • • - - 5,521 5,791 90 Lancaster and Carlisle • • • . • • • • • • • • • • 260 Lancashire and Yorkshire.. ..... ..... 19,803 24,721 - Leeds Northern .. •• • • • • • • • • • • - • • •• - - 16k Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport:• • • 395 283 55314 London and North Western .• • • ••.... 56,897 59,102 5% London and Blackwall.... ..... ..... 4555 1,566 174 London, Brighton, and South Coast.. 18,809 15,133 267 London and South Western. ••-.• .. 14,755 15,597 60 Londonderry and Enniskillen ........ 501 574 - Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, &e. - - 171% Manchester, Sheffield ,and Lincolnshire 3,826 12,152 93 Manchester and South Junction.. -.. 768 1,251 25 Maryport and Carlisle • • .. • ..... .... 849 961 498% Midland •••••-••••••• • • • - •• • • .. - 25,894 28,230 126% Midland Great Western (Irish) • ..... 2,685 2,901 31 Monklands • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • - • • ...... - - 78% Newcastle and Car1i51e........ „.. ~, ~ _ - 149 North British ••..•• • • • • ............ 4,437 5 , 03 3 - North Staffordshire .............„. _._- - 46% North-Western ••.. • • .............. 998 1,005 82% Scottish Central .................... 2,340 2,5,.8 32 Scottish Midland .................. 900 968 296 Shrewsbury and Birmingham •• .• .. 1,037 1,435 48 Shrewsbury and Chester ............ 2,122 2,355 30 - Shropshire Union ......... ..... .... 790 907 57 3 4 South Devon ........ . .............. - 2,407 239 South Eastern •••• • • ................ 16,437 18,831 162% South Wales ............ ..... ..... 4,843 5,324 97 South York., Doncaster, and Goole .. 1,592 1,934 38 Taff Vale .......................... • - ,3,572 ' • - 77 Waterford and Limerick • • - .. .. .. •• 633 836 .25 West Cornwall ...... ... , ....... 520 572, 12 Whitehaven Junction ..• • • • • • • 682 York and Newcastle, and Berwick & York and North Midland & L zeds.. - - • 7011,E10N. 574 Dutch Rhenish .....• ...... •••• • • • • 1,363 2,292 262 Lyons and Mediterranean • • • • - • • • • - - 63 Montereau and Troyes - .....• • • • • • • - - 63 Namur and Liege .. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • - - 445 Northern of France ••• • • • •.• •• • 2,929 3,348 697 Orleans and Central* .. • .... ........ - - 240 Paris and Lyons .... •••• .. • • ....•... - -- 82 Paris and Rouen. .......... •• • . • . - - - 392 Paris and Strasburgh • • •••••• ~ • • - - 59 Rouen and Havre.• .... ..... .... _ - - 157 Westernof France . ...... - - - - -- • . - COURSE OF EXCHANGE.-YESTERDAY. Amsterdam - ... • ...... 11 18 Gibra1tar..............- Ditto, three months .. 11 19% Leghorn .. •• • • .... -• • 30 5 Rotterdam ............ 'll 19% Genoa ..... ....... 25 50 Antwerp -- • • •....... 25 3754 Milan .... .. .•.., „ • . _ Am5terdam............ 11 18 Ditto, three months .. 11 1934 Rotterdam • • •• • • •• • • • • 'll 19% Antwerp .............. 25 37% Brussels •••••••••••••• 25 37% Ilamburgh,•••••••• •• 13 7% Altona .••••••• 4,10 • • •• • • ••••• Pari5........ ,••••••••• 25 15 Ditto, three months .. 25 35 Marseilles 25 37% Bourdealut •••••••• •• .• Frankfort-on Maine •... 118% Benin •••• .• •••••• •• •• Vienna. ... ..•• .... 12 28 Triesta.•••••••••••.... 12 40 Petersburg 35% Madrid .........•,1••• 49% CacPz .......„.. Btreelons, •• •••••••••• Naples ........ Palermo .. . Messina ... . 131% Lisbon ...... Oporto ...... • • 5 Rio Janeiro ..... .• • .... Buenos Ayre5........... New • York, 60 days' sight Philadelphia PRICES OF BULIICN, PER OZ. Foreign Gold in Bars £3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0 Mexican Dollars .... 0 0 0 New Dollars .... •• 0 0 0 Sirver in bars . 0 5 1% The Italian actress, Mme. Ristori (who, it appears, speaks French like a native), has received an offer of an engagement at the Theatre Frangais, with a salary of 80,000 f. a-year, and two months' vacation. The lady, it is said, requires four months' vacation, and that, at present, is the sole obstacle to a contract. Rachel must look to her laurels. