The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-26 00:00:00

IYIPERIAL PARLIAMENT. SOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The Loin) CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. Lord BROUGHAM moved for certain returns con nected with the, administration of the criminal law as regards the trial of persons accused of petty larcenies. THE CHURCH IN CANADA. The Bishop of OXFORD rose to move for an address presented to her Majesty by the House of Assembly and Legislative Council of Canada, praying for the removal of disadvantages to which the Church in Canada was sub jected, and to enable it to elect its own bishops, and also for any answer which had been given thereto. The right rev, prelate said that when the notice for those returns Was placed before their lordships, it would be time enough for him to enter into details on the s ubject. H be h e wo uld take that opportunity of observing that henefitted lieved the Church and State in this country e for by the relations that. existed betwee n them, an d h e one would not see this relation altered. The supremacy of the Crown, on the whole, in its influence was highly beneficial to the Church of this land. The reason why the Church of England had authority with the Crown was this ; the Church ofd ngland was acknowledged to be the national Church, d every step tending t take from it that character took from it also that wholesome influence wh ich he wished to preserve. Earl GRANVILLE said be had no objection to the 'stun's asked for. The Earl of DERBY said he regretted the course which had been taken with respect to the Church of Canada. He felt, however, that he was by no means responsible for what he considered was a violation of the engagements which had been entered into between the Church and State of Canada. The Bishop of OXFORD said he bad not given his sanction to the Clergy Reserves Bill ; on the contrary, he considered the act to be a spoliation of church property. THE NEGOTIATIONS AT VIENNA. E ar l GREY then rose to bring forward the motion of which he had given notice on this subject. After stating the pain which he felt' at bringing forward a motion of which very few of their lordships would approve, and which implied a censure of many of the political friends with whom he had been connected, the noble earl pro ceeded :—But though for these reasons I would gladly have resigned the task I have now to perform, I am im pelled to proceed by many more powerful motives. I cannot, my loid, look on the calamities in which Europe is now involved without a feeling of horror that it is impossible to describe. The noble marquis (the Marquis of Lansdowne) informed the house the other evening that upon information which had reached the Government, of the accuracy of which he did not doubt, he believed that the number of Rus sian soldiers who had perished by the sword or disease since this war began was not fewer than nearly 250,000. I see in the public newspapers, upon calculations apparently founded on very sufficient data, that the loss of the Turkish armies from the same causes are not less than 120,000 men. We know how heavy have been the losses of our own army, and that of our allies the French, and if to those who have perished in these armies we add the inhabitants of the provinces which have been the seat of war, who have fallen victims to want, to disease, and to violence arising from the war now unhappily going on—when, I say, we reckon up the total sacrifice of lives from all these causes, it is impos sible to believe that. it is less than 500,000 persons. 500,000 human beings already sacrificed to the grim idol of war, before it has yet lasted three years ! Think of the amount of suffering which that represents, not so much perhaps on the part of victims who have died and are at rest, but think of the ang uish of the wounded, the pain and the misery of the sick . And then recollect that not one of these 500,000 men, whether our fellow subjects, or those of other nations, but has left be hind those near and dear to him whO have suffered grief and anguish from his loss. Recollect the pro vinces devastated, the progress of civilisation, indus try, and commerce arrested, and thrown back perhaps for years. And think of the moral evils which must have resulted from a war which proverbially rouses the worst passions in human nature. How many men in the contending armies must be demoralised by this wais and unfitted for the pursuits of peace ! The expenditure of money which has taken place is a lesson, but is no slight evil. Even in our own country we know that the expenditure on the war before the termination of the second year will not fall short of fifty millions. 'You must consider how enormous a sum that is. How many objects of first importance to this country have been postponed for years-for one-tenth or one-twentieth part of that sum. Consider what that sum would have done for the permanent welfare of the country, if, instead of the purposes of destruction, it had been expended for the public welfare. With such a sum at our disposal this great city might have been relieved from the oppro brium of its present sanitary condition, and the educa tional wants of the country been provided for even by a permanent endowment. When, my lords, I reflected on the magnitude of the evils thus brought on Europe and the world, and felt satisfied that an oppor tunity was recently thrown away, by which, if judi ciously improved, a reasonable prospect of terminating these calamities was afforded, I could not reconcile it to my conscience if I failed to raise my voice in protest against the course which has led to such results. lam willing, my lords, to assume, for the sake of argument, that the policy of this war, from which I have more than once expressed my dissent, was right—that Turkey was engaged in a quarrel in which it is the duty of this coun try to come forward to her support. And even on that assumption I am prepared to contend that the Govern ment erred in refusing to entertain the proposals made by the Russians in the recent negotiations, which, I think, afforded a fair ground for discussion ; a basis for negotiation which was capable of being worked out to a satisfactory settlement of the differences between the two nations. That is the opinion which I ask your lordships to express in an humble address to her Majesty, and if I can succeed in convincing your lordships of its soundness, I apprehend that there can be no doubt that it is not only the right but the bounden duty of your lordships to lay your opinion before her Majesty, to inform her that in your opinion she has been ill advised by her confidential servants. I do not pro pose to go farther than to ask you to inform her Ma jesty that you think a mistake has been committed by shutting the door, as has been done at Vienna, to fur ther negotiations with Russia. I do not presume to suggest what further steps should be taken. I know that after negotiations have been suspended sine die their resumption is a matter of great delicacy. I know that we have an ally with whom we must act in con cert,. and I do not, therefore, ask you to suggest to her Majesty any further steps. I believe that if her Ma jesty's Government could be induced to think that ne gotiations should be opened on .the basis offered by Russia, they could not be at a loss to do so. Nor do I think they would encounter great difficulties on the part of our ally. Because, unless the public have been misinformed, and unless all the symptoms by which the public can judge, have deceived us, we may come to the Conclusion that the view of her Majesty's Government on this subject has had no inconsiderable influence on the opinions formed by France ; and that if they were led to form more pacific views, their coming to that conclusion would have its just weight with our allies, and they would find no difficulty in inducing them to adopt a corresponding policy. I would, in the first place, beg leave to remind your lordships what were the objects for which the war was originally undertaken, and what was the quarrel in which it originated. lam sure your lordships must all remember that when this war began, we wera informed by her Majesty's l-lovern naent, that in entering upon it they had no views of selfish advantage, that it was strictly a defensive war, to repel an unjust aggression committed by a reigning sovereign. The same view was still more formally re corded almost immediately after the war began, in the Vienna protocol oc. April 9, 1854, which insisted on the abandonment by Russia of the principalities, and on the surrender of her claim to the ex c l us i ve rotection of the Greek Christians of the Turkish empire, there being then no quest ion as to the revision of the treaty of 1841, I ask, your lor d s hips , have not these obj ects been long since attained l Russia has ma n y mon th s ag o been compelled to eva cuate t he principalities ; her de mand from Turkey of the recognition of her right to pro tect the Greek Christ ians iu the Turkis h dominions has been long since withdrawn, and she is willing that a common league of Christian Europe should be formed for the protection of the Christian subjects of the Porte. Undoubtedly, when you had once take up arms, you de clared that you would require more than you deemed necessary before the war commenced, and would exact security for the future by means of means of additional concessions. Accordingly the powers deliberated to gether, and agreed upon arrangements to be proposed to Russia and taken as the groundwork of negotiations. In the first instance Russia rejected them, but ultimately she accepted them, and the recent conference at Vienna washeld for the purpose of ascertaining whether Russia and the allied powers would agree on the method of giving effect to those four heads of agreement, which on the 28th of December had been communicated to Russia. When the'Conferences opened no serious diffi enitr was experinced on the first two heads. Russia e 'mentsid to give up all her treaty rightS with regard to the - • sion Ttel f ias Pal uit iti . es of Wallachia and Moldavia, a conces sion asking at the importance, which you did not think lm ngly admit is e begiening of the war but which I wii to dimini s h the l vet"' great value, and tends materially point i seenas to have of future war. Russia on this arrangement was concluded you as fairly as possible, and an powers by common accord between her and the allied the constitution of one or more states in the PrincrifiTties, which were to be in fu ture entirely relieved from exc lusive protectorate or anti on 2d article related to right of interference by he navigationof the Danube , t a t u bead also Russia greatestd granted all your demands. The i d was that on which it was always felt that %I several iviraentils s lt a y ft w er o t u h id e arise. It was never started u ntil war had broken out, and the first allusion made to it w in the mon th of July, 1854, on the vote of cred it b a: ien " p r oposed for the continuance of the war. It was to this effect, that the revision of the treaty of July 1 841, must have for its object to connect the existence of thn Ottoman empire more completely with the European equilibrium, and to put an and to the preponderanc e of Russii in thi3 Black Sea. Upon the first part of this beast-y s serious difficulty arose, and an