The Sun. — London, England, 1855-07-10 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. Lard CAMPBELL presented a petition from th e merchants, bankers, and others residing at Kensingtoir, lomplaining of the great delay which occurred in the d e. livery of letters in that district, and praying for inquiry Into the subject. Lord CANNING said that an inquiry would be in stituted with a view to remedy the evil complained of. Lord BERNERS presented two petitions against any further grant to Maynooth. SECOND READINGS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE the following bills were read a second time :—Gateshead and Hexham Roads ; Liverpool Improvements ; Birkenhead and Liverpool Docks (Trust Property of Birkenhead Docks Trustees, &c.) ; East Kent Railway (Extension to Do ver) ; Keighley and Kendal Road ; Liverpool Dock ; Dublin, &c., Roads (No. 2) ; Westminster Improvement; Londonderry & Coleraine Railway; Surrey Gas; Brad ford Corporation Water ' • Airdrie Rural Poli ce (No. 2) ; Royal Conical Flour Mill, &c. THIRD READINGg. The following bills were severally read a third time and passed :—Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and Worcester shire Railway (No. 2); Stockton and Darlington Rail way (Amendment) • Roads (Amendment) , Honiton Merton College Etit - ate. LONDON NECROPOLIS AND NATIONAL MAUSOLEUM. This bill was read a third time. On the motion that the bill as amended do pass, Lord BERNERS presented a petition from Sir R. Brown, complaining of certain previsions in the bill. The petition was read at length by the clerk at the table. Lord BERNERS complained that the company had diverted a large portion of ground for the cemetery to purposes not comprehended by the original act under which the company was constituted. After a short discussion the bill passed. THE VIENNA CONFERENCE. Lord LYNDHURST begged to ask the noble earl opposite if it was the intention of the Government to give any information relative to the late proposition of Austria with regard to the third point. Earl GRANVILLE said it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to lay on the table all the papers connected with the subject upon which the noble and learned lord desired information. OATH OF ABJURATION BILL. Lord LYNDHURST gave notice that he intended to postpone the second reading of this bill from Thursday next till the Tuesday following. The Earl of DERBY t rus t e d th a t hi s no bl e an d . . learned friend would not Press --- forWarda — biirtif such importance at this late period of the session, when many noble lords had left town under the impression that all the measures intended to be submitted to Parliament had already been laid on the table. The house had de termined not to receive any bill from the House of Com mons after the 25th July, except in special cases, and if their lordships were to proceed with the bill of his noble friend, it would be rather a strange comment on their own resolution. He thought, if Government would in timate to his noble friend that they were not prepared to support such a measure at this period of the session, their remonstrance would induce him to postpone the measure until the commencement of the next session. Lord LYNDHURST declined to abandon his bill, to which he intimated he had obtained the assent of Mi nisters. Earl GRANVILLE corroborated that statement ; and, after some further conversation, the second reading of the bill was fixed for Tuesday next, the 17th inst. THE MAYNOOTH REPORT. Th e E ar l o f WINCHILSEA renewed his complaint that illegal titles had been ascribed to certain Irish Roman Catholic bishops in the report lately presented by the Maynooth Inquiry Commissioners. He moved a resolution declaring that the recognition of these eccle siastical titles was a direct violation of the Catholic Emancipation Act, and ordering an amended copy of the report, with the objectionable words omitted, should be laid on the table. The Earl of HARROWBY repeated his explanation, already more than once given on the subject, confessing that the insertion of the titles in question was improper, assuring the house that it was accidental. There were, he urged, many objections to the resolution as proposed, and he hoped their lordships would not adopt it. Lord Campbell, Lord Lyndhurst, the Lord Chancellor, Earl Hardwicke, and the Earl of Derby, having briefly spoken, concurring in the opinion that the resolution in its present shape was inexpedient, the Earl of Winchil sea reluctantly consented to withdraw his motion. The Haileybury College Bill, the Ledbury Prebend Bill, and the Powers under Improvement Acts Regula tion Bill were respectively read a second time. ACCIDENTS ON RAILWAYS BILL. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY moved the third reading of this bill. The Earl of EGLINTON again urged his objection to the retrospective clauses of the bill, which he said would in many cases prove dangerous and ruinous, and moved that they he struck out. _ _ _ Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY contended that they would occasion no injury to the interests of railway companies ; and it was only right, after all the advan tages such companies had reaped in past years, that they should be put on the same footing for the purposes of the bill, and as regarded public safety, as those of other companies now passing through their lordships' house. Lord St. LEONARDS considered that these clauses were a direct interference with the rights of property, and that ex post facto legislation would be most preju dicial to what was now one of the material interests of the country. Earl GRANVILLE said, that after the high and ex aggerated tone adopted by the noble and learned lord with regard to interference with private property, lie could not help reminding their lordships that last year the noble and learned lord had, by inducing the house to pass his measure for the suppression of dogcarts, perpetrated a retrospective act which affected the pro perty of the poorest classes in the community. (A laugh.) He did not think the clause would operate so injuriously as the noble and learned lord had repre sented. The Board of Trade would consider the inte rests of the railway companies as well as those of the public, and, in addition, the former would have the pro tection of an appeal to the Privy Council. The Earl of VARBOROUGA opposed the clause, and Lord REDESDALE supported it ; the latter remark ing that Parliament bad a right to interfere with private property wherever the safety of the public was con cerned. Their lordships divided— For the clause. 3O Against it Majority —9 Lord LYNDHURST opposed the clause making railway companies responsible for the misfeasances of their servants. Lord CAMPBELL supported it, as the best clause in the bill, and as calculated to remedy a great defect in the law, After a short conversation, in which Lord Stanley and the Earl of Eglinton took part, the motion was nega tived without a division. Several verbal amendments, proposed by Lord STAN LEY, were agreed to, and the bill was then read the third time an d passed. Schoo The following bills p asse d t h roug h comm i ttee : l Grants, Burial Grounds (Scotland) Indemnity, and Court of Exchequer (Ireland). The Stock in Trade Bill passed through committee. The Copyheld, Commission Continuance Bill passed through committee. Their lordships then adjourned at ten minutes past eight o'clock. ROUSE OF COMMONS--(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. The Lords amendments to the Aboyne, Ballater, Braemar, and Cairnwell Road Bill; the Gateshead Quay Bill ; the Halifax Gas Light and Coke Company Bill sod the ; Royal London Militia Bill w ere considered and agreed to. PETITIONS. Pet i t i on s were presented by Mr. Brady f rom Ham o• . polis, praying n ersmith and Bankside, and other places in the metr for the repeal of the Sunday B eer Act , by Mr. Horaall, from Lancashire, for improvement in the position of a ssistant -surgeons in her Majesty's Davy ; by Mr. Roebuck, several petitions, in favour of the mo tion he intends to bring forward next Tuesday week ; by Sir G. Pechell, from a large number of inhabitants of Brighton against the Sunday Beer Bill ; by Mr. M. Gib son from Manchester; against the Limited Liability Bill. BOMBARDMENT OF OLD TOWN, CALABAR. Sir J. ANDERSON rose to ask the First Lord of the Aaniralty whether her Maj est y 's Government had re ceived any report of the bombardment and destruction, on the 19th day of January last, by her Ma j est y 's steam !p Antelop e , Li eu t ena nt Commander Youn g , of Old Town, at Calabar, on the coast of Africa, by which the property of British d stroyed ; b —ritish missionaries residing there was acted, and by whose authority Lieutenant Young reasons assigned for such a proceed: were the Majesty's Governin g ' and if it was by of her interdicted the inhabitants that the British Cons the orders Consul there had Sir