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Among the numerous extraordinary cures without Medicine effected by Du Barry's delicious health-restoring Revaleuta irrahica Food, the following are not the least remarkable :—Cure 52,422.—Bridgehouse, Trim ley, 3d April, 1854.—Thirty-threc years' diseased lungs, spit ting of blood, liver derangement, deafness, singing in the ears, constipation, debility, shottness of breath, and cough, have been removed by your Revaleuta Arabica. My lungs, liver, stomach, head and ears are all right, my hearing perfect,.and mx recovery is a marvel to all my acquaintauces.—JAMES ROBERTS, Wood Merchant. —From the Venerable Arch deacon of Ross.—No. 32,83 G. Three years' excessive nervousness, with pains in my neck and left arm, and 'general debility, which rendered my life very miserable, has been radically removed by Du Barry's health-restoring Food -,-ALEXANDER STUART, Archdeacon of Ross, Skibereeu. In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s, 6d.; 51b. lls. ; 121 b. 225. The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Barry Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, London ; also at 182, Piccadilly; 60, Gracechirch-street ; 330, and 451, Strand; 4, Cbeapside ; 60 and 138, Cornhill; 49, Bishopsgate-street; 55, Charing-cross; 54, Upper Baker-street; 63 and 150, Oxford-street ; 89, High-street, Camden-town ; 18, Pall mall; 7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, New Bond-street ; 24, Mot comb-street ; 13, King William-street, City 30, Conduit street; 21, Cockspui- s t reet ; 9 5, Farr i ng d on - s t ree t ; 67, St. Paurs Churchyard ; 6, Edward-street, Portman-square. THE LATE BULLION ROBBERY. Samuel Seal, a jeweller, wholas been twice remanded, upon a charge-of having in his possession 106 'ounces of gold, of the value of 3711., supposed to have been stolen, was brought before Mr. Alderman Wire and Sir IL W, Carden, at the Mansion-house, in custody of Ilaydon,, the detective officer, for further examination. The court was densely crowded during the investigation with bullion dealers, railway officials, and carriers, bullion of which the above is supposed to have formed part, of the value of 14,0001., having recently been either lost or stolen, on its passage from Gracechurch-street to Paris. Mr. Steele,,a solicitor, attended on the part of Messrs. Chaplin and Co., the carriers ; Mr. Lewis again appeared for the prisoner. Mr. Steele—l attend, sir, for the purpose of watching., the proceedings on the part of Messrs. Chaplin. I ap prehend that anybody may appear for the purpose cf tendering evidence. Alderman Wire—Do you appear as solicitor for the prosecution ? Mr. Steele—Certainly not. Mr. Chaplin is here to give evidence of what he knows about the matter, and not as a prosecutor. Alderman Wire—lf he is a 'witness who can throw any light upon the transaction I am bound to hear him. I am not bound to bear anybody on his behalf. Mr. Steele—Messrs. Chaplin are booking-office keepers to the South-Eastern Railway Company. Alderman Wire—lf there is any witness who you think may further the ends of justice, I am perfectly ready to hear him, but it is not my duty to hear any body on hi s b e h a lf. Mr. Steele—At the last hearing the solicitor for the prisoner laid great emphasis upon the fact of no robbery having been proved to have taken place. Alderman Wire—l cannot hear you, you know that ; you know that it is contrary to law. Mr. Steele—lt is a course pursued 'every day—that the magistrate should be informed of what evidence can be elven. Alderman Wire—Put the witness into the box, and we shall hear his own statement. Mr. Steele--I will tell you what it