The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-24 00:00:00

.. ,r before that tlM2o l7'° .t Parliament na*UP. [nd the.next Parlitr him. But let them ita by the Court-of he would not,obet• [lst him for that `de ad no hesitation; conduct in theliiiis enstody-wlierilii 'aeon:ling on oithor ht then that all the lying with the pre' tld, as he saidv,arimg,. Ise pointed out,' bet a the absence of4ht r refuse the inotioli to the cause.,4* as not prepar l ibel. opposite, 61;"_.5.• lid Learued Gyntlr ere the facts of t he sitting Mettlbef me had written te 'lose letterg Thomas. Ceetre was asked tbht ir, in ordeFfllle • as he could,ltf--!r ling was G.QI,IFIKT ction petitiona td not by the 110/ •e bound to attenn , and were bound' tio they had. Butrtha se th s that, becau i old not be ablet. tee, he was fnlifjP! e Hon. -Member.,.. had not the rife di county.) ; a power _whicll,l hitherto exercise& t Hon. Member ccIF e believed a witit might be placed'w. might be ensitrftli..e-' Linst all law, bee t Pcena was bound ched and e Court of Queer ) ! r j power to im ir: is appearance , d that Sir Thnrrth ar and asked !mild not that ittee 2 He' de ce him in the. e petition carve 3 ithority. Sep "- e did not titte b str ices. Upon He did not 1/ , - but here the-si:g matters coati I the Hon. G",e i rS Mir Thomas Co had nothing Vili ly understood t 1 ossession were 15, 1 1 lection. It did P J .,.,7 Gentleman tha t,Mf 'hatever of the it the House shoo:, toning witnes s _ es h; se, and the ot - d em the same pno, , e Court of CP °ll of the Legisla t o r ! tpower comptlis°rl t only went to thl )e able to littena,.... om being about * Ted to direct.b i # l i s ilj before a Master, ..ii seas, that they 0 :10 If the Hon. ge,„,i, e was not s uifie,og t 4 interfere, bui;f9" 7. Mlle Act, so as.t4 ower as that plea ts or cross-Czsgtr Joehrane were: vc of Queen's An.- e recent Alt'',,, s ' order him ta ott.,:e h a d pc , Il uch,r i t defect, it wa5.a,,,414r0 Gentleman i"P..fa" tercised in this apposing there; e, r, what would lataus rould be m0d5.,1.1,, have to be brOgf He would put itt'' was the plat:evr, re was a difficuAtt,:tr a give the ilotiierS eh, it must be bat ovement of o the' .• !rence of the. v.' was really surf rave so entirelp t a; tent that A subli having, been Oro ,e Court that be'i k o Id attach him. said was, tha t '' ~ he declared Oa?"' oie ° could issue _ f 444 net of Court. Ili 3 Connell) bar f ochrane at the whether Sir s about to ge,,,&t O'Connell) sad evideace befo re- i 'rid that so fat i '' afore the flon!!:,f.' liction of the mo t ; an analogY e !tion of the tir papers they wile ;0 apletely s,rp ibr Law exanainekno. it would be analogy, analogy, pear. ; r, where es fitted on the °- Off mportance• 00 1 a 3* What w sot Why the 011: of justice woe'i tits in cases to ssession of an op o d be removed be, A . t his opinton,n,S, gnity of the this kind, slier,' s of such a natOlitl 'tat though h!,,i i t thought it .!! sigh legal autlalto nem!, that he aS io s to call Sir thought it e 4.70 ,ower of core ill I before thetu.,,,rita nisters of the Y4l, .heano would 1 1 , 1 1 .7 . 01 the Crown tia,wito in obedienee grad torney -G e .,erloe' e ti. stated that th e l ot , taterial to t he t ails lon. Friend to, ‘ O ,, fter having to the Hon; nas CochranetoAjot ker's warrant, • jgl >mas Cochrsia lee' ad all cOpiej _.‘°;oo a n d other PV- 40 to be paid... TOry part)lo. 44 nil you art! t° ;00 11 in your po!s!telit rate to t h e ' Sir Therake 0) re. T. Dun cb ,l o had. been 0y e. payment err rich to seur.f.,44o, the last fle:elir, y —it woulo g ;4 0 rould be dis t e allowed ton ic 41 W ats f the 0° 11 " 4. t for been made the House, fop sa t the Right .or ild g ive an t g ,.trl taleve th See is eeltieri ,eyed the A b e n. Gen tlems-dt winging it O r otei ,d said if atlY_"erlt be ready to y e , the lionoioAo admitted :74; of be soterit7.., be establish atlerna.n to tb4 o k, ober wo uld r e l4 l :e takeil , could not. sir 'derived frota re wer except wo, t examin e 4 .- iQr ote t exercise t_he_rtropo wee' its DUI _.,01 Gen lereso n r iso this officer .V,1,, he Election. and one relaely 11d be giror lost seriou s ' o uld be 'g_4rti an d that theroa was inater,,i 3l 3et hat a ppeare. ,, e 4 a ppear e d; sea pre —( Elear.),.;; lit w as a 11110:4'r statingitlnit obtain ii -s! y foelta ir l e depart ur.:l;il, ▪ of the poll!..400 of Comp . .., was ho an officer. d'' l the electien4- n May, thol ebt 'lid. fie I Learned Mo, en. to eCurra_n_,. leer t back an'• be Hate Of t"',."" 'idol-stated 441 _r.M_444 an effieer had in his possession certain documents. He ,11 to pronounce no positive opinion, but he would decline Athal.4 aistimnee that Sir T. Cochrane would be detained vpublie service. uselsee, m_ • A-SON begged to say one word with regard to the Imvett!eitteof the Attorney and So icitor-Generals, and in which A72l,ht Hon. Baronet, had partly concurred, that if they : jeS act in that case it might be hereafter used as a prece extfee,OX the Howe; but it should he recollected that the indi- V 4 112 this ease admitted himself to have been a party to fon,—(Hear, hear.) ~e3Metotfors was then withdrawn. 5:e11,,131.1C BUSINESS.THE EXCHEQUER BILLS. s,.___! answer to a question from Mr. C. BULL ken, „k4r.i!tOBERT PEEL said, it was his intention not to pro ',sift "Ith any public business until the resolutions in the Com -470°1- Corn-laws should have been decided.--( Hear, ~..• The strongest le presentations had been made etsiii,7" of the inconvenience already oc. asioned to the e-e. wade by the uncertainty.—( Rear, hear.) lie was not e",_ Pansitle for the delay.— ( Hear, hear.) He could not ragrees for the course which Hon. Members might choofe to ir But he though it of so much importance, that lie should oti.irled th bring in the Bill, that he would not interpose liltielhuten Part any impediment in the way of proceeding by bringing forward any pub is business. _..alialv"--eseri:eteef;•.ree°thliele RING asked Was he then to understand that ihe Exchequer fills was not to be brought forward, -'95 'di, ogeothe announcement of the Right lion. Gentle the Chilleellor of the' Exchequer? NieGOULBURN—Not until after the Corn-law resolu•nave been disposed of._-( Hear, hear. ) At= r,: iI,AVES wished to know if it was intended to put off Ititesttion of the Exchequer bills, which tho Chancellor of le* reltrer announced it as his intention to bring on to treprZec' u'sdaY) until all the questions involved in the ? - Corn-lave o'f• the Right Hon. Baronet were disposed e : It • tlitree,e Con was quite impossible in any case to get 4 .4 all the resolutions in one night.—( Hear.) ;Ise,. 4.7 MBER PEEL trusted that he had not shown any die m,,,,°4 to in the discussion of the resolutions. He did ;ih'•-•all in what he had said, that he would postpone all the :tailepublic.business of House, as far as it lay with him, on hee' , A wiLole matter in all its details was disposed of.—(Hear, WI Ile spoke only of the preliminary resolutions in the :,.41..,.A11.:itette,ead, and not of the subsequent stages of the Bill. treet,e' C; WOOD said that no one compleined of the Right etle-i."eaule Geneman as having imeded the discussion. been asked was whether thep question of the Exche -ehtLiis would be brought on according to the announcement ? t4ett—elualer the impression'that the moti .n, with reference Ake,,e;eoespier bills, would have been brought on on Thurs hiSYlk,hat the Corn.law debate was to be proceeded with thlit?Ts . The Right Honourable Baronet now said, that en!al rile at business of the House should be suspended, pot Oat;?_,Py pressure from his (Mr. Wood's) side of the Holosee, feTWdee to give precedence to the Corn-laws.. '1 he whole ehißusiness of the House was to be postponed, in order that tlleise' 7law debate should go on from day to odfayh.a—t, wetlet-o,• .e,,ar.). He (Mr. Wood), did not complain t atNets'ells'-'ed to ask the Right Honourable Baronet, whether. Wee -s'utention that the Corn-law debate should take pre 4, of all notices upon the days for which they were given ; ..''t should be proceeded with before the orders of the -Were a' ,• .., it 4.. • eisposea of r t. t!:,-'6.aI'EEL stated that that was quite in the discretion of lee 4tee- Trl'Of Parliament who had given those notices. All ' "t e-'° on the part of her Majesty's Government was not ZetefletPse an other business until the House had first die- Ile - lithe Yresobitions with respect to the Corn••_lrusse. milli ict:eseuteoef.t.etfly ' trust that other branches of the H not "ifeseet-Z,"elin a similar 'opinion : bat of course he could taritie,," w eentrol them; they had now been occupied with the Hon. Mmber- for Wolverhampton since Mon l''• everej 1.? iseBie A. ssox. Messiaeas--Friday, Friday. tilt 6e dig all events, the Hon. Gentleman's motion !' l- "'Posed of before any progress could be made with. thed tern‘,,-W question, and he was anxious it should be determine eiivi,FbaSPssible: because, from all the information he bad 1-- *'etiee,"l:'°° the subject, he was quite sure. he was acting hisin ,Pose,-nce with ts of the public in doing. ain,, m to take thesense of the House as early as possa le. in 'Bar r. 114WEi thought the statements of the Right Hon. vtileottiet were i somewhat at variance with the statement of an yllll.4 Hon. Gentleman who was also a vember of Ex ae_r:s -overnrnent; he alluded to the Chancellor of the ger so. ~.., tee, of „PEEL said he was quite aware what was tshlseti,pmo.- Pe neoll 41ensbers of Parliament with respect i Wssible ght it very desirable that they should adhere,.ana_asiffaranays on. „!, to the general regulation of the House , d :dap claimed his right to press a motion on Wednes , li,..ii_ ths'et,"trotott disposed to interfere with such an exercise of ::etlesoii , n•—( Hear, hear. 1111:y el BAWDON' rose to ask the Noble Lord the Secre- N•iit_:.7 Ireland if he intended to bring forward to-morrowwith aaY) the measure of which he had given notice i t e t,) Presbyterian Mixed merriages. H. e thought many assit!..n Ireland would be filed with considerable alarm by '444 Ilfttieetrient of the Right Hon. Baronet, that no public. ....v,r, til*,.i.irdald be proceeded with until the Corn-law question eleiettleil.—( A laugh. ) etc,.CON.NELL made some observation on the same sub etir- fte:eas inaudible. ee'efiesti. • rsEEL was understood to say, that. in a matter so ofthe leetli , a nature,- every facility would be given to a„.e-tei iei • enable h d e opt measures for remedying the evil which a 147.140111- the decision of the Judges. 4' te. .444:!'0e Motion for the second reading of this Bill, tilleits'lill.JLE moved that he Bill should brdeer, estasdtausieuctoenr.d ei ,rth!lillY sis months. The Bill wail:tows:o i zitie ~,, ' e ?rivileges of that House.. s his intention to wi4rl —Toe future day, that the subject should be referred to soliTeed* 411strIti‘ttee lip stairs. .It ,was extremely desirable to put universally existed in large s?weiest r__°e practice which :elef'leielforutrethg hp titt ttilit too . poor. F houses of of thhe present,w orhset wdessueirdipt.et content hreimt Itsst,-tito:4l}tits that theßill should be read a second time that ,e A 0",;„'_! Ce 7, ."`.tILEY said he cou!cl speak to the absolute and 4-.-reessity for some measure being adoptedeoretgu,:ns. 4'l;ltleson,l!nitr in Which buildings were erected. hin large rose to large ietiit;eiehild have an idea of the evils which s•statese.' the People in .populous cities from thec wanta of proper ke weep on ths subject. lliiset;' ND very desirable that in a mea ill)eits'tttheiiis-snourrts etAheysashi ouniltr,lwproceed very cautiously, lest, in they should only add to the exist ;llltn• He tho'huPlittevthe Committee up stairs would enable ,eteh ." Produce such a Bill as would be adapted to the wants et !different localities.ietit•LL,GßAHAM sai he perfectly agreed with. the Noble .41Yeetee""ind him ( Lord Ashley) that this subject iflefattehy iettsVhe health of the country and large masses s3ills had 1, eit-o`)° of large towns. It appeared that 4ttii-Ir°,.ught forward by the Right Hon. .Gentleman.t'lvtflmanyHeef the propwtthatn) did not pretend to pledge himself '',feW' .tsisions of these Mts. There was one more especially, in A,,,,n.'1.61igh Improvement Bill, which enabled the To -Elielt,_°' to mortgage, without limitation, the borough-rates for lattisf.r, *of effecting these improvements. He hoped there eeidec no delay in coming forward with these two Bills, and ;7t,ese„,a.°° doubt that a fair and impartial measure would be efe es liitiV FOX MAIJLE had now to repeat his Totiondrespteheat; ~ihe ip other Bill. Ile had great satisfaction in fin eofns 'eßhigen°n• Baronet was undertaking a Bill on themsugbjectt 11,1 e,'Vettreet tianiidisbeso(Mr. Fox 3latile) had no doubt, that ou 91. snould he es behe ceoenusitdr ut cut et hde. est, Hon--fia;ep' pymtoeaffg°o(r)laMlletasheharsessiswtahnuclde eti , p_. iti ones. lasfeett ARK PHILIPS was glad to see this arrangement est le tween the Right Hon. Gentlemen. Tuts su jet . seesseost pe„ • 4,i:(0- he , sme importance, as hitherto speculations in build 'd cask. °Wns had no other check than their own taste. He IN i.however, whether the Right Hon. Baronet meant ','teeat tithe Bills to the Committee up stairs? 14,11., SAMEs GRAHAM said the Government would under e•Nis,tll:f lhainege Bill on their own responsibility, referring s; : erltevo Bills to the Committee up stairs. 