article was agreed 'post_declaring that the - high contracting parties engaged "."11144, twreepect the independence and territorial in -11.17147 or the Ottoman empire, guaranteeing together 6°4s'nes°l3l€44linee of this arrangement, 'and in cones frineills7C4l:4l4:....stg. every sot or . event of a nature to in satiate rArtiinr..ft,(!Y_*, can interest. second Witten tht P otte a s t a i ti t a inisunderitandlirg should-. arise one of the high tontractivg par-. we were wrong in inducing him, step by step, to adhere to his demands until it was impossible to withdraw them without a loss of honour. My lords, I thought it my duty to state my views of the character of the late Em psi or Nicholas, and of the origin of the war, hoping that by doing so I might assist in mitigating that bitter spirit which has been imported into this great question. I consider that to wage an unnecessary war, or to continue a war which is even just and necessary, for a single hour, after the objects for which it was commenced are obtained, is the greatest sin which any nation can com mit, and a sin for which every man, be his influence what it may, has a share, if he neglects to check the commis sion of that sin, so contrary to the laws of God and humanity. (Hear.) It is for these reasons that I am in duced earnestly to recommend to your lordships the mo tion which I have now the honour to submit, "That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, to thank her Majesty for having ordered the protocols of the re cent negotiations at Vienna to be laid before us ; to in torm her Majesty that this house deaply deplores the failure of the attempt to put an end by these negotiations to the calamities of the war in which the country is now engaged, and, to express our opinion that the pro posals of Russia were such as to afford a fair pros pect of concluding a peace by which all the original ob jects of the war might have been gained, and by which her nijesty and her allies might have obtained all the advantages which can reasonably be demanded from Russia." ties, those two States, before employing force, should put the other powers in a position toanticipate their resort to this extreme remedy. On these two articles, which were intended to carry into effect the first part of the third point, no difficulty whatever arose, excepting an observa tion made by Russia, that she was not to be considered as bound by the articles she had concurred in, to take up arms in all cases on behalf of the Turkish empire. The other powers recorded their regret at this result, but I must say, in my opinion, without any just foundation. On the contrary, I think the reserve of Russia on this point was only wise and just, and I wish it had been imitated by our own plenipotentiaries. Russia said, and I think with unanswerable force, that the blood of Russia belongs to Russia, and is to be shed only for Russian interests, and therefore she would not bind herself in all possible cases to take up arms in de fence of Turkey. These unlimited engagements to go to war in defence of other countries are, in my opinion, always imprudent and dangerous, but singularly so in the case of Turkey—an empire composed of such heterogeneous materials, and of which the ultimate dis solution is absolutely certain, and a mere question of time. The course of Russia on this point, there fore, appears to me to have been infinitely wiser and more prudent than our own. Next, as to the second part of the third point, relative to the prepon derance of Russia in the Black Sea. England and France on the one side, said they would be content with nothing short of the limitation of her naval force in that sea ; whilst to this, on the other hand, Russia would not consent, maintaining that her preponderance would be sufficiently diminished by the two articles already agreed to, as well as by an important alteration of the treaty of 1841, in respect to the right of Turkey to bring foreion ships of war into the straits of the Dardanelles and Bosphorus. By that treaty this right was withheld except in times of actual war. Russia proposed that, maintaining the general principle of the closure of the straits, Turkey should have a right to open them to the fleets of any of her allies, whenever she considered herself to be menaced, a conjuncture of which she herself was to be the sole judge. Austria was of opinion that the propo sals of Russia offered fairgrounds for discussion, and might have led to some settlement of the question. In order to form a judgment whether her Majesty's Government were right in closing the door on further negotiation, we must compare the effect of the two proposals, and also consider whether that right admitted by Russia was not capable of further modification, and of being rendered still more advantageous to this country. What is really meant byl the phrase of limiting the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea is, that her great naval power should be rendered no longer a source of just apprehen sion to Turkey. To me, there appears great force in the remark of Prince Gortschakoff, that this object would be attained by the articles already concluded. It is sug gested that an attack may be made on Turkey with a large maratime force from Sebastopol, carrying a consi derable body of treops. Of course it must be supposed that this is not a very easy affair, nor capable of being ac complished in a moment. You must have very little faith in the assertions constantly heard as to the improvements going on in the Turkish empire—you must think even still more meanly than I do of the strength of Turkey, if, with all the facilities that exist for fortifying the entrance to the Bosphorus and the approach to Constantinople, If, with the great population and resources of the country, you believe that Russia could venture upon an enterprise of this kind without vessels capable of conveying 40,000 or 50,000 troops, with a respectable artillery. Now, we know from our own recent experience that, even with all our vast mercantile marine and magnificent steamers, to collect the means of moving an army of that force is not a work which can be performed in a moment, but is one of great difficulty and expense, and not to be accomplished in secret. The agents of her Majesty's Government in Turkey could not fail to know what was in agitation long before it was completed, so that, under the other provision by which Turkey was to be enabled to call in the aid of her allies, there would be ample time to come to her assistance. Knowing the risks with which an operation of this sort would be at tended, I cannot help feeling very confident that it would not be attempted by Russia, and that if it were, it would be defeated by the intervention of the allies of Turkey. (Hear, hear.) I grant that, if the time should ever arrive when, from differences between the nations of Europe, the western powers should not be prepared to assist Turkey against the attacks of Russia, or if one of them should be prepared to join in a plan of iniquitous spoliation, in a case of that kind the Russian fleet in the Black Sea would be a source of immediate apprehension to Turkey. But in the case supposed, would the limitation of the Russian fleet be sufficient to preserve Turkey from the sudden destruction which would menace her. One must be sanguine, indeed to suppose so. It is obvious that, if you believe Russia really intends to fulfil the solemn engagements into which she has entered, the two articles concluded really accomplish all your objects • it is only on the assump tion that she is faithless, and does not mean to observe those engagements, that any further security is required. But oa that assumption I ask what is the value of this limitation of the Russian force in the Black Sea ? Would that provision be worth the paper on which it is written ? It is evident that no stipulation would be more easily open to evasion. (Hear, hear.) A faithless power would have no difficulty whatever in augmenting her naval force to a much greater extent than the treaty permitted. As long as Russia maintains naval establishments and dockyards, she must be allowed to repair her old ships, to build others to take their places when worn out, to turn them over to be used as convict hulks, and for other such purposes. It would be easy for her to have ships completely fitted and pre pared, ready for launching at a moment's notice, to keep two or three crews attached to each of the chips kept afloat, and practised in succession in the Black Sea, or sailors might be brought across from the Baltic during winter. You cannot offer any obstacle to the extension by Russia of her commercial marine ; and I ask toy noble friend if there is any force she could keep up half so dangerous to Turkey as a vast fleet of steam gun boats, each capable of carrying one or two heavy guns, and a force of 200 or 300 soldiers, for a voyage of a few days? But the treaty, in the very words as drawn up by yourselves, opposes no difficulty whatever to Russia providing a force of this kind to the full extent of her pecuniary resources. The gun-boats might he kept at Taganrog, Odessa, and other ports of the Black Sea, really the property of the Government, but nominally of the merchants, so that on the shortest notice they could be assembled at Sebastopol. It appears to me that my noble friend, in urging the precedent of the de molition of Dunkirk under the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, selected a very unfortunate instance. This provision of the treaty has always been considered as a very great humiliation for Louis XIV., and was imposed only after the fortune of that sovereign had been reduced to the lowest ebb by a series of military disasters. Besides, so little effective was that provision, that in 1744 France fitted out a great army against England from this very port, and in tha debates of 1783 Lord Shelburne, when charged with having abandoned the provisions of former treaties relative to the port of Dunkirk, exclaimed, " If I was wrong in departing from those provisions, all former Ministers were wrong in not enforcing them." While this stipulation was worthless to the allies, was it not open to the just objections of Russia ? She said it was an insult to an independent nation to call upon her to limit her fleet. I think this view a reasonable and sound one, and can call your lordships' attention to high authority in support of it. In 1813, when the Emperor Napoleon was driven almost to extremity by the defeat of Leipsic, and was treating for peace, it was proposed that his dominions should be reduced to the ancient limits of France, and a noble friend of mine, whose absence to-night, as well as the indisposition that causes it, I much regret (the Earl of Aberdeen), was charged with the conduct of the negotiations on the part of this country. He was instructed by Lord Castle reagh that on no account should Antwerp be left in the possession of France, which the British Secretary of State said would be little short of imposing on Great Britain the charge of a perpetual war with France, adding, "We do not wish to impose any dishonourable conditions on France, which limiting the number of her ships would be, but she must not be left in possession of this point." So that the depriving France of Ant werp, after all the vast sums expended on its dockyards and arsenals; was considered