The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-09 00:00:00

EVENING SUN mers. The cause of this was plain of his farm,ugh.Every, farmer, whatever might be the extent the farm from time what number of labourers were He a employed upon immemo em ployed a g iven number of labourers, and that . n l umber habede n farmer in Essex the other day were required for the management and tillage of a farm of one hun dred acres. He replied that five men would be sufficient. Suppose these men had five sons, what, he asked, woule become of them ? " Why," was the reply, " they must look out for employment elsewhere."—( Hear, hear.) These per sons had all those local attachments which were common ti, human nature, and, doubtless, would prefer to remain in the neighbourhood where they were born; if they went to an other, it would be from dire necessity. It was not to be sup- The London Anti-Cm n-Law Conference held their second posed that the farmer, more than any other class of men meeting this morning, in the great room at the Crown and would raise the wages of his labourer unless he were corn pelted to do so; that, whilst he could obtain labour at s Anchor Tavern, Strand, at eleven o'clock. The Delegates began to assembe as early as half-past ten, and by cheaper rate, he would say his tolabourers, " Because of you: yen indigence and distress, I will advance your wages one or two . he time the proceedings commenced, the room was nearly filled t Duncan Maclaren, Esq., took the chair at half-past eleven shillings a week." It was not to be credited; and even if it o'clock. were likely to be the case, the labouring man ought not to depend upon such commiseration.—(Hear,. hear.) He shook The CHAIRMAN said that he had yesterday announced to receive his . wages because his services were indispensable, and the Conference, that on the day prevmus a letter n I because he was able to say," You shall have m written by Mr. Brooks, the Chairman of the Executive l ing at such a price ; ard if you are not wit ) . Committee, to Sir R. Peel, requesting permission for a depu eine to pay that sum, I will go elsewhere for em in from the Conference to wait on him before he should bring forward his motion on the . subject of the Corn-laws, in the House of Commons this evening. An answer had yes_ ployment."—(Hear, hear.) That was the position in which terday been received from Sir Robert Peel, after a lapse of every lab our i ng man should be placed. But the Corn lees twenty-four hours—( Hear, hear)—stating that he was sorry utterly p revente d hi m from occupying that position. By the he could not receive the deputation.—(Hear, hear.) B e excess . of labour i n the agricultural districts, he wa s d r i ven to would read the letter and the answer.—( The Chairman the commercial mpe in such a manner as fi rs t t o di m i n i s h t h e meansmercial districts to seek empl o y men t ; an d if t h e C orn then read the letter of Mr. Brooks, stating, that as Ch a i rman of a preliminary meeting of deputies from of support, and secondly, the demand for labour, how could the various Anti-Corn-law Associations throughout the country, agricultural labourers, find employment in the manufacturing of ministers of different congregations—he requ es t e d an i nter- districts, excep t b y compet i ng ,w i th the labourers, who were view in their behalf, from Sir Robert Peel, previous to his there already, and reducing their wages ?—( Hear, hear.) So bringing forward his motion in support of the Corn-laws.) that, in fact, the operation of the Corn-laws was to redue. That letter was dated Feb. 7, and was delivered at half- wages to the most miserable pittance imaginable. The land past-two o'clock on Monday. Yesterday, at half-past two, lords held out the delusion that if bread were dear, wages must Just twenty-four hours aft er t h e l etter had been despatched, necessarily he high ; b u t if th a t reason i ng were correct, i t was the following answer had been received.—( The Chairman evident that it, in a manufacturing country bread was then read a letter signed W. H. Stephenson, iu which the writer dear, wages must be proportionately enhanced.—( Hear, stated that he had been directed from Sir Robert Peel to ac- hear.) And, for the same reason, when bread was knowledge the rec e ipt o f M r. Brooks ' s letter, requesting an cheap, wa ges must b e re d uced. Where, then, was the interview with Si r R . P ee l , on behalf of the Deputies from various humanity of th ose l eg i s l a t ors w h o a d opted such a law as the Anti-Corn-law Ass oc i at i ons and religious coneregations, in order Corn-law ? Th e so l e o bj ect o f t h e law was to secure sordid that they m i g ht state their views to S r H. Peel respecting gain to one c l ass . Th ere was a dist i nction between the different kinds of grain. It was a h o l y, sanct ifi e d ga i n, w h en the buyer the Corn an d P rov i s i on -laws, previous to the announcement of the intentions of the G overnment on the subject on Wednesday an seller were b ot h b enef i te d ; but it was unholy and un next, and al so t o express S i r Robert Peel's regret at his inabi- sanctified gain w h en one man extracted from the pocket of en tity to co m ply w i t h M r. B rooks ' s request, as he was pre ri another by viol ence , w h at wou ld b e supposed to ch him se lf. Th ose w h o h e ld t h e reins of power made this vented f , om doin g so by various p r e-e ngagemen t s . The readi ng o f this letter seem e d to exc it e a s t rong law to b ene fit one part i cu l ar class ; he denied that they had any such right. The legitimate po wer o f th e Legislature was feeling of surprise,' no t unm i xe d w i t h di sgust. ) Th us, the apowereo irepose rases for the pecuniary exigencies of the object for which their presence had been required at .. State ; they had .t. noreght to impose a tax uporeone portion of eleven o'clock this day, bad not been accomplished. The let tne c •mmu , ni y for the benefit . of another.—(Hear, hear, and ter had been under the consideration of the Executive Com cheers.) They had no right to vote away the property of the mittee, which had met two hours ago, and he could take upsn himself to say, that every gentlemen present upon th a t C om i t - people, except f or th e use o f t h e S tate.—( Hear, hear.) It tee had felt deep regret, and no small degree o f as t on i s h ment was to preve n t suc h a b use, that b y the Constitution of this —( Hear, hear)—that the inte r vi ew s h ou ld not b e granted, country neither th e C rown nor t h e ar i stocracy were permitted There was a general feeling among the members of the Exe- to impose taxes.—( Hear, hear.) They were called upon, then, cutive Committee, that as the repeal of the Corn-laws as a body, to denounce the Corn and Provision-laws which so was the great measure before Parliament, and that deeply afflicted the country, and to make every effort in their as the subject was to be brought before the House power to secure the abolition of those wicked and perniciou s of Common s , thi s even i ng, any other engagement might laws. If not rep ea l e d, th e resu l t wou ld , i n the end, be as fear • with propr ie ty h ave b een set aside—(Cheering)—in order ful to the ar i s t ocracy an d t h e l anded proprietors themselves, as it had bee n t o th e poor man, from whose house it had swept to enable the Prime Minister of this coent r y t o b ecome ac quainted with the opinion of the Delegates before isitroducing every veitige of comfort.—(Hear, hear.) It was evident that his measure to the House this evening.—(Cheers.) Of such must be the case. It was manufactures and commerce course now they could no t. h e l p t h emse l ves. The Corn- which h a d g i ven suc h i mmense value to the large mittee had not c o m e t o any reso l ut i on on the subject as estates of the count r y. If, t h ere f ore, t h rough the operation of to the propriety of renewing their application ; but he these laws, the working people were driven to other countries, might state that it w as th e unan i mous op i nion of the members the landlo r d s would suffer equally with the oth er c l asses of so. of that Committee that the answer to this request ought to metv.—( Hear.) The labourer and the capitalist would seek have been different.—( Cheers.) He would also state that the in America those advantages which were denied to them in Executive Committee recommended that the several England; and the result would be that the landlords would be Delegates should individually wait upon any Members eaten up by the paupers who remained, and were inca of Parliament with whom they might be acquainted, pable of gaining a sustenance.—(Hear, hear.) Let them all to impre,s upon th em t h e i mportance of supporting lend th e i r energ i es to prevent suc h a d i saster. Let them Mr. 'Villiers's mote n for the total and immediate endeavour to gain access to the minds of the Members of Pan repeal of the Corn and Provision-laws.—(Load cheers.) The liament, by publications, by speeches, and by every available Executive Committee had not thought it expeeient to come means of producing conviction.—( Cheers.) As patriots they to any formal resolution to that effect, but they earnestly re- could have no more glorious object than that of coming for commended that each Delegate should wait upon any Members ward to repudiate and assist in abolishing a system of mono of Parliament to wh om h e cou ld ga i n access, to i mpress upon Poly—monopoly whi c h, i n its own nature, an d stripped of all them the importance of supporting the motion, and to info, m delusion, was the power of one man to plunder and ruin his them of the state of the various districts with which they were con- fellow man.— ( Hear.) As England had already declared meted. It had beenagreed yesterday that anygentleman capable of of slavery, so let her now declare of monopoly— giving statistical informati on t o t h e C on f erence s h ould do so at that it should exi s t no l onger.—(Cheers.) As we were as early a period as possible. A Committee had been appointed amongst the most prominent nations of the earth, we should for the purpose of receiving and arranging such information. show that we had our eyes open to the delusion of obtaining That Committee would meet at two o'clock, and would be money by sinister means, of becoming rich by nefarious legisla happy to receive any information with which gentlemen might tion. 'I hen would that day arrive, whom all who believed in be inclined to furnish them. The Secretary would now state prophecy expected to arrive, when the promise would some other matters to the Conference before proceeding to the he consummated that all nations should be linked to business of the day. gether by bonds of mutual interest and mutual ad- Mr. S. Semen (the Secretary) called the attention of the vantage, so that war should no longer exist. He viewed Conference to the recommendation of the Executive Corn- the present as an occasion of the utmost importance, mittee yesterday, that those-gentlemen intending to address and not important to themselves alone, but to the interest of • the Conference s h ou ld prev i ous l y i nscr ib e their names, and the whole f ami l y o f man.