16 . ADJO UR NED DEBATE. lii• 0%, veer of the Day for resuming the adjourned debate -Al Itn read, ,the 1.7 EW ART said that he would have preserved silence for '2.44P:fent, but that it appeared to him he would have been. trit'';, 'oPpreesion of opMion, amounting almost to insite ;bs it4-e e,'he dinot exprea; the disappointment which posed Ni theleled hissonstituents also, felt at the measureTprepur, the n, hit Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the l Treasury. ,seid thatlBth of se ptember last, the Sight Honourable BiabrsonYe fiaily• itn it was not likely he would go through the, a oursf Poop-N D°3ed on him, if he should not possess the liberty of it di,n,g to Pnrlianaent those measures which he thought it f • iteoete '''Y to the public welfare to bring forward. l ?lit •,,,,,lets an aa-urance from the Right Honourable '4le °---` that h had acted pp to that iedneteltudaitsinotiL, ..i...a& n to; tc hie, (4.r - but lie e 1,3.- • wart) could not for a moment _ must sta'e that there was, on the ppaurntdeorf '944:''nbtrYs a Strong feeling that lie had been actin:, Si itillitgeences than-those of his own mind ; that there had ''nttelf, " letiel.lee-s* behind the Cabinet, greater than the Cabinet 'ise-lehilre,(l%tr. E.)-believed if it had been left free to the sitat 4,e• Baronet himself, he would have, in following the lchresi,r his oirn- opinions, given them 'a measure more con `&t (TT (Islie;t!!e _own of the country than the present .fitwith `•r'l te eases'. rswart)- belieeed'he would have done so 7._ iieaAtmg - the system of - the sliding ecale, or that of 7„, llit,'•.tle---(Hear ) 'There was another course open ,yell' night Ise Barnet,'- 'y -It he light °ll' 4 of it 441,, Jew adopted tre'mieht have adopt . e re! --.1 eeelire g . -.'year until at last it was en tiiY),:e4ttioguishend. fro6nucYheaar toeou'rse 'would have been sound e te• It ant' 'sante sueh principle was adopted Right • 4 • r*. Vhe Ali 'LI al.net veoulitneither see the country rest noragiltaas-t - soots re n the-Right Hon. Baronet at the close of the ---b.e°llettv I,cloested time to consider this important question,whjeh thehe ;o aid - .ra4 a right to expect that the proposal Tell' IlLetletreelnce- might be mature Handl= 6-et tit ILIeY had heard the Right o •be to fear ,Seeretary. for the mightbl Bbae eDa.epartment declare sure would be final, Le eapee, lento antnepating thatlithhemme ' it4•4l°lles,'`e justet it would continue to undflefr VW ad of adopting the doctrine gfinality, st tahne t. stabilityl'au n• Baronet had adopted the doctrine of perpetual a cetreSePi°4 of changee until the people saw those principles Ae Leglinstatoteffect which they had so long urged in tenain upos • "hi th Ure, It would appear, therefore, th ot only hi Cob;e soide or the Government a sliding scale, but that i_..net i I s et vs" eit!sren e? Whie tse.f he wits sliding Cabinet. Such was the only ht ,h could draw from the declaration of the pact . nonourable Baronet the Secretary for the Home it art °lent. Ife!a,deel tat All parties agreed that great distress the country and they only differed as to the causes .. .tletlitett distress Inc' the nature of the proper remedy. eelreulselsht 11°n• 'Baronet had attributed the distress to over . teeth !°°, to over-production, and to the monetary derange . teek thin the means States. ' But the Right Hon. Baronet ttooreduce that over-circulation, or create Ise, the for Over-production ; and, in addition, his measure i:e;el-!,..llve:rssttaindaepatel7l Wm, l'4l'd basis place our trade with America on a • eegord ; At what time were they taking this course -elneteitb to in. United States of America? If ever it was ssWith A 'lt on this country to extend its commercial regulations ~ CIA, -Tneriea, it was 'at the present moment. At this esthatis tne new tariff Was operating in America, the .eotio were to to lowered by it, and the question would come . offer to ngress in July next. This was therefore the time to ;ex„__, that country those commercial conditions which would . 'l,4_°° and not limit their intercourse with this country. There ..ii‘er!o..thet Inducements, t o, which ought to influence them in .s.,setZt‘te_very facility to the trade in corn. At the present mo- 1 ,tetetios4e:hoarritdli,ewrnai. States vveremaintait ing the principle of pro :4l. iktt their own manufactures ; the Southern States, on e in favour of the introduction of menu •testorn other cogotries, and freedom of trade; while the esatisealeekl, fes were in a slats of suspense. Now, therefore, el 4:11,•14-ine to bring over those 44401 e States to the side of ''=slot' 'c"4trY ; and yet this was the lime '-at was selected the ' - `t' e the seetik.._,,,, purpose of introducing a measure Bice - 4zes..-91 Arierica the trade in corn ~.,.. tezefees which prevented this coonwtirtylAgiwviunugldtohethsue hUennietfi:d. ..„, growere of that country and the consumers of this. touhegteracted state of the monetary sys s„,ittl°,l_-.ll4ArneYeritaCkaefith°ery _p___, .uoy had refueed to take lszaantr!as that the. Americans.toiheeecro,srHide4ol.3thaAt tmheeryiehaa,danedautshe.de alt -,...,ele,h:4l7.2tti.mati,J7lyeetitis.meettyrnititntueerirttgiassehtb,,iionisihnocetohdinAem.rtornwteei:ariicyjeaa7.l.::lnt wycbalslVons°thseeelleadtrtihctitheriss thorn the ru,netary disc anTdhemanufae.ltau7isngwerreelatei°olni; "MA Otis auld_otber countries, and no prosperity could last for ' any length of time until thequeation of the Corn-laws was settled. Whether the state of commerce in this country ware prospe rous or otherwise, still they did their countrymen this injus tice, they prevented them from extending their trade, and they had no more right to prevent the extension of their trade than they had to prevent its creation; a prevention of the future was as bad as an usurpation of the past. As long as they laid their restrictions on the intelligence and eeterpi ise of their countrymen, it was impossible they could ever know any real and permanent prosperity. It was true they wre consoled by the Right Hon. Baronet in a statement that their exports had increased; but there were two sorts of exports, one a sound sy stem, arising from a demand abs oar!, the other a forced system, proceeding from the want of demand at home. —(Hear.) Nothing had been more clearly proved then that this was the fact with respect to the cotton trade. If they took the return of the whole amount spun, and deducted it from the whole amount exeorted, the remainder world give the quantity taken for home eonsump tion. The quantity taken for home consumption last year, was less than the year preceding it, the year 1840 ; that showed whatever the state of the exports might be, the home consumert was in a state of distress and depression. The total weigh of cotton spun in 1840, was about 406,000,000 Ib3. ; the quantity exported, was 229,000,000 lbs., whit-h left 177,000,000 lbs. for home consumption. By the same calculation, the quantity for home consumption last ycor. was 111,000,000 lbs, being a diminution of ti9,ooo,ooolbs. from 1840. This export would still go on, because the manufac turers, finding they had no chance ofa demand in the home msrlset were obliged to make consignments —a most dangerous system of commercial policy—but blind to the consequences, they ran the risk of selling at the smallest possible profit, rather than not sell at all. The destitution of the he - no consumer was occasioned by their refusing to extend c immerce, and give employment to the industrious classes. They recognized the necessity of extending commerce, and cheapening food by the very measure which the Government had proposed. They had admitted his (Mr. Ewart's) premises, and had adopted the principle for which he was contend • ing. It had been stated in the course of thess debates, that it had been our original commercial policy to place restriction on the supply of the fond of the people. He denied that such had been the case. Up to the year 1771 the home supply of corn had been sufficient for the consump tion of the country. In that year a Committee of the House had sat to consider the cause of the distressed state of the country. General Pownall had been the Chairman of that Committee, and Mr. Burke had been one of its members. Mr. Burke had then declared that the mmt momentous of all meddling was the meddling with the food of the people. That Committee had reported that the cause of the distress ,was the great extension of our commerce, which had rendered the supply of corn inadeq u at e t o su pply the wants of the people. The result of that recommendation was the establishment of a free trade in corn. For the thirty years following they hail had a free trade in co rn , an d th e re p or t o f th e Committee which had sat in 1821, a report drawn up by Mr. Huskisson, had stated that never had any period of the history of this country been so marked by prosperity as the thirty years between 1772 and 1802, and he would refer all those who denounced free trade doctrines as being merely theoretical to the report of that Committee, as affording a practical ilois tration of the benefits to be derived from a free trade in corn. He was much surprised at another omission in the statements of the other side. How came it, he would ask, that the state ments made by the Government officers before the Imports Committee had been wholly withdrawn from consideration ? How did it happen that the Right Hon. Baronet, or other Hon. Members opposite, did not cite in their favour the opinions of Mr. Hume, or Mr. Porter, or Mr. M'Gregor, all of whom expressed themselves favourable either to the immediate or ultimate freedom of the trade in corn? There was another in quiry of which they heard nothing, and which, with the exception of Mr. Huskisson's report in the year 1821 and that drawn up by Lord Durham on the state of the Canadas, was the most important which had been drawn up in the country. He al luded to the report of the Hand loom Weavers' Commission. That Commission recommended that the dutiei on corn should lessen from year to year till there was no duty at all; and it came to that conclusion after the most extensive and accurate inquiry. When they had such authority on their site for the aboli,tion of the duties on corn, who could wonder that systems of agitation should exist in the country, or that they were based upon anything but reason? It appeared to him to be an agitation of reason and not of force.—( Hear, hear.) In former times they had had the revolutions of a Cade or a Tiler, and not the peaceable, reasonable agitation of Mr. Arland and Mr. Sydney Smith. He did not know hew Hon. Gentleman could complain of an agita tion carried on by the force of reason, and not. of the pas sions.—( Hear, hear.) He was convinced that if the just claims of the people were not satisfied, and if they allowed that species of agitation to continue, it would he fraught with the greatest danger to the social system. He had traced the agitation, not only in the metropolis, but in Lae cashirc, Staffordshire, York shire, and in Scotland; and he was convinced that until the ob ject was attained that agitation never would slumber, never would cease. He believed that the miserable apology for a remedy would give no satisfaction, and never could be final. When the Right Hon. Baronet brought in Catholic Emancipation, he introduced it boldly, scorning all minor exceptions. The Right Honourable Baronet was asked, would he not demand any securities, or impose any restrictions ? He answered that he would not. That he would concede the principle, because he knew that until it was conceded, there would be no repose.— ( Hear.) Why did not the Right Hon. Baronet act so in the present case ? Why did he not show the same boldness ? However, he (Mr. Ewart) was convinced that the day would come when he (Sir R. Peel) would regret that he had r i ot done so. He must remind the Right Hon. Baronet that, as Burke said, " Modification was the resource of a weak and undecided mind."—( Hear, hear.) The course of the Right lion. Baronet, was not only condemned, by the indig nant voice of a suffering people, but it would be condemned by the mature verdict of a reflecting and impartial posterity. Mr. F. BERKELEY would vote for the repeal of the Corn laws, because he believed them to be unjust in principle, and mischievous in effect. Many Hon. Members had expressed their great astonishment and virtuous indignation at the pro posal to repeal the Corn-laws. Remembering that those laws h d always been opposed by statesmen of the greatest eminence, he was quite at a loss to understand such expressions. He was for the repeal of the Corn-laws, because he held the great practical doctrine, that all commerce should be benefited, and, because the Corn-laws especially, as interfering with the sustenance of the people, did violence to that doctrine. When the Corn-law was proposed in 1815, it was opposed by several great statesmen. The language then held by illustrious Princes of the Blood, and by several poli ticians of the first standing in this country was, that the neces sity ought to be irresistible which could authorise Parliainent to tamper with the sustenance of the people, and to impede the free sale and purchase of that, article on :which depended the existence of so large a portion of the community. He had the same authority for saying that those laws could never pro duce plenty, cheapness, or steadiness of price.—( Hear, hear. ) If he was in error, he shared the error with the late Lend Grenville, with the late Duke of Buckingham, and with his Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex, whose sentiments, when ever promulgated, would command respect, and arose equally from the soundness of his head and from the goodness of his heart.