C. WOOD counts of the bombard said the from rebuilding the town. he Government had received ac place at the request J il b e e nt in question, which had taken for taking that course treaty Consul. The rea sontreaty by which the natives W as that the original stain from murderin g b y w e j lo 7ere bound to ali fringed, and consequently, at the "ale had been in - i e re quest of the Consul, the bombardment had taken piac PUBLIC HEALTH In reply to Colonel SMYTH, BILL, blc Realth Sir B. HALL said he thought that, onside ring at th e late peiiod of the session, and that theePOlinst the Bill stood for tomorrow week, and lookin fact that the house. had been good enough tgoaallT should riot to pass one very important measure and to mer e / ,, 1 0 1 ,;., n siderable progress with another, he be justified in pressing this bill at this of the session. (Hear, bear) He . proposed to go into committee pro fornut on Tuesday next, to insert alterations and move that the bill be reprinted in order that it might be circulated throughout the country during the recess. It might be necessary, however, to introduce a short bill to continue the present Board of - Health for one year longer, with a medical counsel and a medical officer. ... _ THE VIENNA CONFERENCES. Mr. M. GIBSON wished to put a question to the Prime Minister. It had been stated publicly in the circular which Count Buol had addressed to bile diplo matic agents of Austria, dated May 25, that considering the circumstances under which the Austrian proposals had been rejected, it appeared to the Emperor of Aus tria to be his duty to give to the Cabinets of Paris and London another opportunity of considering the plan, and the consequences to Europe of itarejection. Count Buol stated that full explanations of the plan, with the motives of the Austrian Government, had been commu nicated to the Governments of France and England. He wished to ask if there was any objection to lay before the house those communications, or any correspondence that had taken place between the Governments of Eng land, France, and Austria relative to the Austrian pro posal! Lord PALMERSTON stated that the Government had already determined to lay upon the table the whole correspondence bearing upon the Austrian proposal. That correspondence was now in preparation, and he hoped in a few days would be ready to be laid on the ta ble of the house. (Hear, hear.) . THE LATE DISTURBANCES. Mr. LIDDELL asked whether in cases of popular outrages committed by tumultuous assemblages power was given to persons so injured to claim compensation from the hundred in which such outrages were com mitted ? He asked the question whether in cases of that kind, encouraged by speeches made •by a member of that house. (Cries of " Hear, hear," " chair," and "order.") The SPEAKER said the hon. member could not be permitted to make use of such expressions. Neither was he aware any member of that house had been blamed for what took place yesterday. (Hear.) Mr. LIDDELL withdrew the expression, and would ask from what quarter compensation could be claimed for such damage as that committed yesterday ? (Hear.) Sir G. GREY said the question of the hon. member being strictly a legal one, he declined to answer it in his place in Parliament. (Hear.) ORDER OF MERIT. Captain SCOBELL asked the First Lord of the Treasury, the Government having repeatedly, during the last six months, stated, that it was intended tc in stitute a military and naval " Order of Merit," appli cable to every rank in these services, what is the cause of a delay so lengthened and ungracious, and during a period which has been, and continues to be, so remark able in instances of conspicuous personal valour in battle, so worthy of the promised and appropriate dis tinction, and if it would extend back to the commence ment •f the war. The SPEAKER said, in allusion to the question put by the hon. member (Mr. Liddell), it contained an opi nion of his own, and could not, in accordance with the rules of the house, be put upon the paper. Lord PALMERSTON, in reply to Capt. Scobell, said that the cause of the delay arose from the necessity of having ample time to consider the details and arrang ing them satisfactorily. THE DISTURBANCES IN BELGRAVIA. Si; J. PAKINGTON asked whether it was in conse quence of any order given by the Home Secretary there were no extra police on duty yesterday when the mob were demolishing the windows of various houses in cer tain neighbourhoods of the metropolis ? (Hear.) Sir G. GREY said he should be sorry for the house to think it necessary such a question should be asked of him, and he thought it would be hardly necessary for him to say no such order as that all u d e d t o b a d been. given. He had no idea, nor had the chief superintend ent of police that such a sudden turn would have been taken with regard to the populace, but as soon as it was known a reserve force was ordered out, but not in sufficient time to prevent what occurred. The damage complained of was effected within a quarter of an hour. More damage was done in Tottenham Court-road and Hampstead-road than in Belgrave-square,Welton-street, and Eaton-square. SUPPLY OF CARTRIDGES. Sir J. SHELLEY asked the Clerk of the Ordnance whether, previous to commencinz the establishment of the Cartridge Manufactory at Woolwich, the Govern ment made application to the paper-making trade for tenders for the supply of cartridges? Mr. MONSELL said that tenders were invited, but that under the circumstances it was found advisable to make the cartridges at Woolwich, where they had to be loaded. EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. In reply to a question from Mr. CRAUFURD, Mr. PEEL said that a proposal had been made for a general exchange of English and French prisoners. The question was now under the consideration of a board of English and Fr ench officers sitting at Paris. MILITIA ARTILLERY. In answer to a question, Mr. PEEL, who was very inaudible from the noise in the house, said the Militia Artillery was destined for garrison duty as a coast defence, and made some other remarks with reference to the English and Irish Militia, which we were unable to hear. THE ARMY MEDICAL OFFICERS. Mr. A. STAFFORD gave notice that to-morrow he should ask whether Dr. Andrew Smith had retired, and whether, after the Sebastopol Committee report, Dr. Hall still remained medical inspector in the Crimea. (Hear, hear.) CALL OF THE HOUSE. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that to-morrow he should move a' call of the house for the 17th of July. (Cheers and Laughter.) THE HYDE-PARK DEMONSTRATION ON SUNDAY. Mr. ADDERLEY considered that the reply of the Home Secretary to the question of his right hon. friend (Sir J. Pakington) was very unsatisfactory, and he wished to ask the right hon. baronet (Sir G. Grey) a further question. He wished, first of all, however, to observe --. (Order, order.) He would not occupy more than a couple of minutes, relative to what 'ne him self saw yesterday. He saw the whole of the riot which took place in Grosvenor-place. It was this : A parcel of fifty or sixty boys collected in the middle of the street, and commenced breaking the surrounding. windows, and the larger number of the eiders and abettors of those boys were persons who were evidently respectable, and might have been much better employed. (Cheers.) At that time there was not a police-officer present—(hear, hear)—although, as the right hon. baronet (Sir G. Grey) was aware, there were large depots of police in the immediate vicinity. Imme diately after the riot ceased, however, the police made their appearance, and occupied the streets to prevent any further hostile invasion, and remained there for the re mainder of the evening. He wished to ask what orders were given to the police with regard to their con duct yesterday ; and if the right hon. baronet did not think proper to give them, he (Mr. Adderley) should move that they be laid upon the table of the house. (Hear.) He also wished to ask the Home Secretary what was the number of prisoners apprehended, and further. whether in the event of any similar disturbance next Sunday, the inhabitants of the neighbourhood were to take measures for the protection of their own houses, or whether they were to look to the police for that purpose ? (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said the - account given of the riot by the honourable member agreed with what had been stated to him by the commissioners of police, and also by others on the spot. He had been asked whether the police were not in the vicinity and might not have been available to prevent the aggression of the people. He had been informed that there was a sudden rush down Grosvenor-place and Belgrave-square, where the hon. member's own residence was amongst those which suffered, and where large crowds of people were actively employed in the work of destruction, whilst many others who, he