—(Cheers.) He s h ou ld t h ere f ore that they should each be called on by the Chairman in the most cordially and zealously propose the following resolution : order in which their names were inscribed. He had —" That this meeting is of opinion that a resolution ought now to state that a clerk was in waiting in an ad- to be submitted to the - House of Commons, to the effect joining room to take down the names of those gen- that the Corn and Provision•laws should be totally tlemen who were desirous of addressing the Confer ence , and immediately abolished ; and that the meeting re- He would also state that so me i nconven i ence h a d b een felt oices that M r . Villi ers h as g i ven notice of his intention .i with regard to the arrangements to be made between the va- to take the sense of the House upon the subject, and they re , rious London Anti-Corn-law A ssoc i a ti ons, w h o were desirous quest him to per se v ere i n th e course h e has taken and to of receiving the deputies to the Conference from the various divide the House, upon all occasions, on the question of the country associations and the deputies from the country. In or- total and immediate abolition of these laws." der to prevent this it was desirable that the names of the various The following Gentlemen were then appointed to wait upon London Associations, desirous of receiving the country deputi es , Mr. Villiers, on the subject:—The Chairman, the Mover and should be inscribed, and also the pl aces in which their meet. Seconder of the resolution, the Rev. Mr. Burden, of Stroud, ings are held, and that such deputies as might feel inclined to and the Rev. Mr. Bailey, of Sheffield. address the various London Associations should also inscribe The Rev. Mr. Caleees, of Paisley, in rising to second the their names, and be begged to state that a clerk was in attend- resolution said, that the resolution passed at yesterday's Con *nee for that purpose. ference gave a decided opinion upon the Provision' and Corn- The CHAIRMAN announced that Mr. Dixon, of Carlisle, laws. Those laws had been denounced as unjust in principle, wished to explain a portion of the proceedings of yesterday. and cruel in operation ;as opposite to Divine benevolence, Mr. DIXON explained, that in stating yesterday the and to the bounty of Providence ; as injurious to morality 1 number of signatures to the petition from the city which he and religion : as fertile sources of disease and distress ; and as represented, he had not stated that the petition tad been signed causes of discontent throughout the eommunity.—(Heatehear.) by 5,000 individuals, constituting a majority of the inhabitants The Conference also resolved to persevere in the course they of that ancient anti 'loyal city, but by a preponderating majority had taken, andnot to retire from the contest till those infamous of the nialnadult population of Carlisle. He would also state statutes were abolished.—( Cheers.) Almighty God had given that he was not the . only Deputy from Carlisle, for so strong fertility to the soil of the earth, year by year he had crowned was the : feeling, against those laws in Carlisle, that, five or six the world with plenty, he had rained fertility from heaven other gentleneme feed , been' appointed, , Deputies to the Confer- that their heart s m i g h t b e fill e d w i t h gladness and with food, rence.- e (Clmeni.). , • , . ~ „ , and these things show that his design was the intercourse of Dle. 11 e e ssee 10a said noehing could exceed in point of national his creatures—(Cheers)—and not that monopolists, with importanee=n ky, even in a moral point of view, as a subject daring effrontery, and recklessness, and selfish conduct, should affecting the interests of the whole human race—nothing stop in with a veto upon his bountiful intent, and fill their could exceed in importance the carrying out the princi- coffers by despoiling the homes and habitations of their fellow p'e of free and' unrestricted commerce.—Loud cheering.) men, of everything deserving the name of comfort. —( Cheers. ) He felt how important was the motion which had been in- It was right that the meeting, representing as it did a large trusted to hint to propose. It was, that it-was most desirable portion of the inhabitants of the country, should be known to that in the House of Commons sonic Member should come the Members of the House of Commons.—(Hear.) Those forward immediately and move for the total and immediate re- Members, at least the greater part of them, very little re peal of the Coro and Provision-laws.—(Loud cheers.) It was garded the opinions of any others than their own. It was a must difficult to discover the exact character of those laws. perfect mockery to call the present a House repre -( Hear, hear ) By one set of men they were described senting the feelings of the people.—(Hear, and cheers.) as a tax imposed for the purpose of revenue, and they ostensibly represented the opinions of the people, but the by another as no such thing, but simply as a protections for the moment they entered the House they were their own masters, agricultural interest, meaning thereby the landlords.- -( Cheere. ) and held their own opinions. —( Cheers. ) Was that state of It remin ed him of the old fable of the bat, who was a bird or things to continue ?—( No, no.) It ought not—the people an animal as it suited his purpose.—( Hear, hear, and a ought to be mere respected than they were, and they soon laugh.) Was it a tax for revenue or was it simply an would be if they were true to themselves.— (Cheers.) Let the impost imposing a penalty upon all the inhabitants of the coon- people speak honestly and decidedly on every subject bearing try, by raising the price of corn to the starving people of this on their interests, and then what Ministry would dare to trifle country above its price in the general market of the world ? with them ?—( Cheers.) Let the working men, and those im- Was it a tax impos e d fo r th e p urposes o f revenue ? No?— mediately above them—and let the ministers of religion, stand (Cheers.) Such a tax would be abhorrent even in the forward with them in their proper character, as friends of the eyes of every arbitrary and aristocratical Tory in the coon- people, to advocate every measure tending to their good, and try.—(Loud cheers.) Every one would rise against a tax soon,verysoon,thecircumstancesoftheceuntrywouldbechanged, which pressed so hardly on the necessities of the people. The resolution which he was to second alluded to Mr. Villiers, To endeavour to raise the finances by such means, he was cure and he must say he had laid the country under a deep debt of would excite universal abhorrence throughout the whole coin- obligation to him, which it could not well repay.--( Hear, munity. In order to impose such a me, it would be necessary hear.) And while they rejoiced that he was again to bring not only to levy a duty on the importati on of corn from other forward his motion for a total repeal of the Corn-law, they countries, but to levy it also on every grain of corn grown should not be satisfied with that, but should persevere, and let in this country ; then it would be a regula r tax. for the sake of the House of Commons know what they thought, and what supplying the revenue and the exigencies of the State. But he support their representatives might expect when they came thought that every one would at once feel an abhorrence to again to solicit their votes.—( Cheers. ) He felt he stood such a system of taxation. There was, therefore, no such tax, in a very important position as the Delegate of Paisley. but the duty was merely laid on the importation of (Hear, hear.) He was not alone the representative of his corn from foreign countries, simply, as Lord Stanley had the own congregation, but of six others, the ministers of which candour to confess, to raise the rent of the landowners. This would, have been there, in the it own persons, if the unfortunate was the precise TIM they must take of it ; and unless they circumstances of that town had not kept them back._( Cheers ) simplified i t hi this manner, a ll di scuss i on of the subject would He might be permitted to say that Paisley was once a . pros be contused, and rot understood by any body. Having porous and happy pla . ce, .and was remarkable over the whole resolves it into this principle, he should what to country for theinety of its inhabitants, and for their enlightened treat it as unjust aril unrighteous, for ceul,l there be in a portion of etcommunity—the came. —( Cheers.) But what a melancholy change had come landlords—wishing to levy a tax on the they be ing . over that town ! Since Midsummer, two-thirds of the mem rich and the rest poor ? Surely it requited n t r o . g s r h ' eat v ora h torical chants and manufacturers had become ins•dvent ; shops had power, no mighty powers of eloquence, been closed in every direction, and those still open were justice of of such an abominable scheme. —(hear.) e in lf this tax were raised in this manner for ) the i l n 7 g , lit s tle de mo e r o e de th d an oo the a expe nse caia bwlfegas-lilht.fovlntlieteeinvfrewshire, purpose of supplying the wants of the State and the necessity In the town of Paisley alone, accordi s n u Pto y the report w s •E l l ir li t e * of the public, and were a just mode of remunerating any part held in his hand, there were 14,777 persons in a destitute con of the community who were serviceable to the State, surely dition, to whom, during the last week, 497 had been added, there ought to be some systematic mode of calculating what arid who were supported by the private fund which was col amount such a tax would produce. Some mode ought also to lotted for their support, as well as by the public fund. His be proposed of showing how much each individual who had done brother ministers exerted themselves is the most exemplary service to the Stat e ought to receive, from the highest officer to manner in the circumstances in which they were placed. They the lowest subaltern. For instance when the Minister of State went from house to house collecting funds for the support of brings forward his Budget, he makes his particular estimates this poor suffering people.—( Hear, hear.) He should also for the army or navy, and states what amount make mention of the conduct of the Magistrates there, who he expects from a certain fax, what portion exerted themselves in the most praiseworthy manner, and among of the revenue the entity and navy will require, these the Provost was particularly conspicuous for his humane and apportit ns the amount whit ii every officer, of all grades in conduct—agentleman known to be of the most liberal sentiments, both services, is to receive, from the highest grade to the low- and who earned for himself on this occasion greater fame than est ; all have their specific amounts allotted to them. Now, if he ever procured by his g conduct before. —(Chers. ) the Corn-tax is m ean t f oe t h e support of the aristocracy, let He and his brother ministers ener felt deeply interested i n the e state the same principle be observed; let the people know what of the suffering people in the midst of whom they were placed. is the amount .to be received in the whole, what amount He and his Reverend Brethren knew counected with is to be appropriated to each landowner, from the greatest to their churches who would not toysco r me . forward . cur the dcgra the smartest,. in the agricultural interest, even down to the elation of asking or receiving re ief in a public manner. Anxious labourer. "et hey would then know what each receis l •etin ti p ti r o o- g . Is . a u sie their t feelings, he and his brother ministers appealed by portion to the station he might s occupy .in society. various b religious denominations of the land; would then be done in a - business-like mariner ; they should anti hearstoook thisropportunitykiudofmost gratefully acknow ltehe e know what was received by Lord This or Lord That, or Mr. lede'n the assistance l : e Christians esh had . given them. So-and-So, from the landlord down to the plough -boy ; they (Cheers.) lg The Episcopalians,'the Presbyterians, would know what was contributed to each individual, and what lists, in short all the various ligious Yclassestertanoset th e e M etho the people had to pay. But at premise they never knew the hail sent relief to Paisley, and were still sending it, .a c o o d u m nt o rp precise amount they had to pay the landowners ; in this way he feared would be still required to get the people through the e the people deceived themselves, and the landowners themselves period of distress ; for in addition to the 14,771 persons who were under a great deception.