—( Hear, hear.) Among the petitions which had been presented, praying for a repeal of the Corn-laws, he had ha 1 the honour to present one from the city of Bristol, which had received 25,000 signatures; and agreeing with the Hon. Member for Birmingham, that the petitions presented to that House were not received with the attention which was due to their importance, he felt himself bound to raise his voice on behalf of those petitioners who had so strongly expressed their opinions on the sus ject of the Corn-laws. In one peti tion which he (Mr. F. Berkeley) had the honour to present, signed by 17,799 individuals, the language was most remark able. At the same time that it was most respectful it was firm. It expressed the great sorrows felt by the people. And he (Mr. F. Berkeley) begged to say that having perused the names of the petitioners, he had found the names of such men as were not only incapable ofa falsehood, but of even stooping to the meanness of exaggeration. It stated the belief of the petitioners that there was a growing dissatisfaction among the people towards that House.—( Hear, bear.) They believed that the prayers of the people had been neglected.—( Hear, hear.) They prayed the House not to dr.ve famine to despair.—( Hear.) When he (Mr. F. Berkeley) reflected that the inhabitants of the city of Bristol were not so miserably wretched as the people in other parts of the country, he did feel that petitions so worded, and expressing such sen timents, demanded the utmost attention and respect of the House. Whilst on the subject of the constituency which he had the honour to represenf, he might probably be annoyed to refer to the speech of the Noble Lord, the Member for Csm br dgeshire, who alluded to his (,fir. Berkeley's) constituency. In speaking of political agitations, past and present, the N ible Lord, in alluding to the agitation of the Reform Bill, inferred the folly of that agitation as connected with rotten boroughs, and thought the folly was proved by the failure of the Reform Bill; he added that Nottingham Castle was sacked, and Bristol was b,rnt., in their agitation against. rotten iioroughs. A more foul slander against a people had never before been ut tered by any Hon Gentleman or Noble Lord in that House. He ( Mr. F. Berkeley) would defy the Noble Lord to produce one tittle of evidence, to show that the people of Bristol in their agitation against rotten boroughs had been actuated by any such desire. The effects to which the Noble Lord had alluded, were the operations of a lawless mob, and were caused by the inefficiency and want of judgment of the Magistracy. They were taunted with being a small minority and an isolated body in that House. He was perfectly contented to put up with the taunt, because he knew they were not an isolated body out of doors. Let Hon. Gentlemen reflect that they had had majorities on former occasions, which had fallen before the ex- I - Tessed opinions of the people. In his humble thinking , the people at the present moment felt the deepest indignation at the manner in which they were treated. They felt the ut most discontent at the measure brought forward by the Bight Hon Baronet. They felt that it was a mockery and an insult, and unless they were conciliated, the most disastrous conse quences would foil w. Mr. THORNELY took the present question to be one of protective duty. The Right Hon. Bart. in introducing his resolution, did not lay any stress upon them on the score of revenue. To protective duties, he (Mr. T.) would be always opposed. Respecting the importation of corn and provisions, looking to the comfort of the working classes, the extension of the commerce of the- country, and the distress now existing, the House ought to consider the inexpediency of any duty whatever. He (Mr. T.) had come to the conclusion, that those articles ought to be tree from all duty, and he would most heartily give his support to the motion of his Hon. Friend and Colleague ( Mr. Villiers). The principle of a sliding scale operates! for the benefit of those countries near u', but to the considerable injury of countries at a distance—he alluded to the United States of America.----(Hear, hear, hear.) Our most important trade was with that country. For the last few years our exports to America ave raged about eight millions sterling. They consisted of manu factures, not in the state of cotton twist or yarn, but manufac tures wrought in a high state of perfection—woollens, linens, and other such articles. It was of the utmost importance that they should afford facility to the United States for exporting corn and provisions in exchange for those manufactures. (here was an opinion that America was not an exporting country. Mr. M 4 Culloch, in a work published last year, re marks that every one knew that from the United States very few supplies of corn could be obtained; that they even im ported wheat into that country from Dantzic and other ports. In the year 1837 five hundred quarters of wheat were cer tainly imported into America from Dantzic, but that was the only year when the importations were to any extent. The harvest in America had been bad that year ; and there had also been an undue expansi al of paper currency, the re sult of which circumstances was, that pr ces were unusually high, and corn having risen, like all other articles, 500, 000 quarters had been imported from Dantzic. The Noble Lord the Member for North Lancashire had alluded, in a speech to his constituents in September las', to the high price of corn in America, and intimated that we could not look for any supply from that few days dabyesen ago oid country. A paler had, how erdacthabol.feear: by upo th n e 4 , t 4 40:90 quarters of whe tß a h t oea: it appeared that the average exports from the United States of Trade, the fromil"wsehiclas for the last 49 years had amounted to 900 000 barrels of flour, They had also ex pprted COpicierable viantitielof Indian beef, It was also to he recollected that 4 and pork. 0111, rye , ploded from the markets o tiffs eisu ni ti e t r r ica. wa d s virtually l t y , I s i e th x : standing the exclusion, her exports 'Of ira y in ; acid et had ° been ver y great ; and although she had to c g ompete with Hamburg and other coo.ntries, she h a d alm9lt excites ve 13supplied 'the ' West Indies and South America. The United Stat were place,4 in circumstances antage as regar d ed . of g rea t di se a se h the markets pf s eminPry, m compari son w ith the na tions of the Qontinegt of liiirope —( Hear, hear. ) H e h e ld in his hand a (MI ofa memorial addressed to the THE SUN, LONDON, -THURSDAY - kVENING, FE Right Hon: - Sir R. Peel, agreed to at the Chamber of Cerra. merce, in Liverpool, in October last; and the memorialists stated that the effects of our present system of Corn-laws. which had been sufficiently observable for many years, had been again strikingly exemplified during the last two years, in the course of which we had imported largo quantities of grain from the Continent, while none had been, or could safely be, imported from the United States. They stated the only remedy for the evil would be the adoption of a fixed duty instead of a sliding scale. The Congress of the United States of America was now in session, and were about to take into consideration the tariff of that country.—( Hear, hear.) On the 3thla of June next the Compromise Act, passed under the super intendence of Mr. Clay several years since, would come into operation, and under that British goods would pay a maximum ad valorem duty of twenty per cent. But now the manufacturers of America were urging Congress to increase the duties on British articles, as Great Britain re • fused to take the corn and flour of the United States, or, when she did, it was on less favourable terms than she showed other nations. The English manufacturers of woollen cloth and iron articles were already in great jeopardy as regarded the Ameri can market. At present the United States were receiving woollen goods from Belgium and Saxony to a very great ex tent, and it depended upon the measures our Government. would adopt respecting the flour and corn of America, whether the increasing markets of their vast territory should be closed against us or not.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He hal that day received a letter from a gentleman extensively engaged in the trade of the United States which contained a useful suggestion, worthy the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet. It was, that charging the duties on the averages of six weeks, should be confined to the ports of Continental Europe, whin the Straits of Gibraltar ; but that a period of six weeks should be extended to ports without those Straits. The object of those regulations was to allow America, and other distant countries, to compete with the neighbouring countries of the Continent. Whatever might be intended in that way, of this he was certain, that the effect of the plan would be to lower the averages at least 6s. the quarter ; and there was as much fraud committed for the purpose of lowering as of raising there.— ( Hear, hear.) As to the alarm which some gentlemen felt at the idea of being dependent on foreign countries for the sup ply of a necessary article, he did not participate in it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated on a late occasion very truly that there had been fluctuations in the price of cotton. No doubt of it ; and so there must be fluctuation in the price and in the supply of every home or foreign product. But there had lately arisen a competition between India and America in this product, and the consequence was that cotton was at this time cheaper than it ever had been. But if cotton had been subject to a sliding scale instead of a moderate fixed duty, Englan:l would never have become the country of cotton manufactures ; but that branch of industry would have flourished in those other soils to which the present Corn-laws were driving it. Cotton manufactories would be established in other countries, and the sliding scale would prevent its being established in this country. Articles were more uniform in price when they were not subject to protective duties, and the differences between the prices of coffee and sugar in this country and on the Continent proved that principle. At that moment he believed their pro tective duties were doubling the price in London and Liverpool. Coffee was cheaper by eighty per cent. on the Continent than in England, which was also an effect of the system of protec tion. Their tariff allowed them to import foreign coffee, but they must first send it to the Cape of .Good Hope and bring it back again. Now these things were so absurd that he hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would revise the system of import duties altogether.—( Hear, hear.) • -He -believed they were now arrived at a critical period. The embarrassments of neer chnnts arid manufacturers had existed for three or four years, and were increasing every day, and from the information he could obtain he foiled there had been more capital lost, in the last years than during any former period. The suffering of the la bouring classes could scarcely be descried, and it was most creditable to them that they had borne them in the way they had done. But the people now looked into the causes of these thing's, and were satisfied that their commercial tariff and re strictive laws were at the root of the evil ; and the greateSt and most oppressiin of those laws was that which excluded corr. and flour.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that in a short time something would be done for the relief of the suffering people. He was altogether disappointed at the measure that had been introduced by the Right Hon. Baronet, and certainly he looked forward with very little satisfaction to what was be fore them, as no improvement had taken place in trade since the measure had been announced ; he thought they were in a position of the most earming kind, and he trusted something would be done to remedy it. Mr. H A STIE said with a view to coming to a right decision on the subject, he had examined into some details connected with the large and important agricultural interest. One of the best authors on the subject, Mr. M'Culloch, in his " Statistics of the British Empire," stated the whole rental of the kingdom to be forty-six millions sterling, and the gross value of the produce out of which that rental was to be paid to be two hundred millions. He had then made an inquiry into how much ttf this agricultural value was corn produce. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Dorchester, had told the agriculturists there that the law proposed by the Go vernment would give them protection to the extent of lbs. a quarter; he denied that it would have any such effect. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Dorchester, stated that the agricultural interest would have a protection of I4s. per quarter. Now, the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government stated the other night, that his anxious wish was to reduce the duty on corn to 10s. per quarter. No ,v, that would. reduce the landlords' protection to 8 per cent., and he (Mr. Hastie) would maintain that if a free trade in corn were opened, and he founded his opinion upon a thorough examination of the Corn-laws of this country—he felt convinced that if a free trade were opened in corn the price would not fall ss. in the course of thirteen ears. He found that the average amount of wages of agricultural la bourers in the great counties and round the large towns was Bs. This was proved before the Committee of the House in Pz1.36. The wages of the labourer was the same as the rent to the rich man. Now, Bs. a week was 201. a year ; and they had it from the Hon. Member for Salop that, after a careful examination, the labourers in his county consumed at the rate of one quarter of wheat per head per annum. Now, if this Bill did what the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) said it would, viz., give a protec tion of 14s. to the agticulturist, they had the labourer, who had 201. a year. anti who, perhaps, had a wife and taco chil dren, who, altogether, would consume four quartets of wheat per annum, the protection alone, at 145., amounting to 21. 