less humiliating to her pride than would have been a proposal for limiting the number of her ships of -war,_ .. I think an opinion of this kind, without any—vefeaotioe—to the question now pending, is a pretty clear proof that to ask an independent nation to limit the force she keeps us, is an insult and a degradation to her. In the case of Russia it is a very great insult and degradation, for the only conceivable value you can attach to the provision is, that it will be the means of preventing a breach of faith on her part. Therefore, in asking Russia to consent to this provision, you ask her to direct her ambassad or t o p u t his hand to a treaty declaring and acknowledging their own want of faith. That is a great objection on the part of Russia to this limitation ; but there are of course others. For example, it is not impossible that, some time or other, Russia may be the ally of Turkey against one or both of the Western Powers, and in fact the first commencement of the armament of Russia previous to the present contest was to support Turkey against the menaces of the French minister. There has been great exaggeration, I repeat, with regard to the acts and con duct of Russia. It was an exaggeration to say that she had been guilty of an unprovoked aggres sion ; there is no ground for saying so, while there is still less ground for saying that she was guilty of francrin keeping her claim out of sight, for the demand of Russia to protect the Greek Church has been avowed in the plainest and strongest language from the very outset. I find that as long ago as December 1852, Col. Rose reported that Russia claimed the right under the treaty of Kainardji ; then again, after that Sir Hamilton Seymour reports from St. Petersburg that the Emperor claimed to exercise this protection over millions of Christians who were subjects of the Sultan ; and Lord John Russell, in a despatch subsequently written, admits in terms that this claim of the Emperor was "prescribed by duty, and sanctioned by treaty." How, then, can you contend that Russia was guilty of a fraudulent con cealtnent of her claim ? I think the occupation of the principalities was a wrongful act. But if Russia wag in the wrong, was there no allowance to be made for her ? We had made many and grievous blun ders, and we should not be too severe in criticising Russia for this. The late emperor was a man in whom, I timed Itothtienkthheewwe must say, notwithstanding that I know it is unpopu lar, that I saw, in spite of many faults, many good quali alfsarseinocfehreislypdeeotp-olet.ed to what he be selfish grati.ficiation or mean motive acti l ia b te e d lie h v i be lieved hours of the believe n a t u n n o_ der ge n ig calm and Chri empire. % Th u e n n wearied labour of governing his great Emperor Nicholas—when I contemplate the I read the touching account of the last . 2! 1 1_ spirit in whichdie met his mortal end ery were faults will:hecticat -e-aurl Then that man fraud and trench sce„,, oannot 7a? his conduct throughout that awful departure of Prince blexischir violent conduct after the he was greatly Wrong foru could be justly imputed. *ff, but I also think that The Earl of CLARENDON next addressed their lord ships, and said—l have listened to my noble friend with all the respect and attention which he never fails to coin mand in this house, and I think that his very long and able speech has been characterised by his usual ability. If, however, the noble earl has failed to convince your lord ships, it will certainly not be from any want of a strong conviction on his part of the justice of the cause which he has undertaken. I have no doubt whatever that the noble earl conceived that in bringing forward this motion he had a public duty to perform ; but, on the other hand, I may be permitted to say that it was with deep regret that I heard him propose his resolution, not less on account of the terms in which it is couched, than my conviction that if agreed to by your lordships it would be productive of most serious mischief. (Loud cheers.) The noble earl has laboured to prove that the war in which we are engaged is neither a just nor a neces sary war. He has condemned the manner in which the war has been carried on, and in which the negotiations have been conducted, and has applauded the moderation of the terms of the Russian plenipotentiaries, which he eon. eiders should have been accepted. During the three and a half hours in which he has proceeded in an uninterrupted strain of applause as to the admirable course pursued by Russia, every word which he has said in censure of her Majesty's Government applies with equal force to the Go vernment of the Emperor of the French. The speech of my noble friend, with all the authority of his name and the great weight of his character and position, will be widely published by the partizans of Russia without giving any reply to the statements which he has made. (Hear.) And my noble friend has, so far as in him lies, rendered essential service to the Emperor of Russia in the course he has taken. So far as depends upon my noble friend he will have done his utmost to encourage the Emperor of Russia to resist compliance with those demands which England, France, and Austria, consider just, and which it would have been honourable in Russia to have accepted, and as far as in him lies the noble lord would represent us to the world as in a state of division and weakness In this latter point, however, I think the noble lord will be disappointed, and thus will possibly end the mischief which his speech was calculated to produce, because I trust your lordships will this evening, by your majority, agree with me in that negative with which I propose to meet the motion of the noble lord, and prove to Russia that the opinions that have been so often expressed in this house have undergone no change, and are not now waver ing. I regret the time at which this motion has been brought forward, not that I think that any great advantage may arise from these proposals which are now under con sideration, and which I did not consider of sufficient im portance to induce me to ask the noble earl to postpone his motion ; but it is for the interest of peace itself, the attain ment of which the Government has as much at heart as the noble lord himself. If we are to be called upon to enter into all the details of the negotiations of the day, to defend all the proceedings of our plenipotentiaries, to state what are the grounds upon which we think alone peace should be made, I say that is a course which will render negotiation more difficult, and, as nego tiation must precede peace, may consequently cause peace itself to suffer by premature discussions. (Cheers.) I shall not follow the noble earl in his remarks upon the contents of the blue-books laid before your lordships last year, but —and this I think will be of more interest and importance to your lordships—l will refer to the deductions which he has made from these despatches, and the attempts which he has made to prove that we are engaged in an unjust and unnecessary war. The solitary expression of blame which he employed against Russia was its occupation of the Principalities, although even for that the noble lord found something in the nature of an apology. Now, I contend that the war in which we are engaged is in strict confor mity with the law of nations, and is supported by the ablest writers on the subject. Vattel says :—" By the law of nations it is laid down as a principle that war is just and lawful which is to avenge or prevent injury. When once a state has given proof of injustice, rapacity, pride, ambition, or any imperious thirst of rule, she becomes an object of suspicion to her neighbours, whose duty it is to'stand on their guard against her. They may come upon her when she is at the moment of acquiring a formidable accession of power—may demand securities, and if she hesi tates to give them, may prevent her designs by force of arms. Must we delay to avert our ruin until it becomes inevitable? If the appearances are so easily credited, it is the fault of that neighbour who has betrayed his ambition by several indications. Should that formidable power betray an unjust and ambitious disposition by doing the least in_ justice to another, all nation. may avail themselves of the occasion, and by joining the injured party thus form a coali tion of strength, in order to humble that ambitious poten tate, and disable him from so easily oppressing his neigh bours, or keeping them in continual awe and fear—for an injury gives us a right to provide for our future safety, by depriving the unjust oppressor of the means of injuring us ; and it is lawful, and even praiseworthy, to assist those who are oppressed or unjustly attacked. When a neigh bour in midst of a profound peace erects fortresses on our frontiers, equips a fleet, augments his troops, assembles a powerful army, fills his magazines—in a word, when he makes preparations for war, are we allowed to attack him with a view to prevent the danger with which we think ourselves threatened? The answer greatly depends on the manners and character of that neighbour. We must in quire into the reasons of those preparations, and bring him to an explanation. Such is the mode of proceeding in Europe; and if his sincerity be justly suspected, securities may be demanded of him. His refusal in that case would furnish ample indication of sinister designs, and a sufficient reason to justify us in anticipating theta." My noble friend in his eulogies upon Russia dwelt upon the forbear ance which it had shown towards Turkey, but he omitted to state what had been the constant and uniform policy of Russia towards Turkey. I will inform the house of the extent and nature of the territory wrung from Turkey by Russia during the past century. "In 1774 the fortresses of Kertch and Yenicale with their dis tricts in the Crimea, Kinburn and its district, the desert between the Bug and the Dnieper, the town and district of Azoff, and the two Kabadins in Circassia, were ceded hy Turkey to Russia by treaty.' In 1783 the Crimea, the island of Taman, and Cuban Tartary were annexed to the Russian empire by a manifesto of the Empress Catherine. In 1774 Turkey acknowledged, by treaty, the River Cuban as the boundary of Russia. In 1792 the fortress of Oczakow and the country between the Bug and the Dniester were ceded by Turkey to Russia by treaty. In 1812 a part of Moldavia ; the fortresses of Chotchim and Bender, Bessa rabia, with Ismail and Kilia • and the left bank of the Pruth, from its entrance into Moldavia, were ceded by Turkey to Russia by treaty. In 1829 a part of the pacha lie of Akhaltzick, and all the littoral of the Black Sea, from the mouth of the Cuban to port St. Nicholas, and the islands at the mouth of the Danube, were ceded by Turkey to Russia by treaty. In 1834 the Russian terri tories, from the port of St. Nicholas to the province of Georgia, were extended by treaty with Turkey." This then is the power which, according to my noble friend, has acted with so much candour and forbearance towards Turkey. We all knew what was the opinion of the late Emperor Nicholas with respect to the state of that nation. We know that he said " nothing could save the sick man," and the mission of Prince Menschikoff was intended to give the coup de grace to the siek man, not by resorting to vio lent means, but by slow