—( Hear, hear.) When they were publicly supplied with relief, he was within the mark in looked at th e operatio n of this law, they at once per- stating that they had 1,500 persons also who were supplied eeived that the effects it produced were of the most in the private manner he had just stated. There were milignant character—effects that denounced at once the 2,000 persons and 500 or 600 young persons, who wickedness of the enactment, that brought on the destitution were receiving a course of education to keep them from the and misery he saw around him. - How did the tax operate ? ways of evil and ruin. They had endeavoured during the The effects of the duty, or he would call it the penalty, on whole of this disastrous period to lay out the funds entrusted to the importation of corn from abroad, was to raise the value of them in the most economical manner ; and lie hoped that the r r arrtr coat i n exact Orolmetfen as the penalty adds to the blessings of God would rain in abundance on those Christian ow of the article brought from abroad. The consequence churches and on those kind friends who had thus liberally sup is that it ' , raises the price of bread in this country in a time of plied his poor fellow-townemen.—( Hear, hear.) He trusted scarcity (for it has no effect at other times) to - he was justified in making these observations, as he came: an enormous extent. Thus if a family consume every from a district which had suffered more than any day a quantity of bread, at the price ' itought t when t.o be when wheat other under the present system.—( Hear, hear.) But was cheep, to the amount of ed. 1 hefty on the i -mlinrtation of ...c ay, a duty or pe- he was aware that severe distress prevailed throtsgh the corn le laid on, such as that at whole land. Why should this be ? Had not God I ' presera existing, it raises the I .slessed us ee to somethin s like Is • that in , many respects? From our insular situation, our internal was 4d. a-day differr we t+r di * a-day er, earl, lari,ily wtt o ui e tt af,labouring family', and 44. resources, from our art, our science, our skill, our ingenuity, arnottnt in the aggregate frein the facility of . our production, arid the industry of our to upwa•ds of thirty millions the whole of that amount was, per annum- (Hear hear—and operatives, there might not be a happier land under the broad laws, withdrawn from the num b a si the operation of the ) Coin- expanse et heaven. But what were the facts? While our national sequence of the decrease in the d a e et rn e a r u i d ng- market. IM O con- re-ourees scene so immensely great as to excite the was an an increase o f ex P°. t', much of in the home market tin ts of th e world, he questioned if there were any other people consignment to foreign agents ; and he it at i orcn 'peculation, and so familiar with suffering as the ingenious and noble minded commercial experience that when bread was t e m ,, arked Sri his own oeratives of our native land.—( Hear, hear.) Let any por ed in England tots look over our country, and he would see our commercial the consignments to agents abroad decreased ,' became dear, it ditnintshed the home tlemaiid: a : i ii , t. when bread and trading districts an almost universal scene of distress, our these gluts in the lnreign market t si t i jo i 1 „ I to I tterca ,,,, t a a l. t -r i t rise to operatives, even when they could- obtain employment, toiling a t tasks far more severe and • tfe stavage of mills, and the misery orthe : hank- exhausting- than those which used ruptmee, • - f orkin ' toextracted be the heartless - , easses. The evil had been ascribed to over- production, brit be , most sla% eholuer of the colonies from the bones and muscles which were his due property; hut the this eas a fallacy. There was not an over-production,' b tit operative was often deprived of the privilege of this mersterous la an under-consumption.—(hear, hear.) The distress was not boor; in the dwellings of the operative the spectator would behold artial, but general. It was not confined to Manchester or tire most appalling destitution. Let one further think of the aisley, hut was spread over every town and village in the ' thousands on thousands of parents suffering acutelp kingdom, and was shared by the agricultural labourer himself,yet who would endure this if they suffered alone ; but their hearts were who was miserably aff.cted by the Cone laws, for this c l a y agonized, as from day to day they saw their helpless little ones of men were now receiving not more on an average than rising 0 • from seven shillings to eight shillings a week. —( Hoar, hear.) state of preparation ra and s , tarvation uneducated, but in a to come forward rather a pest than He defied the agriculturists to show him that the wages had a useful cc accession to society.—( Hear, hear.) As a mi.. advanced under these circumstances. It was not to Le expected nister t the Gospel some mieht blame him that they would ,because the farmer had always a surplus quan- Lakin, a part '- ' ' e • w N , for tiny is the present proceeding o, no. ') of Labourers at his command. In all agricultural districts Now his answer es there t hat as, whatever odium or reproach might "'AA ' necessarily be la- attach to hooters whoom s . . a great number of . him and his brethre - icound him and throughout the Lwow seeking employment from the far- ' country on this acco t ' un. . p he n y were ready to bear it all in such . ' • THE GREAT ANTI-CORN-LAW CONFERENCE. (THIS DAY.) THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1842. a cause. — (Cheers.) They could bear all this and mere.-- s(Cheers. ) For they would be sustained by the conviction of L heir own minds and the testimony of their consciences that hey were doing their duty. —(Loud cheers.) They felt that they were coming forward in the cause of the poor—but he would not call the operatives poor, for they were men of property—their labour was their property—( Cheers) — and it ought to be supported as well as any other species of property.—(Cheers.) Therefore the ministers could bear all that might be said against them, feeling that they had the rood wishes of the poor, and the prayers of the pious in the land, and knowing also that they h a d th e sympa th y o f t h at God, who as his - dispensations declared, " For the oppression of the poor, and for the sighing of the needy, now will I arise, saith th e Lord."—( Hear, hear.) But this was not a political question. He took his ground on the principle that this was a great moral question, involving the morality and the religion of the people of this land to an inconceivable extent. When they regarded this vast and wealthy metropolis, or the provinces, as to their use of those means of religion with out which piety could not flourish—would they not find that great multitudes of men and women were, through the neces sities resulting from those infamous Corn-laws, prevented from layering in the gate of the Daughter of Sion, and par ticipating in the public ordinances of religion on the first day of the week ? And was it not too easy to apprehend that these people were more likely to neglect their private devotions, and to be led on in the course of vice and ruin ?—(Hear, hear.) Must it not, too, be admitted that such continued sufferings end privations tended to undermine in the thoughts of the operative population all feelings of devotion, and revering faith in the Providence of God? Therefore religion joined social justice in urging him (Mr. C.) and his brethren to come for ward on this occasion to assist in removing the destitution that nvolved so many awful causes. Did not religion call upon them to respond to the wailings of the needy and the cries of distress hat were now rising from the hamlet', towns, and cities, ind ringing along the hills and dale s of th e coun t r y ?—( H ear, hear.) H e should be ashamed of himself as a professing Christian, and blush as a Minister of the Gospel, indeed he should be almost worthy of eternal reproach, if he were re drained by any considerations front coming forward in such a cause as this.—(Cheers.) He read in the Bible that he who this curse could no t b e ex p oun d e d so as to re f er on l y to the withheld corn f rom th e p eo pl e s h a ll h ave a curse on hi m. But netropolis. Na, it must be extended to every one who, when torn was withheld from the people, took no opportunity of ;eying or doing anything to relieve them—( Loud cheering)— skulked away into the back ground, instead of coming out as he ought to do in the sight of God! He cared not what station a man occupied whose conduct was such as this ; whether he round hire in the Church either as a Minister or a member— whatever his station in society, he violated the law of God, and lisgraced himself, and while the curse of the people lighted on him the frown of Almighty God would rest upon his head. —( Loud cheers.) Allowing, however, that this question was to be regarded as a political question, he was still prepared as a minister of the Gospel to protest against the statement that they had nothing to do with such matters. The cry of " clerical influence" was very easily raised, just on account of the side on which the minister might stand forth. Let him stand forth to advocate the cause of the starving many in opposition to the monopolising few, who had ever en trenched themselves behind class legislation, and he was the ;verst of men. Let. him take the other side, and not one word is ,aid against him ; let him say one word for the poor, and the , magazines of scurrility are poured out upon him.—( Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Cairne) held that politics were identified with the very existence of man in society ; there was no living man who had not certain duties to discharge, and no man was at liberty to retire from the activity of life.—(Cheers.) The Christian was called on to do good to all men ( Cheers) —as he had opportunity ; he was indeed bound to take care that he did not by any mischance give occasion for his good to he evil spoken of, but he was imperatively called on to follow the same mind which was in his Divine Mas ter, and to imitate him in this, that he went about conti nually doing good.—(Hear, hear.) If the poor were to be relieved, human misery to be lessened, and human happiness to be advanced, the Christian was called on to avail himself of every means within his reach to bring about such blessings. He knew nothingof an abstract religion that could not be brought into action in daily life; he knew nothing of aChristianity so delicate that the roan who professed it might not mingle with his fellow man in his rational enjoyments, and stand side by side with him when the good of society might be enlarged; he knew nothing If a religion which requi:ed its ministers to give up the influ ence which their station afforded them to stay the course of the evil which surrounded them. Nothing to do with politics ! When they could chenge their natures as human beings, when they could destroy the relations which God Almighty had formed between man and man ; when they could so alter their lot, that no man should depend upon his fellow-man for comfort, assistance, and support; whe n eac h s h ou ld stand iso lated and alone—all independent of each other, without any common sympathies to bind them ; then might the cry be rais ed, but not till then, Nothing to do with politics! What! were they to look on silently and indifferently, when, through wicked class legislation and a long course of. monopoly and in justice, they see their country brought to the very verge of rebellion and ruin; when they see their neighbours—with whom, it may be, they have been wont to kneel at the family altar—kept down year after year, their comforts abridged, and every feature in their lot indicative of misery, should they not rather stand prominently forth, denounce that system of monopoly, and declare what are the judgments which. God has denounced on thoaewhogrind the faces of the poor?