16e., or near 14 per cent. on his income. Compare this with the man who had 100,0001. a year. It would not bear comparison. He (Me. Flastie) should give his vote cordially for the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, and he (Mr. Ilastie) only recommeeded Hon. Members opposite, connected with the agricultural interest, to look into the sta tistics which he had laid before them. Mr. O'CONNELL said. he would not detain the House many minutes. He had expressed his sentiments so often on this subject, that it would be superfluous for him to go into it at any length then. He merely rose, to say,. that he should give his vote most cordially for this motion, because lie thought it was a vote given on principle. There was no disputing the fact, that great distress prevailed all over the British empire It was not - confined to any particular locality. or to any parti cular trade or manufacture, but it was general and overwhelm ing ; the details were enough to sicken the firmest heart. Misery, destitution, poverty, and starvation, met them in every direction. There was not the least doubt of that. It could not be said to be a party question. It was stated on one side of the House, and re-echoed on the other.--( Hear. ) The only question was, which side of the House was disposed to meet that distress with a remedy. Now what did they propose to do? It was nothing to say the pre sent plan would relieve them; it would not relieve them. If they said the repeal of the Co! n-laws would not relieve them, that was an assertion very far from proof.--( Hear, hear. ) That assertion had been made for the last week or ten days, and the result was, there was to be no relief. Now he thought it was a gross misrepresentation to say, the Corn•lawa were the sole cause. He thought it was one of the evils. There was one thing certain, if they gave provisions to the people, they would relieve them. Did it not follow of inevitable ne cessity, that they would give them some relief by giving them provisions cheaper ?--( Cheers.) Wh at they wanted was food. What they refused to give them was food. The question was really this Should their Corn-laws raise the natural prices of human food ? Would restrictive laws make food ? The natural price of food was that which was the market price of the produce all over the world, unfettered by any taxes whatever ; that was the natural price of food. Were they to have that natural price,' or were they to have an artificial price, that is the price that these laws produced? Of course, during the years of deficient supply, by having that supply from one country, instead of from all, was a great loss and evil. Thas was, there might be a deficient harvest in this country, and there might be a deficient harvest in other coun tries, but that was no reason why there should be a deficient harvest everywhere ; and by this law they were prevented from receiving the benefit of a good harvest in other countries of the world, and thus they kept up the prices here notwithstinding the bounty or Providence elsewhere. The distress of the coun try was increasing. Did their statistics, or did they not, prove that the distress had been increasing, year after year, and day by day, for the last five or six years? At length it was become indisputable, and they were actually blasting on the otter side of the House, of the patience with which the dis tressed people bore their sufferings. These people were suffering deprivation, yet all relief was kept from them, for their purpose was to make the landed interest rich at the ex • pense of the poor. It was a rich and poor question.--( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member below him (Mr. Hastie) had drawn a comparison between the rich man and the poor one in point of consumption. Nine-tenths of the income of the poor man were laid out in provisions, while a hundredth or a thousandth part of the income of the rich man was not taken in provisions for his family. It was, therefore, a poor man's pressure ; and, they must recollect that the poor man's pres sure was much greater than the benefit to the deb man. Who was to decide this question ? Would they leave it to the Chartists, or to them, the Radicals ? Would they be content that the Chartists should call a Convention, and that that Con vention should decide whether there should be a tax on human food? Certain'y they would not ; because they had decided no Convention should exist. But what right hail they to a Con vention of the landed interest ?—( Hear, and cheers.) What right had they to decide that question between the poor and the operatives, who were not represented there ; but against whom they (the landed interest) were opposed?—( Cheers.) He meant no offence to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, because it was human nature to be inclined to one's own interest.—( Laugh ter.) The Chartist operatives did the same; but he did com pi n l j a t i t n ry of a n d their r e e x s e s i r o c n i s in o g f t t h h e e p p o o o w r e r rn t a h n e , y a n p d os L es r se th d ei t r o o t w h n e exclusive benefit.—(Loud cheers.) The entire' of the working classes were interested in the abolition of this law.---(Continued cheers.) He had heard it said, that - if they abolished these laws, it would take away every advantage of the agricultural labourer, and reduce him to want. Ile, (Mr. O'Connell) utterly denied that the agricultural labourer's interest had any interest in the prosperity of the landlords. He denied that position ; they would, perhaps, refuse to be convinced, but he had a document to show the fact, and that was the Report of a Committee of that House, appointed to inquire into the state of agriculturists (as we understood). He had that Report which stated, that distress existed amongst the agriculturist+, but that the labourers were more com fortable than :they had been for some time hefore. —( Hear.) He remembered at that time, the Right Honourable Baronet opposite (Sir R. Peel) expressed his satisfaction at the state of these labourers. This showed that the agricultural labourers was as much interested in cheap bread as the operatives,and at all events that they were as much interested in dear breast as the farmer or the landlord.—(Hear, hear.) Ireland indeed was not mentioned in that Report, for he wgs sorry to say, the distress there was always on the labourer, therefore he could not introduce Ireland a; any evidence, and he therefore must con fine himself to this country. Well, now, looking at these sta • tistics, would they consult the welfare of the people ? After a ll , t h e question lay in a narrow emppass. WRulci they still insist upon continuing these taxes upon the food of the poor consumer ?—(" Hear, hear," and cheers. ) Discuss it as they might, introduce as many excuses as they p l ease d, all the fallacies Isroeght fqrwerul to sestain the Corp laws hrd fallen, one after the other. I-le diit not 'think the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Wiltshire, would now assert that dear corn produced high wages. He (Mr. O'Connell) rememberedthat the Hon. Baronet used to say that dear corn made high !ages, and low prices i n corn made low wages. He 4id not thl4 that e!1 tie (Sir F. hurdett) would rulike use of these fallacies !lbw. ' When thesi? 'falfacies iirtib uce(ltear; heii. '`lll6 d they failed' one after the other:— people were s i n t rea w n , l is igg wa fß s r it l!re a l t it t; ttaie•ity, ugh.' : to to show a cull-blooded indifferebee -e s C i t a ' it l u He would not say it was an it tentional cold-blooded indifference, but it was looked upon these suffering people as such. Let them look to these, laws, /Why; for heaven's sake, wthy-not inakethe experiment ? (Loud cheers.) For his own part he should not vote for the motion if it. h.d been for a gradual reduction, for he believed the benefit of the resolution - SliOuld be given now.—( Hear, and cheers.) He knew an advantage would be taken of his say ing so, and the authority would be rated much higher than it deserved. He thought it was now. The great importance of the motion was immediate relef, for if they opened the ports to-morros, speculation would have the certain effect of mak ing corn dear. As they had no other plan, why not adopt that of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton ? There was noother scheme that could relieve the (Esteem. But they had been re turned there to support - the Corn-laws; and they had an over whelming majority. Those interested in the scheme were not represented at all. When the Right Hon. Baronet was last in power—healid not mean the last Administration, for then he had office, but no power—(Hear, and laughter)—when he was last in power, when his Administration terminated, what was the state of the country ? When it terminated, the night was rendered terrible by blazing fires in various districts, and the day by assaults upon the Magistrates. Members were three ened. Commission s of death were sitting, and many per sons sentenced to execution. The City itself was much dis turb d, so that the Monarch, beloved as be was, did not dare to visit the Chief elagiitrate. This was the state of the ter • mination of the last Administration of the Right Hon. Baronet. Ile (Mr. O'Connell) would implore of him not to expect an euthares s ia, or that everything would go on smoothly now if these laws Were continued ; but he might expect an overwhelm ing stream sf indignatio n from the manufacturing population, which would lacer him down —that population driven to de spair by the cord d system of legislation for the profit of a class.—( Cheers ) Col. CONOLLY said it surprised him much tohear all the vi tuperation which had been heaped upon Gentlemen on that side of the House. Taking in o consideration the fact of the home market being worth all others in the universe, he was not prepared t o adopt a measure to ruin it altogether. lie regretted to find the home market had been unpaired, and he had heard the exports sf this conntry declining attempted to be accounted for by the lion. Member for Dumfriesshire. He (Mr. Ewart) contendel that 'he condition of the country was bad. If it was bad, why make it worse ? He (Col. Conolly) would go as far as any man in compassion for suffering, but he would not lend himself to a measure brought forward for the prevention of this suffering by involving the whole of the agriculturists in ruin. It was a measure calculated to render us dependent on a foreign, and perhaps a hostile country.- ( Hear, hear)—for our maintenance. Of course, as he was an agriculturist, he should be charged with being selfish, and he submitted, with the Gentlemen on that side of the House. He was satisfied the landed interest of the country stood high in the estimation of the population. He fully agreed with the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, as it hell out a great portion of relief, and did everything that could safely be done, consistent with faith to the public creditor. With respect to the vituperation heaped upon them, he would say that he treated it with the utmost contempt. Ile thought the principle advocated by Hon. Gentlemen opposite was ono of the wildest schemes from first to last that could be submitted to the House. He could not avoid inferring that there was a little political re sentment in the opposition given by Hon. Gentlemen en the other side of the House. It was freely admitted that there were advantages to be derived from the measure proposed by the Hight Hon. Baronet, and however inflammable the haran gues made against it were, he (Colonel Conolly) saw those advantages were admitted by the trading classes. He thought also that it was a remarkable coincidence that there should be a tumult at the meeting at Wolverhampton, at the very. same time when there was a debate in that House upon the subject of the Corn-laws—when the House was engaged with the mo tion of its representative, who supported the total abolition of those laws. He wished to keep faith with the public. He was also anxious to sustain the agricultural population of the coun try, and to secure support to the manufacturing in terests. He had, therefore, voted against all the proposi tions for a number of years which had been brought forward for the abolition of the Corn-laws since the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton had a seat in that House. He represented a large agricultural interest in Ireland, and knowing that their interests chiefly depended upon agriculture he was deter mistral to resist to the utmost the proposed mea sure.--(Cheers. ) It hod been his good fortune to travel through almost every part of Europe, and he could not think it would be possible to trade with the people of the Continent, from their inability to consume the manufactures of this country. Could it be possible that Poland, at least in our day, could consume the manufactures of this eountry2— He deemed it utterly impossible. The people there had advanced nearest of any country in the world to destitution. Why should the people of this country then expect to dispose of their manufactures there ? It was a delusion so audaciouS—the argument was a fallacy so extreme, that it was a matter of wonder how any person could be a party to it. In giving the opposition he was then about to give to the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, he (Colonel Conolly) felt that he was acting maintenance of the best interests of the people of this country. He was anxious for the welfare of every human being in the State, and however erroneous some lion. Gentlemen might suppose his views were, they were at least the result of a good deal of experience, and much consideration upon the subject.