poison. By the misinterpretation of the treaty of Kainardji the Emperor sought to secure another treaty or instgument by which the right of inter ference between the Sultan and his subjects should be se cured to Russia, who would thus obtain a virtual sove reignty over ten or twelve millions of the most enterpris ing, the most active, and most intelligent subjects of the Sultan. Since the time of the occupation of the principal ities we have heard a great deal more of the intentions of Russia, and the mode in which she seeks to carry them into effect. We know now the vast resources of Russia, and how stealthily she has been at work for years accumulat ing those resources. The fortresses at Sebastopol and Bo marsund were a standing menace to Europe. The whole of Europe was in reality standing over a mine, while the vast power of Russia had either paralysed the states of Europe, or blinded them to their real danger. Every Go vernment of Europe has been in part to blame for permit ting this state of things. For the last 25 years there has been an amount of deference paid to Russia to which she had no right or claim, and she has been allowed to pry into and meddle with the affairs of every country. Her con duct has at times been denounced, but nobody considered it his business to interfere effectually, and Europe gene rally was unaware of the danger which menaced it until the mine was suddenly exploded by Prince Menschikoff. The entire possession of the Sound was one of the great objects of Russia. and her Government had ordered a very large increase of her steam fleet, and the whole of her sailing ships of the line were about to be converted into screws, and she was actively engaged beforo the breaking out of the war in the completion of a system of railway communication which would have had the effect of doub ling the effective power of her military forces. With Constantinople and the Bosphorus in the hands of Russia, what, I would ask, would be the fate of all the nations bordering on the Black Sea ? AU the commerce of the West with those countries would soon be brought to an end (Cheers.) What would have been the fate of Europe itself if the Russian fleet were no longer looked up in the Black Sea ? With the full possession of the Sound, and her fleets no longer ice-bound for six months in the year, all Europe would be in the hands of this Colossus. And it is no small thing that we were upon the eve of seeing this bold design of universal empire all but universally ac knowledged. The first act of the present Emperor was to declare that he was determined to place the Russian em pire upon the highest pinnacle of glory and power, and fully to carry out all the plans of his predecessorr, the Em press Catherine and the Emperor Nicholas. The policy of Russia has undergone no change. It is the same now w t h h i s s n m t h e a t i e father f o e f r ri t e h g e n as ob i l t e w ea a r s l t w w h e o nty b - r 6 O v u e gh y t ea fo rs- rw a a g r o d ? thh he e " createdto the greatfergiving armies pe a l e Nicholas, characterised , unavoidable, it is that int o which England and Franco have ever there was a war which was just, necessary, and t e which h th w e I)ereeac saide a s t , have now deliberately entered ; and it as all the more just - tiation to preserve peace withou t having and necessary because every effort had been mad e bye hnegeos. g recourse 9t t wee tili•ies. The unbending pride of Russia it was liat repent having real cause of the war, and made it unavoidable, believe that the people of this countr y do not ansleelt having entered intd the presen t conflict. If there is one thing gore. than another, which. o h ara cterises the peop le hioll of this country, it is a keen sense of natio nal honour, and a - strong determination nob to pubmit to anYtiliofi W _ THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 26 1855. the resolution which he had called upon them to adopt. It was not for them to take into consideration the rumours to which his noble friend had referred as to Russia being _ _ they deem a national disgrace. (Cheers.) It was with these objects the war was undertaken, and to those objects we still adhere, viz., that of maintaining the in tegrity and independence of Turkey, and not alone to protect Turkey, but to guard Europe against the ambi tions designs of Russia, These objects, we think, can be secured by annulling all the treaties between Russia and Turkey ; by causing the protectorate of Russia over the principalities to cease ; by removing all the obstacles in the way of the free navigation of the Danube ; by connect ing Turkey more closely with the family of European na tions ; by causing the preponderance of Russia to cease in the Black Sea ; and by preventing Russia from having any exclusive rights of interference between the Sultan and his subjects. (Cheers.) If these bases of negotiations had been honestly accepted and acted upon, they would have secured the objects which we had in view on entering upon this great struggle. The manner in which the defence of Sebastopol has been carried on without having the op portunity of sending a single gun by sea, by relying solely on the resources accumulated in that port, are proofs of the dangers to which Turkey was exposed from Russia. From Archangel to Sebastopol, from Bomarsund to Petropaulov ski—everywhere in fact there is the same accumulation of military stores, the same protection and defence, and the same proof that Russia must havebeen aware that the policy which she was pursuing would at some time excite the alarm and unite the efforts of all Europe against her. (Cheers.) All shat we wished to obtain was such a diminution of the forces of Russia as should secure the safety of Turkey, and kfford no danger to the liberties of Europe. In reply to our demands, Russia said, " We will not submit to this, nor ,)ermit any interference with what we consider our own sovereignty in our own territory, and we claim the right to accumulate and even to develope all those means of ag- Ssession which in principle are quite untenable." It is not, contend, derogatory to the dignity of such a country to reduce her armaments if she really intends to restore con fidence, and not to justify the suspicions which are enter tained of her motives. The noble lord has referred to the statement made at the conference of Vienna, by Prince Gortschakoff, to the effect that it would be impossible to land 16,000 men in Turkey from the Crimea with any seri ous consequences to the integrity of that country. I believe, on the contrary, that such a force suddenly brought before Constantinople would be the greatest blow which that coun try has ever yet received ; it would be accompanied by ap peals to the passions and feelings of a large portion of the most excited and discontented subjects of the Porte, and there would very soon be an end to the Mussulman dy nasty in Europe. But Russia also proposed that the straits should be opened indiscriminately to all the powers, and that the Russian fleet should have free access to the Medi terranean, and thus acquire the means of disturbing the Greek inhabitants of the Levant islands ; and she pro posed also that the Porte should be able to call the Allied fleets into the Black Sea whenever it was threatened. But the safety of Turkey would always be in danger from such a fleet, as Russia and the allies would never be able to say that the apprehensions of the Porte, whenever they were called upon, were groundless, or that the call for assistance should be listened to. The result of this would be, as the reward and return of all the cost and sacrifice which we have made in this war, that England and France would indirectly bind themselves by treaty to have a large force always in the Mediterranean ready atthecallof the Sultan, and would thus enter into securities to make Russia keep the peace, while Russia would give no corresponding security to keep the peace. England and France would, in fact, con stitute themselves the watchmen Jof Europe, and be re quired perpetually to keep their fleets upon a war footing. But whether the fleets of the allies were in the Mediterra nean or at home, they would never be able to arrive .in time to protect Constantinople from tie effects of a well organised and well-arranged attack on the part of Russia. The Government of Russia still claims her right to be a standing menace to Europe, and has refused to join with the other powers in guaranteeing the independence of Tur key, and she has no right to say that by the concessions which she has made, merely for the purpose of conceding something to German interests, she has fulfilled those duties with respect to European interests which have led to the just and necessary war in which we are now engaged. The Russian fleet is powerless to Russia, except in the Black Sea, as a menace to Turkey, and as an engine to carry out her designs against that country. (Cheers.) I can only add that if it is our good fortune to restore to the country the blessings of peace, I trust it will be only such a peace as will meet the approbation of your lordships and that of the country at large. (Hear.) The Earl of MALMESBURY said that he consilered the question then before the house as one so far removed from party politics that, although he could not be expected to be an energetic supporter of the Government, he would have come almost any distance, and at almost any incon venience, to record his vote against the motion of the noble earl. In the address which the noble earl proposed, he stated that the original objects of the war might have been gained by the recent negotiations, but had not b.en attained. Now, he did not agree with the noble earl in that, because he did not think that the original objects of the war were suffi ciently touched by the negotiations recently carried on at Vienna. Mischievous as was the speech in which the noble earl had introduced his motion, the only danger to which the country was now exposed did not arise from that speech. The same opinions were expressed on the previous evening in the other house by a man equally looked up to for his talents—he world not say for his consistency or the sincerity of his convictions — and, perhaps, even sur passing the noble earl in the gifts of oratory and eloquence. He did not know how far he might be permitted to refer to what took place in another place, but he would say that no later since than the previous evening he dreamt that he heard a man he had always admired as almost the greatest orator of the day address an august assembly in a tone, with words, ;and with a colour: and distortion of the facts of the case worthy of a Russian minister, and which if he had been a Russian minister would have obtained for him every cross in the gift of the Emperor but that of St. Andrew. He felt so husailiated, pained, and distressed as an Englishman, at what he heard, that he could hardly believe his hearing until he read this morning's journal, and found his dream realised word for word. (A laugh.) He trusted that the sentiments of the Government were such as might be deduced from the speech of the noble earl (the Earl of Clarendon), and that the Govern ment were fully, determined to accede to no terms of peace not fully as strong or even stronger than those rejected by Russia at Vienna. The country had entered iuGu the pieseut war with es full belief in