--( Hear.) Monopolising party spirit might inflict its evils on the com munity for a little while longer, but there was no Government which would dare to trifle much longer with the suffering people of this country.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever the owners of the soil might think, Britain owed its chief glory to trade and commerce; the working classes constituted its very sinews and its greatest strength. —(Hear, - hear.) It would be well •if statesmen would consider this matter aright, look at• the signs of the times, and mark what was going on in society. The working classes deserved commen dation for the patient manner in which they had demeaned themselves during their difficulties. The working classes in the district to which he belonged could not be too highly praised ; but let statesmen not depend too much on their en durance. Their patience unduly tried, their hopes everlast ingly blasted, their misery slighted and increased, and every remaining comfort just about to be wrested from them, might lead to circumstances which those who did not mingle with the working classes might not be aware of and must deplore.—( Loud cheers.) The cup of suf fering was almost full—it would not hold much more, if indeed it were not even now running over—and it was high time that these abominable Corn-laws should be immediately and for ever repealed.—( Tremendous cheers.) He bad much pleasure in supporting the resolution which had already been proposed. —(11r. Cairns sat down amidst the most deafening applause,) Mr. TAUNTON, of Coventry, rose with peculiar pleasure to support the resolution which had just been proposed and seconded. He did so because he thought it was high time t hat they brought those parties who were in the House of Commons •to the test, that they might know who were the friends of England, and who were the friends of the aristocracy. He trusted that Mr. Villiers would at once proceed to divide the House on the subject of the Corn-laws. They had been contending for a long time, advancing arguments, gathering facts, and making statements to convince the Legislature of the justice end necessity of repealing those obnoxious laws; yet it would he quite consistent with the character of the Legislature if they should appoint a Committee to inquire into that, with which every body else was acquainted ; but whenever the nation re quired the abrogation of certain laws, or others to be enacted, Honourable Gentlemen of the House of Commons moved that a Committee be appointed to inquire into the circumstances, as if it were not their duty to be acquainted with the whole of the facts. (Hear. ) He had come as a deputation from the town of Coventry, from the Anti-Monopoly Society of that city, to inform that meet ing that they would accept of nothing less than a total and entire repeal.—( Cheers. ) They were resolved upon no surrender, as it would be giving the power of keeping the country in a most unwise state, namely, increased agitation. Any attempt to adopt the sliding scale would only break up for the present the phalanx of power now united together, and at another period the whole question would have to be commenced again.—( Hear, hear.) The Society to which he belonged, and which he was there to repre sent, was opposed to all monopoly ; to the monopoly of food, and commence in its fullest extent, and to that unjust and wicked monopoly of class legislation, that system which had brought the country to its present state, in which a total dis t egard was shown - for universal into rests for the selfishness of a class.—(Cheers. ) He was happy that the middle classes had become sympathisers with the labouring classes, and were determined to stand by them.—(Hear, hear.) The town of Coventry had been most infamously dealt with by the system of class legislation as it respected its commerce. He alluded to the manner in which the ribbon trade of that city had had to compete with the French, and thC manner in which the ' Legislature had sanctioned in every possible way goods coming ' il from foreign ports.—(Cheers.) He was an advocate for entire freedom of commerce, and if English intelligence and manufac tures could not compete with other nations, he wouldbe greatly deceived when he considered the intelligence and known in dustry of the people.—(Cheers.) He loved humanity, he loved his country too, but he loved humanity better— ( Cheers)--and if it was for the god of the human rice that England should fall, let it fall. But he did not believe that such a sacrifice was necessary ; he be- I eyed that the industry and intelligence of the people of Eng land would soon obtain for her entire justice.—( Cheers.) One of the reasons that had been stated as a cause which clogged the country in competing with foreigners was, that the people were so heavily taxed. He was not going to say that the people of this country were not taxed, but as far as a per centage was concerned he did not think they were so heavily taxed as other countries.—(Hear, hear.) If there was any argument more than another why they should be exempt from taxation he thought that the strongest.—(Hear) The wages in Coventry in 1823 fell 25 per cent., from 1625 to 1829 they fell 10 per cent. ; from 1829 to 1834 they fell 15 per cent. ; and from 1834 to 1841 they fell thir'..y per cent. more.— cheaps that when corn was ( Hear.) It was remarkable, too wages retained their standing.--( Cheers. He had been rather curious yesterday morning ie looking over the. averages, d, he found that, taking the for they served both ways, an actual consumption of the torn in England at sixteen millions of quarters of w neat al one , years 1834, he found that in the had 7 io,l more p a s i a d o, d I , nf s our l c, food 0 0 dc , a o ip O ni O tt : lh . theyhad paid upward s of 2 30,000,00( 1., 1 835, 18 36 1 and 1837, for those four years they :v,.laass t while taken ahkianennliBno3But out of e l o B ff 3 ot 9 rhm , e 1 e 8 , 4 ) 0 , r a s n . tl manufacturinglNB4 o w i, making nearly2,ooo.ooo/. districts, the result must be that wages would fall.—( Hear. In Coventr, too, another singular cause had occurred ; for, crime, he,6lifound, that in 1836, there.were 7C6o;vearnitdryin 1840,per 3 s o ons ; insis 9 - i s t t h h; e respectipnrliprisons In& t o o 2f in 1837, 230; in 1838, B . . pok ß e ut w th l e l f most singular or the city, part of e'ne matter was, and it the l number that tiAe increase of crime was not equal e to of •eersons imprisoned for debt.—(Cheers.) tliere were thirteen debtors in the gaol of cze 1836 in 18.37 there were 34, in 1833 23, in 1839 28, in 184n0%; and in 1841 111. That such was the state of the prisons of Coventry at the present moment he could vouch, because he had examined the returns himself. The arguments that had been esed that the repeal of the Corn-law would have the effect of sending our machinery into foreign countries, and thereby enable them to compete with this, was futile in th I ex treme, inasmuch as the machinery of this country had le en long since sent into foreign parts.—( Hear.) Ile ( Mr. Taunton) found, from Parliamentary Returns, that t in the year 1832 the value of machinery exported from this ( country amounted to 92,000/., in 183.3 to 127,0001., in 1834 to 211,0001., in 1835 to 307,100/,, in 1836 to .302,000/., in 1837 to 493,0001., in 1838 to 627,0007., and in 1839 to 6e3,000/., making a difference in the amount of the value of machinery exported from this country between the years 1832 and 1839, _of 591,000/. Thus the total difference amounted to no less a sum than 2,845,987 e for machinery alone. So far, then, as the argument went, machinery had gone, and 1, as going, and that in spite of all which certain per -sens said or did.--(1-1(ar. ) Increased civilization called forth hew and artificial wants which should be satisfied, and 110 power on earth could restrain its progress. Another argument wed was that we could produce for all the world. Yes, if all the world would be so silly as we had been, to allow the aris tocracy to state how much we consumed, it would then be t, ue that we might produce f or a ll t h e world.—( Hear. ) But supposing, by an increased power of machinery, and neer modes of creating and distributing wealth, we could produce for all the world, was man for ever to struggle only for the first element of existence—food? Was the great moral principle, implanted by the great Creator in the human breast, never to be brought into action? Were they, in the -nineteenth century to continue etruggling for food just as the barbarians did in the feudal times? Was there to be nothing for the mind ? 'Was the mind it to be cultivated by educa tion? Was it not a disgrace to the Eng:ish Legislature, that in the nineteenth century—this boasted 'era of civilizasion— we should find ourselves struggling for a morsel of ford. The mind had higher, nobler claims; and in his (Mr. T.'s) short period of existence he remembered many prejblices which had been broken down —many links of tyranny which had been knocked off ; and he hoped to see many more. They had learned to forget the silly distinctions of Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Irishmen. They had learned to forget the folly of drawing a dagger to cut the Frenchman's throat. All those influences were increasing and tend ing to the triumph of that spirit of moral sympathy which would make the whole world one family, and all its inhabitants brethren—a sympathy which would - know of no alien. Another argument used was, that they were living upon less on the Continent than we were. Was it, he would ask, necessary that because the beggar came in contact with the aristocrat, the aristocrat should imitate the beggar? Was it not more likely that the beggar should be rather in clined to imitate the aristocrat? It was false reasoning to suppose, that because we came in contact with the serfs of Poland we should a d opt their mode of living. All past and of R us ia astexperience proved ' that to be a fallacy—that, on the contrary, when one nation came in contact with another, the barbarian became more civilised, and not the civilized more barbarous. —( Hear, hear.) There were various systems and sophisms advanced for the purpos e of d e l u di ng th em an d drawing them off from the main point. There-were men who seemed to have their minds made up when the flood came— that they never would progress at all. Those men never could make any calculation whatever, but what "had been in the beginning, was now and ever should be. "—( Cheers and great laughter.) Men of weak minds, timid, and of narrow views, had in every age and clime spent their puny efforts to stop the rotation of events, and check the glorious en gine had c l ung to t h e mighty wheels of progressive ofres civilization. sivegood, They and idiot-like fancied, that the; iron-grasp of their individual selfishness would stop its course and stay civilization ; but how vain the effort ! While they cried stand still, and with reckless tenacity struggled to retard the steady and majestic course of the wheels of civi lization. They were whirled round, and fell crushed into their native nothingness. As well might the highway robber, when railways were established, have issued forth to his vocation, crying " that he would stop the steam-engine and rob every mother's son of the passengers." Who would have regretted if the robber had fallen crushed beneath the wheels of the steam. engire.