—( Hear, hear.) He would say he had taken an honest course in sustaining the measure proposed by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, because he was con vinced it administered to the wants and wishes, and main tained the best interests, of the country ; he would therefore resist the proposition of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton; and he was happy to think that he (Col. Connolly) and those who acted with him, consulted the real interests of the 1 peop.e; and that the Right Hon. Baronet in bringing forward his measure, had not lost sight of. that:which would resider this entire he would appeal to. the good sense and intelligence of country independent of all the nations theworld. On the Hon. Gentlemen, and he was . quite sure the Hon. 'Member for Wolverhampton would find himself in ae most miserable minority.—( Laughter and cheer s.) Mr. HAWES assured the House, that at this late period of the debate, he would not interfere, but that he was anxious to express the opinions which he entertained with reference to the question. Ile was quite disposed to speak of every interest connected with it with moderation, but he should at once state that it was his intention to support the measure of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton for the total and immediate re vel of the Corn-laws.—( Hear. ) What was the state of the present case? The amendment proposed by the Noble Lord the Member for London had been rejected, and he ( Mr. Hawes) was now called upon by the Hon. Gent. the Member fat Wolverhampton to support, instead of the Noble Lord's amendment, a measure for the entire abolition of those laws. He di.l so, and he was prepared to prove clearly and dis tinctly, the grounds upon which he had taken that course. Before he entered into the consideration of the plan proposed by the Goveinurent, he wished to •do ample justice to the motives winch induced her Majesty's Ministers to bring forward the proposed measure. He was prepared to admit that the amendment of the present raw proposed in that measure would be of service to the country—(Cheers from the Ministerial benches l—and that there would be wed° lay the present measure a larger trade in corn than hitherto existed.— ( Hear, hear.) He admitted fully that it was the intention of the Government to amend the law, and that they would succeed in doing so by the measures they proposed. He did not think he could more strikingly illustrate that opinion than by reading to the House the opinions of the gentlemen who are engaged largely in the foreign corn trade. Three mereliants admitted that there would be a considerable increase in the trade in foreign corn if the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet became a law ; but they apprehended that spe culation in the corn trade would remain uneradicated, and that the measure would cause considerable derangement in the trade. He begged the attention of the Hon. Members opposite to that letter, it was addressed from Rostoek, to ione of the largest mercantile houses in the corn trade in London, and might, in every respect, be relied upon as expressive of the opinion; of foreign merchants with respect to the measure proposed by the Right lion. Baronet; that letter stated that trade was nearly suspended at Rostock in consequence of the new Corn-law measure, and it was likely to be so until that i m portant question wa s settled, for, until 'then, the merhrtnts there could not expect any revival in their trade—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benche s )—as people would not wish to in vest their capital in speculation s in corn, lest this measure would interfere with, or impede their interest. As far as they were concerned they stated that they did not want any alteration at all, for they hail no doubt that, if foreign corn was introduced into this country at a low er rate of d uty t h an was at present paid, it would withdraw a great deal of capital from them. The letter then proceeded to state, that the merchants at Rostock hoped that the Duke of Buckingham would succeed in his opposi tion. He inferred from that letter that they were opposed to a fixed duty, because it would be levied upon the holders of stock, and whilst he sdmitted that the present measure was an amend ment upon the present law, he should also say that the state ments made as well by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), as by the Right. Hon. Gentlem n the Member for Kent, were sources of considerable gratification. The Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel) slid he proposed this measure because he thought it would be an improvement upon the present law and promote the interest of the country, because he felt it was the best measure he could propose ; and the Right Hon. Baronet and the lion. Baronet the Member for Wiltshire, admitted that the e laws were the basis of agricultural prosperity, and that extending the trade in corn would be a benefit to this country.— ( Hear, hear.) That was no small concession --it was no small concession that the most sterling of all the opponents of this measure, should now come down to the House, and to use their own expressions, support it from sheer necessity.—( Hear, hear.) On the entire he considered the protection now given to corn might be, greatly regarded . as an amendment upon the present law, but yet it was not 'con sistent with the interests of the people.—( Ironical cheers from the Ministerial Benches.) The Hon. Member for, Essex cheered that obseryation, but he (Mr. Hivree) thoniht he was entitled to, say, when a law Was' fgesoghee Ncai an assurance against famine., and ' when Ink fotitrilFthaethepreient laW was admitted t ) be injurious in its , operatinot, zhe Seras - • en titled to say, that there were very great and ^very Material changes necessary. He cong:atulated himself and the House upon the change of opinion entertained by the Right Hon. Bart. the Member for Tamworth, and other H o n. M em b ers on the opposite side, since this measure was underthe considera tio the noft House Househe now that lastyeat theyr —(Hears hear)— an d h e congratu lated werefairly entitled to consider in our t h e m ( e ) r p e p a o a s t i that those epinions were entirely contradictory to the opinions the Right Hon. Bart. and his friends then entertained upon Right Hon. Gentleman assumed over the subject.—(Cheers and counter cheers.) It, was a subject of congratulation, as the Right Hon. Bart. and Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the House had changed their opinions, that they might to-morrow or next (lay apphrozimate to the principles of which we had a controlhands, ever in our . e those fin. which he . y . and i n those which no one could control, propoed no remed s . mercantile free and unrestricted traadned. was desirable. T he said some alteration The only evils which the The only security against the fluctuations the trade of this country on a broad b • Lotions was to place disturbances trb e f ' s r o i ems, in one so that when wheat was cheaP and quarter of the globe, it might continue so in another;f brokers inasmuch, as an example of quoting from the reports 0 h a e (Mr. Hawes) might perhaps be allowed to I - t_h_*.t example, thetigh Se did not think it vat _mir be one. Th at from which he should quote would ae e i csers e nz of credence as that of Alessrs. and Lane, It wits dated the 31st of December, 1841, and . L- as by by the Associated Brokers of Liverpool. They beg an hy alluding to the great fleet , and then they said th ; commercial embarrassment. dof broker ' qt VI AS: sedation like theirs, co mpose us el , ery shade gen e timent, much divereitY gloat, of •eoneee, exist, to to the souse, of pril 4 fr e l f; wci . I ° Rle rggarded the evils as of a temporery netnfet,.we. goon disperse, and the mercatililp body bs restored, were who whilst all would gladly concur in this hope, others there v :t e tem attempting Placed it to the effevt - ef narrow policy, which, by eoo P , Sg t ° Noy tro withqut reciprocating it, had at la" t ,.r go War 11 1 4 t valuable cus• tenters deogereue t i4s eho 4 se rrIF said, was an anomaly WhollY tinwerthy o an liffe_ eit was to have done so muc for the country. e ho ed nowever, that these tiesee were drawing to a close- h ly k Rawest Nuld fincl mad}; authorities of high retreeclitlaiLl 'do apuleest opera= tione afid induence to "I ti tettas Melt Mure se vere but he d'el not wls letee - iN n e House by making quo tation after quotition; nor yr..' refer to a report r though a b th most important one, drawn uP Y e hand-loom weavers, who document. r made their repert a solemnHe did teat mein, ha seid i to tr , .. , 01,!7 'kir t hat; tie o entiernan . - oeut4t Well ffis lynx' no tfiuu t aware o ' o "crikPik t4i:-.44.4l4orati‘nst of Corti-las4, trade;, and .the• labouring! the language" was as stronges. had been, made use ofln ; the most violent speakers ß t had who had ever spoken on the que#. tion. The Ri g ht Hon. saidthat he wi t ched keg corn betw. en 545. and ess. a . qua -ter. 0,1-whic Drittclolo , was it that the Prime IditaisYq 9 , t Cleewselhe'e4lieste e ne .. , UARY 24, 1842. might range from 545. - to 5Ss. a quarter ? He.should ha e imagined that the natural wish would have been that corn might be as- cheap as, possible, and he ( Mr. Hawes) thought that any attempt to regulate the price of corn within those limits, would in fact be condemned by every one.- ( Hear.) It. would be recollected that in 1810 the price was 90s. it then fell to 705., by the late law it was 645., and now the Right Hon. Gentleman 'came down Ss. lower, and made it 565. ; but he (Mr. Natives) had no more faith in the decla ration that 565. would be a fa r remunerating price for the British farmer, than in the former declaration that 90s. would be a fair remunerating price. H e h a d a r i g h t to as k t h e Right lion. Gentleman for some better basis for this law than that corn should range between 545. and 58s. a quarter. Mr. Ellis, in his examination, thought that wheat should be brought down till it was brought to 505., and Mr. M'Dougall, a Scotchman, said, that the Scotch far mer could grow wheat, and grow it with a profit, at a price of from 6s. 6d. to 7s. a bushel ; and when asked if the present rents in Scotland could be maintained with wheat at that price, he said, " I am perfectly certain they could." He (Mr. Hawes) would now come to the opinions of agents who were engaged in collecting the rents on large estates, and who spoke from their own great experience ; anti from their statements he (Mr. Hawes) formed a strong confirma tion of what he had before said, that the Right Hon. Gentle man had no right to assume that 565. was the price which would afford a fair remunerating price to the farmer ; and if he could not prove, that he was bound to alter the scale in conformity with the views of those who maintained that wheat can be grovsn at a less rate. He (Mr. Hawes) remembered that the same arguments as the Right Hon. Gentleman made use of now had been brought before every agricultural committee. The same principle was adopted in 1815, to hold the price at 90s. as was now made use of to keep it at 565. He would now come to the evidence of Mr. Tyson. That gentleman was asked, Looking at Mr. Coke's estate in Norfolk, do you think the farmer could afford to pay any rent whatever with wheat at ss. a bushel ?" The answer was, " Yes, I think he could, with a good profit." lie was then asked, "Do you think taking the average of years, that Mr. Coke has a single tenant on his estate that could afford to pay any rent with wheat at ss. a bushel ?" The answer was " Yes." And the same question being again put to him, he said, " I am not sufficiently ac• quainted with the soil to answer confidently ; but, looking at the great improvements in agriculture, &c., I think the farmer will grow his wheat cheaper." He was then asked what sys tem of Corn•laws he would substitute instead of the existing one ? He answered, " I should be for a fixed duty, begin ning with a high duty, and going down to a low one, as low as five shillings." He was next asked if he thought ss. per quarter as protection would be sufficient to enable him to compete with the foreigner; his answer was " Yes." The next question " With wheat at 40s. a quarter, do you think the farmer would be able to grow wheat to any extent ?" His answer was " Yes, I do." He (Mr. Hawes) thought that the evidence of a witness having so great expe rience, examined and cross-examined to such an extent, and still adhering to his former answer, was entitled to the atten tion of the publite-( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hawes) should be prepared to show that the effect of the Right Hon. Gentle man's measure would he in reality to keep up wheat above 565.; and he should next advert to the evidence of Mr. Beckworth, the steward of the Duke of Bedford, who said that he could grow wheat at Se. 6d a bushel. He (Mr. Hawes) did not think then that the Right. Hon. Baronet was justified in giving to the House a measure which should attempt to regulate the price of wheat between 545. and 583. and to place the mean (565.) as a remunerating price f or the farmer, in the face of such evidence as he ( Mr. Hawes) had adduced. The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had, he thought, unduly depre ciated the price of foreign corn, Taking the price of wheat for a long series of years and at a duty of 165., that would form a much higher protective price to the farmer than 535. Corn could not be obtained at Dantzic, for a long series of years, at a less price than 40s. a quarter.