trusted, were not actually blameable with the rest, served to obstruct the passage of the road between the persons actually committing the mischief, so that although the reserve of police was put immediately in motion it was impossible for them to force their way to where the offenders were actually engaged. Thereupon a message was forwarded to the police stations south of Belgrave square, from which a body of police were at once de spatched. The boys who committed the mischief suc ceeded in getting away, and the few who were appre hended were arrested by an acquaintance of his own ; and, if the other persons who were there for amusement had followed his example, they would have been much better occupied. (Cheers.) With regard to the orders of the police, the instructions were to arrest every per son guilty of an act of violence. Captain D. PENNANT asked whether the right hon. baronet was aware that Admiral Seymour, in an attempt to prevent the wanton destruction of property, had been knocked down by the mob '• Sir G. GREY said he had heard of that fact with deep regret. Captain D. PENNANT asked whether the inhabitants of that neighbourhood would be infringing the law if, in cee-a similar distu r bance next Sunday, they forco-ope rated th e p urpose o f putt i ng a stop t o s i m il ar mis chief ? (R ear.) Sir G. GR EY said that in case of similar disgraceful proceedings every precaut n io ex n t in B n i t n s d p a o y ; e t r h ; e b G u o t v t e h r a n t m t h e ne t Government would be very happy to co-operate with the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, to prevent any such outrages as were perpetrated yesterday. LIMITED LIABILITIES BILL. In answer to a question from Mr. MALINS, Lord PALMERSTON stated that it was his in tention to proceed with the EDUCATION (SCOTLAND) BILL. On the motion that the bill sidered, , as amended, b e recon - Mr. E. LOCKHART moved that the bill be recom mitted on the ground that the discussion having so abruptly terminated on Thursd a y, i ts provisions could not have been properly considered. The LORD-ADVOCATE considered it as a mos t ungracious attack upon the measure as i t -"- present stood, believing that all its provisions were calculated to produce the best effect, an d that they had been most folly considered. After some observations from Mr. HADFIELD and Mr. BLACKBURN against the bill, Mr. - V A NSITTA RT also opposed the measur e , as . the provisions were unp o p ul ar in Scotland. selling that As to the Roman Catholics in that country, he looked insulting. upon its provisions 33 The SPEAKER th en put the question that the bill be recommitted, upen which the house divided, when there appeared-- bi 11............ 82 'Poe the recommittal of t he . 147 Against it .................................. Il laierity against the recommittal...... 155 a suss t, o - -` l3 ADVOCATE then moved t o insert cl ; 'on for those schools p oviding further provision that were not already After som e provided for by the bill. The LORD %regime the c • lause was withdrawn. another clause, to ADVOCATE then moved to insert affect any endowment, e effect that the bill should not a , " 4 3 40 ' o in favour of the 1 existing parochial schools • r bequest is Scotland, and that it Ahould not interfere with the existing privileges of parochial schoolmasters. The clause, after some conversation, was agreed to. The LORD ADVOCATE then proposed to insert another clause to the effect, that if any complaint shall be made to the school committee in regard to the religious or moral teaching of the master, it shall be lawful to the board, on the report of the school com mitttee, to direct such complaint to be inquired into by the school committee, with the assistance of the inspec tor and of such other persons as the board may appoint, and who may be willing to undertake such duty. It shall not be lawful for any parochial or public school master, appointed under this act, to hold any other office of profit without the consent of the Board. Mr. BLACKBURN considered the clause highly ob jectionable, and should divide against it. After some observations by Mr. HADFIELD, Mr. MIALL opposed the bill, believing that it was not a measure for the benefit of the people of Scotland but for the Presbyterians, as it contained many provisions in favour of their selfishness and into lerance. He would, therefore, far rather that the system of education as at present existing in Scotland should be continued than that that education should be submitted to the tender mercies of the noble lord. The house then divided, when there appeared— For the clause llB Against it 64 Majority --54 The clause was accordingly agreed to, and ordered to be added to the bill. Several other clauses were brought up and amend ments proposed ; after which the report was received. PARTNERSHIP AMENDMENT BILL. On the order for going into committee on this bill, Mr. HASTIE rose to move, as an amendment, that the house would resolve itself into committee that day three months. The bill had been insufficiently discussed, and he hoped to bring before the house such opinions of com mercial men and economists of eminence as would jastify the course he was taking. He bad expected that the right hon. gentleman who introduced this bill would have shown that there was in this country a want of capital to carry on commercial and manufacturing enterprise ; but nothing of the sort had been shown. The bill was artfully drawn to captivate all who were anxious to re tire from business, but to preserve a certain risk in the undertakings of their successors. It would enable the crafty and designing to commit immense frauds upon the public. The repeal of the usury laws had removed all ne cessity for such a measure as this, since a person might obtain all the objects sought to be facilitated by this bill by lending money on bond at a high rate of interest, when he would be a simple creditor. The opinion of Mr. M'Culloch was adverse to companies with limited liability except for the management of such undertakings as docks and railways. The hon. member read a number of rather lengthy extracts from the works of Mr. M'Culloch, and was still doing so, when Mr. E. BALL rose to order, objecting to the hon. member reading a pamphlet instead of addressing the house. Mr. HASTIE said that he was only reading extracts, and was proceeding in that course, when Mr. J. MACGREGOR rose to order, and said the hon. member for Paisley might as well present to the house all the works of Adam Smith, the patriarch of po litical economy. Why did he not make a speech of his own. (Laughter, and cries of order and chair.) The SPEAKER said the hon. member was quite in order. It was a question of degree. The hon. member was entitled to support by reading any number of ex tracts he thought requisite, but it would be out of order for him to read the whole pamphlet. Mr. HASTIE continued reading some extracts, in apology for which he said that he was not so gifted with the power of speech as the hon. member for Glasgow (Mr. John Macgregor). (Loud laughter.) The opinions of Mr. M'Culloch were confirmed by that of the present Lord Overstone. He considered the bill would tend in the greatest degree to increase fraud and bankruptcy and destroy credit. He moved, therefore, as an amendment, that the bill should be committed that day three months. Mr. MITCHELL seconded the amendment. He did not think the subject had been properly discussed, nor did the sentiments expressed in that house convey the opinions of a large portion of the community in the country. When the bill was introduced he was struck with the few cases of grievances under the present act. The only cases referred to were the cases of paten tees, and the cases where old partners, on retiring from business, wished to leave a sum of money in the hands of their successors. He apprehended that there had as yet been no difficulty experienced in these cases, and that no grounds had been established for the in troduction of this particular bill. He believed there was a majority in the country against the bill, including not only capitalists but a great portion of the rising young men of the country. It was notorious that the abund ance of capital was so great that every five or six years they had speculation running mad in the country, and yet in the face of that, and of the crash that occurred nearly once in every seven years, they were endeavour ing to draw a large amount of capital into business from other sources. It was thought that persons advancing money would have power to control the operations of the person to whom it was advanced, but this bill would give no such power, and if the party advancing the money took an active part in controlling the business, he would, under the law of the land, be deemed an active partner in it. The next point had reference to the mode in which the capital was to be obtained, and it was said that there was a