is, if *Yu will not receive it. Alderman Wire—l do not say that I will not hear the witness, I say distinctly that I will not hear you un legs you appear in some character diitinct from that of an advocate of a witness. If the witness is present, lit him be put into the box. Mr. Steele—A case was heard only yesterday at Guildhall in which the advocate was allowed to appear for a witness. Alderman Wire—l do not know that that advocate had any right to appear there at all. Mr. Lewis—All this is done for the purpose of pre judicing the case against the prisoner. Mr. Steele—No, it is not ; you said the other day there was no proof of any robbery having been cow mitted. Alderman Wire—l cannot take any other course, un less I say to the crentleman, there is the door. Mr. Steele—Then I will not Fay another word. Mr. Chaplin is here to give evidence if you wish to hear him. His evidence ought to follow that Df other persons in court, but it is idle to call him without also examining these persons to show the delivery to him of certain packages. Mr. Lewis—This is one of theinconveniences resulting from the fact of there being two competing bodies pre- FPnt to prove their blamelessness. The South-Eastern Railway Company on the one side, and Messrs. Chaplin on the other. Mr. Steele—No, that is not so. Mr. John Chaplin, of the Spread Eagle, Gracechurch street, carrier, then entered the witneQs-box, and baying been sworn, said—When I was here the other day I heart Mr. Lewis, the prisoner's solicitor, say that no robl.ery of gold had been represented. I attend to prove that a robbery has been committed. Mr. Goodman (the chief , clerk).—Be good enough to consider that you attend not as an advocate, but as a witness. Simply state what you know. Never mind what the solicitor for the prisoner stated. If you have lost anything, or if you have had anything pass through your hands, and know anything about it, state the par ticulars. Witness— In one case a box, said to contain gold coin, was brought to my office in Gracechurch-street, by a clerk or servant of Mr. Spellman, money-changer, of Lombard-greet. The box was delivered into my hands on the 15th ult. Mr. Goodman—What did you do with that particular box? Witness—l placed it on the counter before me, until I hat made out the waybill which was going to the railway. I then took the box with me in a cab to the South-Eastern Railway, at the London-bridge; and de liverea it to the station-master, Mr. Weatharell. The address upon it I copied in a book, which I have not with me. It was "V. Spellman, Paris." I think it was 26, Rue Rivoli. The packet was weighed, and I left it, and took a receipt for it. It was booked, and the value declared at 7001. That was not the only packet I took at that time. I also received a box, which I believed to contain gold, from Messrs. Samuel, Thomac and Co., and which was booked as a parcel of value. Its value was declared at upward. of 6,0001. I also re c-ived on the same day, from Messrs. Bult, a .parcel which was declared te, consist of bar gold. I delivered all three parcels together. They were weighed in my presence, and I took receipts for them. They were ad dressed to different persons. That from Messrs. Samuel, Thomas and Co., I believe was market " P. D.," and had no further address on it, but I bad documents stat ing its intended destination, which I delivered with the box at the railway station. Messrs. Bult's parcel was marked " L," and had a number on it, but I do not re collect what it was. Cross-examined by Mr. Lewis—l have been applied to for the value of the parcels in two of the cases, namely, Messrs. Thomas and Mr. Speilman, but no actions have been brought against me. I have attended the two former examinations at this court, and was able to give evidence of the same facts on these occasions. Mr. Lewis—Then