—( Loud cheers.) He would not detain them much long-cr. The consideration of endeavouring to rescue from immediate and utter starvation the starving artisans of thi s country, their wi ves ar ,d c hi ldren, and if possibl to raise man in the moral scale as an intellectual and dignified being,was a g - arious consideration. Theirs was the glorious task to seek to make justice triumph over injustice. Let them remember that there were periods of patience—that to those who were starved out of existence, society had violated its duties. The social compact supposed'social security, and social justice, and if the laws did not give that justice and that security, the compact was broken, and allegiance to it dissolved.—( Cheers.) He was not there as the advocate of physical force, but rather of the physical force of the moral power of numbers. The Legislature seldom yielded anything save but to fear ; they should note therefOre be too demure in their demands. It was only when murmurs ran from mouth to mouth, and the passionate whiteness of in dignation and insulted human nature was seen on every face—when men gathered together united as one man and in one cause—when millions discovered their moral strength and determinationt—hen it was that hypocrites in power became honest—(Cheers)—then it was that the tyrant prepared him self to grant concessions—then that justice triumphed over injus tice, virtue over vice, truth over error, principle over prejudice. then it was that society took anothers glorious s'ride for ward in civilisation, which should be the prelude to eternal and lasting triumph, and enlightened humanity.—( Cheers. ) Were the people who had conquered the proud, corrupt bo roughmongers —they who made them run like rats--(Laughter and cheers)—t o be treated in that way ?—( Hear, hear.) Would it b e sa i d that they were to be subjected to ill-treatment and injustice for a remote - good—a good that could' not be immediately attained ? Would it be said that the people who could do all they had over and over again done should be defeated on this question, which was a question of life and death ?—no,_they could n o t —.they sh ou ld not be defeated.—(Cheers.) But the result which must inevitably follow; the moral result which must fellow from the agitation of these laws must be attended with the best possible effects. Ile had not the least apprehension upon his mind as to the favourableresult of the agitation of this question, and if it,did not do all the good which the enthusiasts of the country wished or expected, it was manifest at all events that the interests of the country were progressing, and if there were any obstacle to prevent their progress for the future, down with them.—( Cheers.) Unless the question they were now agi tating be at once decided, he (Mr. Taunton) should be very much displeased with the friends of the people who were in the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) tle should be very much displeased indeed if those gentlemen were in favour of the tallow-chandler's scale—the slippery sliding scale.--( Laughter and increased cheers.) If they were for such a scale, he dared say they would, like the tallow chandlers, cut it rath er f a t—(Renewed l aug h ter)—but the people o f the country had made their minds up against all slippery and sliding scales—they were determined to have a large loaf—( Great cheering)__ and that loaf they would purchase by the fruits of honest in dustry, if the Legislature would let them have it.---(Hear, hear.) But if the Legislature opposisi the people they would commence an agitation all over the c try for the thorough and complete purging of that corrupt House.—( Tremendous cheering, which was continued for several minutes.) II the people commenced such an agitation they should adopt pre cisely the same principle of action as he was now proud to see actuated the respectable gentlemen whom he then had the honour of acting with. They should not give up the Corn-laws for the Suffrage question, but they should say the people should have both the repeal of the Corn-laws and the extension of the Suffrage too.--( Cheers.) They would insist upon the Suffrage question because it would ensure the repeal of the Corn-laves.—(Loud cheers.) They would have no sliding scale of Suffrage, but they should have a complete suffrage for the entire people—(lncreased cheers)—he would ii..t say the " universal' people, for he did not approve of that term ; the word " entire" was better. It was true there were many mistaken people who might be invested with the privilege of the suffrage, but though there were, he thought the entire people should have that privilege. If there were here and there a distracting firebrand in the country, that was no more proof that the "entire" people should not have the privilege of the elective franchise, than it was to say that the sun should not shine upon the murderer arid the just man alike. Thu people—the " entire " people—should have the suffrage questi on carried, and they should also have the Corn-laws repealed. These questions, particularly the latter, could not be postponed—there should be no sliding scale.—(Great cheering.) The sliding scale might be very good for such men as Sir James Grahame— ( Hear, hear.) It might do very well for such gentlemen as that, but it would not do for the people, and the wants and the interests of the people should be attended to.—( Loud cheers.) Suppose a hungry child said to its father, " Father, I want some bread."—( Hear, hear, h ear. ) " Well," says the father, " You shall have bread —you must have plenty when the Corn-laws are repealed."—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear." The child sa y s , " And, f a th er , when will that be—when wil l these Corn-laws be repealed ?" The father must say he does not know, until Sir Robert Peel propounds his measures and calculated the averages ; and, of course, the child could not be very much pleased with that answer__( Hear, hear)—for it was not very likely it could be able to wait for bread until Sir Robert Peel thought it right to introduce his measure upon the subject of the Corn-laws. Were not all those who composed that meeting —was not every man in the country, as fathers and husbands, liable to he asked the same questions by their children ?—( Hear, hear.) They were all subjected to the same consequences, and he was pure they could be no longer trifled with. He fully appreciated the character of the clergymen who had cooperated with the people upon this trying and important occasion. They exemplified the character of Jesus Christ, " who went about doing good ; " and he rejoiced to see that the time had arrived when the clergymen of this country had come forward to minister teethe wants of their fellow man, and assist in the assertion of their just and indisputable rights. Mr. Taunton concluded a very able and eloquent speech amidst the most enthusiastic applause. The Chairman then iutroducsd the Rev. Mr. Burden ) of Stroud, to the meeting. The Rev. Mr. Bo it DEN presented himself In support of the resolution. He said after some prefittory observati ons that it was by n o means necessar y t h at he, though he cordially' supported the resolution before the chair, should coincide with all the views which had been so ably acrd elotllleiltly expressed by the gentlemen who had preceded him ; he could not give his hearty atsent and consent to every word which had fallen front his able and eloquent friend. He thought it sufficient if he approved of the objects of the resolution, and of the means which the meeting adopted to obtain those objects. He (id most cordially approve of those objects ; and he had much pleasure in supporting the resolution.--(Hear, hear.) lie was no party man. By that he did not mean to say that he belonged to no party, for he was convinced, br the necessity of parties iii order to uphold the interests of society at large; but these parties should act temperately and moderately.—(Hear.) He thought that the evil was not the existence-of parties in Church and State, but the manner and the feeling which actuated those parties, It was hardly to be imagined that in a country like this all should he of one mind. It was eXceedingly questionable, whether even if such a monotony existed in this country it could be of advantage to society.—(Hear, hear.) Ile stood there as a Conserrative.—(Hear, hear,) lie did not affirm that he was a Conservative in the Conventional sense of that term, because he believed firmly that the more the meeting steered clear of all party or _ political questions the better.—( Hem-, and cheers.) Ile did not, howeve r , bl ame t h e speakers who had travelled a little out of what he considered, strictly speaking, a prudent line of argument; for himself s he (the Reverend Gentleman), said he would, not affirm or deny that he belonged to any party—he called himself a Conservative, but he did not know what meaning the meeting might give to that term ; he did not look into Johnson's .Dicticinary to see what me an i ng h e gave to that word—(A laugh)—., but he believed that all those who belonged to the Cons-law League were tr ue C onservat i ves. —(" Hear" and cheers.) 'He was convinced that repeal of the Corn-laws would have a decidedly Conservative effect upon the country, and more than that, he rather doubted that anything short of atotal repeal of those laws would have that effect.—( minister he cheering.) A s a Ch r i st i an always thought hi m - Hear, hear, and loud him self called upon in troublesome times to plead e fo a r d e p d e n ce va a i n t d good order, a n d i n hi s own l ocality he h a d not . be pl his dut y to be of e his - fello w men, e s a ne e abandle he himself, m v i n a a s t e e ds r convinced , r e e m b e e l t i e e v e pt dhe that tet peace tot hamongst agitation ent, and were neighbourhood w here poverty aboseudndtoedi wher e . this q ues ti on must h ave a mos t th at thousands e eff s e u c l . were either wh o lly or part i a ll y out o f e mp . Ile lived i n a neighbourhood a large ported b p y o r m t i a o n n u o f a f t t r e e e Heo w wellere,konr e r w a t h nl e oe r ywm u suffering m os t severe l y. H e admired the i r pa tience and he kn ew that d ur i ng the last thirty years, where he lived, the Place had almost been w i t h out an outrage. Ho knew, t o hi s knowled ge , th a t no outrage whatever had occurred. T o the b es t of his k nowledee anti recollection, a b out 40 Otto peopl e d we l t in the borough o f St rou d , and out of that numb er there hail not to his recollection occurred on e instance of burglary. This he attributed partly to the influence of religion, partly also to this very agitation, because hope was kept alive in their breasts.--t Hear, hear.) So long as hope was cherished, so long would the people be patient ; but he feared for the result if the time should come when hope was so long d e ferred es to make the heart sick. When such was the case lie would not answer for the results, but he would answer for his doing his best to maintain the peace of the country, whatever might be the end of this agitation._(Loud cheers.) Ile stood there as a religious msn, and he did not f eel that he was go i ng b eyond his duty as a religious man by occ upying that situation at that meeting. According to his humble, and they might be mistaken, views of duty, he should think he would be guilty o f dereliction of duty did he refuse to Come forward and contri bute his humble quota of influence towards the abolition of these cruel and injurious laws.