choice between borrowing money at a high rate of interest and giving a share in the business to the party advancing the money. H e denied that such was the fact, because it rarely hap pened that a person going into business would borrow money for a permanent purpose at a high rate of inte rest. It was said that the bill would prevent this, but he asked if any one could read the 4th, sth, 6th, and 7th clauses of the bill and say there was any check in it on the commission of fraud. Great stress had been laid on the example of other countries, but he believed that the system of en cominandite in France and Belgium was getting into discredit. They wanted neither capital nor confidence in this country, and, therefore, the measure was unnecessary. Mr. J. MACCGREGOR would support the principle of limited liability, but it should be provided by the measure to which that support would be given that the party advancing the money should give security to the public for double the amount subscribed. He warned the house against rejecting a measure which he consi dered necessary for the security of the industry of the country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. WILKINSON supported the bill, considering such a measure as the present absolutely necessary to furnish a safe outlet for the investment of the superabun dant capital that existed in the country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. CARDWELL trusted the house would not fur ther delay the progress of the bill, but would at once allow it to go into committee. (Hear, hear.) Mr. MALINS said, as the law now stood, persons could silently join and silently retire, but this bill pro posed in both cases that notice of the fact should be given by registration. What was required was a ra tional system of dormant partnership, encouraging the advance of capital by those who possessed it to those who did not, and this bill would enable the capitalist to advance money without incurring the great risks to which be was now subjected, which amounted to a total prohibition against the obtaining of capital by those who were commencing life. (Hear, hear.) After a few words from Mr. W. BROWN and Mr. H. VIVIAN, the amendment was negatived without a divi sion, and the house went into committee on the bill. Clause 1 was agreed to. Mr. MARJORIBANKS moved the following pro viso at the end of the clause :—" That the amount of money borrowed shall not exceed the capital embarked in the business." This would impose a check on undue speculation, which it was feared would otherwise be rife under this bill. Mr. BOUVERIE contended that it was often impos sible to ascertain the amount of capital embarked in a business, and even if it were, the proviso would not be just or expedient.. Mr. MALINS agreed with the right hon. gentleman that the proviso would go far to defeat the objects of the After some further conversation the amendment was withdrawn, and the clause ordered to stand part of the bill. The house then resumed, the Chairman reported pro , gress, and obtained leave to sit again on Thursday. LADY RAGLAN AND LORD RAGLAN'S ANNUITIES BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Mr. W. WILLIAMS said he did not intend to object to that part of the bill which referred to Lady Raglan, but he thought it was highly objectionable to tax pos terity for an annuity for the present Lord Raglan. If anything was to be done for that young nobleman it ought to be in the shape of a sum of money paid by the present generation. The annuity proposed for Lord Raglan exceeded the pensions conferred upon very dis tinguished officers who had rendered great service to their country. For example, Lord Rodney obtained only 2,0001. a year, and the same sum was conferred upon the descendants of Lord Nelson ; yet no one would say that the services rendered by the late Lord Raglan were to be compared to those rendered by either of those distinguished men. Lord Gough had only 1,0001. a year, although his services were quite as valuable as those of Lord Raglan. He could mention other cases of the same kind, but, after the opinion expressed by the house on a former occasion, he should not oppose the second reading of the bill, contenting himself with having ad dressed these few remarks to the house. The bill was then read the second time. The Fisheries (British Islands and France) Bill passed tkrough committee. COAL MINES INSPECTION BILL. The report of the committee on the Coal Mines In spection Bill was brought up and considered. Mr. CAYLEY moved the addition of a proviso to clause 9, to the effect that an annual return of the num ber of accidents occurring in coal mines should be laid before the house. After some discussion thefhouse divided, when there were— For the amendment Against it Majority readingT herewmaas i fixedning for clauses s day y r reported . , ueeday) and the third METROPOLIS LOCAL MANAGEMENT BILL. The•house went into committee on this bill. Some amendments were introduced, and ordered to be printed. The Commons Inclosure Bill was read a third time and passed. EXCISE DUTIES BILL. The house went into committee on this bill ; the first four clauses were agreed to, and the Chairman then re ported progress. The Turnpike Trusts Arrangement Bill was read a second time. The Pablic Libraries and Museums Bill was read a third time and passed. The Treasurers of Counties (Ireland) Bill was read a second time. BILLS OF EXCHANGE AND PROMISSORY NOTES BILL. This bill was read a third time. Mr. VANCE moved an amendment, the erect of which would be to extend the time at the expiration of which execution should issue from twelve days to sixteen. Mr. KEATING objected to the amendment. Mr. I. BUTT moved the adjournment of the debate. The house divided, when the numbers were—, For the adjournment Against it 43 Majority The bill then passed. The Burial of Poor Persons Bill was read a third time Ind passed. The house adjourned at two o'clock. TBE AUST.RO-RUSSIAN-ENGLISII JEW. The point of attack in the East is the Crimea ; in the West, at this moment, it is Lord John Russell. While legions and generals are contending for the possession of a tower or a harbour in that famous peninsula, Governments, Senates, and factions, are fighting for the possession of the no less famous Plenipotentiary. The Crimea is altogether an am biguous position ; jutting out from one empire— threatening another ; a debateable ground midway between Europe and Asia ; for ages the sport of conquest, and, like a tool or a weapon, powerful only in the hands of the skilful or the strong. Lord John Russell seems of an equally neutral nature, and a bone of contention between parties, causes, and States. Lord Palmerston claims him as a member of the Cabinet, committed to the continu ance of the war ; Count Buol claims him as a con verted negotiator, and actual party to a conciliatory proposal tendered by the Austrian Government to the Western Powers, and rejected by them both ; Mr. Milner Gibson claims him generally as an ad vocate for peace, and a dissentient from the war policy of the Cabinet. He is the weak point in Lord Palmerston's argument, the strong point in Count Buol's and Mr. Milner Gibson's. But, as a beam is only as strong as its weakest part, so Lord John is the maximum strength of the Administra tion. To the most powerful arguments—even Lord Palmerston's—and the most tremendous philippics—even Lord John's, Russia may now reply by pointing to the fact that we are prolong ing the war against the solemn award of our own umpire—Austria, and the avowed judgment of our own Plenipotentiary, still an adviser of the Crown, and still of the same opinion as to the needless ness of the war. In fine, whose property is Lord John ? Who is the owner of this very conve nient and serviceable chattel ! In a dog cause it is usual to bring the animal into court, and invite the claimants to practise upon him their various powers of persuasion. The man whistles, and the woman addresses him by some tender diminutive, while perhaps a third party takes him up bodily, and appeals to -the dog's acquiescence in the act: Count Buol is whistling across the coa -1 tinent to his recent Plenipotentiary ; the old ladies of the peace party are practising all sorts of endear ments to move his pacific affections, and Lord Pal merston has bodily possession of the prize. But how long Lord J. Russell will remain in his pre sent allegiance is a question we should think of painful interest to all parties. By his many acts of compliance and reserve he retains the key of the position. He has only to avow himself once more the same that he was 'three months ago, and he becomes a peace Minister. Taking advantage of the happy moment of our reverses, he has pub lished to the world his unretracted assent to the Austrian proposal for peace, a step which immedi ately raises a discussion on that proposal and the grounds of its rejection. Should matters become worse—should events happen in the Crimea that we do not choose to particularise, then Lord John will of course throw off his present intermediate phase of tardy profession, and proclaim to the world with indignant energy his burning convic tion as to the wanton and gratuitous character of the war. On the other hand, should our army prosper, those convictions can be easily smothered, as, indeed, they have hitherto been. On the whole, it is a capital position, but then it requires a power of conscience to hold it. Nobody would hold it so well as its present occupant. In the account s of the war we read th a t occa sionally an odd figure turns up in the lines held by the allied armies. He is challenged by the sentries, and, returning no intelligible answer, is taken into custody, and passed from officer to officer, for safe disposal. As his hat, his boots, his coat, his papers, his physiognomy, and his accent are under observation, the simple soldiers incline to the be lief that the stranger is a Russian, an Englishman, a Turk, a Pole, or a Jew. Lord John Russell has been challenged, and is now under examination. What is he ?