the justice of our cause. The spirit of our officers and the bravery of our sol diers had never been surpassed since England was a king dom, and we only wanted vigour, determination, andunity on the part of her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) He hoped, if the noble earl divided the house, that the di vision would show unequivocally the opinion of that house, for such a division would be most important before the public opinion of Europe. The Duke of ARGYLL said that the arguments of his noble friend who had brought forward this motion tended to show that, since the beginning of this struggle, wo had been continually increasing our demands, and that while Russia had shown a conciliatory we had displayed an ar rogant, spirit. Now, no argument could be more unjust. He really -did not know whether it was the intention of his noble friend to convey that impression— Earl GREY —Certainly not. The Duke of ARGYLL said that the speech of his noble friend was, however, calculated to convey it. With regard to the disposition Russia had shown to accept reasonable terms from the allies, he exceedingly regretted the tone of his noble friend's speech, which was an out-and-out defence of Russian moderation, and as such would heves an exceed ingly bad effect, and must produce a re-action. He could assure his noble friend that though he was an earnest sup , porter of the cause of peace when the great objects for which we had undertaken the war were attained, yet he could not consider that the concessions of Russia were sufficient to place those objects within our reach, or to satisfy our national interests and honour. Lord LYTTELTON agreed in the terms of the motion, but not in all the views which had been stated by the noble earl who brought it forward. The Bishop of OXFORD felt that the appeal addressed by the noble earl to the right reverend bench ought to meet with some answer in words before they proceeded to a divi sion on his resolution. He could not vote for the proposed address, because he did not think it would tend to advance the object which the noble earl had so much at heart. The speech made by the noble earl went even further than his motion, in throwing the blame of the war upon Eng land and her respected ally. It was our bounden duty to examine whether the war now proceeding was of such a character that it could properly be described as an appeal to the tribunal of God for justice, which there was no earthly tribunal to enforce. Every war, to be justifiable, ought, in his view, to be resolvable into one of self-defence. He (the Bishop of Oxford) did not wish that the English people should be ready to quit any war in a dishonourable manner, or without the success which their arms merited; and he, therefore, must deplore the disparaging language that had been used respecting this campaign, because it would make peace more difficult of attainment, consistently with the honour of England. The Duke of NEWCASTLE had listened to mach that had passed with very sincere pain. When he first saw the notice of the noble earl, he apprehended that little but mischief could arise from the discussion of the question which he raised, but those anticipations of evil were greatly aggravated by the speech that was delivered by his noble friend that evening; for throughout the whole of that speech he had so greatly extenuated, he might say defended, every act of the's enemy, and dwelt so heavily upon every act they had themselves committed, that he was afraid the result could not be otherwise than to a great extent to ir ritate the people of this country. (Hear, hear.) He (the Duke of Newcastle) thought that was a serious evil, and that it was likely to lower them in the eyes both of the Allies and of their enemies. (Hear, hear.) He used these observations most sincerely in the interests of peace, be cause he conscientiously believed that the speech which his noble friend had addressed that evening was far more cal culated to postpone that peace which they most heartily , desired to see than any of the declarations of the most vio lent friends of war that could bo delivered in any assembly. That speech must have the effect of encouraging Russia in the efforts she was making and the demands sh was put ting forth. It might, perhaps, even induce her to with draw from the concessions she had already expressed her entire willingness to make. (Hear.) If that was to be its effect upon their enemy, what was likely to be its effect on their friends? (Hear, hear.) What was the condition of Germany ? Germany was divided on the question, but nevertheless they had many friends to their cause amongst the states of Germany; but when such sentiments were ex pressed, not by an insignificant individual, but by one oc cupying a high position in the house and in the country— one bearing also a great and historic name—was it not eat ciliated to paralyse Germany, turn thoseiwho were their friends against them, and encourage those who were already against them to persevere in their hostility ? (Hear.) Then again, what was likely to be the effect in France? (Hear.) Must not a great number of the people of France look with alarm at the discussion that had taken place ? Was it not likely that the people of France would say, " What security have we that the English will not desert us in a very short period of time ?" And were not the people of France likely to be deterred by that consideration from a continuance in that firm and fixed alliance which they had hitherto dis played ? (Hear.) He (the Duke of Newcastle) was sure, from the spirit of the people of this country, that an at tempt to defend the actions and conduct of their enemy was more likely to instigate them to express a desire for war than any other course they could possibly take. That feeling would prevent any Government, however desirous it might be for peace, from effecting that object, even though it should be a Government as anxious for peace as the present Government must be, unless it had departed from the opinions which it entertained when he had the honour to be a member of it. (Hear.) The speech of his noble friend was in fact calculated to throw difficulties in the way of that important object which he was sure his noble friend had warmly at heart. He (the Duke of New castle) felt there was no vain love of military glory enter tained by the people of this country ; they had no desire for sanguinary conflicts for the mere purpose of hearing the guns in the park when fired to celebrate the victory of their arms—their wishes generally, he believed, rather tendesi to peace, but they did not think that they had yet obtained the great _object fOr which they hid entered into this war. (Hear, hear.) If he had listened to the speech of his noble friend with pain, he had also heard with considerable pain disposed to conced3 something more. He (the Duke of Newcastle) must confess he could not agree that the coun ter-proposition made by Russia was one which was in any degree calculated to obtain the objects of the war. (Hear.) He could not see how the limitation of the ships of Russia in the Black Sea was such an indignity to Russia that it was inconsistent with her honour to accept it. (Hear.)But they were not obliged to look upon the question in that point of view, because it was one of the four bases which Russia had accepted, and it was only the mode of Carrying it out which she refused to adopt. 'He could not see in the counter-proposition of Russia any equivalent for this proposition respecting the limitation of her preponder ance in the Black Sea. He could not see in the counter- proposition any security at all. (Hear.) The counter proposition of Russia was really one for her own advan tage. (Hear.) Putting aside the question of limitation, what did she offer ? She proposed that they should regard the Black Sea as a mare clausum, and adopt the status quo ante bellunt, with this exception, that the Turkish Govern ment should not wait for a declaration of war, but should when it liked call for the assistance of any other power. But Turkey might some day " call those spirits front the vasty deep" when there would be no one to answer her. If that proposition was accepted, they should, as his noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs had said, keep a large fleet in the immediate neighbourhood. It was the way to create a perpetual element of discord. There would be a perpetua. state of semi-war, and if this state of semi-war were departed from, there would be a call in the House of Commons for a diminution of their fleet. There would be a return to the state in which they had been before, when they had only three or four vessels of war in the Mediterranean, which were locked up for a month in the harbour of Valetta•. What, he asked, would be the condition of Turkey if that should again be their position at a period when she demanded their assistance ? The Earl of DER 3Y said—My lords, I had little wish to intrude upon your lordships when the noble duke rose, and I have still less a desire to do so now, because, since I have heard the speech of the noble duke I may say there is not one syllable in it to which I can dissent, or which does not entirely express the views and opinions which I entertain with regard to the war. (Hear.) I think, my lords, that a proposition like that which is now before us, involving as it does matter of so much importance, should not have been brought forward at this moment, but the opinions by which it has been accompanied are peculiarly unfortunate, because, while they are at variance with the opinions of the country, they are calculated to encourage the preten sions of Russia, and therefore I should be sorry that such a speech went forth to Europe without some expression of your lordships' feeling. (Hear.) But, my lords, al though I am disposed to think that the noble earl has ex- ercised a sound discretion in abstaining from going to a division on this question, I yet think that if,he had only desired to place his own opinions fairly before the peers of England, and fairly before the country and the world, he either ought not to have brought forward such a motion as this, and this time, or he ought to have made his motion nugatory by going to a division upon it. Because where we have the poison of the argument, we ought, at all events, to have the antidote of the division. It is desirable that there should be no mistake on this subject, and if the noble earl doubts my opinion on the matter, let him go to a divi sion, and I am sure there are not a dozen, nay, I may say a half-dozen members out of the five hundred and fifty members of your lordships' house, who would not give a negative to the motion. (Hear, hear.) I regret very much the manner in which this motion has been brought forward. I could have desired that Ministers should have taken the course dictated by practice, and the n gotiations having closed for all substantial purposes, your lordships' opinion ought to have been taken, on the ques tion when the papers were laid on the table. I cannot regret that in laying these papers on the table, Ministers did not express, as they might have done if they had been so dispose.l, their regret that these negotiations had not led to a substantial issue ; for then they might have received — as I am confident they would have done—the assurance that this and the other house of