The Sun. — London, England, 1849-03-27 00:00:00

LAW INTELLIGENCE. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 26. This morning the House resumed its sittings on appeals. The Lords present were—the Lord Chancellor, Lord )3rougham, and the Earl Somers. MALCOM V. MANSFIELD AND OTHERS. The arguments in this appeal were resumed. This was an appeal against two interlocutors of the Court of Session in Scotland. The arguments were altogether confined to matters of technicality in Scotch law. Mr. Turner and Mr. M'Neill having brought their arguments to a termination, The House, without hearing counsel for the respon dents, at once dismissed the app eal, and a ffi rmed the in terlocutory of the Court below. VARNARD GREGORY v. THE DUKE OF DRUNSwICIC AND ANOTHER. Mr. Manisty appeared for the plaintiff in error, and Mr. Snow for the defendant. It will be remembered that some years since the plain tiff in error, and the plaintiff in the Court below, at that time being the propriet or or editor of the Satirist news paper, made his appearance on the stage of Drury lane Theatre, in the character of Hamlet, and that on the occasion there was a great disturbance in the house, which led to the utmost confusion. This dis urbance the appellant alleged the respondents to have been the cause of, and to have led, with a view to his injury. The appellant, therefore, brought an action for the recovery of compensation in damages. The trial came on in the Court of Common Pleas, at the sittings after Trinity term, 1843, when a verdict was found for Or respondents on all the issues. A rule nisi was afterwards obtained, but in Hilary term, 1844, was dis charged, and judgment given for the defendants. A writ of error was then brought in the Exchequer Chamber, when the then plaintiff assigned errors, in which errors the then defendants joined. The Court of Exchequer Chamber affirmed the judgment of the Court of Common Pleas, and the present writ of error was the result. The question which was raised by the writ was as to the form in which the judgment had been entered by the Court below. After the case had, on the present occasion, proceeded acme way, Lord Baorlomor suggested that the parties should make an application to the Court of Exchequer Chamber on the subject of that entry, and then, if so advised, that they should again bring the matter under the considera tion of their Lordships' House. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. HOME; ClRCUlT.—Kingston, March 26. The Commission for the county of Surrey was opened on Saturday, and this morning business commenced in loth:Courts. There are 37 prisoners for trial on the rown side, and the cause list contains 66 entries, 12 of which are special jury cases. CROWN SlDE.—(Before Mr. Justice WIGHT:VAN.) Richard Hunter, 16, a well known thief, was indicted for stealing from the person of Mary Anne Burnes, a purse, containing 125., her property. Mr. Clarkson prosecuted, and Mr. Charnock defended the prisoner. The evidence of the robbery by the prisoner was most conclusive. He was watched by Romayne, a very useful officer, in the New-cut, Lambeth, on the 19th of Feb ruary, in company with two other boys, evidently prowl ing about for the purposes of plunder, and he was at length seen to lift up the gown of the prosecutrix, and put his hand into her pocket, and he withdrew it clenched, and then made a motion, as if passing some thing to one of his companions, who immediately ran off. The constable then seized the prisoner, and, after a violent struggle, succeeded in securing him, and the prosecutrix, on putting her hand into her pocket, found that her purse and its contents had been stolen. Mr. CHARNOCIE, in his address to the jury, com mented upon the fact that no money had been found upon the prisoner, and that the policeman was unable to swear that the prisoner actually passed the ,purse to his companion. The jury, after deliberating a short time, did not ap pear likely to agree, and his Lordship inquired if there was any portion of the evidence which they wished to have read over to them. The Foreman of the jury . said that they felt a diffi culty on account of there being no proof that the pri soner actually passed away the purse, and that the pro perty was not produced. His LORDSHIP told them that if juries were to decline to convict in all cases where the stolen property was not produced it might tend to occasion a great failure of justice. In the present case, they were to say, as rea sonable men, whether the fair inference from the evi dence was not that the prisoner passed the purse to the other lad, who ran away with it. The jury then again deliberated for a short time, when they returned a verdict of Guilty. A previous conviction for a robbery from the person was then proved against the prisoner, and he was sen tenced to be transported for seven years. Henry Wilson, alias Durrant, 23, was indicted for breaking into the parish church at Ewell, and stealing a surplice and other articles, the property of the Rev. James Arthur Dunnage. The prisoner was also indicted for being feloniously at large before the expiration of a period of transporta tion, to which he had been sentenced in 1847. It will be remembered that at the spring assizes at this place in 1847 the prisoner was tried for a robbery at the residence of the Archbishop of Canterbury, at Addington, and upon his conviction he was sentenced to be transported for ten years. After his sentence he was taken back to the gaol at Kingston, and he contrived, during the temporary absence of the turnkey to scale the wall and make his escape, and nothing was heard of him until he was re•committed to take his trial upon the first-mentioned charge. _ . The prisoner pleaded guilty to both indictments. Sent;mce defeired William Stradwick, 22, was indicted for feloniously attempting to discharge a loaded gun at William Paters, with intent to prevent his lawful apprehension, and in a second count his intent was laid to be to do the prose cutor grievous bodily harm. Mr. Lilly prosecuted. It appeared from the evidence that Peters is an assis tant gamekeeper to the Earl of Onslow, and on the night of the 11th of January, he and two other men were watching in a wood at Kepley. About eleven o'clock they heard the report of a gun, and as they were pro ceeding in the direction whence it appeared to eome they heard a second shot, and very soon afterwards raters came up with the prisoner and another man. The latter ran off, but the prisoner, who had a gun in his hand, presented it at the keeper, and told him to keep off. The prosecutor instantly knocked the gun out of his band, and the prisoner was then taken into custody, and on his being searched a hen pheasant, and a quantity of powder and shot, were found upon him, and the gun which had been in his possession was discovered, upon its being examined, to be loaded with a large charge of powder and shot. The prisoner, in his defence, said that he was aiming the gun at a bird when the keeper came up, and he had not time to take it from his shoulder before it was knocked out of his hand. The jury returned a verdict of Not Guilty. Mr. Baron PARKE did not sit on the civil side until one o'clock, and his Lordship disposed of a few common jury cases, the details of which were perfectly unin teresting. OXFORD ClRCUlT.—Hereford, March 24. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Baron PLATT.) ThomasWhitford was indicted for the wilful murder of leis wife, Elizabeth Whitford, at Brilley, on the 28th of October last. It appeared that the prisoner had for some time la boured under religious mania, which at times exhibited itself in great violence of conduct. The unfortunate deceased was some years older than the prisoner, and it appeared that their household presented a scene of great connubial misery. On the night in question he re turned home, and a quarrel commenced between them which was heard by the neighbours, who fearing that the dispute had been attended with more serious conse quences than usual, sent a constable to the house, who, with some of the neighbours effected an entrance, when they found the poor woman lying dead on the ground with her brains literally beaten out, and her skull dread fully fractured, the prisoner standing near the body in a complete state of nudity. On examining the body, the key of the door was found in deceased's pocket, so that it would appear she had locked the door from the inside. The conduct of the prisoner left little doubt that his mind was diseased, and the jury Acquitted him on the ground of insanity. Mr. Baron PLATT ordered him to be detained in cus tody during her Majesty's pleasure; and he wa s recom mitted to the county gaol, there to await the Royal will respecting him. Elijah Lewis, John Symonds, Henry Williams, and Thomas Thomas, were indicted for violently assaulting Thomas Ball, at Huntingdon, on the 17th of February, and stealing a purse, three sovereigns, a eheque-book, and other articles from his person. The prisoners waylaid Mr. Ball, a farmer, as he was returning from Hereford market, knocked him from his horse, knelt on his chest, and violently rifled his pockets. It appeared that they mistook him for Mr. Taylor, the steward of Sir R. Price, Bart., M.P., who they supposed would pass that way on his road to Foxley Court, and who was known to have been receiving a large sum of money in Hereford that day, on the Baronet's account. • They were convicted. The business of the assizes was brought to a close by eleven to-night, until which hour both the Judges sat. MONMOUTH, March 25. Mr. Sergeant Talfourd opened the commission for this county yesterday afternoon; and Mr. Baron Platt, with Mr. Justice Coltman, arrived from Hereford this morn ing, when they attended Divine service at St. Mary's Church. The calendar contains the names of 48 prisoners, but there is no char ge of murder, although independent of that, some of the crimes are of a very serious nature. MIDLAND C lRCUlT.