—an Englishman, an Austrian, a Rus sian, or possibly a man of no nation at all, a sort of Don Pacifico, of any nation, locality, oralle giance, as beat suits his purpose ? What a thing it is to be a citizen of the world ! But even this position is fixed and determinate, compared with that which is only an adaptation to present circum stances. Lord John Russell reflects one week the hues of Austrian and Russian Ministers, the next those of Lord Palmerston and the British Senate. It is a common complaint against Englishmen that when they reside abroad they forget they are Eng lishmen ; but then they make it up by the very slight trace they can show of travel when they re turn home. The fact is, that they unlearn much easier than they learn. They lose their patriotism, their religion, and their national prejudices, and when they return home they are so much less than they were, but have nothing in its place. At this moment Lord John is certainly not the man that he went to Vienna, but whether he is the man he came back is the great and convenient mystery of his position. He allows us to discover that he still thinks the Austrian proposal a good one, and that the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea might have been destroyed by an arrangement on that basis. Of course, therefore, ho still thinks the British Cabinet responsible for all this hor rible bloodshed and the unknown miseries of the future. For our part, we cannot understand the character of the man who retains an opinion so contrary to the necessities of his position. We rest simply and comfortably in the belief that we are fighting for the liberty of Europe against a power more formidable in negotiation even than arms. Lord John is of opinion that we are now be sieging a Russian city, killing and slaying the armed inhabitants, and destroying the houses and the food, in spite of a fair, amicable, and genuine pro posal made by a common friend in the character of an umpire. On what nar row basis d oes L or d J o h n wage war, andin what capacity does he pronounce on© party in the wrong, and the other a f o e ? Then we are implored vehemently and patheti cally to believe Lord John Russell, and all our British statesmen.. We are as k e d t o p u t f a ith i n them all, and in everything that th e wh o l e o f th em say or do. This is political pantheism, and some thing more ; for it is possible to believe in an im mense variety of things, b u t no t i n op p os it es . W e tho r ou g hly believe Lord J. Russell when he says that he is still of opinion we ought to have followed up the opening offered by the Austrian proposal. We thoroughly believe him when he expresses his opinion that we are now in the wrong, and that the responsibility of the war rests on this impla cable nation. But, then, if we believe this, how are wo also to believe the opposite, viz., that all her Majesty's Ministers are advising her wisely, honestly, and conscientiously ? If they themselves tell us their advice is wrong, how are we to believe them to be honest ? The British nation is not such a tyrant as to desire servants who shall betray their compunctions of conscience, protest against the business put upon them, and then do it from sheer weakness and timidity. It goes to Lord John Russell, and invites his co-operation to a very deadly work viz., the greatest possible slaughter and devastation of Russia. He obeys, but answers, like the apothecary, " My poverty and not my will consents." Romeo, we presume, placed iu the poor wretch the confidence L or d Palmerston enjoins. He paid the man's poverty, and not his will, and got what he wanted. But is that the confidence we usually place in British statesmen ? It certainly is not, a general distrust or denial of confidence is much better than a con denco in Ministers that they will do whateversuits their present purpose, and perform our bloody errand, even if they think it a crime.—Times. LORD JOHN RUSSELL _AGAIN ! ( From the Times of this day. ) Among the innumerable questions of duty, of honour, of fgood sens e, and of good faith, of th e limits which separate the powers of Plenipoten tiaries from the responsibilities of Cabinet Minis ters, and whatever other problems in political ethics Lord John Russell's speech of Friday night has raised, there is, perhaps, some danger that the substantial proposition itself, to the support of which he in an unhappy hour committed himself, should pass without the notice it deserves. There is something so much more attractive in specula ting on the wonderful career of a man who, placed in 1850, partly by his own merits, partly by a high family connexion, partly by a concurrence of favour able circumstances, at the head of the political world of this country, has prepared for himself a uniform and gradual descent, till men, comparing; what lie is with what he has been can hardiy re cognise in the political Marplot of every combina• tion and the scapegoat of every miscarriage the Par liamentary leader of a quarter of a century, who measured swords with Canning and divided the respect and admiration of the country with Pcel. There is something so much more attractive in all this, the personal side of the question, that we are afraid the proposition itself, which converted Lord John at once from the most ravenous of the dogs of war into the very tamest partisan of peace, should pass without sufficient observation. Let us take the proposition in the words of Count Buol, as quoted by Lord John Russell :—" Un doubtedly the best security you can have is the limitation of the Russian fleet. But there is ano ther solution, and that would be, instead of weak ening Russia, to strengthen Turkey. It is the opinion of the Austrian Government and of the English Secretary of State for the Colonies, that the Third Point may be carried into effect either in the one way or in the other. The proposal you make is, undoubtedly, the best ; we should be very glad to see it assented to by Russia ; in the Conference we shall give it every support ; but we will not say that we do not reserve to ourselves the power of proposing the other mode—namely, instead of a limitation of Russian force, to have a counterpoise on the part of the Allies." To this proposition Lord John Russell is candid enough to see some objections. In the first place, it might entail considerable expense upon us; in the second place, it would put Turkey under our immediate protection ; and, in the third place, the appear ance of these rival fleets in this narrow sea would look extremely like a competition for predomi nance. Nobody can say these are not good reasons, but Lord John argues against the proposition as a friend. He smites it amicably and reproves it, but takes especial care that the precious balm of his wisdom should not break the head of his con sistency. We are not obliged to be so delicate, and shall therefore take the liberty of urging some reasons against the proposition, which Lord John either overlooked or did not find it convenient to state. In the first place, it is very doubtful whether such a proposition comes within the words of the third point at all. The third point stipulated that an end should be put to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea, clearly meaning the exist ing preponderance over Turkey ; while the propo sition which received the assent of Lord John Rus sell, so far from putting an end to the preponder ance of Russia over Turkey, recognises its existence, and seeks to counteract it by calling in aid the allies, instead of putting an end to it. Thus, had England and France acted on the suggestions of their metamorphosed Plenipotentiary, they would have set the example to Russia of wandering from those very bases of negotiation which it had cost them so much trouble to establish, and a strict