why did you not do so ? At whose instigation are you doing it to-day ? Witness—l do so because, when I was here the other day I heard you say that no robbery had been commit ted, and I. thought I could prove that the gold had been stolen. Mr. T. Rance, assistant to Messrs. Samuel, Thomas, anti Co., bullion-dealers, of Royal Exchange-buildings, paid—On the 15th ult. I packed a box of gold in bars, marked "P. D. 184." I then delivered it to Messrs. Chaplin's men, who took it from our office. _ ' Cross-examined by Mr. Lewis—l have not examined the gold produced. That which I packed wag nearly pure gold—it was better than standard. Its gross weight was 2,1251 ounces. (The witness here examined the bar gold produced by the officer.) This isnot like our gold, and is inferior to it. (The granulated gold was then shown to the witness.) I cannot at all tell what this is; it is not like our gold. Ours was in six bars, and was not like this. Ha,yon, the officer, having stated that he was not prepared with any further evidence at present, Mr, Lewis submitted that no case of unlawful posses sion of the gold had been made out against his client, who had purchased it at the docks of a man who had recently come from Australia, aEi he stated to the officer at the time of his apprehension. He (Mr. Lewis) also submitted that in tire event of the Bench thinking that the ends of justice would not be satisfied without a further'remand, it was a case of such slight suspicion, that his client's own personal recognisance only ought to be accepted as bail for his appearance on a future occasion. Alderman Wire, after consulting with Sir R. W. Car den and Mr. Goodman, said the prisoner must be fur ther remanded, but he would take bail. The prisoner must enter into his own recognisance in the sum of 1,0001. and find two sureties for 5001. each. FATAL ACCIDENT AT FLETORER'S SHIP-YARD, LIME - HOUSE.—On Thursday, John Seymour, aged 56 years, in the service of Messrs. Fletcher, ship-builders, Limehouse, was engaged between decks of a large vessel in course of construction, when he by some means lost his equili brium, and fell a depth of fifteen feet, wh ere b y h e sus tained a fracture of the base of the skull and other injuries, which caused death. The body awaits an inquest. The Court of Assizes of the Henault has just been oc cupied three days in trying a woman named Gras, and a man named Arnaud, for p o is on i ng th e h us b an d of the woman. On the 11th January the man' Gras took to his bed, suffering from violent vomitings and pains, which increased, and on the 15th he died. Foul play being suspected, the body was examined, and a quantity of arsenic was found in it. It was then ascertained that both the woman and Arnaud (with whom she was sus pected of intriguing) had frequently purchased arsenic, and that they had both been seen to mix some substance with the food prepared for the victim. The jury declared both the prisoners guilty, but with extenuating circum stances, and the Court sentenced them to hard labour for life. The woman, on hearing tfie sentence, uttered loud cries, but the man was perfectly unmoved. [ADVERTISEMENT.] THE W./I.R IN THE EAST. —POWERFUL PATENT RECONNOITRING GLASSES.— Messrs. S. and B. Solo mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe opposite the York Hotel. By her Majesty's Royal Letters Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvements iu the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses, to know the distances of objects viewed' through them—of great importance to the army, navy, and others. These telescopes possess such extra ordinary powers that some 31 inches, with an extra eye piece, will show .distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn' s r ing , and" the d ou bl e s t ars ; with the same telescope can be seen a person's eounterance three miles and a half distant, and an object f rom l e t o 20 miles. They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers according l y ; while their vary ing from 4 to 6 inches enable us to discover more than the above, and the Georgian, w ith his 6 satellites, &c. — The Royal Exhibition, 'SR.