—(Cheers.) He quite agreed in the remarks of the last speaker but one, who said that these restrictions--these cruel restrictions, were a crime, and had a great influence on the religion of the country. There were to his (Mr., Biirden's) certain knowledge many children who were kept froM religious worship by a want of clhes, their clothes h av i ng gone to .thp p awn - shop for of the purchase of food. These. laws evets orsected religion abroad-- all their missionaries in foreign let ass's ,0.1 they found that un less some beneficial a,lsaratep u ei;stook place they would - - feel the effects of those laws more and more. Friend as he was to religious Instruction he desired that every man, woman, and child, should have the means of attending religious Worship, and he felt that these unwise and injurious restrictions bn the commerce Of the country, kept the people in a state of dep,adation and l liserty.—( Hear, hears) He s t oo d th ere as a friend to the poor, and h e felt hirnset highly honoured that morning in being allowed to do so. He saw many of his Brethren around him. They represented this poor people in their neighbourhood, and those poor people were delighted to think that they felt sympathy with them in their troubl- e. They not only felt sympathy, but they were determined to exert themselves for the removal of those troubles. He read in the Bible many severe denunciations against oppressors and oppressions, and - while those denunciations were issued against individuals merely, it equally applied to large bodies of men, and to legislators. The country had strongly expressed its wishes upon this subject, and he felt, that wgile he lifted up his voice against individual oppression, it was equally his duty, on the same principle, to lift up his voice against oppression of the Government. He did not thirds that any one present would differ upon this important question, and while he said that many of their opponents were actuated by selfish motives, still there were many opposed to them to whom he gave credit fur different views. He had great pleasure yesterday morning in being present in that House. As he was coming there he carried in his hand along the Strand a large bundle—larger, perhaps, than he ever car ried along the streets of London before. That was a bundle of petitions, twenty in number, signed by 13,000 persons.— ( Cheers.) He could wish to see such petitions from all parts of the country, for he confidently expected that great good would be the result.—( Cheers. ) It was now that the views of the country should be expressed. Some years ago the people were deluded on this subject, being told by their opponents that high prices were identical with high wages, and that cheap bread was identical with low wages; but that delusion was no longer felt. The ground on which he felt the cause was a jest one ; it was the will of God that no such restrictions should be placed upon the commerce of countries, God had given to some countries benefits which he had denied to others, and vice versa, although there were no direct terms in his Word respecting it, yet he thought there were many passages which proved it to be his will, that trade like religion should be free.—(Loud cheering.) He thought that the best thing in such a meeting as that, where there were so many persons such able speakers— he thought the best course lie could adopt was to cut his speech short ; therefore having thus expressed his views, and again ex • pressing his full concurrence in the resolution before the meet ng, lie would sit down.—(Loud cheers.) The resolution was then put from the chair, and carried unanimously with great cheering. Mr. DImMETT, of Wolverhampton rose to propose the next resolution which had been committed to his hands. The resolution was originally intended to have been moved by Mr. Greg, the late Member for Manchester, and perhaps that would be a ground of claim for indulgence for him (Mr. Dim melt), because he did know, till ten minutes before that resolu tion had b een put i nto his hands, he was not aware that he was to occupy that situation. As the last speaker had recom mended, he should cut his speech short, merely introducing a few facts relating to the iron trade, with which he was con nected, and which might be interesting The resolution he hed to propose was, that the . Deputies present connected with the staple manufactures of the country, whilst they de mand the removal of all restrictions upon the importation of corn and provisions, declare their willingness to aid in the abolition of all duties imposed for their own protection. With the spirit of this reeolution„his opinion was that protection was rather inimical than beneficial to manufactures. It was like keeping a nurse for - an infant after it had ceased to need one, and he would as soon expect to see a healthy manhood after such a childhood, as that manufactures should rise and prosper under protection, with regard to which he agreed in the opinion of Demosthenes, when Alexander requested him to ask a favour. Alexander was standing between. him and the sun, and Diogenes said the highest favour he could confer was to stand out of his way. This was all that the ma. nufacturers desired of the Legislature, that they would stand out of their way and permit them free scope. The present Assembly were not such debaters as Sir Robert Peel and his supporters, but he thought they understood the plain principles of trade quite as well. Trade to be prosperous should-] e free, andl there never will be a period in this country, and there never has been one in its history when trade was pro tected that its prosperity also increased. He did not allude to such trades as the Spitalfields silk trade. The trade with which he was best acquainted was the iron trade, of which he knew a little. About a century ago the number of tons produced had been 17,000 yearly, and employed but a very small number of persons. For the fifty sears following the iron trade had ken protected, and its prosperity declined. After that time, and down to the present, when they had disclaimed protection (though there was still a nominal duty) the trade had gone on gradually increasing till its amount now was 1,500,000 tons. But it will be said, If your trade has so increased, what reason have you to complain, at late meetings, of the iron masters in various parts of the country ? It was resolved by iron, masters to raise the price 25 per cent., and thus lessen the number of workmen. Ile would not say their trade would be lost to the country, but unless the Corn and Provision-laws were repealed, it surely would decline. At a meeting at New York, of iron masters, they reselvel to send an address to Congress intimating that the duty must be increased, or their works must stop. There was a duty in the United States on iron, which had increased the iron trade there to 300,000 tons yearly, while they took hut 70,000 tons from England, while if the duty on iron in:America were good at home England should send 400,000 tons of iron to the United States an nually, instead of sending only one-sixth of their consumption. He would claim for the borough of Wolverhampton the honour of giving rise to the free trade principles, and he was glad that its excellent representative, Mr. Villiers, was to be the organ of that meeting. If the Legislature removed the Corn and Provision-laws, the country could compete with any country in the making of iron, and that they would s u ccess f u ll y h o ld the mark e t s o f the world. Mr. ACKROYD, of Wakefield, said, he never found protec tion to answer the purposes for which it was intended. Com merce should be free as the winds and the waves, and then the industry of England would fear no rival, and England would be England still. He knew the labouring classes of Halifax, their industry and value, havin g been engaged in the worsted trade there, which was a branch of the woollen trade, and from his own experience he knew that the la . bouriog classes had borne their distresses with infinite fortitude and credit to themselves, which demanded the sympa thies of every one. All they wanted was the bread which their industrious hands could earn, and the principal ' question now asked on every side was, how was the distress to be 'relieved. The expectations of the distressed were raised to the highest pitch through out the country, and if disappointment should foi -1 low those expectations, he dreaded the consequences. Ile could net contemplate the consequences of those expecta tions with composure of mind, of the despair of the people, and the desperation that wou'd ensue, and there was no saying what its results would be.—([Dear.) Among the masses of the people, the people will say, What are we to do? When ,the father beholds his family looking to him for bread, and no means of providing it, he was dismayed when he considered the feelings of that father. He should recommend perseverance in the good and holy work. Their cause was the cause of charity—it was the cause of humanity ; and its advocacy was a duty which they owed to their fellow-subjects.—( Hear, hear.) The first want of man was to satisfy the craving of hunger. They might talk about education or morality, but men should first of all be fed.—(Hear, hear.) He had, he confessed, rte great confidence in the Government, but as the time for the development of their measures was drawing near, he did not wish upon that occasion to be a pro phet of evil. It appeared to him that the agricultural bodydid not truly understand their own interests. What had given this country its prosperity, and raised her to the high position which she now filled ? It was the untiring industry of the people— ' ( Hear, hear)--and that prosperity would inevitably decline if commerce were banished from our shores.--( Hear, hear.) The consequence of such a calamity would be that the capital engaged in trade would be transferred to other countries, where it would be better remunerated ; and, with capital, the most industrious and the most valuable portion of the community could forsake their native land.—( Hear, hear.) And when commerce was pat alyzed what would be the value of landed property ? What had been its value previous to the introduction of commerce? It was far beneath its value at the pfesetit day. Neiter could it be Supptis e d that it trade declined it cou h ld rernein in the, state in which trade had found it. The national debt had since been contratted.--(Hear, hear.) There was a legislative provision for the poor, and the necessity of contributing to it would fall with a tremendous weight upon the landed interest. It should also be remembered that we hadnow competitors in the race of commercial improvement; and in reality foreigners had this advantage over us, that their ma• chinery was all manufactured upon the best and latest principles, while there was in England a large portion of old and inferior machinery, which our manufacturers had no encouragement to improve. The truth was, the Retest - nen of the present day did not clearly see their duty. They had to be driven to the adoption of those measures which the Imperious and pressing netesaities of th e t i mes required J and it was only b y the rce from without that they could be engaged to repeal the present iniquitous Corn-law. The Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst cheers, by calling on the meeting, in the name ofjustice and of hutilanity, brit tb relait lii their efforts until they . had bee n crowned w i th complete success: Mr. BAL TI it came fehward to second the resolution. He bee liered that if the people of these ebtintritit Were resolved to obtain any measure of justice, their efforts would be successful. They had obtained Catholic Emancipation, and the emanci pation Of the slaves in the West Indies, after long and glo rious struggles.