Parliament would give them their combined support in the vigorous prosecution of the war. (Cheers.) The terms of the resolution go to express an opinion that the house still entertains a lively hope that the conference of Vienna would lead to peace ; but I confess I have no such hope or desire. I believe, with the noble duke, that the people of this country are anxious for peace, but at the same time they are deter mined that the war shall be carried on until peace shall be obtained upon honourable terms, and I think the terms pro posed by Russia, if they had been assented to, would not have givenus all the security that wehave a right to demand. (Hear.) If I look back to what might have been done be fore the war was actually commenced, I cannot help feel ing that if a more determined front had been shown to Russia in the first instance, she would have beet reluctant to enter upon the war. (Hear.) I agree with the noble earl that Russia did not desire war in the first instance ; she was rather bent upon obtaining her object at all cost, and, if possible, without a recourse to the force of arms, but the more you delayed offering a determined opposition the better she became prepared for war when the time came for declaring it. (Hear.) The feeling of Russia for continuing at peace was sincere, no doubt ; but we ought to have addressed to her an uncompromising declaration that we understood her projects, and if she persevered in those projects, she would only be exciting the determined hostility of the two great western powers. lam perfectly persuaded that if such a tone had been adopted towards Russia we should be placed in a much more favourable position than we are in now. The Government were quite aware what the ulterior objects of Russia were, and from that moment it became their duty to convey to Russia, in unequivocal terms, that those objects could not be tole rated. But the question you have now to consider is, what course England ought to take in order to bring this war to a speedy antlhonourable termination. Now, my lords, upon thA question I do not undervalue the concessions which Russia has been compelled to make by the valour of our men and the progress of our arms. I do not undervalue her withdrawing from the principalities. Ido not under value her renclineas to concede independent Governments to Moldavia and Wallachia, in her desire to secure the free navigation of the Danube, though the latter project is not new; because, although it has been the practice of Russia to obstructthat stream, it was yet the bounden duty of Russia, under treaties, to take care that its navigation was open and free to the whole world. (Hear.) I say, my lords, I neither undervalue those objects ' nor do I pre tend to say that they are incomplete in themselves, but the main object for which we entered on the war was to secure the integrity of Turkey ; and my complaint with re gard to the third point is not'that we asked too much, but that we asked too little. (Hear.) Fer in the progress of the war changes have taken place in our demands, and we are justified in increasing those demands by the altered circumstances in which we are now placed. What we ori ginally demanded might have been reasonable enough before we went to war, bet hating drawn the sword and lavished fifty millions of treasure, besides sacrificing the lives of twenty thousand of our valuable subjects, we have a right to demand more ; but I must say, also, that there has been a material alteration in the character of the war since the original demands were made. At first we were told that the war was to be thoroughly defensive, the simple object being the protection of Turkey and securing the free navi gation of the Danube, and up to that period we might have been satisfied with less demands than could be now accepted with honour or security to ourselves; but, from the moment that you commenced an aggressive war—from the moment you gave effect to the decla rations of the Government that a stop must be put to the preponderance and ambition of Russia—it was needless to talk about our propositions being humiliating to Russia. The noble lord opposite holds the opinion that anything which reduced her power or strength must be humiliating to Russia • but you were pl3dgecl to accomplish that humi liation when you entered the Crimea. When you sat down before the fortress of Sebastopol, where you have remained through the heroic exertions and noble patriotism of your troops, you took up a position which was humiliating to Russia, but it would be more humiliating still to England if you were to abandon it without receiving the amplest terms you could demand. The country is sincerely anxi ous to see peace re-established, and I am unwilling to say a single wordwhich might stand in the way of obtaining that peace ; but, at the same time, I do not believe that any engagement you could have entered into at the conference of Vienna could have been consistent with the honour of the country in the position in which she is now placed by your having made an aggressive attack on Russia. We are not responsible for this aggressive war in the manner in which it has been conducted, but we are responsible to the Sovereign and the country that the great efforts we have made to humiliate Russia shall not be disgraced by an un worthy peace, no matter whether we approve or disapprove of the conduct of the war. The noble earl says we ought to have been satisfied with the security offered by Russia. Now, what was the proposal of Russia ? Why, it was nothing more nor less than that there should be a limit placed upon the maritime power of herself and the Porte, but that in case of imminent danger the Porte should have power to summon the fleets of her allies to the straits of the Dardanelles. Now observe, in the first place, that the straits are the absolute property of the Porte ; they are pact of the Turkish dominions, and, according to the law of nations, Turkey has a perfect right to open or close them just as she may think proper, so that, coy lords, in point of fact, Russia proposed to grant to Turkey nothing more than she was already entitled to, without the sanc tion or permission of her enemy. (Hear, hear, hear.) T-f there could be a proposition more calculated than another to embroil Russia and Turkey, to keep up a constant fear of insecurity, to impose on the guaranteeing powers the necessity of keeping up forces without the hope of effecting the object for which the forces were maintained—if there could be a proposition having for its objects these results, that was the proposition made by Russia, and which the noble earl calls on your lordships to affirm. It is of no use now to moralise on the horrors of war. We are en tered into war, and the question now is how we could withdraw from the war without discredit to our arms— without dissatisfaction to our allies—without encouraging those who aro hesitating, and discouraging those that are friendly to us—and also with the security of having some reasonable prospect that we should not be plunged, in six months' time, into another war more aggressive in character and more intense in its nature, from the fact of our showing too great a desire to conclude a peace. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, in the interests of peace itself, this is not a time for inquiring what was the origin, and what was the conduct of the war. The only ques tion we have now to decide is, what is to be done to extinguish the war with honour and credit? (Cheers.) In this instance I cannot say I regret that the negotiations at Vienna have failed. I believe that if we would have a se cure and honourable peace we must conquer that peace— (loud cheers)—and that by showing, in the teeth of such resolutions as those proposed by the noble earl, that there is a fixed determination in this country of going through that war into which we have entered, and that we will not depart from it until we have brought it to an honour able conclusion. (Loud cheers.) Earl GRANVILLE rose to state a matter of tact, and not to prolong the debate after the discussion which had exhibited so remarkable a unanimity. The matter of fact which he rose to state was this. He understood that the noble earl had supposed that the conferences were closed. Bnt that was not the fact. At this moment proposals had been received from Austria, together with subse quent modifications, which were at present under the consideration of the two Governments of France and England. There was very little chance—indeed he might say there was no chance—of a favourable conclu sion. Lord GREY said he was afraid there would be very little use i❑ dividing, as more than one of those who would have supported him were unavoidably absent. The motion was withdrawn amidst much laughter, caused by several noble lords declaring that it was nega tived nemine contradicente. ROYAL COMMISSION. A royal commission, consisting of the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Harrowby, and the Duke of Argyll, was then formed for the purpose of giving the 'assent of her Ma jesty to several bills, Lord Pannatire being the only peer present during the imposing ceremony , in addition to the members of the royal commission. The royal assent was given to the Income Tax, and Customs Duties and Excise Duties Bills, and a large number of private bills. The Registration of Births (Scotland) Bill was read a third time and passsed. Their lordships then adjourned at a quarter to 1 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Caledonian Railway ; Carmarthen and Cardigan Rail way ; Executor and Trustee Society ; National Loan Fund Life Assurance Society ; Peterborough and Wel lingborough Road ; Wigan and Preston Roads, North of Yarrow ; Sligo Gas. The following bills were considered and ordered to he read a third time :—Bolton and Nightingales' Road ; Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway ; Folkestone Improve ment ; London and South Western Railway ; Not tingham and Newhaven Road. The following bills were read a second time,:—Airdrie Rural District Police (No. 2), and New River Company and Trustees of the River Lee (No. 2). PETITIONS. Mr. A. PELLATT presented a petition from the National and Constitutional Reform Association, signed by 5,000 persons, praying for Administrative Reform ; by Mr. Spooner 34 petitions from various parts of Warwickshire, praying for the repeal of the Maynooth grant ; by Sir J. Graham, two petitions from Carlisle, for the repeal of the Sunday Beer Bill ; by Mr. Lowe, several petitions in favour of the bill for legalising mar riage with a deceased wife's sister. PASSPORTS TO PARIS. Mr. WILSON said passports would be issued free to the workmen and artisans of the United Kingdom, to visit the Paris Exhibition, to be available for one month. NEW WRIT FOR BATH. Sir J. W. JO LLIFFE moved for a new writ for Bath, in the place of Mr. Phinn, appointed Second Secretary to the Admiralty. After a few remarks from Sir C. Wood, Sir F. Thesi ger, and Sir F. Kelly, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he received this morning an application from Mr. Phinn for the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds to enable him to vacate his seat. The grant of an office under the Crown was brought to him for signature, and he signed it this morning. He believed it was the intention of the Sec retary to the Treasury