—Valuable, n ewly-invented, very small, uowerful waistcoat-pocket glass,the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known 1 miles distant ; they answer every purpose on the race-course, and at 8 to 10 miles, the opera h ouses , country scenery, and ships are clearly seen v e7, gla a a n s d es, to w ur th sts. They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to Opera,wonderful sportsmen, gentlemen, ann,Agptlemrsepkeecetpi race-course, power.—Newly-constructed Spectacle Lenses of the great est transparent power. The valuable advantage derived from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired is preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are enabled to employ their sight. at the most minute occu pation—can see with these lenses of a much less magnify ing power—and they do not require the frequent changes t to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. • Deaf ness—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, an extraordi nary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness, entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the kind that bas been, or probably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at church and at public assemblies; the unpleasant sensation of singing noises in the ears is entirely removed.; and it affords all the assist ance that possibly could be desired. 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, Observe —opposite the York Hotel. COUNTRY 'A BETS, LIVERPOOL-- JUNE 8. The demand for the leading arti cles of the trade slcorn ack , 9.71!1 Tuesday 's prices y maintained. Indian being scarce, brought an scarcel advauce ove r the prices of y se'nnight of is 6d per qr. on w hite, and is on Ye' and mixed: The very favourableWAliEP w l e ß at L h D er — l u u r N i : g u t a S ate weea• effeet on the wheat trade to-day, and although there 1 6 --° anxiety to press sales, yet millers have been enabled to sur e y ply their im me di a te wants on rather lower terms thaa • t ll day se'nnight . Barley the turn in favour of the baj o s u r . Beans steady. In oats and shelling no material altersw --- EXETER--JuNE 6 • 9s 63 CORN.—In our market wheat may be quoted from, Os 00 10s Od. Malting barley, 4s Od to 4s 61; grind in g 1 c ' t . o ' 04 Od to Os (h. . Oats, 3s 6d to 3 8 9d• Beans, Os Oti Od. Peas, ON Od to 00s Od. FLOUR. —Fine, 56s Od to 58s Od ; seconds, Od per sack.l csiVeS CATTLE.—Prime beef, 12s 641 per score ; cows AUL 101. 00s to 16/. ; butchers' calves, 5(1. to 50 per lb., r eam calves —s to s each. Sheep 6d to Bd. Lanil b !' , lipF, Od per lb. Store hogs, large size, 00s to 003 escß r Is . ON to 00s ; small , 00; to 00s . Rough fat, 40 per Pork carcases from 10s Od to 10s 6d per score. 51s Od to :56s 00IM.—Wheat, 'INVERNESS.—Juifit 5 . , gar Ns Od t ° ley, chevalier, 31s Od to 32s Od ; ditto , common, 31s Od. Oats, 31s Od to 32s oa. aito 5s Od : MEAL. — Oatmeal , per imp. boll 24s Od to 2 -, g s 8a , white, per qr., 748 Od to 768 Oe• second, OOs Od to Os Od ; barle I, 16$ 6d to„ - '1 0 9 a; peasemeal, 16s 6d to 20s Od; bran, eiaier stone, Os 64 ! o d to Ist fl ditto, 4 b s 0 our, per 2801 b, 57s Od to 608 of ;2d .Ol 2 s °° 3 Od ; oatmeal, best, per Bt. of 141 b irciP eri e lis Si to Os Od ; ditto second, Os Od to Os Od ;b y 3s Oa c ob, to OOs Od ; peasemeal, is 10d to Os Oil ; 9 l d st re fl dit• our , 3s 6d credit ; 2d ditto, 2s 6d cash , 2s • BRISTOL SUGAR --JUNE 8 . , s d o se ill There has not been a large amoun t of P/151118here bu. raw sugars, and the market the shade esaer• dok 01 rert; improved demand for refiner's produce t Oaf ness might have been done, were it not o_, pr ices...all show an unwillingness to submit to buriP n b'es arf stocks of rum are quite exhausted, Oa 1/11P ` wanted. .EZ—JuNV S ' • ;be close of r ,arlce t tl• ‘23 g s. a. sy s ,yne's ge u rtb , a ir ' :::'" 18 3 Carr's 0' 14 " Skiborwen Merthyr 22 6 Ships at market COAL MARK] Pricos of Owil pc: ton at t" 7 I Sold •" —... 