-(Hear, hear.) That was very low in deed. The Right lion. Gentleman, however, in order to lower the prices, struck out certain places, and to lower the prices of freight, in the same way struck out certain places, which, he said, sent over very little corn, and were only nomi nally corn-growing countries. lie ( Mr. Hawes) would beg leave to call the Right lion. Baronet's attention to what had been said by Mr. Jacobs-certainly a man of great ability and integrity ; that gentleman said that wheat at Warsaw could not be procured for less than 28s. ; add 20s. for fseight to London, and we have it in London at 48e ; add the duty, 165., and the price reaches 645. It was quite clear, then, that all that wheat, extending over a series of many years. could not be brought in to compete with the British farmers' wheat at the price of 565. The Right Hon. Gentleman had, therefore, in point of fact, protected the farmers to a much greater extent than might at first sight appear. He would now look at the returns made by the Consuls. They stated the price at Warsaw to be 245. ; transit 205., and duty Itis. would make the price 60s. The whole of that corn, therefore, could not be brought into competition with the British farmer. The 20s. which he( Mr. Hawes) had assigned as the cost for transit from Warsaw to London was founded on the authority of the old Consuls, Messrs. Wilson, M'Culloch, and Jacobs. If a snore extended inquiry into this :question were desired they would find papers before the House of Lords containing the average price of wheat from the year 1770 to 1819. The price of wheat at Dantzic then was 455. 4d., the freight 35.. 6d., which, with the duty of 165., made the price 655. ; again, confirming the stateme n t, th a t th e w h o l e growt h of- the Polish and Prussian wheat would, under the operation of this law be excluded from competition with British grown wheat. No wonder, then, that the Right Hon. Gentleman's plan had excited universal discontent ; for though he fixed the price of wheat at 565., it must, in point of fact, be much higher. Hut in succeeding years, from 1823 to 1826, wheat was very low. There was no demand in England, because the harvests were good both at home and abroad. Taking the ten years from 1821 to 1831, and taking also other years, it would be found that the average price of wheat abroad was 405., which, with the expenses of freightage and duty, would make the price from 635. to 645. per quarter. He did not mean to say that the Right lion. Baronet did not introduce his measure with the best intentions, but then he had no good foundation on which toe rest Isis law. if he meant to secure an average price of 565. fur wheat to the ihome grower, he had no light to propose a measure that would give, in fact, a much higher protection, as any Gentleman would find upon strict examination. In fact, the new scale would he a very heavy tax upon bread. 'Cho Right lion. Baronet the Member for Dorchester was opposed to a fixed duty, on the ground that it seas impossible to maintain it. Now, if the idea of this im poss.bility were proved to be groundless, would the Right Hon. Gentleman consent to give up the odious arrangement of the sliding scale, and become a convert to a fixed duty ? Why under a fixed duty the higher the prices were, the more likely the duty would be to be paid. Even under the new scale the Government would g et a good deal more money than the old scale would affo r d, because the latter approximated to a fixed duty ; and the higher the price:, were of corn at home, the more willing the consumer would be twget foreign supplies, - and to pay that duty. But was the object of the sliding scale of maintain price? Ifit were, look to the statement of the Right lion. Baronet at the head of the Government, who declared that no Act of Parliament could keep prices steady. Yet in the same breath he sand that this was the essential intention of his measure.-(Hear.) The fluctuations in the prices of rye in Poland had been quoted to warn us against relying upon the probable steadiness of price in foreign wheat. But the fluctuations in rye were easily ex s lainee Rye was the main article of food of the people of that country, who were without roads or capital ; so that if a season were to fail in a single district, the price would be very high, though in an adjoining province the stock might be abundant ; but a gentleman largely connected with the trade of Poland had observed to him that the fluctuations in rye in that country should not at all affect England. He said the prices of food in England ought to be more steady than any, where else on the globe, because we had more facilities of communication, more extended resources, and more capital than any other country; and therefore we could always com mand regular and abundant supplies.--( Hear, hear.) On the other hand the condition of Poland was exactly the reverse, and no comparison could be made between the two countries. The Right Honourable Gentleman re ferred to the period extending from the year 1765 to 1815. as a period of free trade in corn, affected by nu other influences than the ordinary ones of supply aad demand. But he would remind him that the French war was one cause of extraordinary interference-indeed, to quote the words of Mr. Tooke, there was no period in our experience of free trade in corn of sufficient duration to enable us to draw just conclusions on the subject. It was said that an alteration of from 3s. to ss. a quarter would be made in the returns of the averages by the new mode. He (Mr. Hawes) admitted that a change to the full amount of ss. would be effected by the addition of those new towns which the Right Hon. Baronet proposed to introduce. The statement read to the House the other evening by the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, con. firmed this estimate. Taking the large towns of London Wakefield, Derby, Leeds, Newcastle, Liverpool, and Hull, it would be seen that on the Ist of September, 1841, the ale rage price of wheat was 755., whilst in the remaining 143 towns the average was 675. 3d., making a general average of 71s. 2d. He knew it was said that a good deal of speculation prevailed at that time, but he would refer to the average weekly returns made to the Board of Trade., anti ask could it be shown from them that speculation in thelaverages was then at work ? If you take the country towns, and exclude the large ones, you would find a very considerable difference, as the large towns furnished the higher averages, because of their I greater consumption of the best quality of flour, which caused a greater quantity of wheat to be sold. But the small towns consuming less would exhibit lower ave rages. The result must be then, that in consequence of the addition of a large number of country towns by the Right lion. Baronet to those which had furnished the returns hitherto, the general averages would be lower, and the new Bill would lo.ep out foreign corn longer than would be the case under the present scale. He should not be unwilling to take into con sideration the alleged peculiar burdens upon land ; and if such burdens did exist, he agreed with his Hon. and Le'rned Friend the Member for Bath, in thinking that one of two things should be done-either that these burdens should be repealed, or that a fixed duty upon corn should be imposed to the same amount. That, however, was a subject for further consi deration. (The Hon. Gentleman was proceeding to say that the landed aristocracy could not complain of the prohibition to grow tobacco and other commodities in this country, when he was met with loud interruption and cries of " Question," from the Ministerial side of the House.) When Hon. Gentlemen opposite cried " question," and manifested such marks of impa• tience, he thought he might be permitted to observe that it was not Hon. Gentlemen on his side of the House who had caused a prolongation of the debate.-( Bursts of laughter. es cries of " Oh, oh," on the /Ministerial benches.) - "a not forget that, not w ith s t an di ng the moderes- 110 could • . by which his Hon. Friend, the 1 " -.e and a bl e speec h '". had introduced his neeeloes , -"suer for W o l ver h amp t on , e _ , no one g en tl eman connected with the Government gigs condescended to reply to that speech. - (Hear, hear.) That was not, he thought, a proper course to pursue upon sluestien which so deeply interested the people of this pc,gptry. Now, he thought Honourable Gentlemen sin his side had a perfect right to prolong the de bate, if they thought fit to do so, until they had extracted from ,the members of her Majesty's Cabinet some answer, and some notice of the seseeehes made in support of the moti on before the House. While no member of the Go vernmeot addressed himself to the subject, he thought Hon. gentiemen an his side had a right to consider that as a general invitation to go on until it was convenient to them to break the silence they had observed. He was sure that every member of that House deeply deplored the distress which so generally pre vailed throughout the stoentyy and in his (Mr. Hawes's) opi nion, that ektress was wholly and solely attributable to the operation of that. restrictive policy which regulated our tyasle in articles of foreign produce. He confessed, however imperfect might be the scheme of the Government, it appeared to him to b e an improvement upon the system - which it was to displac e ; and he also thought: that the scheme was in a great measure an imita tion of the policy of the late Ministry, whom a factious oppo sition had removed from office. A Government so entirely adopting the policy of its (Hear, hear, an d predecessors laughter from the Ministerial benches)-whoni they had sup planted and obstructed, were net, in his opininn, a Govern ment which (meld maintain the confidelice of thi s country. Mc., MARE PHILIPS said, that though he should not trespass long cm the indulgence of the House, he felt it his duty 0, state his opinions upon the imp or t ant question then under their consideration. fie could not forget that, when in moving in a former Session the addresses to the Throne, he stated the deep distress in which the clam-dry was involved, that statement had been repivesi with suspicioe and incredu lity. The eOteoca of distress was now, however, admitted on ailihands . ; and it was evident that it was their duty to devise, if possible, an immediate remedy for the evil. He remembered that in June last, the Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, told the Noble Lord (Lord .1. Russell) that, in his opinion, the new Parliament should be reassembled at the earliest possible moment for the purpose of taking into conside • ration the important questions which then agitated the country. Now, it appeared to him, (Mr. Mark Philips); . that the Right Hon. Baronet had forgotten his own lesson, and that he had not seemed anxious to take the condition of the country into his immediate consideration. And now that the Right Hun. Gentleman's measure had been disclosed, he ( Mr. M. Philips) was bound to say, that in his judgment it would convey no relief for the distress of the country. The measure had been received by the constituency whorn he had the honour to represent, with feelings of deep de spondency and regret. Meny of his supporters in A141,- chester had felt so much dissatisfaction that they had joined with those who saw no remedy for the evils of the country but an extension of the suffrage to every individual who had attained the age of twenty-one years. He did not himself, he should say, join in that movement, although he was aware that he might, by such a declaration, place himself in an attitude of hostility to the views of a large body of those whom he had the honour to represent. The Right Hon. Baronet had told them that he did not consider that the distress of the country had arisen in any material d-'- eree out of the operation of the Corn-laws, and he also told tliem that it was not in his power to offer any remedy for the distress. He (Mr. M. Philips) did riot therefore wonder at the disappointment which many had expressed. It had bet n said, that the working classes did not participate in the opinions of the advocates for an immediate repeal of the Corn-laws.--( Hear, hear.) Now he wished to observe, that lie had presented a petition against the Corn-laws signed by 68,800 of the town which he had the honour to represent; and as the entire population of that town amounted to no more than 240,000 inhabitants, he thought that was a suffi• ciently distinct intimation of the opinion of the male adult population of the town of Manchester. When he first solicited the suffrages of his present constituents ten years ago he had stated to them his wish that a moderate fixed duty should be imposed upon foreign corn, and that that duty should be allowed gradually to decline until it altogether vanished. Ile thought that such a measure would have been the best that could have been proposed at the time. He was now ready to support the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, and he felt that it was only a debt of jus tice to the millions of this country that the tax upon food should be removed as soon as possible. He should say, with every wash fairly to consider the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, that it appeared to him most objectionable in its character, and that it was calculated to perpetuate in a modified form all the evils of the present system. He admittted that it was ran improvement upon that system, but he saw nothing in it which would give steadiness to the trade in corn, or which would take trade out of the hands of speculators and gamb lers. In the course of his own mercantile career he had never thought it advisable to exchange the commodities in which lie dealt for foreign corn, and he had never imported a single cargo of corn, so dangerous and uncertain did he consider the trade under a sliding scale. He should now say that he would not think it consistent with his own interest to import foreign corn under the new scale which the Right Hon. Baronet proposed. What would become of their trade if the United Strits adopted the plan which they had adopted at home, and applied a sliding scale to every article of manufacture imported from this country?