—Coventry, March 26. The Commission for this division of the county of Warwick was opened by Mr. Justice Maule on Satur &l', but no business beyond the opening of the Commis sion was transacted until to-day. There are cas es 29 prisoners for trial, b ut with the excep- tion of three arson and one for manslaught er , the offences are light. Nye must not forget to mention' the case of Robert Astill, charged with havinc, printed published a libel concerning. Lord Leigh, of Stone laphr *I g This case has been removed to, and will, we 6:514 9i .- 71 "" ele le h v ' e be tried at 'Warwick; as also a similar indict -4' - 1, - -2.,* , ' merit against' an attorney, named Griffin. T hese ease, • ' ° excite great interest throughout the county; probably a- '' t:::' their will not be tried before Friday. 111::, • ._' r . Thervi was only one cause here, " Whitlock v. White. ',- • head: l,l ,4U was an action upon the warranty of a horse, '...-- and after the usual quantum of hard swearing a verdict i--- passed for the d e f en d ant. It.. - , ..;;" 1 1 4 . ,. , NORFOLK ClRCUlT.—Norwich, March 26. Lord Chief limn Pollock and Ur. Baron AQlf© t k . 1 : - .Z::: 1 , . 0 7,711 opened the commission this morning having been es ccrted into the city by the High Sheriff, with the usual formalities. _ _ _ The calendar is not heavy, and there aro but few cases to be tried of any importance, with the exception of the case of the Stanfield Hall murders, which engrosses pub lic attention exclusively. NORTHERN CIRCUIT, Liverpool, March 26. CROWN COURT.—(Before Mr. Baron ALDEDSON,) Roger Fogg, a respectable looking Quaker, was in dicted for manslaughter at Preston, on the 3d of March last. Mrs. Lambert worked at the mill. The prisoner was the manager. Messrs. Cooper and Gannington were the masters. The engine. tenter was Robert Wilkinson. The reeling-room, in which witness worked, was over the boiler. Mary Hart worked in the same room and two others. An explosion, like the report of a cannon took place, about half-past eleven o'clock in the morn ing, and immediately the room was filled with steam and sulphur. Part of the floor was blown up. They were all very much scalded, and were taken to the house of re covery, where Mary Hart died. Joseph Clayton, engineer—He made the two boilers, waggon shaped, for the Brunswick mill. They were low pressure. To such boilers a gauge of never more than 91b. is applied. The usual pressure was not more than 41b. to 61b. In August, 1843, witness and Mr. Stephenson examined the engine and boilers, which had the safety valve in such a state as to admit of a pressure of 201 b. to the inch, when the steam ought to have blown off at 101 b. at most. Witness was at Mr. Cooper's a few days afterwards, and in consequence of what took place in September, 1843, witness put on the boil-over pipes, which would boil over at a pressure of 121 b. On the 7th witness saw the prisoner and the master together, and he told them they were working the boiler at a pressure greater than it could bear. The prisoner said they could not work the machinery with the boil-over pipes on. Mr. Cooper asked why. The prisoner said because:they were con tinually boiling over. Witness said yes, that was what they were put 'there for, to prevent them giving it a higher pressure than the boiler ought to be worked with. He again asked the prisoner what had become of the boil over pipes. He answered he had ordered them to be taken off, as when they .were on they could not drive the whole of the machinery, as they were con stantly boiling over. His LORDSHIP told the' jury if a man did an act ne gligently, by which the life of a man was lost, he was guilty of manslaughter at least, and he should be sorry that there should be any doubt about it. The jury found the prisoner Guilty, but strongly re commended him to mercy, and his Lordship fined him 51., and to enter into recognizances in 1001. for two years. Mary Ann Smith, aged 20, was indicted for the mur der of Hugh Watson, at Liverpool, on the 3d of March. Watson was a porter, and on that night he met a woman named Collins, who now swore that he accosted her in the street, asking where he could get a lodging, and she took him to a house of ill-fame, on arriving at which she knocked, and a servant opened the door, and as he was going in he fell off the step. She lifted him up. The surgeon said the deceased had an abrasion on the cheek, and on a post mortem examination he found that the skull was fractured, caused by a severe blow at the base, and consequent effusion on the brain by a fall. His LORDSHIP said it was a case of manslaughter only, and the jury acquitted the prisoner of murder and found her guilty of manslaughter, on which his Lord ship, telling her it was a bad case, sentenced her to be transported for ten years. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Ellen Smith, Mary West, and Eliza Jones, were brought before Mr. Bingham, charged with having at tempted to pick the pockets of several ladies in Oxford street and Regent-street. The police have recently received information of numerous street robberies effected by women, who go about in gangs, and commit their depredations on the pockets of promenaders in quite a systematic manner. Their most common practice is to look out for a lady stopping before a shop window, and then by surrounding her, to cover the light-fingered proceedings of the mast dexterous of their gang. On Saturday police-constables Hardwick and Bird, two of the detectives, saw the three prisoners in Oxford street, busily plying their vocation. Hardwick saw the three close round a lady, who was standing before a linendraper• shop in Oxford-street, and press against her in such a way as to give the action the appearance of an accident. One of the prisoners then inserted her hand between the lady's mantle and her dress, but apparently found nothing in the pocket to answer her pur pose. The prisoners then went away, and attacked two or three ladies in a similar manner. They were joined by a fourth with a large basket, which nad evi dently been brought out to facilitate operations. The four went into Regent-street, and picked out a lady standing at a shop window. The woman with the basket kept pushing the basket against the lady, and this having served to take off the lady's attention from what was going on at the other side of her, the other three were enabled to sound her pockets without the likelihood of being detected. Suddenly all four ran off, some one having evidently given the office to them that they were watched. The constables, however, in about an hour afterwards met with the same parties engaged in the same business, and this time they secured three of them. The prisoners all declared their innocence of any thing like an attempt to pick pockets. They admitted that they stopped before several shop windows, where ladies had also stopped, but this they conceived to be no offence. Mr. BINGHAM sent them to prison for one month each. WORSHIP.:STREE7'. A young man, named George Gardner, was placed at the bar before Mr. Hammill, charged with having stolen a large number of fishing nets, of the ♦alue of 311., the property of his father, a twinespinner at Yarmouth. It appeared from the evidence of a brother of the pri soner, that his father had lately been reduced to such embarrassed circumstances, that he had been compelled to enter into an arrangement with his creditors, who consented, in consideration of the well-known probity of his character, and his advanced ago and infirmities, to suspend proceedings against him until the setting in of the deep sea fishing, which would give him an oppor tunity of disposing of a sufficient quantity of his goods to satisfy their claims. In furtherance of this arrange ment the old man and his daughters had been for some weeks incessantly occupied, night and day, in the manu facture of herring nets, for which he expected immediate orders, and having completed a sufficient number to pro duce upwards of 301., he locked them up in his work room, in the early , part of last week, but discovered, on the following morning, that the place had been broken open, and that the entire produce of their anxious labours had been carried off. On returning to his family to communicate their misfortunes, it was found that the prisoner had disappeared; and, having ascertained from subsequent inquiries that ho had gone off to Lon. don, his brother, the witness, instantly started in pursuit, and succeeded in tracing him to the neighbourhood of Finsbury, where he accidently met him in the street, and charged him with the robbery. The prisoner, iu the first instance positively denied all knowledge of the transac t tion ' but ultimately confessed his guilt, and disclosed the names of three fishermen at Yarmouth, to whom he had disposed of the whole of the nets at less than one-fourth of their value. The prisoner was then handed over to the custody of Sergeant Cole, and having been urged to restore as much of the proceeds of the plunder as he had left, for the benefit of his impoverished father, the priso ner pulled out 4s. and a few half-pence, which he de clared was all that remained ; but hearing a jingling sound against his teeth, the sergeant instantly seized him by the throat, and after a violent struggle between them, forced out two sovereigns which he had secreted in his mouth, and he was then conveyed to the station house. • The prisoner, who displayed the most callous indif ference, declined offering any defence, and Mr. lI&MMILL. who characterised it as a most heart less case, ordered the depositions to be taken, and fully committed the prisoner for trial, but directed both the accused and the depositions to be transmitted to Yar mouth, to save the expense of the witnesses' attendance in town. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 27, T 849, LAMBETH. A poor man, whose face was nearly covered with a thick shawl, and who appeared to be labouring under the most extreme suffering, applied to Mr. Norton for his advice and assistance under the following circum stances:— The applicant stated that some months since be be came afflicted with a cancer on his upper lip, and had at the time applied for advice to the medical gentlemen practising in the neighbourhood of his residence. His attention was ultimately attracted to a printed bill setting forth the alleged " extraordinary cures" per formed by a doctor, and believing them to be genuine, he made up his mind to place himself under his care. On calling at the house he was told that the doctor occupied two rooms there, and that a fee of ss. must be paid before he could be admitted to an interview. He accordingly paid the 55., and the doctor, on examining him, said; he should not only cure him in a short time, but effect such a cure as would astonish those medical men who had before seen him, and all his friends,:and that his terms for doing so would be 101., one-half to He b , e th p e aid ep a p t i joonacoet: tioonndstehneterdemtoatinhdoeser 71. 10s., and attendi ng c l osely to htaeitrsmsadss.vbiucaet,awhfeteeerkfo.puanydintghat instead of getting better that he was becoming considerably worse, and the object of his present application was to w kn h o io w h h h o a w d b h e e e c o inooublctlapredo ceed to recover back the money from him. • - In reply to the questions of the magistrate as to what the doctor's mode of treatment had been, the poor fellow said that pills and poultices were the only things pre scribed, and added, that to one poultice the doctor re commended the addition of bark, and this on its applica tion to the diseased lip nearly set him mad. Mr. Norton here read the printed bill handed to him by the applicant of the " extraordinary cures " alleged to have been performed by Doctor Baron who is described as M.D., M.R C.S., A.M., K.0.M.T., and C.L.D.H., &c., &c., &c., during his temporary residence in London. They are of the usual inflated puff style. Mr. NORTON remarked, that no respectable practi tioner would print and issue such gross puffs as these set forth in the printed bill before him, and in his opinion the whole affair savoured very strongly of quackery. He also thought it a hard case that so large a sum of money should have been taken from the poor man under a pretence of curing, while he only made him worse, and had no doubt whatever that if a summons was taken out against the Baron, the County Court would compel him to refund the 71. 10s. h$ ie n ciedw applyi th which the e e h and t d " p e a t h The appli can t t h an k e d hi s W ors hi p for his kind advice, to C ad en h e e t a y rd Chiemu,rtanfedrdea clar eou 811IIIEROLls. THAMES. Peter Feriae appeared before Alr. YAWley on reoog. nizances, charged with illegally detaining a sextant and a quadrant, the property of Mr. Thomas Keshan, ma thematical instrument manufacturer, Arbour-terrace, Commercial-road East. The case subsequently re solved itself into one of obtairling goods under false pretences. After hearing evidence at some length, Mr. Vesey, a solicitor, who appeared for the prisoner, put some questions to the witnesses, but elicited nothing favourable for his client, and said the transaction was one of an ordinary nature. An invoice for the goods was made out, and the prosecutor's remedy was by action. Mr. YARDLEY said the transaction was not an ordi nary one, for the prisoner came into the prosecutor's shop with a lie in his mouth, and raised money on the goods at pawn shops directly he obtained them. He should commit the prisoner for trial for the fraud. Mr. Vesey asked if bail would be taken. Mr. YARDLEY—Yes, the offence is bailable. I will take good bail, the prisoner in 1001., and two sureties of 501. each. The prisoners tendered the required sureties in the evening, and after some inquiry they were accepted. SPORTING. " I'll look into the seeds of time, And say which grain will grow, and which will not." SHAKESPERE. " I'll issue notes, Which may on Fortune's 'change be bartered For much money." WALLYNGE. NOTE I. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—The racing campaign of 1849 commenced at Warwick on Tuesday last, with the unexpected victory of Sir Launcelot for. the Trial Stakes; the winner of this race generally has the honour of being an unobserved outsider, but strange to say, although in but little re pute in the ring on the day of the race, he was backed the night before in town at the sporting houses at as little as two to one; his very clever defeat of First Chance, and Docility, the former by half, and the latter by a whole length, stamps him as a superior handicap horse, but without a chance for the Derby struggle. " Bob's" crack coal black filly Quiver made a wretched example of the field for the Great Warwickshire Handi cap, winning with the most perfect ease by a couple of lengths, which might have been made half a dozen. The Northampton Meeting begins at two o'clock to morrow with the Trial Stakes, for which the following will run :—Czarina, Grief, Ambassadress, First Chance, Collingwood, and perhaps Didsbury, and the Lanercost colt ; I think Collingwood and First Chance look as well as any on paper ; but should Czarina come to the post quite fresh, the race will be in her favour. For the Produce Stakes of 50 sous. each there will be but four at the post, including Glauca, Nina, and the Nob filly; this race cannot be in doubt, the first two named will be first and second. The Great Northamptonshire Stakes have the follow ing on the starting list:—The Tartar, New Forest Deer, Gwalior, Giselle, Roscius, Lethargy, *Egret, *Prince Charley, Valentinia, Fernhill, Sampson, Watchdog, *Minto, Westow, *Velox, Loun-garou, *Flycatcher filly, Goodwood, Vasa, Skudar, Miss Bunney, and Idle Boy. Several of the above may not show, but the start ing number, I presume, will be about eighteen; the most dubious I have as usual asterisked. The race, I think, is all but over. To Westow, Goodwood, and the Tartar is my award, with Fernhill well up. If required to place them should do so thus : The Tartar ... (A. Day) 1 Goodwood (Treen) 2 Westow (Batham) 3 Her Majesty's Plate, to the Hero or Quiver. The Open Stakes to Pity the Blind. On Wednesday, the Althorpe Park Stakes to Cadger, or Lord Clifden's starter, which will probably be Le Beau. The Northamptonshire Cup Stakes to Quiver, with a start. The 10 Sovs. Stakes to Miss Burns or Lord Clifden's filly, the former, with Alfred Day, up for choice. The Selling, with a Handicap Stakes, bring the meet ing to a close. I shall next and every succeeding Monday, issue, for your readers' benefit, a note " Which may on Fortune's 'change be bartered For much money." Next week I will attempt the tremendous task of pointing out the winners of the principal stakes of the present year. _ _ I am, Sir, your obedient servant, THE SPIRIT OF THE TURF. Monday. PRESENTATION OF THE FREE DOM OF GLASGOW TO THE RIGHT HON. T. B. MACAULAY. (From the Daily Mail of Friday.) To-day, at noon, the freedom of the city of Glasgow was presented to the Right Hon. T. B. Macaulay, in the City Hall, Candleriggs-street. A large and brilliant assemblage of the wealth and intelligence of the city was present, and appeared to take a deep interest in the pro ceedings. The arrangements were admirable. Although there could not have been less than four thousand spectators, there was no confusion, but, on the contrary, everything was done decently and in order. There was a large number of ladies present. AC twelve o'clock, the hour appointed for the com mencement of the interesting ceremony, the members of the Town Council entered the hall amid loud cheers, and took the seats set apart for them. After the lapse of a few minutes the Lord Provost, the Right Hon. T. B. Macaulay, Lord Belhaven, and the magistrates entered, when the reception given was enthusiastic in the liighest degree. The Lord Provost occupied the chair. On the right of the chairman were Mr. Macaulay, Bailie Stewart, Sheriff Alison, Bailie Smith, Lord Dean of Guild, and Convener of Guild; and on the left, Lord Belhaven, Bailies Orr, Brown, Dreghorn, and Gilmour. We also observed on the platform, Professors Fleming and Thompson, ex-Provost Mills, Alex. Graham, Esq., of Landsfield, the Lord Advocate, &c., &c. The Lord Provost then directed the town•clerk to read the minutes of council agreeing to confer the freedom of the city on Mr. Macaulay. This having been done, the Lord Provost then presented the box containing the freedom, in a very excellent speech, recounting Mr. Macaulay's claims, political and literary, on the citizens of Glasgow and the country in general. After which, Mr. MACAULAY rose, and was received with tremen dous cheering. This having subsided, he said—l thank you, my Lord and Gentlemen—l thank you from my heart, for this great honour. I may, I hope, extend my thanks further. I may extend them to that constituent body of which, I believe, you are on this occasion the expositor, and whi c h has received [me hero in a manner which has made an impression never to be effaced from my mind.—(Applause.) This box, my Lord, I shall prize as long as Dive; and it will, when I am gone (the Hon. Gentleman here appeared greatly agitated)—be prized by those who are dearest to me, as a proof that in an active and chequered life, political and literary, I succeeded in gaining the esteem and goodwill of one of the greatest and most enlightened cities in the British empire.(Loud cheers.) My political life, my Lord, has closed. The feelings which contention and rivalry naturally call forth, and from which I do not pretend to have been exempt, have had time to cool down. I look now on the events in which I bore a part as calmly, I think, as on the events of the past century. I can do that justice now to honourable opponents, which, perhaps, in mo ments of conflict, I might sometimes have refused to grant. I believe I can judge as impartially of my own career as of the career of another man. I acknowledge great errors and deficiencies, but I have nothing to ac knowledge which is inconsistent with rectitude of inten tion and with independence of spirit.