0 & WIND AND WEATHEB p t op. i v r ei, to r. State °( Stations. Greenwich ... Lothbury Coarse of Wind. Manchester . Sheffield ..... Stoke-on-Trent S Whitehaven Lancaster Carlisle Maryport . S W S.W. S.W Leeds Holyhead Liverpool Dablin S. Great Grimsby S S.W S.W Boston Gain sinrough Derby Nottingham laicester 5.W.......... Leamington S. .. Cambridge S.W Lowestoft Yarmouth. Brighton Bristol Plymouth Gloucester' Cardiff 5.W.... Haverfordwest 5.W.... Swansea S.E. Shrewsbury 5.W...• Hague W S.W .. . .. Harwich N.E. ......... Olrere ast. Veil' fi ne ' Very 6193. Very Fine. Cloudy . Very Fine. Cloudy. Fire. Fi n e. Fire. Clou dy. Fine , — Fine. Fi n e. Fine. Fine. Fine. Fine. Fine. 1 Cloudy CroudY• Fi n e. Clou dy. ciondY• Fire. Fine. Fine. Fine. N.W W N.N E - S.W S Ipswich. Southampton Cowes Portsmouth Poole York Aberdeen . S. E. Perth Dundee Edinburgh S.W Glasgow W. S. W Greenock W. Hull W.S.W Sunderland N.E Berwick N.W Dar] ington S.E. Whitby W. S. W. .... Scarborough W. Newcastle Dover S.W S brood Tunbridge/ S. VerY ° 1 Fine. Fine. Cloudy d . Very ° e. F i n e. Fin e. ,„ e . ✓ ery 0- Very fl ue. Fine- Very °e. ✓ery fi ll°. Fine' Cloud/ . Very fi ne. Fine. Fine. Fine. 4Fine. Fine: 1 clu 4 p, Partl s ' lot , " Partially Rain. N.N.W S.W SW... ..... W SEABORNE MAILS. I,' c „..._ (N signifies that the mails are se m nt on fr t o riti m . so l u li t a li, `_ le . iti pt e o r o w , y the night—and M by the morning--despatc liO o• r ev ,o Day whonmaie up FroLa rt viLlit 44 1.1.194 ) COUNTRIES. in General Post- ' c ' t eicia• ~...-1,, , 00 °lnce, London. * DisP J __--- -- %.,,icli , America(byllrit.pack)N Every Friday .• . • Live r P ° jos Americit (by United Sts. nal packet) N LiVerP" America (by U. States I :OW"! 24 packet) N s o atria ja pe Australia (via South ampton) M Ditto (via Marseilles) N. ...... -•• •• W e ' 11 0 " 6 Ditto (via Cape of Good; • Jail Hope) ...........,N1 Africa (West Coast) N 13d of t.h.:einli.o•••nitilli.r. P s° 4- 11: 1 11:: : :: ,• t°. ••' 1 'lsl' Alexandria N 4 ,9, 24, & 30 of in • DovT; a ffiptc P Alexandria M 4th & 20th of men. Sc' u t t ioreP °P Ps ll l6 Bahamas hi 17th of tbo mono Soti_: r ..,..; June 1 f Belgium N I Pally., ........ - I!„ ci „l t soPr i J r iii ii Brazil M 9th of the mouth.. 00.0,1,tiace Buenos Ayres M 9th el the month .• S; l r i o us P a ' - ' Cape of Good Hope N - V tell Cape of Good Hope N ce,atlia taP o t Cape de Verds N 9th of th 3 month 0- VP . Ceylon (see India) ... • ,„,,, iip l ' Ceylon ...... N a ot itha' rt° i 8 4 Channel Isles N Mon.,Wed•AFtiA• ' .t,hatig t.' 1 3 0 Chi1i...........„ „ .„ AI kl & 17th of moot! Se" China ... . Once a month •• • • o ver " tot , .....d Constantinople ...... is 8,13,18,23A2s of n , ,- ~,h a mP - .F. . 0 , Constantinople .... „,„ 4th St 20th of mini. "-- LiP e over " '... I l . f ice" Dr Cont. of Europe M & N Twice daily .. • • • • - • •' I Egypt (see India) • France „ • • 1 " 1 .;;P t° 1 1 • .. M& N Twice daily •• • • pilau. 17, 20, 27 din. ~ JO Greece (see India) anuthi.ruP•- Greytown ..........M kid & 17th of rival' '" n dos ** to . ; 1 13;' liamburgh ..........N Tuesday & FridaY ' is ' a nsuiP e, I Ei 11 0 ar ian ann d ah .. ....................113 2 D n a d ny o . f . t . h . e .. M .. e . a . r . soi7o::;erira•rn•,,.'.;io. p° j 4 Honduras ..........31 17th of the India (viaSouthamptom 4th & 20th of no s : ...