—(Hear, hear.) Where were the merchants so daring, or so speculative, as to run a risk of making shipments of goods when th e y did no t k new w h at d uty might be imposed on the imported goods ? or what merchants in this country wo aid make over consignments while they were in doubt of the duty to be imposed ?—( Hear, hear.) The people asked to whom they were indebted for these laws, and they were anxious to know who held the reins of office when the beauties of the sliding scale were adopted, and they found that a landed interest was then dominant.--( Hear, hear.) He did not be lieve that they were aware of the evils that would result from the system they adopted ; and he was not sure that if the mer cantile interest had been as powerful at the time they would not have to complain of similar evils in their commercial system. But he considered the operation of the sliding scale was par tial ; and since the commencement of last Session he felt it to be his duty to inquire into the condition of the poor where he resided, and the population there were chiefly employed in the occupation of hand-loom weaving ; but the extent anti in tensity of the destitution of the people was beyond what he had any conception of.—( Hear.) He found that they possessed neither bedding, nor clothing, nor furniture ; at least nothing that could be called by th ose names . Th ey h a d now su ff ered for three years ; and as the articles of their manufacture were exported to the United States, they were still to endure misery for a longer period, because they would not admit the corn which those States had to give them, if they were only allowed to take it.—( Hear.) Though they worked as hard as possible, they could not earn as much as would keep body and soul to gether, without any reference to clothing or furniture ; anti they attributed that state of things to the operation of the present sys : tem. He believed if they were only allowed to import the wheat which America had to give, this distress would be re lieved, and those who dragged on a mi.erable and wretched existence, would be placed in a better condition.—(Hear.) He was the more convinced of this, because, when a vessel had arrived in Liverpool, from America, on the 2 38th of De cember, the cargo was exchanged for goods ; a n d if suc h an exchange was allowed t o p rocee d on a more extended system, what might they not expect?—( Hear, hear.) But he considered it was very wrong to confine themselves to the single article of wheat, for he believed if their trade was more free, a larger exchange of every kind of agricultural produce would re sult.—( Hear, hear.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite were afraid they should be flooded with corn in this country, if a free importation were allowed ; but it should not be assumed that foreign couutries were able to raise corn to the extent supposed. They should adopt the rotation system, which prevailed in this country. In the north of Germany he did not know of any land so fertile as to produce crops in continuous succession, so that the fears of Hon. Gentlemen seemed to be - phantoms which had no existence. Hon. Gen tleman made another fatal mistake with regard to the opera tion of the sliding scale, when they said that wheat was only admitted when a scarcity prevailed at home, and only in such quantities as to make up for the deficiencies of the harvests in this country. But it was notorious that the quantities im ported were not sufficient to feed the hungry of the country.-- ( Hear, hear, hear.) There was one topic to which the Right lion. Baronet had not alluded, namely, the effect of the sliding scale on the safety of the Bank of England if, io any one year, the scarcity of the count-y was such that they must pay for the wheat imported in bullion instead of manu factures, the evils that must arise would be trivial in them selves compared with the evils that would follow such an ope ration.—( Hear, hear.) Under the present system everything was hazardous and doubtful ; their capita was diminished, and the loss entailed on the community was frightful to contem plate.—( Hear, hear.) It was not easy to calculate those losses, and he would not give any figures to prove them, because these, being the resu lt o f i n di v id ual calculations, might not be much relied upon ; but he would say, and without any wish to exaggerate, that the sliding system placed the people in a position in which it was rot right or safe that they should continue.—( Hear, hear.) But he would produce a cacula tion made by the Mayor of Manchester, which would prove the distress of the people. The Hon. Member then showed by the statement that in the year 1836 the workman had a snrplus, after all other necessary expenses, of 21. 7s. 9d. for food per week, whereas in 1841 he was in an actual defi ciency of means to purchase food. In the former year he paid 36 per cent, of his income for food, and in the latter he paid 89 per cent.--( Hear, hear.) That was evidence of the en hancement of the price of food on the people. Much had b.-en said with respect to the exports of the country, but be ( Mr. P.) would say now, what he so often said before, that the ex ports were a very fallacious test of the prosperity of the country. He stated that for the last two years the increase of the exports was to be considered as evidence of the distress of the country, because, from want of means, immense quantities of goods had been consigned to realise, by a system of advance, the means, on the part of the manufacturers, of carrying on manufactures and keeping their workmen employed--( Hear.) He had a circular in his hand, on the information contained in . which he should prefer the House to rest, rather' than on any statement of his own. It was issued in January last, by an individual who differed from him (Mr. Philips) in politics— a large commission agent in the town of Manchester. If the House wished he would give the gentleman's name.— (Cries of " Oh, oh," and " No, No.") Th e do cument he alluded t o mentioned the severe losses arising to spinners and manufacturers from their present position. Few were able to work their establishments so as to have common interest on the capital invested; others, hoping that they might yet be able to obtain a sufficient re turn for their outlay, were contracting engagements which must, in case of any disapp o i n t ment to thir expectations, end in their ruin. It was proved, that in Man chester, and six other towns in its neighbourhood, there were about sixty-three mills entirely at a stand from bankruptcy and other causes. The circular went on to state that the amount of exports was greater at this pes riod than during any former years; that the increase in the exports did not arise from any increased demand in the foreign markets, but the manufacturers were compelled to force his goods into the market at ruinously low prices to obtain the means of carrying on their business. That was a fair statement of the case of the manufacturers. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, was pleased the other night to read to the House a statement of the number of mills and cotton factories, accord ing to the return of a factory inspector, which were built since the year 1839. There must have been some mistike in the statement of the Right Hon. Baronet, namely, that 91 mills were built since that year. That was impossible, Those mills must have been built in 1836 and 1837, and the machinery added in 1839, anti brought into full operation in the same year. The evils attendant on the banking system he (Mr. Philips) would not attempt to deny; but befbre he pro ceeded to observe on that subject, he won't' refer to the state ment which he had been just alluding to. He (Mr. Philips), shortly after the late chan ge i n t h e Mi n i stry, applied to the Right Honourable Baronet to have a return from the factory inspector of the total number of fac tories in operation ; dividing those working full time, from those working short time, and , both from those that were closed. The Right Hon. Haronet refused to grant him that return, on the ground that those mills were in full ope ra ti on a t t h e t i me the return was 4h-i be only working s h or t time layn the period th e me' * laid on th e t a bl e o f t h e H ouse, and those urn would be might have bec ome i n f u ll operat;T;o and that, con s e quen tly, .o partially empl o y e d no return could gi ve informs' . - New he (Mr. Philios , ...ion of the actual state of the trade. as the Right •-was as anxious to po ssess th a t d ocument o fLion. Baronet was averse to lay it upon the table douse. It appeared, however, that in the ninety-one mills built in that district, 16,000 persons had been employed, and ought not those to be as much objects of their solicitude as if they were employed as agricultural labourers? But with respect to the banking system, he (Mr. Philips) had himself deprecated it in the year 18,35. He spoke his mind on the subject to his constituents in the year 1836. He had been then the more alarmed as his constituents aid not seem to have any apprehension on the matter. He con fessed, however, that at the present time his opinions had undergone a considerable modification with respect to over trading and over-speculation. He had been informed by per sons engaged in trade, that in the years 1835 and 1836, in almost every transaction they had with other parties, every account was paid them in Bank of England notes. They were not on that account chargeable with over -speculation or of fostering over-trading, because he should like to know the farmer who, if offered Bank of England notes for wheat he brought into the market, would think that, in accepting them, he was en couraging over-speculation ?—( Cries of " Divide, divide," " Order, order.") He must say, that although he thought they were suffering now from diminished consumption, as they had hitherto suffered from over-speculation, the people of this country were only anxious to obtain an exchange of their own productions for the articles which they needed ; they had no desire to see any injury inflicted upon the landed interest— they only wished to see that interest fairly promoted and encouraged, but not by legislative protection, such as was now sought to be kept up. He had heard with great regret from the Honourable Member for Bradford, some expressions, which he thought unworthy of that Hon. Gentleman. The Hon. Gentleman hail talked of the " drum ecclesiastic" having been beaten in connection with the Anti-Corn law movement.—( Hear from the Ministerial benches.) That expression was used with reference to the efforts of the dissenting clergy of this country; and he thought the Hon. Gentleman had gone far to injure himself in the esti mation of a large body of persons, whose good opinion he (Mr. M. Phillips) considered. it no slight honour to enjoy. He hoped the Hon. Gentleman would at some future period ackrow ledge that his expressions were hasty, and that they were not justified by the circumstances, and that they had done no thing derogatory to their sacred character. He had also to complain of the Hon. Member for Pontefract or, the same sub ject. The Hon. Member said the clergy of the Eats. Llished Chure- he - _ . had annt ilia:sr:elves by joining i n the er e -. W as i t a degreditlon fir a clergyman to sympathi se with his flock ?—( Ilesr, hear) Was it deFeda tion to advocate what he believed mild remove the distreas of the country ? Ile was far from thinking that any man degraded himself by cantin g forward to assist the suffering and starving people.—(Cri es of .. Divide, divide, " " Question. question.") he manufacturers had feline in for their share of abuse ; now he did not pretend to say that the manufaeturers were cast in a different mould &rl others; he did not mean to say that they would not find sordi 1 indiejtlitals amongst maustfae turers as well as in every other class of society; but he would oak, whether manufacturers were Tess distinguished for the honour- of their transactions; aye. sett for the regularity of those transactions, than any other pertierm of the etnninunity ? Ile would ask, whether they were less regardful of the interests, tile welfare, and the comfort of the poorer classes, or whether they aupperted institutions, established for their benefit, with a liberal hand?—(Hear, Ilene) He would ask sswhe ther, among manufacturers. they ever met w ith indivi duals, wh o , a spendthrifts, denreyal their prop e rty, and turned o th ers a d r if t i n co r n s -ten-nee, and then called teem s lees the f armers ' f r i en d? Th a t, hew- ver, was not the-proper mode of arguing the questicrt Many unnecesqs y"espersisimv hail been eas t u p on th e manufantursrs. He steod th e justify that (-lass, no; to error: e: ii they w enssnore tir.e ,_ t o a.n mo , e r tals, but t o d en y th at th ose zvp:;-,ism3 e-erehoene out by ir facts.