—(Great applause.) My conscience bears me this testimony, that I honestly desire the happiness and greatness of my country; that my course, right or wrong, was never determined by any selfish or sordid motive ; and that in trou bled times, and through many vicissitudes of fortune, in power and out of power, through popularity and un popularity, I was faithful to one set o f opinions and to one set of friends. I see no reason to doubt that these friends were well chosen, or that these opinions were in the main correct. The path of duty appeared to me to lie between two dangerous extremes—extremes which I may call naturally dangerous, seeing that each of them infallibly conducts society to the other. I cannot accuse, myself of having ever deviated towards either. I cannot accuse myself of having ever been untrue either to the cause of civil and religious liberty, or to the cause of property and law. I reflect with plea sure that I bore a part in some reforms which cor rected great abuses, and which removed great discon tents.—(Applause.) I reflect with equal pleasure that I never stooped to act the part of a demagogue—that I never feared to confront what seemed to me an unreason able clamour—that I never, in times of distress, incited my countrymen even to demand of Governments to which I was opposed miracles which I well knew no Government could perform, or to seek even the redress of grievances which it was the duty of Government to redress by any other than strictly peaceful and legal means. Such were the principles on which I acted—such will continue to be my principles still. The events which have lately changed the face of Europe have only confirmed me in my views of what public duty required. These events have been full of important lessons, both to governors and governed. He learns but half what these lessons ought to teach who sees in them only a warning against tyranny, or one against anarchy. The great lesson which they teach is this, that tyranny and anarchy are inseparably conuected, that each is the parent and each the offspring of the other. The great lesson which they teach is this, that old institutions have no more deadly enemy than the bigot, who refuses to adjust them to a new state of society. Nor do they teach us less clearly this lesson, that the sovereignty of the mob leads by no long or circuitous path to the sovereighty of the sword. I bless God that our country has escaped both these errors. Those statesmen, who, eighteen years before, proposed to transfer to this great city, and to cities like this, the political power which then belonged to hamlets that contained a few scores of inhabitants, or to old walls with no inhabitants at all—those statesmen, and myself among the number, were termed anarchists and revolutionists. But let them now say, were we not the true and steady friends of order ? (Applause.) Let those who called us so now say how they would have wished to have encountered the with Gattoaine nan,d and O Manchester Old Sarum, with and tempest Glasgow I ee of fso lastly not represented s p ir n spring in n represented not only the friends of liberty but the friends of ?—(Applause.) We were order. I n the same way the Government, aided by all honest men, put down those marauders who wished to subvert all society—that was an inestimable ser vice not only to the cause of order, but to the cause of true liberty—(Applause.) But I will now speak the sentiments of a private man. I have quitted politics. I have quitted them without a feeling of re:0134120t, without a feeling of regret, and I have betaken myself to pursuits for which my temper and my tastes suit me better. But I will not willingly believe, that in ceasing to be a politician I have given up the power to render service to my country—(Applause)— for I hope it may still be in my power to teach lessons of profit to those who remain on the busy stage that I have left, to represent the merits, the faults, and the affections of other times, and teach a common lesson of charity to all. I hope it may be in my power to inspire a love and reverence for those free and noble institutions of our land to which Britain owes her greatness and that position from which I hope she is not destined soon to descend.—(Applause.) With your 'approbation before me I will resume those pursuits under the weight of which I have almost felt myself ready to sink. In conclusion, I thank you for your kind ness. I thank you for the honour of being enrolled among your number. I have seen with delight the opulence and the grandeur of this great city, which by your kindness I can now call my own.—(Applause.) And with every wish for the peace, the honour and prosperity of fair Glasgow, I bid you a most respectful farewell.—(Great applause.) The LORD PROVOST then announced the business to have terminated, and the vast assemblage dispersed. BANK OF FRANCE. The following is a return of the situation of the Bank of France up to March 22: ASSETS. Cash and ingots ... . . ... f. 195,813,789 Ditto in branch banks ... Bills past due ••• ••• ••• 107,026 Bills falling due in Paris, of which 15,102,431 f. 85c. are from the branch banks ••• ••• ... ... 50,175,949 Bills in the branch banks ~. ... 84,303,044 Advances on coins and ingots... ... 17,514,800 Ditto on French public securities ... 31,172,659 Ditto by branch banks... ... ... 1,554,337 Ditto to the State on Bons du Tresor... 50,000,000 Ditto on the loan of 150 millions ... 50,000,000 Rentes of the reserve fund ... ... 10,000,000 Rentes, disposable funds ... ... 42,581,488 Investments of the new branch banks in the public funds ••• ... ... 12,779,541 Hotel and furniture of the Bank ... 4,000,000 Real property of the branch banks ... 2,273,788 Loan of 10,000,000 f. to the city of Paris 8,000,000 Interest in National Discount Bank ... 200,000 Ditto branch banks ... ... ... 230,000 Bills protested at Paris ... ... 8,036,047 Ditto at the branches ... ... ... 4,264,099 Expenses of administration of the Bank 244,307 Ditto of the branches ... ... ..• 221,165 Miscellaneous ••• ••• •„• 758,248 Advance to the department of the Seine 3,000,000 .•• ••• ••• Loan of 3,000,000 f. to the city of Mar seilles ... ... ... . ... 1,000,000 E 710,470,667 11 JUVENILE OFFENDERS. Mr. MILNES also gave notice that after Easter he in_ ;ended to call the attention of the House to the state of uvenile crime, and to the circumstances connected ,herowitb. LIABILITIES. f. 67,900,000 00 Ditto of the Branch Banks ... ..• 23,350,000 00 Reserve fund 10,000,000 00 Ditto of the branch banks ... 2,980,750 00 Reserve- immobiliere .• • ... 4,000,000 00 Notes to bearer, in circulation ... ... 403,336,500 00 Ditto of the branch banks ..• ... 21,059,100 00 Ditto to order (post-bills) •.• ••• 881,758 20 Account•current with Treasury creditor 51,925,827 08 Various accounts current ..• ••• &1,503,702 63 Ditto in branches ••• 25,762,991 00 Bills payable at sight ... ... 4,837,300 00 Ditto at branches ... 695,895 00 Bills of the branch banks payable by the Bank ... •.. 5,908,810 61 Ditto of the Bank payable by branches.. 2,807,632 00 Dividends payable ••• 336,949 25 Liquidation of the Algiers Bank ... 216,189 04 Discounts, interest, and expenses ... 1,024,070 32 Ditto branch banks ... 1,128,997 00 Re-discounts of the last six months ... 246,109 85 Ditto in branch banks .. ••• 460,661 00 Miscellaneous 109,424 13 f. 710,470,667 11 IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 26. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition, numerously signed, from Devonport, praying for the release of the Rev. Mr. Shore, and for such an alteration in the law as would prevent the imprisonment of clergymen for preaching the Gospel. The Earl of WICKLOW presented several petitions from unions in Ireland against the rate in aid. Lord MONTEAGLE presented several petitions with a similar prayer. DISTRAINING FOR RATES BILL _ - Lord CAMPBELL moved the third reading of the Distraining for Rates Bill. He proposed to add a clause limiting the period for which persons could be im prisoned for non•paymeat of church-rates to two months. After a few words from the Marquis of SALISBURY and the Earl of MALMESBITRY, the clause was agreed to, and the Bill was read a third time. NOVA SCOTIA. Lard STANLEY presented a petition from Nova Scotia, complaining of the case of Mr. Fairbanks, and of the manner in which the administration of the province of Nova Scotia was conducted. The petitioners were firmly attached to the maintenance of the connexion be tween the colony and the mother country, and com plained of a dispatch received from Earl Grey, announcing his intention to give the consent of the Government to a measure proposed by the Colonial Legislature, as a violation of a pledge given by his predecessor in the office of Colonial Secretary. It appeared that a vacancy had occurred during the time that he (Lord Stanley) was Colonial Secretary—a vacancy had occurred in the office of co lonial treasurer, and, in accordance with a re• commendation from Lord Falkland, the office of treasurer had been given to a gentleman not connected with the Legislature, on condition that no person holding that office should thereafter have a seat in, or be a candidate for a seat in the Colonial Le gislature. He would take that opportunity of cor recting a popular misapprehension, that the Colo nial-office was a vast preserve of patronage With the exception of governors and a few other officers, the whole of the colonial appointments were bestowed on colonists. With the exception of the governor, in all the North American colonies all offices were by solemn compact con ferred on colonists.