adherence to which contained at that moment the only guarantee for peace. Dismissing this view, we will next observe that Lord John Russell would have had the allies concede to Russia a right and control over their proceedings never, so far as we are aware, claimed over France and England by Russia or any other Power. Independently of treaties, the Black Sea would naturally be free to all Powers to navigate with whatever force they please, the only limitation to that right being the rights of the country whose consent was necessary for the passage of those fleets into those waters. The Hellespont and Bosphorus are the very heart of the Turkish empire—they form part of its internal navigation, and could not be passed with out its consent. Thus Turkey had a right to forbid the entrance of the Black Sea to all nations, and to defend that entrance by arms if it were attempted to be forced. With this right Russia had nothing to do, and those vessels which the Porte allowed to pass the Dardanelles might occupy the waters of the Black Sea without giving Russia any cause of just offence. Then came the treaty of 1841, by which Russia, unwarrantably encroach ing on the natural rights of Turkey, obliged her to consent that it should be a casus NW if she ad mitted foreign vessels of war within the Straits. But this casus bell 7 l was only against Turkey, and, though Russia extorted by this treaty the right to go to war with Turkey if she admitted foreign ships, it was as against Turkey alone that she gained it. She might quarrel with Turkey for letting us in, but had no right to quarrel with us for entering. This state of things Lord John Russell proposes to abolish, and, instead, to give Russia a power to ob ject—a power which, till now, she has never en joyed—to the number of ships which we shall choose to send thither. The increase of Russia's navy is to be unlimited ; ours is to be limited by her. The initiative is to be with her, and we are only to follow her lead. Instead of limiting her force, we should by such a treaty limit our own. It is a new thing for this country to be thus placed at the disposition of another, and more especially when that other is a Power which dares not face us on the open sea. What a conclusion to be gained for all our blood and all our treasure When we took up arms the treaties between Rus sia and Turkey were abrogated, and we might, without incurring the penalty of war, navigate the Euxine with armed ships. Now, Lord .Tohn Rus sell proposes that, by way of curbing the power of Russia, we should renounce the right we had when we began hostilities, and, while we leave her an absolute discretion as to the number of her ships, should undertake to guide ourselves by that dis cretion. If we aro really sincere in the objects of the war, to what end should we make a peace leaving the Russian naval power in the Black Sea unlimited ? The only use that Russia has for ships in the Black Sea must be to overawe, and, ultimately, to conquer Turkey —the very thing we took up arms to prevent. Russia we may weaken, but Turkey for years to come we cannot strengthen. Sebastopol, Lord John has told us, is a " standing menace," and none the less a menace when we shall have assented to its being filled with any number of ships the Emperor of Russia pleases. Lord John Russell, one of the principal authors of the war, may be prepared to make peace ou terms so abject and hu miliating, and at the same time so onerous, giving us not the sligthest semblance of advantage and saddling us with burdens never before undertaken by this couutry—the maintenance of a permanent fleet to watzh an enemy whom we have not been strong enough to humble; we know not with what disasters we may be visited, we know not by what Ministers we may be governed, but wo firmly be lieve that there is no disaster within the range of probability which could drive us to such concessions and no Minister except Lord John Russell who is likely to prcpose them for our adoption. (From the Morning .Herald of this day.) The revelations and confessions of Friday night last have cleared up the mystery connected with the rejected Austrian proposal, and have disclosed a state of things in the Cabinet that fully accounts for the ruinous indecision which has marked the policy of Lord Palmerston's Administration. Lord John Russell's disclosure is not more fatal to the Government of which he is yet a member, than it is fortunate for the country. We now un derstand, upon authority not likely to be called in question, that upon the great question of peace or war—call it rather the ()Teat question of England's existence as a first-rate power—the responsible advisers of the Crown are at issue ; that they have all along been a divided Cabinet ; and that we have very narrowly escaped for the present the conclusion of an ignominious peace. The conse quences of these divisions—the half-hearted mea sures, and insecure policy resulting from them—in the late and present Administrations, have cost the country 100,000,0001. and a noble army. These are losses, great though they be, which the nation can yet repair, and will yet repair, under a vigorous and honest Government ; but the peace contemplated and all but concluded, the settlement of the Eastern question on the terms proposed by the Austrian Minister, would have added to our losses the additional bitterness that they had been incurred in vain, and that the interests of England had been betrayed by those to whom in an evil hour they had been confided. Lord John Russell has made a clean breast of it; he had accepted Count Buol's proposal, " and I gave an assurance," he adds, " which I authorised Count Buol to communicate to the Emperor, that I would lay the propositions before the Cabinet of this country, and would use my best endeavours to put them in such a light that I might hope for their acceptance." It is but just to say that in adopting this course Lord John Russell was at least consistent. To the proposal of M. Drouyn de Lhuys of the 10th April our plenipotentiary had consented. The late proposition of the Austrian Minister went as far, perhaps, of the two, farther --with the principle of limitation ; but neither contained—we say it advisedly—the provisions of a safe and honourable peace. They might have been—they would have been, as we pointed out at the time—readily evaded by Russia ; they were thoroughly worthless as a basis for the settlement of the great question to which we are committed. The proposition of the 19th of April emanated from the French Envoy, and Count Buol had suf ficient address to make it appear in the last Confe rence that the latest proposition rested upon cer tain suggestions thrown out by M. Drouyn de, Lhuys. But now comes the gist of the whole mat ter. M. Drouyn de Lhuys returns to his Govern ment, and finds that his views have been so little in accord with those of the Emperor, that ho instantly tenders his resignation. Lord John Russell also returns home ; in due time the Aus trian proposition is presented to the British Go vernment and rejected. Lord John kept his word with Count Buol, we can well believe, and no doubt pressed his proposals, but he failed to carry the Cabinet with him. Does he resign ? By no means ; the " circumstances of the time" forbade such a course, and no man understands better than Lord John Russell the time for an exhibition of that virtue ; but the " unsuccessful negotiator" vouchsafes a, further ex.pla.nation of his conduct. " I think that if I had left office under the circum stances I have mentioned, I should not have been acting in consistency with what I have repeatedly declared as a rule to guide my conduct—l mean that in the end, and as a last resort, the question whether the propositions should be received or not, was for the two Governments to determine, and not for a Plenipotentiary ;" but surely Lord John had laid down his functions as Ambassador on his return, and had resumed his seat in the Cabinet as a Secretary of State. The Conference at which Count Buol made his last proposal was held on the 4th of June, Lord John Russell had returned in May. It was the substance of that proposal to which he had assented, and which he exerted himself on his return to press upon the Government. What may have passed at those Cabinet meetings at which the Austrian proposals were debated and finally rejected we shall never know ; this much is certain, —the French Emperor had resolved upon their prompt rejection ; the Cabinet knew his determination, and we can un derstand the effect of that knowledge on their divided councils. The unexpected disclosure for which we aro in debted to Lord John Russell has come upon the country in an hour, as it seems to us, of extreme peril. Like the flash of lightning that reveals to the traveller the precipice towards which lie was advancing in the thick darkness, the announce ment and confession of Friday night open up, as if by accident, to