to move for a new writ this evening, with the corr'ct name of the office which Mr. Phinn ap plied to accept, as it was not the stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. (Hear.) After a few words from Mr. DISR &ELI, who re commended that some distinct understanding should be come to as to the practice in future in such cases, Sir W. JOLLIFFE withdrew his motion. CADET APPOINTMENTS TO THE ARMY. In reply to Mr. H. A. BRUCE, Mr. MONSELL said that the system which had pre vailed at Woolwich with regard to the appointment of cadets had been exclusively that of nomination. Within the last few days, however, the system had come under the knowledge of the Secretary of State, and as a consi derable number of cadets were required in the Engineers and Artillery, the expediency of alter. ing the present mode of appointment was deemed necessary. The pressing emergency for these cadets rendered it impossible that any permanent arrangement could be at once made, but a plan of selection had been adopted which was a great improvement upon the old one, which would be basedpnn the result of a public examination, showing why . use they had made of the means afforded to them of acquiring information in their profession. (Hear, hear.) By these means the best men would be selected. THE CRIMEAN MEDALS. Mr. STAFFORD asked the Under Secretary for War what arrangements had been made for forwarding the Crimean medal to the- sick and wounded soldiers who were at present at home with their friends ? Mr. F. PEEL said that 2,000 medals were in the hands of Hunt and Roskill, for delivering to those sol diers who had returned to this country from the Crimea, and were not present at the ceremony on the 18th inst., and would be forwarded to them by the firm he had mentioned. He might take that opportunity of also informing the house that arrangements had been made to send 8,000 medals per f.rtnight to the Crimea for distribution there ; and further, that those soldiers who received medals on the 18th would shortly receive certificates upon Hunt and Roskill, in order,to obtain their clasps, to which they might be entitled. THE GOVERNORSHIP OF GIBRALTAR. Mr. BRIGHT said he had often had to complain, by personal representation and memorial, of the interference of the present Governor of Gibraltar with the trade of that port, which complaint he had now to repeat. He had been informed by the Duke of Newcastle, on a foK mer occasion, that the term of office of Sir R. Gardiner would shortly expire, but that officer remained there still. He wished, therefore, to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether it was the intention of the Govern- ment or not to supersede hint ? Lord PALMERSTON said that the period of service of Sir R. Gardiner had expired, and that he now only held office until his successor was appointed. THE VIENNA CONFERENCE. Mr. ROEBUCK said—Sir, there is a report abroad that the Conference at Vienna has 'teen renewed. I wish to ask whether the Government have received any intlintior; of such a renewal ? Lord PALMERSTON—AII I can say is, that no conference has been held since the last repqrted in the papers ; and before any fresh conference is held, the English Minister at Vienna must receive authority from the Government at home to attend it. (A laugh.) Mr. M. GIBSON said he did not quite understand the answer of the noble lord to the question just put. The noble lord at the head of the Government stated a few days since that the conference at Vienna was not closed, but suspended, and that Lord. Westmorland re tained full powers to ac`. He wished to know if those powers had been withdrawn, and when ? (Hear.) Lord PALMERSTON said the powers referred to had not been withdrawn fr m the noble lord. It was one thing to possess them, and another to exercise them, and that must depend on the instructions he received. THE ADJOURNED DEBATE—THE VIENNA """"'-"--"'"""•-•""""..'"."'""""...."...."." Why don't you tell Ili whatptlaocedi:l;iteltheaero;, ,)(tilildie the Government would change Opposition) they would she - ,v them what to d d . il t ' and prolonged cheers fr. - im the Oppoeitin, en n thing Was it ever the duty of the Opposition to do , s Y he ,, to more than criticise ? He (Mr. White-ide) 1 nis adroit know from the noble lord, who was such a 0 o f the leader of Parliament when it ever was the dutY the G er , Opposition to dictate the course of busi ness _ G W v ertiln ea verntnene ? The charge brought against the °been veil was that its language in this question had no,e unsatisfactory and evasive. (Cheers.) Did tbseat. eir,e lord explai n what the noble lord the Premier !ne T P for laughter) had not and he (Mr. W.) ventured to say the nobleonts-it did not really know what the Premier Me - la hear.) The hon. and learned gentleman then p b r e feu noble was a very difficult question to determine. eneci lord in illustration of his argument, to re a d several extracts from the speeches of d t . tl3 e 2: an d Urge cessity of using every effort to break the coloss.ael poser of Russia instead of adopting the policy of the peace i . bet obtai party, this thatresult the, the house power and carrying her views when Europe in_ i n g ehi deri and ' giving her breathing time to reco.eht be less repared to meet and defeat them. Ile ° ° ae s to by hoping tropefriend the member for Buelsinghatosh ire • sn w b° Mr. LO WE said the hon. and learned gado: .ruing mot7o7tiedfandi°sPt'rig3hgt had just sat down had quoted a patriotic and sus s passage, and said that was the language which t° dem o, ought now to use. He would ask the hem fr 0 4 why did not he use such languaee? and he (e 2 .0 the wished that he had, as it would have spared the ho g 4dress trouble of hearing what be was now about to s ad them, and himself the trouble of making the am e n ..„ntle which he was about to propose. It was becatiee.:-ese men opposite had not used such language ; it "To thei r they had put their patriotism in their inotioadaeheere party spirit in their speeches-(" Oh oll,'' e n i e e g befe ll that he had felt it to be his duty to place soreetsa o a to the house that would really raise the question, o,,glit which th e speech of the hon. and learned gentlern!44ooe have been applied. He must recall the house te c i o l e at to tion before it. He had given notice of an ew, e° o a ritteP the resolution of the right hon. baronet (Sir N . ,.. ien t ties an I what he had to show was that his eal e° "";100, it i called for, Was true, and that it was expedient to The at ( He would recapitulate how the matter stood' olio. hon. gentleman the member for Manchester g...1._., 0 o, a motion on the subject of the couferences at vo' o ted o , l ' on • that occasion a question on that subject Visegoettil, the noble lord at the he id of the Government. „aired°, say that the answer of the noble lord could We ° ll 7 j oido ut one. Thenoble lord saidthat negotiatiens were? ; toff, but that Austria was looking about for sarne tb fting to co pose, and that we were like Mr. Micaviber,„,„" Tbe°,4" whether anything would turn up to our adven, e l ",, s eeo o ;t right hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone) put it withheiq. woo,. for Manchester whether he ought togo on ' t h e bslo a time when peace and war were hanging .1°.,,,,d, 0", ho He (Mr. Lowe) differed from his right hon. fi l °,„ht it vZ o was dissatisfied with that c ,. ffe 007 lottoof procew 11,„• ... , duty of the house to go into these matters, oetrieeedo house would suffer in the eyes of the, e° fe lt tbs„, t to Europe if it did not take that course,and 11 re lstf",„;oo house had been excluded from a g ood der4 oPY" t,tbe • pair 0 foreign affairs in the last two years, Tea tha 0004, oil of the house ought to have been expsed on esatleeLg e ir ll ' jects. Ho was pleased to hear the right he n ' foli ti e ec ioe the member for Bucks • tt ranee on the , give u e allu a ir evening to sentiments something like those, a f . h i foo',,i of his intention of moving a resolution w „„einnoioe raise the real question. He WAS reel equallYd'e'r` n °Poo. the tenor of the resolution. He expected te,_,‘,lolo e e to expressed as to whether the conference ouglo_vwte 0000,1, on or not, or that it wss time for negotiatojesool,loo, , an end. He thought if the jig ht hon. 0 1 ~a v e aNioo 6 lowed the impulse of his feelings he would i m ther e? l ot but being only a rept esentative man, be he",., ° ,„ o f thel i y , than his own to consider ; and so t hudnelsed foS,,or hon. gentleman began in patriotism to en„aieut!lll' and it was a mere censure 011 the GovetC le Wloe biguous language and uncertain couduct, I "P l emige 'OO tion itself was couched in such uncertainleelettlAed, one knew to what part of the conduct o f the '•' be g ti c6 it pointed, or the facts with which it was to t bo il v ( Hear, hear.) When it was meant to censure toutegois ment, it should be done in clear and d e n lo t be tt lyee °l/ the right hon. gentleman would have 00 t i e r bad himself avoided ambiguities. Look , t a' A i Ili ° / hit of the right hon. gentleman, which was ''''" mol °"" i for t- / 3(id i tives . • a b aanst the noble lord (J. Rtle se3) ' O n° '.. he had done, not as a member of the Gov? ~,tio lo th', Secretary for the Colonies, but as the diPl°A-positiejlarea lof the crown, and in doing the duty . of th e n 0 tiln fore noble lord was entitled to that fair consdeir tfabbst, be by party feeling, which that house never ,2- b° ' pet t o any public servant, who did his duty in,teoec9ol could. He (Mr. Lowe) felt strongly that it "or a t d o; noble lord was a member of a particular Paro"lolatl°,'"liti subjected to strictures to which Lord Wes t '? d i git!' r o ; gel l ; other diplomatist not immediately connee'eight b.° 0 slr 4 life, would not have been l s * td• The rig till° ' r SU jeo e • /JAI°. . tleman said little or nothing in favour oi Joe ill 010,1 the house, following his example, had oi cl A g bi I l i . fil o of it. Then as to the amendment of the 'id ssi e 1 1' net the how to member for Portsmouth, he 8-- ,„,00e • piertbe was discreditable to the House of C0 111 '" 0fr.,,,,, to 001 the • motion of the right hon. e•entleols°,o 0110101.,0f neither would it be creditable to thel° The s',. o - o„se e lis amendment of the right hon. baronet. the c ee , . t io, ro stated-" Havin ; seen' with regret that f 10 0 1 eoa ttil o f Vienna have not led to a termination w i. it riii . , l a tiat e r house feels it to be duty I Ire t"" Nees iii ' 0 a to tec a ~, the p . . 0 , 4. to give the every support to her MajestY ''' •InieWlle pr, all. war until her Majesty s hall, in 0,1.10004.0 ' .i it _les, obtain for this country a safe al3o O.rat'..." D 1 ‘; (0 , What did that mean ? The words " rfe ee ost ll `,.; Ore cern" when used in that house mean' e a t' e oteto mean censure on the pleuipotentier, or ,or a for I: 4 se e if mint-or was it a censure on the n 01,10,16 to ° P oir°,4o; ing into negotiations with a sincere degl e gee i . ,, 11 ;Tics on, and to alloW Russia to obtain o°n,-- tee an with our Ottoman allies, and then t he invs l oo the ions? It ought to bo known what wase vote:A ta m e then, amendment before the house canie.t,°oooo7, amt the the question in this dilemme, 1 " sit '*„ . o o - 0 . (Mr. Lowe) to move an amendment °° • b' l te motion in • n whl° Gibsr 9 order to raise the questio *to e o f ° , vote been raised on the motion 0f Mr. *il net l e e, to see whether, after the rejection IV ~ of,e o f position on the third article, theta "iTiesvis4titniti b tsis left for negotiations for nean o ; ati es t 'ion f i : i ie Pi 0 1 the opinion of the house on that ntle;i to, se:7, party view. If his resolution vvas agr e , 0,40, 0 meaning would be given to the Word to rai l 0 01'00, words " owing to the refusal of thewlttls.sifi ord, ho be . . 