„` India (via Marsellies)3l 9th&2sth of wont , . - ., - o nirns v e c r :,7 l . :•l .: l l, f t • o 4l :le l lonian Isles (see India) 7, 17, & 27 of Ireland ........M & N Twice daily . .. m .. : n , i r lolYlT:,',4o o.l 1 6 Lisbon,....„ ,„ „ ~ ~m 7,9, 17, & 27 0,, •--* ...,.otha.• - • „. • Madeira ............M 9th of the Madeira ... ......,,N 23d of month month Fr iver pool • Malta (see India) 0 Do ver .. 1 Malta ........ ... ~./i 8,18, &28 a ino • Mauritius (see India) • Mauritius ..........N 14th of the tria n , tb . g o atlia °P r. ' .l l°. „oil' Mexico ~.. ........ ig 2nd of the mei:A.:l l)o , 7 er ...4 01 ,,,„ce• Niples ..............N bthlsth2sthafinai'l; sportsonthsawc.'"" Now Granada ...... NI 2cl & 17th of mell . iVariou ~,i New Zealmad. ..... .. „ 6 0i Papal States .„ ~.....N sthlbth2sthefinua• so nths ai ton OP' Peninsula • ..... ..... M 7thl7th27thofineusoutbarol,rts, Peru •• •• •• .... „m .4d gc 27th of men: polora V; ~ . Port Natal .... ~....N By private shiP• • D over • • ....! f oe ' Sicily ..... . Tuscany .. „ ........N sthisth2sthefinon•i,'mitasiar i .1 Venezuela ..........31 2d& 17th of month ic , !pp- Van Diemen's Land (see tea ii,' Australta) .. nth P utbSnl I 11° aiA West Indies ...... „ii 2d& 17th of me , 4 11 iiA p 6 si'",b c 0 I"' el i .......Aav, i l . i • e „,, of 7,-.,siCii Do 11 '.; will vi / 1 o n; A pri e i ino etchedWut a m ena npotonynto)hf the andthfoellseo wdates day.fal woiltha tctoon,:alc,al;jileogoodotl'-iten Southampton), the Malta. both of which w, preceding day. ' ' r i lietli: .000 0,4 [ADvERTISEMENT.]-Ifollo way '8 Pill s 11 ,3 Tbes e d el ei t l tine for the cure of Stomach Complains cor; lif . 1 11 able pills surpass .all other medicines in the esoeco.B 0 0 , ' complaint incidental to the human fratos, 0 0 0 ' Jioi persons of debilitated constitutions, Wh ile 0 fr° ece fering from derangement.of the Stolool 3 , to g to 1 ole orders of the liver or kidneys, there is te,ig at ifoli tee' them, as they can be taken by both srn-e-rsonSi bewj" with the utmost safety. Thousand 0 ' r - 0 1i- r - . _ a to 0 ,A 0 N. twshiy,fa,ylydt,atsoibdytenhsgteaaitirbih efficacy erheavveirnyg obteheenrrre:taloorkrideo:7,ol4,llo, Maiden-lane, l M isNi e ime d w i e e n i yntelVk2e.4n4d,ersst,raarindd, at ;0-aco, •,_ ------...—.....,..„„,...................--- -_, ______ TS S, 0111 10 OF A SON. ~tree, l e. f) , On the 7th inst. at 13, Great Que eti Q.C'' le . ster, the wife of Henry S.lCeatng, Esq.,logtoli, On the 7th ' t at West L dge P er ins t., 0 1 Dale, P S e/r. i OP A DAIIGTITIO. ~ o f tbe 0, Wil d w ife On the 6th inst , at Battersea, the ~ the Graves. . SurrO P On the Bth inst., at Lower Tooting, Walter Chapman, Esq., surgeo n. of focldoio A It B I _ .. ., 131. , TborP ° 4 11 , On the 7th inst., at St. James's, I v o : '''. 'z' " --9 to 01 Plf her Majesty's Ordnance, Portsaiou Fal ter A llell!, d liti. daughter of the late Henry Turner, -Walt - • ` - ,ld o t'fo r 0 off OFotilenotnhrgene7oFtuhaseiin,neKiti.;:wastivGorretaht, 0113(rart,r,4 rirnt, ro r: rt, AP ,- Kent. 170c1., of Great Ch Or Cb *r DIED On the 7th inst., Pdr• Patrick CarberrY, . s r , erosq, aged iB. . 06 1, On the Bth inst., at ICingston-liP°°-Th 031 ,rool, mund Jordan, aged 23. a of AV' On the 29th ult., _p.t the hospital, F6solsol3tivt.o'f 0. Pox, Liout. Henry Hannantp Duke of Wellington, flag ship of the Balt1;10 if ItN., First -'fieet• fifth On .the 11th March at sea Jobn Ton,3-fal ~,1 29•411,1!° of the Rev. C. D. 31;itland, o' f 13right 4', of " On the 31st nit., Walter Batton May , ... i' / Castle, aged 72. I t o ____,--0 o -_------- - ----- -1,,11190 1r.9 til LoNDOIA : Printed and Published by 01-`-' olio, . °. ti . of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Vie SE°. to 01' Strand, in the Precinct of the NroY• lu Miallesex, Saturday, June 9, 056. . ra gf,. i ~~ p o ~ . e ,tl ~~ ~~