—(" Hear, hear," from Earl Grey.) In consequence of this communication with Lord Falk - land, Mr. Fairbanks was appointed, on the under standing that he should not be either a member or a candidate for a seat in the Legislature, and that the ap pointment should be held totally independent of political fluctuations, and that no political change should lead to his removal. On that understanding Mr. Fairbanks, a member of the legal profession, resigned his gave up his pro accaeupdt the appointment. in order nr L d e n g r isla t t n ure, f s e e s a s t ion in This dispatch was received by his (Lord Stanley's) successor, Mr. Gladstone, who confirmed this arrange ment. So far us words and pledges could give a se curity, Mr. Fairbanks had therefore a security for the permanence of his office. The Executive Council had, since 1839, in Canada, become more a political Government than formerly, in order to secure what was called a responsible Government, but what he called a party Government. This had been done in Canada by law, but not in the other colonies, Up to the time of this appointment there had been, therefore, no party Government in Nova Scotia. Various advances had been made to the liberal party in Nova Scotia, which they had always repudiated, contending that they would have the whole control of the Government, or none. When Earl Grey succeeded to office he urged upon the Governor the necessity of impressing upon the local Government of Nova Scotia the necessity of abstaining from being actuated by . party motives in removing persons from, or appointing persons to, office in the colony, al though he wished to give responsible government to the colony. In 1847 a general election took place, and in January, 1848, the Assembly met. An amendment to the Address declaring a want of confidence was carried, and the Ministers resigned, and a new Administration was appointed, which introduced a Bill altering the character of the office of treasurer, appoint ing two officers instead of one, and displacing Mr. Fairbanks without affording him compensation for the loss of his office. The Lieutenant-Governor, while bearing testimony to the merit of Mr. Fairbanks, re commended that the proposed Bill should be sanctioned by the Government at home. To his honour and his credit, the Noble Earl opposite expressed his dissent from these views, and argued the question in a convincing man ner, declaring the reasons urged in support:of the removal of Mr. Fairbanks to be most unsatisfactory, adding that that gentleman had a strong claim to be continued as treasurer.—(Hear, hear.) The Governor of the colony appeared throughout to have acted as a partisan of the Legislature, instead of that of a mode rator between the parties, and it was most unfortunate for Sir John Harvey, who was, he believed, a most honourable man , th at the Civil List Bill should at the time be under consideration of the Colonial legislature, by which it was to be determined whether the salary of Lieutenant-Governor should be 2,500/, 3,0001., or 3,5001. a year. The Noble Earl again . urged them not to remove Mr. Fairbanks without granting to him an adequate compensation. So far he went entirely with the Noble Earl; but he thought that their Lordships would be surprised to find that the Noble Earl had after this declared that if the Legislature should, by an Ad dress to the Crown, request that the Bill should pass as it stood, he should advise the Crown not to dissent from it. Mr. Fairbanks had accepted the office on the under standing that he should not be removed for poli tical causes ; he bad performed his duties faith fully, and it was proposed to remove him without compensation, and the Noble Earl considered that the faith of the Crown was not pledged to him, and had said that without again appealing to the people of the colony, he would, it those who had passed the Bill persevered in it. advise the Crown to give its assent to the measure. Why, if the faith of the Crown was not pledged in this instance, in what instance could it be said to be pledged ? Under these circus stances he thought that Mr. Fairbanks had been un fairly treated, if the Colonial-office should give its con sent to the measure which the Noble Earl had previously condemned. The plea could not be maintained, that the members of the Cabinet should be of the same political opinions, which was a modern arrangement, even in this country, and was a principle which could not be applied to a colonial administration without great inconvenience, because there could not be an effectual check upon the Legislative Council. The Liberal party not only dis missed Mr. Fairbanks, but removed one hundred jus tices without assigning a cause; and after the election, ' at which they obtained a majority, they nominated all the members of the Legislative Council of their own party. They could not but regard with alarm, under such circumstances, that the minority might be oppressed by a temporary political majority. It was on these grounds that the petitioners prayed their Lord ships to protect them irom despotic government. They should look with jealousy at the enunciation of a prin ciple, that the Government was not respensible, and that he should not take any steps without the advice of the Council. This principle was repudiated by Lord Met calfe, when Governor of Canada, who said that such a surrender of the prerogative of the Crown would be incompatible with the character of a British colony. He cordially concurred in that sentiment, and thought the petitioners should be protected from a small domi nant majority. Earl GREY felt that in this case he stood on so strong a foundation of truth and reason that he might well en. counter the Noble Lord's superior powers. Ho should take the topics in the opposite order from that in which they had been introduced by the Noble Lord, and if be endeavoured first to explain his own views of the system of colonial administration, their application to the indi vidual case before their Lordships would then be more easily made. The Noble Lord had pointed out the diffi culty of reconciling the exercise of due authority on the part of the Crown with the enjoyment by the colonies of those privileges in the administration of affairs which they valued no less than the people of this country. Lord John Russell, when Secretary for the Colonies, had observed, that it was easy to point out contradictions and difficulties which might arise from an extreme use of power vested in different authorities. His words were—" It may be said that I have not drawn any spe cific line beyond which the power of the Governor, on the one hand, and the privileges of the Assembly, on the other, ought not to extend. But this must be the case in any mixed Government. Every political constitution in which different bodies share the supreme power, is only enabled to exist by the forbearance of those among whom this power is distributed. In this respect the ex ample of England may well be imitated. The Sove reign using the prerogative of the Crown to the utmost extent, and the House of Commons exerting its power of the purse to carry all its resolutions into immediate effect, would produce confusion in the country in less than a twelvemonth. So in a colony; the Governor thwarting every legitimate proposition of the Assembly, and the Assembly continually recurring to its power of refusing supplies, can but disturb all political relations, embarrass trade, and retard the prosperity of the people. Each must ex ercise a wise moderation. The Governor must only oppose the wishes of the Assembly where the honour of the Crown or the interests of the empire are deeply con cerned; and the Assembly must be ready to modify some of its measures, for the sake of harmony and from a re verent attachment to the authority of Great Britain." If the great authorities of the state strained their respective powers, our balanced system of a constitution would be brought in a month to a stand still, and the result would be, hopeless confusion; but the remedy, to use the expres sive language of his Noble Friend, was to be found in the "wise moderation" with which their constitutional powers were exercised. The same principle must be applied to the colonies. The time now had arrived when the power of the colonies of this country must be regulated by the feelings and judgment of the colonists. He had never intimated to any governor that he was free from respon sibility for such measures as he might sanction, but after the constitutions which they had given to these colonies, they could not shrink from the conclusion that public opinion must finally prevail. The Noble Lord having read some extracts taken from his dispatches to Sir J. Harvey, Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, directing him as to the policy he should pursue, proceeded to observe, that in his opinion they cou ld no t ma i nta i n the North American colonies on any other grounds. These were his views as to colonial government, and these were the views he had uniformly and constantly maintained; and in doing which he had the full concur rence of his colleagues. He had endeavoured to carry them out as fairly and impartially as he could, he had administered the powers entrusted to him to the best of his ability, and whenever mistakes may have been com mitted—for he was not presumptuous enough to suppose mistakes were not committed—the actual condition of their North American provinces was the best proot that those principles were sound and just. The Noble Lord said that the power of the Crown was thrown away in this instance. Lord STANLEY did not say the power of the Crown was exactly thrown away, but that it was exercised in an unsound manner. Earl GREY misunderstood the Noble Lord, no doubt, but in the conclusion of the Noble Lord's speech he said something very like it. To tell the colonies they were to decide on local concerns, and that, whatever difference arose, the Assembly, and not the Secretary of State, was to give way; it followed that free grovernment was really, under such circumstances, but a name. Now what hap pened in Nova Scotia? For 15 y ears the granting of the civil list was a subject of great contention, and during the five years the Noble Lord was in office he endeavoured to bring that difficult question to a satisfactory conclusion, particularly as regarded the payment of the judges. Since he (Earl Grey) came into office, he had also endeavoured to settle it, and he had the satisfaction of stating that by a dispatch received not many days since, the question was brought to a satisfactory conclusion. The Assembly had seen the propriety of settling it, and thus was the question set at rest. The Noble Lord read a dispatch of his (Earl Grey's) to Sir John Harvey as to keeping the principle of removal cf judges on political grounds within the narrowest limits, of which he was pleased to approve—and that principle, he was happy to say, was about to be carried out very generally in their co lonies. Again, he (Earl Grey) strongly urged that, in adopting