—(Cheers.) The history of those strug gles was prepitot with instruction for the present. — c Cheers,) history or the Si ev e-t ra d e agitation o#fired outdo lesson. They might learn, in the first plate, that half measures, such its tilt) Appfehticesiiip, Were Worsd theft the ori. ginal ; and they might next learn that interested parties, like the planters, in opposin g improvement, mistook their own interest. The sugar estates had been increased in value since the slaves had been etnane'pated and he sincerely believed, that in like manlier, if the Coth-iaws Word repealed, the landed proprietors would therebe , be benefited If there was orie thing more clear than another, it was that the success of Agriculture depended upon this prosperity of trade, and it w as impossible that the one could flourish in the decline of the other. He hoped the advocates of repeal *otild never be content Wi t h anything. short of tot a l and eattipletitistice: Sir Robert Peel, as Mr. O'Connell had told them, would try to throw dust in their eyes ; but they should bear In mind, that if any half-measure were tioW tarried, years Would p . ass away before eoteplete justi ce cou l d be obtained. Atotal repeal of the Corn-laws St as required by the OoostitUg tion of the country. He had lately received reports of the con : dition of t h e poorer classes in Ma e neliester e which road; his heart ache.—(Hear, hear.) He had seen some in want of food of any . kind, and h e h ad seen others al most without • a single article of clothing to cover them. He had been to the hospital, where he had brew assured by the medical gentlemen that there were many in the town whree only disease was want and poverty. With these things before his eyes, he shoeld consider himself accessory to murder, if he did not exert himself t o o bt a i n a repi;ai of th e l aws to which those evils were att r ib ute d . It appeared that Sir Robert Peel was to bring forward a motion to-night; he was happy to say that Mr. Villiers is as to bring forward an ametrdment, the tenor of which would be for a total repeal. —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The question, then, was what course they should pursue if they were defeated at all points—if Mr. Villiers' amendment should be lost, and Sir R. Peel's plan be crammed down their throats. Some people were of opinion that if they could not get the precise thing they wanted, they should take the next best, and that was just Sir R. Peel's motion. In his opiiiion, however, that would be the very worst th i ng they cou ld do ; if they could not get Mr. Villiers amendment, he trusted that the country would still con' tinue to agitate. He, for one, would never cease to 'agitate until they got a different House of Commons.—(Hear.) Here was one matter of . egret to him ; it was, that in all their proceedings they had not made use of the words " Free Trade" instead of the abolition of the Corn-laws onl •he would have all kind s o f protection removed from every only; He did not think that protection did any good either for or against the landlord ; but if they had always gone for a total repeal of all kinds of protection, the landowners would not now have the (rely leg to stand upon which as it was was left them.—( Hear.) He was grateful, however, that the general feeling seemed to be for ' free trade, and he could wish that all their proceedings had been werded for free trade, They had now rubbed off some of the difficulties which formerly opposed them, the gentleman who seconded the Address having said that distress *as admitted. The evils produced by the Corn-laws were manifest in twO ways i first, by raising the price of provisions ; and second, by destroying labour, With regard to the first, he did not think so much as others did he did not think their re; eal would l ower p rov i s i ons much, but h e w as s u re i t fella d to inerea e labour. These laws had resulted from people not considering that all commerce was barter, and that in prohibiting the importation of corn, they did in fart prohibit the exportation of manufactures. Wages had lately been reduced about one-third or thirty-three per cent. at Birmingham, and he would divide the people of Birmingham into three sections; of th se one-third were fully employed, one-third were only em ployed two or three days in the week, and the other one thnd were not emplo)ed at all ; the result of this was, that the wages of the country were reduced from 3,000,000/. a week to 1,000,0004 a week, and it seemed impossible to conceive otherwise than that the landholders must be injured by the taking away of twe-thirdS of the means of their cus tome! s.—( Loud cheers.) When he was a boy, he had heard from Dr. Adam Smith of three reasons for the enactment of a mercantile law, and he had never heard of any others; the first was, to compel the people to buy dear when they could buy cheap ; the second way to make them sell cheap when they could sell dear • and the third was t o ma k e t h em b uy a bad article when they could get a good one. He was now a very old man. lie had advocated free trade principles during his life, and he would go on till the day of his death. The Chairman then intimated that it was understood that the meeting at its breaking up would go in procession to the House of Commons. The Rev. Mr. Lows supported the resolu ion. He thought it could not be said that Scotchmen were cool upon the subject of Corn-laws, when such numbers of Deputies had been sent from that country. (Cheers.) Those Delegates had come there, not as a party faction, but as the friends of humanity ; they had all one object in view, and they would never desist till they ob , ained it. The resslution was then agreed to. After a short discussion it was agreed, upon the proposition of Mr. WILKINSON, the late Mayor of .Exeter, that the Deputies should proceed in a body to the House of Commons at half-past three o'clock for the purpose of showing to the Members of that House, that the Deputies were re spectable, and were not to be deterred from the purpose for which they had come to the metropolis—namely, that of giving to the famishing poor the necessaries of life. Among those present we notic, d F. Thornely, Esq., Dr. Bowring, M.P., Mr. Ewart, M.P., Mr. R. H. Greg, Mr. Ash worth, Mr. Otway'Cave, M.P., Rev. Dr. Jenkyns, Coward College, Mr. Ed war d B axter , D un d ee, M r. W. Buchanan, Glasgow, Mr. Biggs, Leicester, Mr. J. Baxter, Dundee, Rev. T. Spencer, J. Evans, Esq., Wales. The meeting having retired for some time, met again at half-past three, when it was unanimously agreed. that the Delegates should go in precession to the House of Commons, and should at the same time present to Mr. Villiers the petition adopted at the meeting, and obtain the earliest intelligence of the proceedings of the Legislature. The Chairman intimated that as their numbers might otherwise occasion confusion, they should stand in the lobbies and passages of the House side by side, and leave room for ingress and egress, and the mem bers of the assembly should hold - their tickets, which were all coloured, in their hands. The meeting, to the number of about four hundred, accordingly proceeded to the House in prom tion. RAILWAY BETWEEN LONDON AND PARIS. The following letter Las been addressed to us by the Mayor of Boulogne. The pamphlet which accompanies it will be noticed in due time. Monsieur le nedacteur—Permettez moi d'appeler votre attention sur la uremoire ci joint qui traite de la (Erec tion A dormer, en France, au chemin de fer international qui doit uni r Londres-et Paris. L'interet evident qu'ont les deux nations A, ce que la communication entre ces capitales soit assure:?, par la roie la plus courte, la plus facile et la plus niguliere, ne me laisse aucun doute qu' apres avoir la notre travail vous ne reconnaissiez les avantages qu' offre le port de Boulogne sous tons les rapports. Les admirables travaux qui out rendu son entree et sa sortie si faciles et ont pro curs a sun chenal une profondeur d'eau qu'on ne trouve dans arrant port voisin, ont eu pour resultat de lui as surer pros des trois quarts deA voyageurs . entre la France et l'Angleterre : et cola malgre l'immense avantage que procure a Calais la presence des paqUebots de malfe qui font un service obligatoire. On pout donc dire que, sans ce privilege, presque tout la passage aurait lieu par Boulogne oil s'ernbarquent deja la malle de l'lnde et presquFlous les courriers de commerce. Ices resultats &ant encore peu connus, puis qu'ils ne datcnt que de cinq a six ans au plus, it est demon devoir d'en repandre la connaissance, afin que l'opinion pub lique puisse se prononcer en connaissance de cause sur la direction que reclament, pour la liyne de Londres d Paris, les interets des deux nations. 11 ne vous ecltp pera pas que notre systeme aura en outre, quand it sera execute dans son ensemble, l'avantage d'ouvrir a tous les ports Anglais une communication avec le reseau de chemin de fer du Nord, par tousles ports Francais de Dunkerque au Notre deiir etant d'e2lairer le public, en portant tons leslaits avec leurs preuves a l'appui a la connaissance des principaux organes de l'opinion publique, j'ai penfe, Monsieur le Relacteur, que vous seriez assez bon pour insOrer dans votre feuille un extrait de notre travail, et vous associer ainsi a toutes les mesures qui peuvent reS 7 serrer l'union de deux grandes nations. J'ai l'honnour d'etre, Monsieur le Redacteur, votre devoue serviteur. LB MAIRE DE BOULOGNE, . • [AL. ADAM.] Dtipartement du Pas-de-Calais, rulogne-sur-iffier; Janvier 29, 1842. TR ANSL tTION. SlR,—Allow me to call your attention to the accom panying Report on the line to be adopted in Prance for the international railway uniting London and Paris. The evident interest which the two nations have that the communication between the:capitals should be by the shortiest, easiest, and:most- regular route, assures me, that on reading► our Report, you will recognise the ad vantages that the port of Boulogne possesses. • The ad mirable works which have . given it such a depth of water, found in no neighbouring port, and rendering the passage in and out so easy, have made it selected by three-fourths of the travellers between France and England ; and this in spite of the great advantage accru ing to Calais from the packet-boats—compelled to. go there. Without this privilege (attaching to CalaiS), we may safely assert that Boulogne would always be the chosen port for passing from and to Franco and England, it being even now the point chosen for the embarkation of the Indian mail, and all commercial couriers. _ These facts being but little known, as they date their origin only five or six years back, at most, I feel it my duty to make them known, in order that public opinion may from accurate information decide on that line from London and Paris, which appears the best adapted for the interest of the two nations. It will not escape your notice that our plan, when fully executed, will possess the additional advantage of :opening to all the English ports a communication with the different branches of the Great Northern Railway by all the French ports from Dunkirk to Havre. Our desire being to inforth the public, by bringing facts and proofs before the principal organs of public opinion, I have thought, Mr. Editor, that you would be good enough to insert, in your publication, an extract from our work, and so associate yourself with all the measures calculated to strengthen the