the perception of the nation the real danger of its position. For ourselves, we have watched the Cabinet of Lord Palmerston with even more suspicion than that of Lord Aberdeen, inas much as it was guided by a more dexterous, and, therefore, a more dangerouv, chief. We have not watched, nor, we trust, warned in vain. The po sition of the British army in the Crimea, for want of men and the means of transport, is, perhaps, the best comment upon the truth of our reiterated re marks. The country understands why it is that it has never yet been asked by the Government to put forth its strength—and that is, because neither this Government nor its miserable predecessor ever de sired to prosecute the war in earnest—because their councils were ever divided, and never vigor ous. Here is the prolific source of all our disasters and of all our shame—confessed, pointed out by one of the party themselves, who has, for the second time within the last eight months, turned approver, and each time with increasing loss of re putation. Lord John Russell, as a last resource, appears to have accepted the leadership of the peace party—he will, perhaps, break up the Go vernment of which ho is a member, but he mistakes the people of England if ho imagines they will tolerate a Peace Administration. We accept Lord Palmerston's estimate of the language and prin ciples of the opposition on the great question of the age—they have had too sorrowful an experi ence of a vacillating and hesitating policy not to cling to the belief that, if we are to come out of this death grapple in which we are engaged with life, it must be by a display of indomitable energy and unconquerable vigour. RAILWAY TRAFFIC RETURNS. TRAFFIC RETURNS FOR THE PAST WEEK. Miles o,ecelpts. opened, NAME OF RAILWAY. 1855, 1854. 1855. ....--- --...., B RI TISH. X £ 72% Aberdeen .. a ....... •• •• •• •• •• ••• •• 1,866 2,228 37% Belfast and Ballymena ••••••• • • • • • • • 562 783 17 Belfast and County Down.• • • • • .• • • .. - - 32 Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire 2,579 2,381 26% i Bolton, Blackburn, and West York .... - - 103% Bristol and Exeter .................. 6,537 7,018 189% Caledonian..., ......... .... •. - .... 11,522 12,206 94 % Chester and Holyhead..... • • ...*. .... 5, 0 25 5,639 6% Cork, Blackrock, and Passage ••• • • • 205 230 20 Cork and Bandon .. • • .....• • • • • • • • • 241 230 5 6 Dublin and Belfast Junction .• .. • ... 913 1,007 63 Dublin and Drogheda• • ... L ......• •• 1,313 1,484 7% Dublin and Kingstown ...:.......... 1,381 1,571 16% Dundee and Arbroath • • .... • ... -• • 492 550 31 Dundee, Perth, and Aberdeen Junction 834 954 25 Dundalk and Enniskillen ••..••• • • • • • 190 285 68 East Ang1ian........................ 794 887 81% East Lancashire ••••.... 6,105 6,100 417 Eastern Counties and Norfolk.. ••.. 3 22,552 26,037 Eastern Union • • • • .. .• • • • • • . • • • • • • 142 Edinburgh and Glasgow ..... ........ 5,450 4,867 78 Edinburgh, Perth, and Dundee ...... 2,923 3,200 6 Exeter and Crediton.. • ..... • • • • • • • • - - - - 22 Furness Railway •• • ••••••• • • • • • • • 183 Glasgow, and South-Western• ••. •• • .5,952 6,287 283 Great Northern and E. L. •••• - .. - 18,228 20.408 188 Great Southern and Western (Ireland) 6 , 126 7,399 312 Great Western • • ... ..... .......... 24,157 27,562 25 Irish South Eastern - .• - .......... - -- 90 Lancaster and Carlisle • • ............ 6,281 6,151 260 Lancashire and Yorkshire ..... ....... 20,362 22,307 - Leeds Northern ...... • • ............ - - 16k Liverpool, Crosby, and Southport..., 457 348 553% London and North Western .. ..... .. 57,833 58,569 5% London and Blackwall- • ........... 1,741 1,731 174 London, Brighton, and South Coast.. 16,134 1 7,678 267 London and South We5tern......... 18,509 17,738 GO Londonderry and Enniskillen ........ 554 599 - Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock, &c. - - 171% Manchester, Sheffield,and Lincolnshire 8,260 9,071 9% Manchester and South Junction -.... 745 779 28 Maryport and Carlisle •............. 894 1,045 498% Midland • .... - ....... ..... ........ 27,403 26,57 a 126% Midland Great Western (Irish) .• .... 3,190 3,603 - - 78% Newcastle and Carlisle .............. - - 149 North British ••..••• . • • • • •'• •••• • • .. 4,199 5,223 - North Staffordshire •• • • .... •••• • • • • - - 46% North-Western .... •• • ............. 1,184 999 82% Scottish Central ...... - ............ 2,317 2,749 32 Scottish Midland ••••••••• • .. • • • • .. 803 1,008 29% Shrewsbury and Birmingham ....., 791 1,400 48 Shrewsbury and Chester ............ 2,277 2,521 30 Shropshire Union •.••••••• • • • • • • • • • 8. 2 883 57% South Dev0n.......• . .............. 2,200 2,639 289 South Eastern...• •• • • .............. 18,689 21,067 162% South Wales ...................... 5,024 5,650 97 South York., Doncaster, and Goole .. 1,593 1,804 38 Taff Vale •••• • • - .......• .• • • ...... 3,474 3,755 36 Ulster . • ... ••• • • • ............. 1,213 1,211 77 Waterford and Limerick .... „ „ .. 25 West Cornwall ...... • • ... 12 Whitehaven Junction .• • • • • • . • • • • • • • 345 376 682 York and Newcastle, and Berwick & York and North Midland & Leeds - - FOREIGN. 57 k Dutch Rhenish •• • • 262 Lyons and Mediterranean •• .. - - - - 63 Montereau end Troyes - - 63 Namur and Liege .. - - - 445 Northern of Franco 697 Orleans and Central* .. - - 240 Paris and Lyons .................„ - - 82 Paris and Rouen. • • c • • • • • • • • • • • •a •• ••• -.-- 392 Paris and Strasburgh •• .• ••••• • .. • • - - 59 Ronenand Havre.• ........ • • • • . - - 157 Western of France •• •• •• •• •• - - SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S-YESTERDAY. Business was unusually dull. The most important movements in reference to the Liverpool Cup were those which caused the advance of Cock Pheasant, and the re trogression of Bianca. At 4to 1 the former was backed for about 5001., whilst the latter, who had during the morning in the city received support at 7 to 2, receded to sto 1 offered ; 3 to 1 was taken about Shoreham. The other transactions were only in small sums. The betting on the other events presented no " feature " for comment. Closing prices : LIVERPOOL CUP. 3to 1 agst Shoreham (taken) 4to 1 agst Cock Pheasant (taken) 5 to 1 agst Bianca (offered) 6to 1 agst Seducer 6to 1 agst Goorkah Bto 1 agst Ammonia (taken) 12 to 1 agst Cock of the North GOODWOOD STAKES. 10 to 1 agst Surgeon General (taken) 11 to 1 agst Quince (taken) 15 to 1 agst Epaminondas (taken) 16 to 1 agst Supplicant (taken) 16 to 1 agst Goorkah (taken) 25 to 1 agst Venison (30 to 1 taken) 25 to 1 agst Newbold 500 to 20 agst Newbold and Venison coupled (t.) GOODWOOD CUP. sto 4 agst Oulston (6 to 4 taken) 9to 2 agst Baroncino (taken) DERBY. 20 to 1 agst Dramatist (taken) 25 to 1 agst Artillery 30 to 1 agst Yellow Jack 40 to 1 agst Wild Irishman (taken) ARRIVALS AT LIVERPOOL. Imposture, Hanover, Morgan Rattler, Puritan, Ade laide, (Bianca. Scott's), Ammonia, Seducer, Benhams, Saucebox, Dervish, Assailant, Maid of Cadiz, Domino, and Eulogist. RACING FIXTI JU RES FOR 1855. Liverpool ll Odiham l3 Stamford l7 Nottingham l9 Abingdon l9 Marlborough 24 Chelmsford 24 • Ludlow 24 Knutsford 25 Teignbridge 30 Goodwood 31 North Staffordshire 7 Brighton Airdrie Brighton Club lO Wolverhampton 13 Reading l4 Egha'n l4 UST. Lewes. l6 Tonbridge 17 Great Yarmouth 2O York 2 Radelffe 27 Derby 2B SEPTE Warwick Doncaster ll Pontefract 17 Lichfield 11 97 Leicester OCT' Chester Wrexham Bedford 4. Newmarket S 0 Royal Caledonian Hunt 10 NOVE Liverpool Warwick Autumn .., 16 Richmond 17 Newrnarket 22 Worcester ...30 11413 E R. Shrewsbury ••••13........... IRISH RACING FIXTURES FOR 1855. Galway AUGUST. 21 . ................. G R os common Trarnore 5and............ 8 Kilcock 28 Tua lu ................ ....... 14 AUI MBE R. Lanark 2O Newmarket F () 25 Walsall .................. 26 Northallerton ........... 27 TER. COUNTRY MARKETS. . o---- CHELMSFORD 'JULY 6. There was to-day a fair supply of wheat, and pn mained unaltered for the better samples; inferior the turn cheaper. Spring corn firm with but little Al tion in value, and little doing in any kind of grail Wheat, white, old, per s. s. qr.6l 84 I Oats, new 61 84 Peas, old 57 76 new 57 76 Barley 29 36 Chevalier 0 9 37 Grinding 25 32 Malt 68 72 Chevalier 70 74 per qr...... Partridge . red, White...... Boiling .... Dun............... Beans, Tick ............ 90 Harrow ticks 45 Mazagan ....... 38 Ditto, nevt...9 COLCHESTER—JULY 7. Lis . n 1,1 The attendance of growers genera ll y h as been bi a- d d week, and the supplies smaller than usual. The tr i ! wheat to-day was n o t very ac ti ve, b u t th e quotsti% 84s was maintained for the finest wheat, other clu iw being rather cheaper. toP Prices to-daywero as follow :—Wheat, white 7e o red, 72s to 788 ; barl e y, 32 s t o 34 s ; oa t s, 32 s to 340 Mazagan, 40s to 42s ; middle and small, 44s to 4 8 °; r white, 46s to 48s ; grey, 42s to 445. Official Statement o f th e Q uan titi es o f Corn, Ste•t recall po rts, in the port of L on d on , f rom th e f o ll ow i ng tho 2d to the Bth July, both inclusive. cz d pi 0 cl P 1----1- Colchester Harwich Leigh Malden 178 336 116 546 200 \ - 570( ( - _ -- 40 ) i ---- ---- 1 .....