that system, they should refrain from doing injury to individuals ; that whenever persons were removed they should get compensation, and that rule they also recognised. When their Lordships remem bered bow strong public feeling was on the con tinent of America against the giving ' of pensions, they would at once see how important it was that they should be limited within as narrow a compass as pos sible. If he were prepared to grant that, in the pre sent instance, the powers of the Crown were prescribed —if he were to grant that which he was not ready to do, it ought to be recollected that, even in this country, no party or office could altogether .justify the manner in which the power of the Crown was exercised, and if that were so at borne, how much more might they ex pect it in the . colonies. He would not say that no errors were committed, but he contended that, to fight the party battles in that House, of their North American Colonies, would be most disastrous. When quarrels existed between the Crown and the colonies, no doubt .the subject was brought very properly before Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) When a ditterence arose also between the Representative Assemblies and the Crown, it was right that a similar course should be pur sued; but, in the present instance, the case brought for ward was by a minority, who complained that their views were not acted on, although the majority had decided against them. Hitherto every Government had endea voured to exercise their power as impartially as possible; to use the power of the Crown to moderate the ex cesses of party feeling, and that if, in cases like the present, they were called on to account why they did not interfere, he feared it would be impossible to steer clear of party contests. If the divisions that existed in the colo nies were to be carried on in this country, what would be the consequence? Suppose a change of Administration had taken place at home—that a party got into office without any corresponding change of feeling taking place in the colonies, or that the majorities in the Assemblies were against the home Government, how could they act? In what a dilemma should they be placed. He (Earl Grey) regretted what fell from the Noble Lord as to the present condition of Canada, and the opinion expressed by him that certain proceedings now going on there were likely to lead to a rebellion.—(" Hear, hear," from Lord Stanley.) The Noble Lord reiterated his assertion; but all he (Earl Grey) could say was, that from official do cuments which reached this country, he had been in formed that those engaged in the transaction alluded to by the Noble Lord, repudiated such a construction as he placed upon it. Lord STANLEY said he knew quite the contrary. Ear GREY—The Noble Lord says his information leads him to believe that the contrary was the fact ; but he (Earl Grey) had seen the resolution proposed for adoption in the Assembly. Lord STANLEY observed that he also had seen the resolution alluded to by the Noble Lord, as well as the amendments proposed. It may be quite true that the Noble Earl had more information on the subject than be had, but the amendments moved, which were negatived by two to one, adopted the preposition that no compen sation should be given; and some of the members of the Canadian Government were found in the majority, ac cording to the list of votes which he had seen. Earl GREY continued—He had iot seen the votes to which the Noble Lord alluded. They were not sent to the Colonial-office, because the practice hitherto had been not to do so, until the end of the session of an As sembly, but he sent out directions that in future they should be regularly forwarded. He had, however, in his possession the lastest newspapers, and it did not ap pear that the resolution was as yet discussed, or the Bill to be founded upon it brought forward for consi deration. The Assembly entirely disclaimed the inten tion of rewarding treason or rebellion, but they did say that as in regard to Upper Canada, and against their strong remonstrance, a Bill was framed to remunerate persons whose properties had been destroyed or injured by the militia, on suspicion of their being found in the rebellion, that when compensation was so obtained, and that, too, while the Noble Lord was in office, they saw no reason why it should not be extended to the other portions of the province. They added, that when the Bill so passed they objected to it, that it was an erroneous measure, but in common justice and common honesty it was necessary to apply the same rule to Lower Canada. They held that what was treason or rebellion was a question which ought to be decided by legal tribunals, and by them alone, and that even for policy's sake it was desirable that compen sation should be granted, because it was notorious at that time the majority of the French Canadians were disloyal to the British Crown, and that now, when they were warmly and seriously attached to it, their loyalty should not be discouraged. Looking at the re solutions passed by the Assembly, there was nothing monstrous in the doctrine propounded. All he knew of his Noble Friend (Lord Elgin) was by reputation, and he advised his appointment in Canada, which he had conducted with great Frudence, and he had unlimited con fidence in him, and no doubt he had good reasons for the course he had adopted. With their Lordships' per mission he would read a private letter which he had re- ceived from him at the time of the late threatened re bellion in Ireland, in which he described the actual state of the country over which he presided. Irish politics had been attempted to be introduced into that country; but he stated his intention to combat them vigorously, and the result of his efforts had been a firm and wide- spread display of attachment and loyalty to the British Crown. That was the result of the system he had pur sued, and its beneficial tendency. The Assembly showed a disposition to treat his advice with respectful deterenee. I In conformity to that advice the Assembly had consented to reduce the tax proposed to be levied upon provi-ions, although they had doubts about its proprie,y. From the results of the general principles of his Lordship's government, ho would come to the case of Mr. Fair banks, who, he admitted, had been somewhat hardly dealt with. But there was a very material part of the case omitted by the Noble Lord. The treasurer's salary was annually voted by the Assembly, and at any moment that salary could have been withdrawn, although the Crown had the power of appointment. Thar being so, the tenure of the office was clearly at the pleasure of the Assembly, and not of the Crown. He was sorry that the Noble Lord had brought forward this case of Mr. Fairbanks, because it had compelled him to make that statement which he feared would greatly injure him, as his case was not yot decided. He bad now stated what were the actual circumstances of the case, but had not determined what advice he should give to her Majesty on the subject, but he had shown that Mr. Fairbanks did practically hold his office at the wiil of the Assembly. It would not have been right to oppose the financial mea sures of the Assembly, and if he was placed in the same situation again he should give the same advice. Lord BROUGHAM was aware that out of doors it was supposed that the Noble Earl had been instrumental in the appointment of Lord Elgin to hia present high office, but he (Lord Brougham) and his Noble Friend (Lord Stanley) knew to the contrary. There having been a clamour raised against the Noble Earl's adminis tration, that he gave colonial offices to various members of his family, he would take the present opportunity of doing another act of justice to the Noble Earl. He (Lord Brougham) was constantly hearing the present Governor of Jamaica called one of the Grey family, his name being Grey; whereas he happened to be related to the Noble Earl in the same way as he was to him (Lord Brougham)—namely, through the first parents of the human race. He had listened with great pain to the Noble Earl's defence of the treatment experienced by Mr. Fairbanks. He considered that gentleman to have been exceedingly ill used. It might be true that Mr. Fairbanks held his office upon a precarious tenure, depending upon the will of a majority of the Assembly, but that was no reason why the Government should have acted towards him in a spirit of hardship and injustice. He hoped it was not too late, and that the Noble Earl would refuse to sanction so iniquitous a course as had been proposed to be adopted. Why did not the Noble Earl act in the case of Mr. Fairbanks, as he had done in the case! of the Civil List Bill ? Upon another point he felt still more strongly on public grounds; he alluded to the dis missal of one hundred magistrates without any cause assigned. This was not the act of the Assembly, but it was a measure of the Colonial Government itself. These magistrates had not only the ordinary judicial powers in criminal matters, but four-fifths of the civil business of the colony were disposed of by them. It was a most violent measure. There was a majority of seven. A change of four votes might defeat the Government ; then came another party into power, and perhaps another one hundred magistrates would be dismissed, and the first 100 be re stored; so that every magistrate in the colony would he turned into a partisan and political trader. He should like to know what would be said if a Lord Chancellor or a Secretary of State should in this country strike out of the commission of the peace a number of magistrates in the proportion of 100 to every 250,009 inhabitants ? Why, that would be striking off between 7,000 and 8,000 magistrates in one morning ! He regretted that the affairs of the colony wer e no t i n a satisfactory state, and he considered a more vigilant control over the local authorities was required. Earl GREY said that the list of magistrates said to have been dismissed included the names of upwards of 40 persons who were dead. Lord BROUGHAM—Then there has been very great misrepresentation. Etii:l GREY said that was precisely what ho wished to press upon their Lordships, and to call upon them not to form a judgment until they knew the real facts. With regard to what the Noble and Learned Lord had said in reference to Sir Charles Grey, he (Lord Grey) should be sorry if his Right Hon. Friend should be mortified that he disclaimed him either as a political ally or as a distant relation. Certainly be was originally of the same family, and not merely related to the Greys of Howiek, as the Noble and Learned Lord had said, through our common first parents. Lord ST AN LEY observed that whether one hundred or only sixty magistrates had been dismissed the case was the same in point of principle ; but he would not attempt to j ustify a gross misrepresentation. Their Lordships adjourned at Half-past Eight o'clock HOUSE OF COMMONS, March 26. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock. ARBITRATION. Mr. EVANS presented a petition from Wales in avour of international arbitration. IRISH POOR-LAW. Mr. J. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Lime rick in favour of an alteration of the Irish poor•iaw. NAVIGATION•LAWS. Mr. GREENE presented a petition from Lancaster against any alteration of the navigation-laws. RATE IN AID. _ _ Sir E. BIACNAGFITEN and several other Members presented petitions against the Rate-in-aid Bill. MR. SLIORE. Mr. TUFNELL presented n. petition from Devon port in favour of 'he liberation of Mr. Shore. HOME COLONIES. Mr. LUSHINGTON presented a petition agreed to at a public meeting at the Hall of Commerce, in the City, in favour of the establishment of home colonies, to be assisted by loans from the Treasury. CATTLE AND SHEEP STEALING (IRELAND). Mr. BOURKE presented a petition from Galway and Cork in favour of a measure for the more effectual sup pression of the offence of cattle and sheep stealing. LANDLORD AND TENANT BILL. Mr. SCROPE presented a petition in favour of an alteration of the law as respects landlord and tenant in Ireland. INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. Mr. W. PATTEN presented a petition in favour of nternational arbitration. Mr. STAFFORD presented petitions from several places in the county of Northampton to the same effect. Mr. V. SMITH presented a petition from Bannock burn, signed by nearly every adult in the place, also to the same effect. BIRTHS, MARRIAGES, &c. (SCOTLAND) BILL. Mr. HASTIE presented a petition from some place in Scotland against this Bill. Mr. FOIiBES also presented a petition from Stirling shire against this Bill._ _ POOR-LAW. Mr. BAINES presented a petition in favour of rating ;he owners instead of the occupiers of small tenements. FINANCIAL REFOR M. Mr. COBDEN presented a 'petition from a place in ;he county of Edinburgh, and also one from the West [tiding of Yorkshire, praying for a reduction in the na donal expenditure. MANUFACTURE OF PAPER. Mr. REYNOLDS gave ❑otice that, alter — Easter, he ihould call the attention of the House to the manufac ture of paper in Great Britain and Ireland. ARBITRATION. Mr. M. MILNES gave notice that ho intended to propose the following amendment to the motion of the Honourable Member for the West Riding—that it is desirable that this country should use its influence with foreign nations to prevent war, or if that be not practicable, to endeavour to induce the contending parties to take time for the consideration of the evils they are likely to suffvr if they proceed to war. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. F. FRENCEI said the Rite in Aid Bill stood on the paper for to-night. Now, as Irish Mrtnbers were anxious to know the latest hour at which the Noble Lord intended to proceed with the Bill, he should feel obliged if he would state his intentions. Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied that if the navigation laws lasted until ten o'clock he should not proceed with the Rite in Aid Bill, but that if disposed of before that hour he should proceed with the Hate in Aid Bill. He proposed that the report on the navigation-laws should be taken into consideration on Monday next. He should propose on Friday a Committee of the whole House, for the purpose of moving that 100,0001. be advanced, upon the credit of the Rate in Aid Bill, for the re lief of the distressed poor in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) If a Committee of the whole House should agree to that relief, he should propose afterwards that it be in serted in the Rate in Aid Bill as a clause in that Bill. He likewise begged to state that he should propose, on Monday next, that on Thursday, the 19th of April, and on every alternate Thursday after that day, the orders of the day should have precedence of notices of motion. He also begged to give notice that, on Wednesday se'n night, he should propose that the House at its rising should adjourn to Monday, the IGth of April. MUTINY AND MARINE MUTINY BILLS. These Bills severally went through Committee. In answer to a question from Mr. HUME, Mr. FOX MAtILE said no alteration of any im portance had been made in the Marine Mutiny Bill ; it was essentially the same as the Bill of last year. NAVIGATION BILL.-COMMITTEE. The House resolved itself into Committee on this Bill. On clause 19, Mr. GEORGE SANDARS said he should postpone moving the following amendment, which he had on the paper, until the bringing up of the report:—ln clause 19, line 29, the omission of all the words after the word "And," and to add " whereas it is expedient that inducements be held out to foreign states to place British vessels in foreign ports on the same footing on which the vessels of such foreign states are placed in the ports of this country; be it enacted, that, in case it at the expiration of three years from the passing ! or this Act, be made to appear to her Majesty that British vessels are subject in any foreign country to any prohibitions or restrictions as to the voyages in which they may engage, or as to the articles which they may import into or export from such country, to which the ships of such foreign country are nut subject In this country, it shall then be lawful for her Majesty in Council to impose such prohibitions or re strictions upon the ships of such foreign country as shall , place the ships of such country on as nearly as possible ! the same footing in British ports as that on which British ships are placed in the ports of such country," Mr. RICARDO expressed himself in favour of the principle of reciprocity involved in the amendment, simply because he bdieved that it would have the effect of carrying out the principle of the Bill. The clause as it stood was likely to create some imp-di 'ment, and as it was a merely formal portion of the Bill, lie theugh& that tin Alterativa vrvuld, bc vf Admatage. F Mr. LAB' )I.TCEIERF, : , aid that this question was one o, hick had been fully iociaired into and aNswered (luring the discussions on this subjec t last session, and he thought therefore that it was quite unnecesssry for him to enter into it. He entirely e:isagrecd with his Hon. Friend in the belief that this was merely . a fOrmal part of the Bill; on the contrary, he believed it to be a most essential part. It vested the power in this country of retaliating at any time upon foreign states should they seek to take an undue advantage of our liberality. He objected altogether also to the principle of reciprocity, for that entered only into small things—it only dealt with minutia), and rather impaired than ad vanced the power of a Government to protect the rights of the subjects of its own country. So far from this being an immaterial portion of the Bill, he must repeat that he thought it to be a most substantial and important part, and certainly should give his most strenuous opposition to any proceeding which was calculated to impair the Ministry in their effectual power to rightly protect the shipping interests of this country.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. SANI)ARS thought that this clause ought to IA more explicit. It was evident that the Governtnend were shirking the matter, and the Right Hon. Gentle. man who had been desirous of altering this clause bad done so in a veto; cloudy way. The Hon. Member for W,:stbury, Mr. Wilson, was still more careful not to be explicit. For his own part, he thought that this clause, as it stood, would put a very useful leverage into the hands of the Government, so that they might I hold the power of protection for the home interests in any case where foreign powers either refused to respond to the liberal declarations of this country or where those powers in flicted prohibitory duties in return to our generosity. It might seem strange in him who had always from that (the Opposition) side of the House voted against the Government—( Hear, hear)—but on this measure, he felt it his duty to vote with them. They had virtually, and de facto, adopted the princi ple of free trade. He thought that they ought to carry it out in every department of the State —(Cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) He would not detain the Committee longer, but he trusted when he revived his amendment on the bringing up of the report, he should have the support of the Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth and his friends. Mr. HERRIES said, this clause, taken in conjunction with the first, was, in fact, the Bill, and while he still re tained his objection to the whole of this measure, he thought nothing could show more the ❑ecessity for an amendment like that proposed by the Hon. Gentle man who had just sat down than the number of propo sals which had been made on this very subject of reci procity.—(Hear, hear.) First, there was the Hon. Member for Kilmarnock, who made an effort to introduce a clause to that effect, and then his Right Honourable Friend the Member for the University of Oxford had suggested, though he had not proposed a reciprocity clause. His Right Hon. Friend (the President of the Board of Trade) had abstained from proposing that which, comiug from him, 'would have been entitled to every considera tion, simply because he was in doubt as to the course which might be adopted by those with whom he (Mr. Herries) had the honour of being connected. But if his. Right Hon. Friend supposed that they would adopt the least stratagem for the sake of obtaining some momentary advantage, or for placing the Government in a dilemma upon the third reading of the Bill, he could assure him that Le was greatly and grievously mis taken.