—(Criesof " Hear, heir.") Par Leen wishing to retaliate, he would b e g l a d t o see our memiitry gentlemen carrying out iroprovem. n's on th e i r es t a t es , an d he trusted that a better understandi ng wou ld ye t ex i st b. tw c een the two classes. rn behalf of the manufact tiring class, lie hat to exprers his earnest hope that the measure proposed he the Right Hen Baronetwas not the on ly one w hi c h he wood Der to the country. - it were, it wou ld b e a bi tter disepi oietraent of their hepes.— f ( Hear, hear.) They looked to him fir something, more than the mere shadow of a measure of relist. In giving his support to the motion of his Honourable Friend, he was perfectly re nardless of its effect upon any pm optrty which he now possessed or might hereafter possess. Ile was determined to take the straight path of duty, by voting for that without which he believed the energies of the country would never be developed. He felt confident that the day was not tar distant when the re peal of the Corn-laws must be granted. He earnestly enjoined lion. Members to want it from their own csnvictions, and nut to wait until it might be extracted f o:u their fears.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") Ile did not use that ex e rsssion as a threat ; but he warned Honourable Members that if they did not le gislate in a straight direction, the result would be an attack, not upon the agricultural interest alone, but upon every interest; he would avert it ire n them as he would avert it from himself. Believing that the feelings of the people were being alienated from that House, he earnestly entreated them to adopt wise principles of legislation. Sir ROBERT PEEL rose and said—When, Sir, I took an opportunity of submitting to the IL use the proposal of her Majesty's Government upon the s abject of the Corn-laws, I felt it nay duty to state !bat 1 thought that the extent to which the existing Corn-laws had operated in producing that distress, the existence of which was not denied, had been considerably eeaggerated. I said that I thought that there were odor cites s in o,eration which might be referred to as accounting, in a considerable degree, for the distress which unfortunately existed. One of those causes I stated to be, that there had been an undue stimulus to com mercial and manufacturing enterprise, in consequence of the aid afforded by joint-stock banks and manufacturers acting in concert. For that express on of opinion I have been called to account by many Honourable Gentlemen who have taken a part in t his debate. I have been told that this doctrine of oversprodue•ion, of undue speculation, is ri diatdous. It was with some satisfaction that I heard the Hon. Gentleman, whome attention hss been specially directed to such matters, and who represents the town of Alanchester, the great seat of the cotton maeuneeure, cenfirn ing, to the fullest extent, the statement which I made, and admitting tLat to that system of joint-stock banks, to that unnecessary and un natural stimulus to manufacturing reeculatisn, a considerable portion of the present distress was attributable. ( Hear, hear.) Sir, the Honourable Genii. man naturally enough vindicates his ewe constituents Ide not attach aby blame to • them : that is not the question. It may Le that there was an lover-issue of Bank of England toren, but that question I will rot discuss. All I say is, that there is sufficient to . justify me in not partaking the despair and despondence which prevail, when I have pointed out one cause of distress, which by htiniely precaution might have been avoided, and when I am confirmed in that by the rap ricnrc and practical knowledge of the Honourable Aleinher. I said also that I thought the diminution of our experts to the United States, might be accounted for by the disart angement of the monetary system of that country. Here leo I have had the Honour able Member to confirm my view. Ile most expressly says that, however our own moiansry system may have been.de ranged, either the same or other causes have operated with greater force in the United States, and that the derangement of tlee market of the United States, must neeesserily have operated injuriously to our manuracturee.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, if I may estimate the extent, by the amount of the diminution of exports, it must be considerable. I find, Sir, that in the year 1839 the declared value of our ex ports to the United States remember, not the official valise, but the declared va.'ue of the chief articles of British manufactures, woellens, cottons, silks, hard ware, cutlery, e arth enware , & c ., amounted to 7,585,00 a ; in 1840 the declared value amounted to 8,839,000/., while in 1841, the declared value of our exports to the United Stites of America had fallen from 8.839,000/., which it had been the preceding :,eer, to 5,200,000/.—( Hear, hear.) I know that it may be sail !het time diminished export* to America was more than eampensated by the in crease of our exports to other parts of the world. But, Sir, is it not evident, that hewever mush our exports may have increased in other parts of the world, the houses en gaged in the American trade mu t have suffered extreme de pression, that they must have experienced great difficulties, and some of them have been plunged into extreme distress. in consequence of the sudden interruption hi their commercial dealings with their usual cu,netiet ?—( Hear, hear.) 1 sa id that the disturbance of our arnica' le relations with China, by diminishing our exports to that country, I -considered *,- 0 b e another cause of the meti.ting ids re..s. The Hon. o.,iitlernan the Member for Paisley defers wish rise, to that p o i nt, anti his is a high ati'lmti'y t n such a subject. The Hon. Gentleman, if I inirlestw,il him right, stated the other evening, that the total au, icd of our exports to China hail increased. I find from the ailici returns that the amount of our direct exports to Chita Sieve undergone a diminution within the last two years, and possibly the diminution tray have led me to overstate the amount, and to attribute more to that cause than eau be faidy attributed to it in producing- the distress under \Odel l we are at present labour ing-. With respect to our present t xports to China, the dimi nution in them is considerable. Ia 1839 the direct exports to China amounted to 1n201,85 . 2/. ; in 1840 they had fallen to £51,000/, and in 1841 they hal faleri to 52-1,000/. At the same time the Hon. Gentleman says that, although there has been a diminution of our direct respites to China, there has been an increase in our ins'irect exports mere than commensu rate to that diminution. I think the Hon. Gentlemen meg tioned Singapore. Mr. HASTIE—And time Fact Sir R. PEEL.—.As to the East Indies, I arms not prepared to state the amount; but I will take the amount of the aggre gate exports to Singapore and Chioa together. In 1839 the amount of our exports to Singapore and China together am ounte d to 1,582,030/. ; i n 18 4 1 i t had diminished to 1,211.000/ that is taking the ag grega t e o f Si ngapore and China together, s . cs that nut only does there appear to have been a falling off in the amount of our direct exports to China, but in our exports to China and Singapore taken together, or, I may have overstated the amount of that diminution; but I think that the Hon. Gentle men can be hardly correct in saying, that in 1840 and 1841, there had been an increase in the amount of those exports. How ever, the Honourable Gentleman from his situation, is cer tainly a high authority on the point, an d I certain ly am its.. cline;! to pay great deference to his opinion ort the subject.--( Hear, hear.) I protest at the same thme—. a doctrine which I know to he very unpalatable in several quarters, but a doctrine which I felt it to be my imperious duty explicitly to state—that the prejudicial effect of the Corn laws on manufactures in producin the present distress, had been considerably overated. Sir, I am bound to say that finding lion. Gentlemen oho were entitled to be considered as authorities on that subject, I have scconsidered that opinion. but I can see no reason for alteting it. Sir, I should be un principled and unwiseif 1 attempted. in the slightest degree, to underrate theirnportatine of m .nufact ores. I believe the prosperity of the manufacturleor interest is e,ential to the well-being of the country-. , —( Loud cheers.) When 1 occupied a place - on the othe r side of the House I often stated an opinion, which 1 know some of my friends heard with a'arna, as to the importance of manufactures to agricultural prosperity.—(Cheers.) Ihave always maintained that opinion, and it cannot be said that I have now newly taken it up es a Minister of the Crown. I have always maintained, and have never hesitated to avow. my opinion that the prosperity of manufactures was of more importance to agriculture than any e‘stem of Corn-laws— (Loud cheers) —and in proposing- aim alteration in the Corn laws, as a Minister of the Crown, I am riot now stating that opinion for the first time.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) On looking over the documents which have been laid on the table of the House in relation to this subject, I feel convinced that I am right in stating that the prejudicial operation of the Corn.. laws on our cotton manufacture has been greatly overrated. The effect of the Corn-laws in raising the price of food in this country has been stated to be that of disabling us from com peting with foreign countries. Formerly the Hon. Gentleman, who may be considered as the great champion of this question, used to say time exports of our manufectured goe-.'..s had conti nually diminished year after year, in corisequ , 7 - nee of the greater cheapness of food in countries competin g with us, and they would continue to diminish, unless "ee were enabled to pro cure food as cheaply as our —( Hear.) Such was the statement made by the ;lon. Gentlemen in former times, but now the Han. Gen::iernen discovers that during the last two years no "xA ^ .rts had increased —t llear, hear)--and now the Hon, " e ' . ..milernan turns round anal ,ays, My opinions have nvidergor.e a change, and I consider the increased exports of o u r - cotton manufacture as a proof of its failure. Mr. M. PHILIPS —The increase has only been within the last two years. Sir H. PEEL—Yes, but if you have greatly increased exports, although the profits of the manufacturer may have been diminished-- Mr. M. PHILIPS—There have been no profits at all. Sir R. PEEL—Still what becomes of the danger of foreign competition? You now manufacture so cheap, that lif the increase of your manufacturing exports be not a test of manu facturing prosperity, but have been accompanied by a decrease in your profits, yet still the price of f..od in this country has not prevented you from overpowering your manufacturing competitors. Notwithstanding the prise of corn in this country, you have been enabled to undernal all your foreign ( Loud cries of " No, no.") You have been enabled to increase your exports.—( Tory cheers.) 1 have been a Member of this House for thirty years, and it certainly is a nee doctrine to hear that an increase of exports has done no good to any one.—( Cheer: and laughter.) may have bee n worked w i thout profit, because. I will not take th e case on l y o f t h e o l d mills. I know it may be said that they it is better to use machi ner y th an to k eep it idle. But haw can you account for toe buildi ng of new mill s, if t h e profits of manufacturers be so materially lessened? Since PM ninety new mills have been built, not in the whole kingdom, but only in one particular district, which cane under the notice of Mr. Horner within thelast two years. I say they began building these mills before the commencement of that period; if no profit is maids and they are worked at a loss, it would surely be better that the mills should remain unoccupied than to begin working theta with a certainty of incurring foe.. (The Right lion, Baronet then read an extract from Mr. Horner's R e port, from which it appeared that in the district under his (Mr. Horner's) inspection there 1112.1 been built since the Ist of January, 1839, 91 new mid, employing a power equal to 3,350 horses.) But then it is remarked, true the exports have increased, but the reason is the home consumption has fallen of on account of the dearness of provisions, that the demand at home for manufactured goods heving decreased, it is os e r c e e s e 4r i r to dispose of the goods in some mannor, and thereto . 1 ,9 1. distress fruit of deep distress in the manufacturing districts — e f a rees t severely. have been sent abroad. It is impossible to dispute the existences which the manufacturing interest, have s , u i ff" ces, i the cotteo I believe I am right in saying, that. of tn reatest instances of manufacture suffers the greatest ; found g existing in those, districts distress t i h n at u ta ie v h e prejudicial prevailed operation po , siti?it I have taken, that,V4, I`..ltatige in the exaggerated, I was oblie e d f rom . Now, wishinir to jus tify ia tte ,tne„. has been unduly operation of ex e a the statement ' I did, that I 4' a sense of duty to m cotton is d make expectation that in a could not itilan't.ecilltieeitmanufacture. —( H ear.) e ndanv sud would be fon s da n, any Ira di Corn-laws f for that distress. ' e ate, Or any extensive Tele I hi LxPlarta leave b • e been entertain a ny confident