union between two groat nations. I have the honour to be, Mr. Editor, your obedient. servant, THE MAYOR OF BOULOGNE. [AL. Aunt.] Boulogne, 29th January, 1842. CORN GROWN IN AMERICA. . The American Almanac for the present year contains the agricultural statistics of the United States for 1840, as taken by the marshals appointed for that purpose. as iJiows :-- Corn and wheat 371,110,902 bushels. Eye Oats Bue'c wheat 7,392,018 „ Potatoe3 liarley • , 4,040,094 „ 76,154,731 lb. Klee Sugat Togs 20,'563,888 number of if Vv.. Sheep Neat cattle 12,957,301 , Poultry (value of) 16,742,591 dollars. Dairy (value of products) 33,959,681 „ Orchards (rake of) T 1 he returns from North Carolina, Kentucky, 'lllichi gan, Vlorida, end the Wisconsin territory, not having Beet! received in time for publication in the Almanac, are not included in the above statement ; so that, in cal culating the average anionrit of grain to each individual, we must deduct the population of these States. It ap petird, then, that the harvest of the yvar 1840 gave fo the remaining 15,500,000 inhabitants of the United States 1)00,000,000 bushels of grain, in addition to a plentiful supply of nil other ttftleles of food, This Om; a frac tion more than thirty-two bushels of grain to every-LI , habitant, which is just about seventeen bushels more that! the average supply of the people of Great Britain anti itellattd, taking the population at 27,000.000, and the annual supply of grain of all kinds at 50.000,000 quar ters, or 400,000,000 bushels. We find 'that Mr. Mac queen, a favourite authority among She landowners, estimates the value of all the landed property in this kingdom at 5,000,000,000. On what data he has made this calculation, we have not been able to ascertain ; but if it be founded oii a fair estimate of what the agricul tural produce of Ene.,visind would sell for in the open market of the world, it is evident, measured by , the same scale, the landed property of that portion of the United States already under cultivation would be worth at least 1,000,000,000 morethan that of Great Britain. `WIGAN MEMORIAL TO THE MA YOR.--• The Tories, in the true spirit of the party, refused t o a man , to sign the late memorial, soliciting the Mayor of Wigan to call a public meeting, for the purpose of considering the best means of alleviating the distressed conditioo of the poor. This is pure Toryism—professing sympathy and pra c ti s i ng it are two different things. —Liverpool Chronicle. On Sunday last, a child ,was born in the parish. of flocking, and named Thomas Har,"is, who has now living two great grandfathers and two great grondmothers, a grand father and grandmother, on his father's sin a; and on his mo ther's, a great grandfather an d great grandmOther, besides a grandfather and grandmother—making t en o f th,' , se x ncest ors in all. If the whole were coll ecte d together at the cr...‘ris'ening, it was a grand set out.— Essex Herald. FRENCH BREA D-EA e French havt.' s of old, been noted as lin at bread. eaters. They have a p rove d; Paintant gtt'il dure, in a mesare," which may be translated, Eat bread at pleasure, Drink Wine by measure. Randle Cotgrave, in his Dictionary published in 161), ob serves that the proverb contains" a precept which the French observe in the first (howsoever in the second) part; for " people eat more bread, nor have better bread to eat, than they." Mr. Davidge was buried yesterday at the Ceme teryat Norwood. EVENING. SUN - - PUBLIC INCOME AND EX . " I.— C O A 3 N i E A O C I C , O T U H N E T UNITED DITURE. IC G E D T O BRITAIN AND IRELAND In the Y ear en d e d th e sth d a y of January, 1842, tiflefe abating the Expenditure thereout defrayed OI'TIITINMFU Oki 1316 W Z E u e s several Revenue Departments, and of the actual JO 4 or Payments within the same Period, exclus ive or Lug sums applied t o th e R e d em pti o n of Funded, or off Unfunded Debt, and of the Advances and ments for Local Works, &c. INCOME OR REVENUE. I' o‘ ORDINARY REVENUE AND RECEIPTS APPLICABao, CONSOLIDATID FUND. Customs (inclu T di uE ng 3,748,9551. for other services) £21,898,844 19 5 18 • 12 173:163758:283175 . Excise . Stamps Taxes .. 4,482,911 c ; Post-office 455, 000 o Crown Lands . , 16 9 OW o - One Shilling and Sixpence and Four Shillings in the P s ound on Pen- 14 9 s 643 - ' ! ions and Salaries , Small Branches of the Hereditary 1 4 11 Revenues of the Crown 5,5 62 Surplus Fees of Regulated Public Offices , 2 4 93,5(4 lv___ 2 47,917,5 21 OTHE RECEIPT 9. Imprests and other Monie R s • 106,838 13 2 Money received from the East India 0 0 Company 60,000 Unclaimed Dividends(more than pd) 4 , • 48,064,359 1 2 1 Excess of Expenditure over Income 2;101,369 n 5 Total Income £50,185, 729 EXPENDITURE. FUNDED DEBT. Interest and Management of the Per- 90 9 1 i manent Debt Terminable Annuities Total Charge of th e Funded £2 4 4 :0 47 76 6 75 04 ...... Debt, exclusiue of 8,2861. 2s. 5(1., the Interest on Donations . 2 7 and Bequests UNFUNDED DEBT. Interest on Exchequer Bills ...- 896,464 12 - 3 29,150,14 4 `"_. 11 389,022 Civil List Annuities and Pensions for Civil, _Naval, Military, and Judicial Services, &c., charged by various Acts of Parliament on the Conso lidated Fund Salaries and Allowances Diplomatic Salaries and Pensions Courts of Justice Miscellaneous Charges on the Con solidated Fund 5 721 6 384 2 656 0 907 5 977 1 409 4 i 8, 38 90 7 232,734 „ 2,411,114 6,418,421 j„ 6 6,489,07 4 v 1,815,132 ° Army Navy Ordnance Miscellaneous ; chargeable on the 5 Annual Grants of Parliament 2, 9 27,660 2 g Insurrection in Canada China Expedition ------ 6 3 • 18,167,441 Unclaimed Dividends (more than „ 5 received) 50,185,729 0 5 SUMMARY OF EXPENDITURE. S Funded and Unfunded Debt 29,450,144 1 5 Civil List, &c. Army, Navy, Ordnance, &c 18,167,441 Unclaimed Dividends (more than received) Total Expenditure £50 , 11 8 5 57, 07 22 80 2.—AN ACCOUNT OF THE BALANCE.' Of PUBLIC MONEY oft Remaining in the Exchequ er on th e s t h day oNall'.oos. 1841 ;. the Amount of Money ra i se d b y the Add itl jed to the Funded or Unfunded Debt, in the year C „ Il lie( 1 ..;' the sth clay of January, 1842 ; the Money B P,r towards the Redemption of the Fund e d or paYlll'9o6' Unfunded Debt ; the Total Amount o f Advance s o t ti Re-payments on account of Local Works, &e. , g in the -Difference accruing thereon ; and the Balanc e the Exchequer on the sth day of January, 1842. Balances in the -Exchequer on sth gi January, 1841 M i' - Excher- £3,858,465 19 ,Oney paid into the ,xchequer in part of 2,467,4321., per Act 5 ~ Viet. c. 8, arising from the fund- „, , ing of Exchequer Bills and gale . , 0r,4 of Stock, viz . : 0 Vti From Funding 409,500 t , i 0 4 From Sale of Stock 443,537 1 t 1 .,,) ~ Money raised in the year ended the ~,g1 . 0 0, ' sth day of January, 1842, b y th e if creation of Unfunded Debt : 4 ,i '07 0 1 Exchequer Bills 11,000,000/. (charged on Supplies) 3 Viet. c. 12 158,900 t ) Ditto, applied in aid of Money 0 Grants, 3 Vict. c. 12 550,000 0 Ditto, 10,751,5501. (charged on t ., 0 Supplies) 3 and 4 Vict. c. 106 10,389,500 ' Ditto, 11,000,0001. ditto, 4 Vict. ~, 0 c. 19 9,920,700 ' Ditto, raised on the credit of the Consolidated Fund in part of ,6. 6,200,0001. 4 and 5 Vict. c. 53 1,343,000 ° 7 (7 ".0 Ditto, for Public Works, Great .1/,' Britain (charged on Consoli- p ' dated Fund) 3 Vict. c. 10 390,700 0 i ~:/ 1[1: " ; , 1 . (11 '1 ; Ditto, for West India Relief, dit to, 2 and 3 Vict. c. 125 5,800 CI Ditto, for Public Works, Ireland, 0 4 ,1' . ditto, 1 and 2 Will. 4, c. 33 7,750 0 V , ' 0 Ditto, ditto, 2 and 3 Vict. c . 50 46,000 ,e• i o , Ditto, for Shannon N av i ga ti on , 0' ' f 45,000 - 2 and 3 Vict. c. 61 n 1 Funded Debt : ~,. J,l Exchequer Bills funded per Act 5 Vict. c. 8, and delivered up o 0 ,; to be cancell e d 2,972,900 ~n 4 Ditto, raised on t h e cre di t o f . d. 6,482,5001., per Act 3 and 4 ~, Viet. C. 12, and delivered up to ~.,i , be funded by th e C omm i ss i on - , I‘,e l ~or ers for the Reductio n o f th e , I' 3 o lihjonal Debt, on account of Savings Banks, per Act 9 Geo. 4, c. 92..., 700,000 £31,241,753 9 „, • ' IS&UED To the Commissioners for the Re duction of the National Debt, to be applied to the Redemption of the Public Debt : By Issues per Act 10 Geo. 4, c.. 27.. By Interest on Donations & Bequests Paymasters of Exchequer Bills, for Payment of Unfunded Debt : By Money out of the Consolidated Fund for 'payment of Public Works, and W. India Relief Bills By Money out of the Consolidated Fund for the payment of Bills raised in the Quarter ended 10th October, 1841, on credit of Ways 0 • and Means Grants 1,343,000 .° By Money out of Ways and Means Grants applied for payment of 0 0 Supply Bills 309,600 0 0 /fr j i By Exchequer Bills issued for ditt o 20,469,100 , 4 1, By Exchequer Bills delivered u p t o p 0 0 3 be cancelled per Act 5 Vict. c. 2,972,9uu _ By Total Amount of Advances for . '• 1 10 1. 0 Local Works and other purposes, . ,!,•/ '. • under the authority of various Acts of Parliament, within the year Total Amount of Re -payments, 1 •1, ditto ditto... 929,221 12 4 ,4 Excess of Advances over R e - pay - 11 ••:' mmenu9o,BB7 72 1 , - 1 ,,-0 1 Excess of Expenditure over Income 2,101,3 69 3 Balances in the Exchequer on sth 13 6 January, 1842 9 £31,241, 753 ..vf o iv• • G. CP 1 .11 ) Whitehall Treasury Chambers, February, 1842. Nil. 5 . 4 4 2 se.'" 8,286 .f 292,800 0 r P FRENCH POST-OFFICEh n -e 11 :1; 11i The Postmaster-General has the honour to inforwl pacla that by virtue of a decision of the Minister of Financ e, - , n boat will leave Marseilles on the 21st February inst. c y,et In consequence of this measure these will be n om giolta Malta for the Levant on the 28th of February; t i tinoi"" Marseilles on the 6th of March ; from Syria, for Colo 2 C°„: Alexandria, Athens, and Malta, on the Ist of Marc i e broa r , l ." stantinople and Alexandria for Syria,' on the 27th 0 ` The $ l-- p lvj and from Athens for Syria, on the 28th of Febrwa r Y; on , Fra °c , n e ;1* tions on the coasts of Italy will have no packet going going fJ to the Levant in the last ten days of February ; - 1 39 01 , . „ - d e the Levant to France, on the first ten days of Marc h ' o d, fa, * di packets which will arrive at Constantinople ,A l e there Athens, on the 22d and 24th of February, will rein the 7th and 10th of March.-11.foniteur. \ ~., en/ - -----= V . 0111 t. WOOLWICH, FEB. 7.—The Firebrand' '".. i rdll i n w ing c , and Shearwater steam-vessels, funning t he 0 :e 71 t° tih conveyed the King of Prussia to Ostend, _ ..i re: o iji each Woolwich yesterday, and to-day the crews have hV tion ; that vessel divided amongst them in the following Prq °— ' I sum having been presented to them by order of his Disi es libe Pilots and engineers, 5/. ; petty-of ficers, 2/. each ; $ll • remaining part of the crew, I/. each. PUSEYISM.—Scarcely one head of a fancily Ryde, who is a member of the Church of Ehelwil ;loriag , signed an address to the Archbishop a canterbory, ,1.1. a. tlie his Grace to apply such remedies to the grossing e" Iv o be d b o e.c c set t ni r esv i ane;d e pe s pua p riao r t o vlee m :ntitg u et l or g o a affr t r e troh d emest i istihtiteteshpeptßrao'ilkg.:hr•anoeepstssi.onfforivtuihe.rai 4 7re t r es c 1 ,5 e l i ied , h ist .' RWydinec,heastitder,hotrin'g °tilos: , lstj e e e. i_n England will follow the example of the P e Hampshire Advertiser. : e st" crow Lisbon, Bth ult., state that , ' 11 ,, t 00 1, ' , nusual exportation of salt front p u , or . .'ortt; trade ga l,tllne this saal ratiuotehostbiotiueisethbacos.. , ~ July next. _... ten. every of this ph, Advices quence of the , in the south of t tiered that the expol, pended at that port till ..' Atkr . o , a, I , tt ti e - to It ati ttiq -- @is A s 749, t or 4, h ahs c Ar t,f 4 1 , 1 51 tt