—(Hear.) He had never lent himself to any plan, nor, indeed, had any one of the party with whom he was connected, for the purpose of obstructing or im peding the legitimate progress of the Bill. With respect to the particular clause before the House, he was bound to say that he did not attach much importance to it, because it could do no good, but might possibly do a great deal of mischief.—(Hear.) Upon looking at it they could not but ask themselves what its effect would be with respect to the United States. His Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Labouchere) had withdrawn, when the Navigation Bill was last under dis cussion, that part of the Bill which was the least ob jectionable.—(Hear, hear.) If they could have succeeded in getting some return from the United States for that portion of our coasting trade which it was proposed to give to them, he must confess that the arrangement introduced into the Bill, was an advantageous one. The restrictions of America were manifold; yet, not withstanding all the advantages we gave her, we got littls in return, whereas they ought to get from foreign countries, and from America in particular, something like an equivalent. In support of this view the Hon. Gentleman referred to a dispatch of Mr. Clay, who wrote in favour of the argument of equivalents. Mr. MACG-REGOR said it would be well to leave out the clause altogether; but he could not support that view, as he believed its insertion in the Bill absolutely neces sary. If there was one argument more than another in favour of placing the parts of any two countries in the same position, the case of the United States was an apt illustration, for when he looked back to the capture of Quebec, 90 years ago, he found that there was not a single man of British parentage resident, or who spoke the English language, in the whole district, nor one who possessed au acre of land west of the Allegany mountains. to the shores of the Pacific. Later the number of in habitants who spoke the British language in the loca lity amounted to 2,000,000; now those who spoke our language, adopted our habits, and our forms of adminis tration, amounted to no less a number tha❑ 20,000,000. Washington and Franklin proposed to the then Government of this country that the trade of the two countries should be placed in the same posi tion in regard to their coasting trade. Pitt adopted their view, arid introduced, a Bill for that purpose, but before it could be carried out the existing Administration resigned. Ever since 1816 the whole mode of inter• course had been altered ; and he maintained that the best guarantee for the peace of England,America,and the whole world would be to abolish the navigation-laws altogether with regard to the United States of America. It had been stated that we were giving every thing to the Ameri cans, and they were giving very little to us. He denied that altogether. lie looked to that indomitable spirit of per severance which existed in the United States, and which would make navigation with America of much greater importance than with any other country in the world. He believed the spirit of the American Government would be to meet us if we ex tended to them freedom of trade and of navigation. With regard to Canada and the United States, he believed if we maintained the restrictions which now existed between the Canadians and the people of the United States, that would cause the greatest possible discontent in that part of the world. He would vote most heartily in support of the clause. Mr. ROBINSON denounced the system of giving everything to foreign countries, without demanding any thing from them in return, as one-sided legislation, likely to lead to great mischief. He should move as an amendment the omission of the words " if she should think fit," in line 32 of the clause. Mr. LABOUC HERE did not at all object to the Hon. Gentleman's amendment, the words "if she should think fit" having been only introduced as respectful to her Majesty. Mr. GLADSTONE did not mean to say he was in favour of the amendment; but he believed that for Par liament to say that it should be lawful for her Majesty to do so and so, in that case, would have no binding force. In that case he thought the amendment would be nugatory for the purpose for which it was introduced. With respect to the objection of the Hon. Member for Stamford to his (Mr. Gladstone's) proposal, all that he (Mr. Gladstone) said was, that his plan was the plan for the purpose of promoting a settlement of the question, but that it was impossible to be made available unless it was supported by her Majesty's Ministers and a majority 01 the House. His only object was to render the dis cussion of that clause more clear. He intended nothing else; and he thought that what he had meant he had made perfectly clear. Mr. ROBINSON had the greatest respect for the judgment of his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Gladstone)► but on this question he was no professional authority. Now he himself was engaged in the profession, a nd therefore thought himself entitled to some consideration. At any rate before deciding he should like to have the opinion of the Attorney-General upon it. Should that not be in accordance with what had just been stated be should divide the House. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the clause contained an insertion in the 31st line of the words, " if the Queen shall think fit," which gave her officers a discretionary power to act in certain matters, and which discretion would certainly be much more useful than any restricted authority. Sir F. THESIGER said that it was his decided opi* nion that in any case there was a discretionary power clearly invested by the Act in the authorities of the Crown, and if that was not sufficient, why it could yerY easily be extended.—(A laugh.) Mr. J. STE WART trusted that his Hon. Friend would not press this motion to a division, for perfectly imm a t er i a l h ow t h e power was conferred. 31st line in the words " if th e Q ueen s h a ll thi n k fit" portion in e same power r it was any way limited th e p ower or i nc r e ased it, io th t was clearly conf e r re d by ano ther -rt m of the clause t herefore, trusted where the sam e wor d s occurred. He, motion. that T h his a amendment was Friend would withdrawn, and clauses 20 to, an the proposition of her Majesty in Council to make and 21 having been agreed clause 22, which enables with foreign countries for thepur pose_nwotot press his certain arrangements reciprocal advantages to the shipping o f other of giving re o th u e ld n oihur states in our harbours and to o ur s hi pp i ng i n the harbours of o ther countries, so far a s p ort and l i ght d ues were concerned, Mr. LAI3OITCHLRE said, in reply to Mr. Wawn, that t hi s c lause was necessary, f or a cons id era bl e diffi• culty had been experienci d in inducing other countries to enter into reciprocal treati es . Wi th regard to Spa i", for instance, there was every disposition to enter into a micable arrangements so far as the practicable business was concerned, but a great indisposition to a political arrangement. After a further remark from Mr. WAwx, Mr. LABOUCHERE said that dock dues and light dues wire on a very different footing. Mr. WAWN said the Hull Dock Company had re coined very large sums of money as compensation for dock dues, which they had surrendered under reciprocity treaties, and he should therefore propose that the w . or d3 dock dues" b e a dd e d to t h e th i rty•third line of the clause. Ihe ATTORNEY-GENERAL said if the Honour able Gentleman would read the clause a little further on, he would find the words, " and other dues," which would embrace the dues the Hon. Gentleman had mentioned. Mr. WA WN said in that case there ought to bo 11° objection to adopting his proposal. Mr. HENLEY said, now that they proposed to d- - a l with private rights so extensively, end to compensa te dock companies for the loss of their dues out of the C-' 11 ; solulattA Fund, some general Act ought to be introduced on the subject. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, the present Bi ll followed reads 9i the 4614 cis:l9 l figt14941414 $l3 4 Making of naviption that those Mr. HE they were law which Consolidat be taken t< Mr. GL as to whet enable her the Consol After a the CHAN( Mr. LL clause beil The clat Clauses discussion. After s( the preaml drawn his and Mr. B The rep , next. ?0011. L Lord JC read a sect Mr. HA second rya he was inc It would I acted, that Starving c south and with a mo Such he feelings, I the relief Poor of th oa better unjust pric ereaaa paul Bill, becau to the end Was absolu class of he tutted that That he dc stlm might required tc that could the wants Mr. COI to the Bill impolitic, I cultivation Proving it I the tax on indolent an conduct the distress it feel any i n that they h not be in ni rate. The Governmer Would not I Would ask th e distresE apect to ern only threw approve of Which the i never was nary for the Selves to consideratii Ireland int his duty to Ject, and, Which it ha Seconding Sir WIL Who had ju that Irelan by inquiry Pose, both quite ready income-tax Collect that before the it was absol to meet it. further, on ject to it of tion. Was Somerville Erdt propo the MembE With him, baronet's s to apply it had stated that count] among the Posed the e Governraer attributable Ireland by Mr. IL opinion the ministered, guardians Poor-law C Lord JC of his Hon. Which ho h Opposition Ile begged the extensi tish Partial did not pa] the present to call on Wards the enactments from their to feed the tal fund wi Pauperism. trol over p Proper mui Press hear ' l .e might h in objecting them, if th share in th, Air. F. F that the M any impost Proportion say that no tended tha 1 3 .,000,0001 Irish prop that the pi measure we hued, wOt