00 in the Black Sea" would show that v' 'to '113 6 r", 0 1 applied to Russia, and would 11 ' ..° for. 0 01 1- 0 1 plainly, what it was about to • f Ote 00000 cooti ot, effect would be produced by theyserei°.,ort, °sib! Sir W. Heathcote, though its taw s i 0 se9loo,se "O a sense. He had now to giver easons ... e n to i O O amendment; and here he was met by then ere r : e i, 0600 0 hon. friend (Mn. Gladstone). Be wa‘e'l,„a, nettfrieoti°,o4ol not on the ground taken by his right,:,:ja of .. 'OP those taken by Russia herself. The ",,',","t ef t ,' ftl e ( was duly settled, and although bestsdi"„--n-t°ltle " , dol ° 1" yet he thought that this country "-oe) Ore,,,,gle`; basis as Russia said she was entitled. p¢t,116.0 elor . , in this year Lon the 7th of January a nti h e r e the Or the conferences-said that we w ere te,,,01"00!1 frOc 00 negotiation that the preponderance of o l d iste l ;4o 4 l ' Sea was to be put an end to. Ile ''°000°°011P:(1 P. point, and would urge that if that vies _„o3ed.if Pore not desirable that negotiations should,,P_lr-tobes,:,. 1 in!„ lb! Were the terms offered by Prince ( I .' ll t he 17 ;00 0 pre, • Titoff equivalent to that which was 'opondu'iatitopitilli" yielded by Russia, namely, that her pr 11e.,, 0,0 Black Sea was to be diminishe ~,t, elitni4oot4 tra that that preponderance could on! !„"0001,..00, 0110- limitation of the fleet of Russia. 'u ° r y ii g " . le a f' that opinion ; for their plenipotentia eit sea, 40 ~,, • the )31° be 6} ti 4s s' limitation of the Russian fleet in era to 0 0 a .. that was refused he declared his Pe w ° to se/00,0Y Even Count Nesselrode did not v entar, a re c o feinro v had not agreed that there should be s,°`_; o rec e 004 0 treaty of 1841 as would go t peasmit Inrfaciviet; . the Black Sea ; but ho suppd ttrist 1 . „ r :; 0 ,, :, vaguely of the revision of the treatY ° ,: i to en";; 0 087 did not stop there, for EllESSift l'efUSe eonsgiA,P ib e bc /1. ); question relating to that subject. ~t 1,0.,,,,0c... 0,4 means of entering into negotiation,o°oo' pecotretrof clausum" and the "mare aperrulm.,,, pos e 1 00, equally tended to give her all i'°` -- hins ° stOren Black Sea. The proposal that the ~i the_,,ole_A Oil 0 , Powers should come into the Black DF!' .O pfer o d, $ 9 ,74 1 1 Jo Turkey would not put an end to t_aethjaane haoatioo.l4 Russia there, but contemplated its o n o boo be, io is; provided a te...dy remedy vrhen it s_ A h °,, n t vo°ool'',o eel sufferably offensive. Such an exPeul" Of e s, OP . IP WS/ li see ' and ridiculous, and there was no of th e be r.of third point except by the liniitation„ w het , ; ,; ( 1, This was not a numerical question nei ai4t,„ ,, „ obtain three points out of thefour----T of , t i l , tl e , non numerantur ; and the imPertlileot, '''•tb b t o to was refused watesuch, that we CO gl ee , p oo p, once we had had of the dealings ef . f e ), thel; o f t , A t'', consent to waive it. He (gr• 14° 1 0 ref ° e)c iii 9. to declare by his amendment that.t the 1310 00 0 4 4 ,0 0 0 0 restrict the strength of her navY?,;„,,self, ereesoB, Iti in the words of Prince Gortchakela hie s her root rotio to the refusal of Russia to put , a° 8120000illea, ali d trltsr . in that sea, must lead to the ° ° e , t hau s t i.y, 0,050 third point the negotiations were fiat! 0 ensoar would be below the dignity of th l °_ ot ietie_ ° o one ss d , t ior with the subject, to continuo the nettietalo:oooso4, (Cheers.) The lion. and learned gnbove°, t,be'TOP:ar moving his amendment in tbe telfe'treat oolois",01 Mr. CAYLEY expressed bie.etee,.,„ b ill e? e s Ire" ite ment by Russia of her tinister. 109 riri n sre ° 00 00 and thought Lord John Russel! _,,,,tialg co retie OA ing to exsct froto Russiasoruesure't t o corote..lo.A 0.! future aggressions. Believing T one d Sri 3 1r. } i c f 11 . !.4 $ . l . complished by neeatiation, be adoptu'thatieeatlietiat, 'VA: withdra w his resolution and ~,,00000 ~ tbe ,84,04.°4 Mr. ROUNDELL PALIgkiL"-i,t for bi„. o 4 eor ~, ready obtained all that was sele;ree I 'V 0, 0 101 r was, therefore, in the hog • 0 eude: i f 0i1.% 00 hostilities for vague and. uncertsvaiar t fare 1 .1 eonF' 1)1: a defensive into an aggressiye or the ell' oflttPr. sible to predict its termination ~t i on, „ j a ta ill, which it might ultimately WEI. _joie lo ti on, '''_-( 0: 0 P Lord STANLEY said he acceieveivoehope;i• OS raeli not so much because, t assesP ga pe tbe° :bat t r i A to bl e l Ministers as becau Ilit at last g" 011 as to „soo osVi i ,i l i, ing some more expt informs's!. as ye t )7 106 i1y 1 0 1 l 0 e9, 0 war for than the country W . : l 00 t orlg o ' t ed 0 0810 1 ,r opinion was, that the war, wfilid.ous to 0 00; 1 4 teolf,':, for Russia was all through .7 .let fe°-`000007a011,01;. England. Ho believed ,a b it becaroe coo aer pi et I, we had drifted into war, " sn a s the P r°t i e f 0 0 /* ; , 14 , whether the object now . w, onow ys too t ie ro3 oo o oo o o o the humbling of a powerdlai a lone t ° ' 35 0 0 1 / te 011ie ° lf , object, they would stand id ultiw t „eg °l/ 0 0e ct o d' 1 1 /' definite duration, whie,,,b4lould be. s b poeseitos,oo .40, war of nationalities. .10' ntry, srbl ov er vi, o , 0 1 ohl e with the history of this co .i.e 0 or ia. _.,,tqil 001 "Be, widespread despotism that,L.ffor to t Pl e its ~005 . Ad however, the r was nier.eolY suc h otto ry !Tot! a t Y o f and if the be understenuau to the „„ not 0100.,,g0f there would be alnio;t I s which sirdorel:3olo;ti;h4 ing any terms from Pow as tv,e,orate , e is 0 3 r e ld humbling to that Polvier:_oold 00 t teaLeeo pip, n od If o o t . firmly intimated th ts, r null o°l°- hr. o the r a p 0i,L 1 ,4 P Turkey the Pruth w°l d d, 00 t'" - es ie o he Ls - ,j R° of t •t W -10 world have been us sil i r fterfer e, . 1 tion that vi ta said they would not ~,,„ yo cil a, co tb of 41 0 have come to terms. „-e5..,,0, a nd s do , b oll was the true cause of the " age " w ith t )/ sible. „,,, ho ,„ e ss s , e b „pit , trusted thes b'_,, woro% tjje /5;1 Poo Mr. LA with 5 "" •11% fri)wtrfolfAdtir him if be troubled them , evoso Sub 1 her , 8 what had fallen the P Du cks• tha 0.10, member for untill's eiso e SO vw gentleman the.. d with referelie he 0; gentleman said r t ect, f ° them was quite corr , A ao t to 10 1 house he (Mr. Ley ad) 116" NEGOTIATIONS. The adjourned debate was resumed by Mr. WHITESIDE, who said that after what had oc curred in that house with reference to this question, the house would have failed in its duty to itself and the people if it did not unequivocally express its in dignation on the conduct of the First Minister of the Crown. He (Mr. Whiteside) admitted the im portance of the question, and contrasted the views of the hon. member for Oxford and those of the noble lord on the question—gentlemen who had rode in the same carriage on ' this question who had expounded their views with great ability, but not with equal consistency ; and if there was a justification re quired for the motion of the right hon. gentleman, he would ask any impartial and attentive listener to these speeches whether there was ever exhi bited before that house, or any 'reasonable as sembly, more striking proof of inconsistency of opinion and insincerity of, conduct, not on small mat ters, but on the greatest subject that could well occupy the minds of statesmen, oh this question. On the ques tion of the war, the noble lord bad said he was for war, and the honourable gentleman that he was for peace, and would be satisfied with a treaty with Russia, but the noble lord was for something more substantial. The right hon. gentleman' thought the revision of the treaty of 1841 would be of much value in the settlement of this question, but the noble lord thought it would amount to nothing, because, as he very truly said, without any fresh treaty the Sultan must call out for help when assailed. (Hear, hear.) The honourable gentleman thought these terms real and substantial, but the noble lord considered them futile and useless, and so the argument stood between them. One part of the noble lord's speech claimed his attention on account of its fairness, be lieving that everything the noble lord said, from his position, entitled him to implicit respect, and that was that the negotiations with which he was charged to conduct at Vienna that, although the noble lord thought the success of those negotiations came within the - range of possibility, he felt at no time sanguitie of it. The chief of the negotiations had, in fact, described him self as the leader of the forlorn hope of diplomacy— (hear) —and such being the case, they were sur v rised if hon. members still hesitated to vote for the motion of his right honourable *friend. (Hear.) The result was that those who proposed to pursue a direct and honest course had the alternative but to declare that they would do all in their power to carry on the war and send diplomacy to the winds. (Hear.) Why, what was the effect of the statements of the noble lord the member for the city of London ? Why, that be had no faith in diplomacy, and by doing so he had completely destroyed the well drawn arguments of his noble friend at the head of the Government. (Hear, hear.) The opinion of the noble lord was doubtless that it had been the intention of Russia to destroy Turkey but f'r the in terference of England and France, and yet with those opinions strongly impreissed within him the noble lord had said, on th e mo ti on I sSf the right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester; there were still hopes that ne gotiation% might be entered into, and attended with the best effects. For his own part he entertained no such fallacious ideas believing from the noble lord's speech of last night that any further nego tiations were useless. (Hear.) Much had been said about what Russia had done for the free navigation of the Danube. In his opinion the course she had pursued was an insult to any civilised nation in Europe. (Hear.) The sketch that had been given last night by the noble lord of the course adopted by Russia, of her filching king doms and bribing officials, was frightful in the extreme, and he thought that if Count Nesselrode wanted to preserve the good opinion of the nations of the worki, with respect to the conduct of Russia, he could not do better than enrol the sketch given by the noble lord the member for London in the Chancellerie of St. Petersburg, as it would be a fitting memento of the perfidy of Russia. The noble lord then described the evils we had to contend with. What was the remedy ? Why, it was the moun tain and the mouse over again. (Laughter.) The co lossal power of Russia must, in some way or other, be reduced, said the noble lord. He (Mr. Whiteside) listened to the remedy ithe noble lord prescribed ; and what did he point out ? Nothing—really nothing. (Laughter.) All the noble lord suggested, as far as he (Mr. White side) could gather was, that something must be done —which was a very safe theory to perform. (Hear, and laughter.) lint, said the noble lord to the Opposition, stlrr . • '.