° - 83 - 2191 KIRKCALI Wheat. Bai First Second Third 7os Od I 31s )Y—JULY 7. ley. 1 Oats. 1 13 1 os 0,1 ( Oct I IDs Oct 32s Od 00 Oct 2es OctOd COAL MARK] Prices of Coal per ton at t. :ET.-JULY 9. ;he close of the market" 0, s. d. Cookson's Hartley l6 0 Hasting's Hartley lB 3 1 lletton Lyons Main 15 6 Howard's West Hartley Netherton 18 0 Long,rl dge's Wst Hartley 18 3 Portland Hartley 18 0 Tanfield Moor l4 6 Tanfield Moor Butes 14 9 Walker Primrose l4 6 West Pelton l5 0 Wylam 17 0 Wsllsend, die' 16 Hilda ......................... Riddell ................... Eden Main ................. Belmont .. Braddyll ................. Fram Nellgate ........... Haswell ................... ''go Lamb Lon. ................ "fil Russell's Hetton ...... wit iStewart's ................ .0 Hartlepool ............ ...:0 Illeugh Hall ......... ••••'' 11 South Hartlepool ....••' Whitworth .......... Adelaide Tees .......... Evenwood ............... 0 I Sold. Wallsend, &c. Gibson l7 3 Gosforth l7 6 Heaton Cassop 19 0 Ships at market...la SEABORNE MAILS. (N sightfles that the mails are sent from the General by the night—and M by the morning—despatch.) Day when m ade up in General Pest- Office, London.* From what Port Dispatchoo (Liverpool iLiverpool !Southampton Southamptor Dover .. -. • • (Plymouth .• ; Dover ...• • • ( Southampton Southampton Dover ...• •• Southampton Southampton Various port., (Southampton, ISouthaMpton 18011thamptor, Dover .... •• 1 ,Southampton Dover .... •• Dover ... •• Southampton Southampton I i London iSouthamptoo no Dover ..... • • Ilco Southampton Plymouth • Dover ..... • Dover.. • • • • ! T old , Holy head • !South awn ton ," Southamptom i l Liverpool • • • ;Dover IsoßthamPtel , J a4 Dover ly tharnPro" P° t. V no *glow P ° !Dover . • • • .• !southamPt on ,Mootharnoton tot Various Porte tr Dover Dover i Sotlthamptoo,?—"=" IBouthampt o fl ' COUNTRIES. America(byßrit.pack)N Americe. (by United Sts. packet) ..........N America (by U. States packet) ..........N Australia (via South ampton) . M Ditto (via Marseilles) N Ditto (via Cape of Good' Hope) .. ..NI Africa (West Coast) ..N Alexandria.......... N Alexandria ..........M Bahamas ...........Dl Belgium ............NI Brazil Buenos Ayres .. M Cape of Good Hope ..N Cape of Good Hope N Cape de Verds ......N Ceylon (see India) Ceylon ........ ......N Channel Isles China .... Constantinople ......N Constantinople Cont. of Europe M & N Egypt (see India) France ........ bi & N Gibraltar Greece (see India) Greytown .......... M Hamburgh ..........N Havannah ..........141 Holland ............M Honduras ..........M India (viaSouthampt.)M India (via Marseilles)sl lonian Isles (see India) Ireland ........M 8z N Lisbon ........ M Madeira ............N Madeira N :Walla (see India) 'Salta ..............N Mauritius (see India) vlauritlus ..N Mexico Naples ..............N New Granada New Zealand Papal States Peninsula ..........M Peru Port Natal ..........N Sicily •• •• •••••• •• • .Ir Tuscany Venezuela Van Diemen's Land (sec Australia) .. West Indies ........N Every Friday 1. 23 d of the Month.. 9, 24, & 30 of in. lth & 20th of mon. 117th of the month Daily 9th of the month.. 19th oi the month.. 9th of tin month Mon ~Wed.,&Frld. 2d &17th of month Once a month.... !8,13,18,23,&28 ot m 4th & 20th of mon. Twico daily !Twice daily-- ,4,7,17, 20, 27 afm ;2nd & 17th of mon.l ,Tuesday & Fridayi ,2nd of the month) Dai1y........ 17th of the month. 4th & 20th of mon. ,Oth& 25th of month 17, & 27 of mon ,Twice daily 17, 9, 17, & 27 of m. 9th of the month 123 d of month .... 8, 18, &28 of mon 14th of the month 2nd of the month., s thi s th2sthofmon. 2d & 17th of month By private ship th I th2sthofmon.l 7 th l7 th27thofmon.l 2d & 27th of mon.! IBy private Chip,..! 1 5th13th25thormon, sthlsth2sthotinon. 2d& 17th ofmonth 12d & 17th ol month When any of these dates fall o s a Sunday, the malls win-difP. !patched on the following day, with the exceptien of the . 0 61 Southampton), and the Malta, both of which will be clesPP preceding day. SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JULY 9. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The tone of the mark. I. . ifo o h to-day, but closed steadily at an advance off Pe r c opening rates. Ambergate and Eastern Junctiontli —Caledonian, 314—East Lanc as hi re , I.9l—L'po° l ' 8 11 v and Southport. 134—Lancashire and Yorkshire, 0 London and North Western, 1001—Sheffield , Midland, 71 i—Ditto (new 4? per cent.), d. jc' British, 7.8.9.—50uth Eastern, 18.8.9. ' BIRMINGHAM, JULY 9. STOCK EXCHANGE.—There was a brisk busine° l/ 0 but prices were flat. Great Western Birmingl° IN ranteed Stock, 741—Midlands, 71I—S ou th Staff°64, dis.—Crystal Palace, 3 1-16—Old Birminghtgl a 93k. MANCHESTER, JULY 9. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market has been Iro active, with prices rather lower at th e close. E..; 15 „ 0 ,P i e shire, 194—Sbeffi4d, 24k—Ditto, Pref., In—m.;'sl 4 —Leeds, I,i,—Midland, 718—Eastern Counties, N. British, 7'—Turkish Scrip, 82. LEEDS. JULY 9. t 1, 04 Afi STOCK EXCHANGE.—The business was very .-- b ire,/ and a perceptibl e depression in prices. Lapelli ta ikt Yorkshire, 81-=Other shares nominally as on St" Craven Moor Mining, 15s. The demand for gold has subsided, and it ia P o o Itg that the further remittances to Paris will be small amount, unless the conditions of the fortly? loan should be such as to cause considerable 111 : ..) tions to be offered from this side. BIRTHS. 01' A SON. On the 9th inst., at St. Mary's Lodge, York, ii`" Josh Buckl Esq. On he 7th i e, nst., at 2, York-terrace, St. Joilli * o/ the wife of Arthur Harvey, E sq . _ a ser s i d On the Bth inst., at 15, M onmou th- roa d, Bar"" wife of H. Cadman Jones, E sq ., ba rr ist e r-at-1a1f... , On the Bth inst., the wife of Professor Spoone r, Veterinary College, Camden-town. On the Bth inst., the wife of A. Mandrou, Colsehill-street. OF A DAUGHTER. O r. On the 7th inst., at Windlestone count,' °I ham, Lady Eden. On the Bth inst., at Upper Tnlse-hill, Surrey, of f H. Hogg. On the 7th inst., at 38, Harewood-square, Mr' Walsh. 1147 On the Bth inst., at St. Mary's Parsonage, square, Westminster, the wife of the Rev. W. IP' MARRIED. On the 7th inst., at St. Paul's, Rnightshridgetto Hallowell Carew, Esq., of Beddington, Surrey:, 01 4 Fanny, daughter of the late Fred. H. Cornewall , fr" Delbury Hall, Shropshire. mi t 1 03 / On the Bth inst., at St. MichaePs Church, 'IP street, Wm. Sherwood, Esq., to Eliza, only dad 0 0 Thomas Oddy, Esq., both of Brighton. dc, AO On the 4th inst., at St. Gil es ' s, C am b erwe ll, Ix% Hussey, of Upton Vill as, Ilford-road, to C l ar istilir third daughter of th e l ate Capta i n Lat h am, of DIED. v Ta• TIO On the Bth inst., at Warblington House, - , -I t e V John Acworth Ommanney, K.C.B Admiral°' - 610 ~ aged 82. lotti l On the Bth inst., at Streatham-park, Surrey, - e E On sq., the aed 56. 'lo' g NO Bth inst., at Clapham-park, Joseph e s i aged 70. A..etl On the Bth inst., at Berners.street, Oxford -F." , t ee Brocky, Esq., artist, aged 46. On o f the 5, 71 ho Lombard-street, just., a da. s t treWorthing,et, and I s M I i n r g . tJoans: ageßiche a son, e a r , :e e l On the 2d just , John C annon , E sq ., late 0 " 100 13, street, Portman-square, and formerly of Edinb I , t es' 71 e d On the 18th ult. killed in the assault on th?, R v o to bastopol, James St. , Clair Hobson, Lieut. and •'''''' Fusiliers, aged 28. Sob leil l On the 18th ult., kill e d i n th e a tt ac k on o f Lieut. Langford Heyland, of the 33d Regt., s °l3 r C. Holland, E sq ., B engal C.S.. aged 17. •cig ,o 1 11° On the 12th M ay, on b oard tho Earl o f Hardal Cop Helena, on hi s passage from Madras to E n gland , Charles A r th ur M oore, of the H.E.I. C . S. -- ''' .. gi fit / LONDON: Printed and Published by KURD" IP , o' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun aCtic e ' c on o Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in W . Middlotiox, Tuesday, 'July 10,1855, R; S ' The Idernlnß and e(a(,urda2 every day Ire G RE EX 16 th, C p„ a TR. '"nuury 'ar r t w elnesh' e —a ugollen!' _ G ro s 3 0 t "' a.,n l th lapled at Rs 6 Lank P(ll,t j , srmi V 2l s g— n, 27s 6 ,Lalv e rPoo ad, 2951. an( 37 Price( Ticket 1 14 ° I°lll t 3 TO 1 These but Tics Faittir th e les r( 4 ' e kets a London Oxford, • 111%111tinzha1; olverharnl g e n ..erai 1 1°1111 te tber e ' ra m' kilni h "‘ , red Irelam"e an nd e nd Class kill Lo lasne to e % 14'04 (Eust; din t b n ' Berwj D a , i n q, GI i, r4 ln l e gl; arnj 014 nelri l plPtc tr t e4to tt ' .."br an e ,_ ii4:eZer.M e r) @g q 47 Wp 6 t 4N THE SUN, LONDON TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 10 1855, \ 5l, J~ J~ ~ ~~ r