The Sun. — London, England, 1842-07-13 00:00:00

\, ambition SUN-OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. THE ANTITCORN-L liW CONFERENCE• (THIS DAT•) (Continued from our Afternoon Edition.) Mr. SHUTTLEWORTH said—l come from Manchester. lam Manchester born. lam not young. I consider myself some what observant. I have stood closely connected with Man chester by friendship and relationship, through not a short life; and though I have for a portion of my existence lived in dif ferent parts of England, have ever maintained an immediate and extended knowledge of its state and condition, sustained by constant correspondence and frequent visits. For the last eight or nine years I have regularly dwelt in the place (as I had done at a previous period for 26 years• in succession), mingling with iis teeming, ingenious, and industrious population. I do claim to have a somewhat enlarged acquaintance with the state of my native town. Am I questioned as to its present com mercial condition ? I answer, I have more than once, twice, or thrice seen it in a drooping afflicted state ; but I am com pelled to aver that I never, never, knew it in so low, and sink ing, and wretched a condition, as it now is ; and I declare that, though I have long since been forced to feel that this is the case, it has even since that period continued to sink lower and lower, and that - its course is still a rapidly downward one.- When and where it is to be stayed God only knows—the prospect is appalling in the extreme. Our unemployed artisans are wandering about our streets and suburbs in thousands, anxious to find employment to sustain themselves and families, but are utterly unable ; their tattered garments and haggard countenances bespeak their deplorable wretchedness, physically and mentally, and excites dee-) pity in the hearts, and wring tears—l utter literal truth—and wrings tears, from the eyes of many of our more considerate and hu mane inhabitants. And the real amount of our town wretched ness does not come under the notice of those who merely traverse the streets, and the neighbourhood of our town. There are amongst us who sympathise with our fellow-citizens, and who enter those very localities, and those very cellars and garrets where hundreds dwell—without food, without clothes, 'without beds—who are sinking in obscurity and silence to the grave— dying by inches. Our town missionaries and many other par ties can describe scenes of distress which come under their daily notice, that would soften and melt hearts of stone. I aver, Sir, that it is harrowing and ;afflictive to the spirit of humane men, to be compelled to live among our manufacturing Population. And this distress is not of yesterday—it has been long endured, and has been regularly augmenting for years, and has not ap parently as yet reached its ultimatum. Remember, too, it is rapidly spreading upward in Society. All classes are suffering —from the merchant downward—and, Sir, it may soon reach even those who, having the power to relieve us, I mean the Government, pertinaciously refuse to abrogate those unrighte laws, to whose blighting influence these awful effects are mainly to be attributed is—the deservedly exeerated Corn-laws, Our lowest orders, as a class, are already a wreck, and the wasting desolation which has first seized them, is reaching and seizing those placed above them, and is dragging them also down into the same vortex. Our shop keepers and traders are rapidly declining and daily becoming bankrupt—they are at their wits end—stricken as with terror at at the ruin which stares them in the face, and from which they cannot escape. I spoke with one, a draper, the other day, standing at the door idling away his time, in the principal street in the town, and he assured me that he rmly believed he could himself, with ease, do all the business that was done in his line in the whole town—without the assistance of even a 'prentice lad. The remark staggered me for the moment but on reflection, and recollecting what I witnessed in the dra pers' shops in the heart of the town, I was not disposed to dis pute the statement. Our manufacturers are in an awful plight. Oppressed with costly workshops and warehouses, and facto ries, from which they cannot relieve themselves, though in many cases they are either closed or are only partially open, and if operating at all, operating to actual loss, to say nothing about common interest on capital sunk. Our merchants are at a loss what to do or how to act, and are in many cases, to my certain knowledge, waiting and watching for supposed favour able opportunities of diverting their capital out of ordinary com mercial transactions, or for quitting the country. All kiiids and all grades of tradesmen are compelled to reduce their establishments and expenses, and are even reducing the number and the wages of their household and domestic servants. Emigration to other lands is very prevalent:' and this is not confined to such of the operative classes as 4nnot find employ ment and scope for their ingenuity in their native land, but is the case with individuals of a higher grade, who are escaping with that wreck of their property yet remaining, determined to seek homes for themselves and families in distant countries, though their habits and affections, and connexions, and associa tions, still bind them to the land of their birth: Others, again, there are, who would fain quit our shores, and seek settlements elsewhere, did circumstances allow—but they are bound, as by chains of iron, to the spot on which they feel they must soon be sacrificed, unless some speedy change takes place, bound by en gagements and bonds, and wasted substance, and are thus re luctantly compelled to surrender themselves to their fate. Our workhouse, which has long been one of the largest in the kingdom, is at this hour undergoing great and expensive enlargements. It has become far too small to receive all the applicants who legally claim' admission, portions of whom are already stowed in large buildings taken for the purpose, in dif ferent parts of the town. Our Poor-rates have just received a considerable augmentation ; and an official person informed me, only a few Says before I left home, that it has since be come evident that the augmentation is not, by far, expected to be adequate to, meet the increasing demands—nor need this excite wonder—protracted commercial depression, must con tinually increase the number of those who cannot pay, and consequently augment the number of paupers, and, of course add to the amount of claim on those who have the ability to pay. Remember too, that thousands of pounds have been raised among our charitable, and more affluent townsmen, to administer temporary relief to the wretched perishing poor around them. That hundreds upon hundreds are dis posing of their clothes and furniture, and are expending the little savings of their better days in order to sustain exist ence. And remember, too, that this is summer, and that its claims are comparatively limited. Yes, seriously ponder this. Let the thousands now pining in want, or who are only half fed, and the thousands wile contrive to exist on precarious, un certain, charitable, or othE scanty supplies, be fed as the claims of nature require, and as they ought to be. Let those who have hitherto generously responded to the calls of hunger and want by which they are assailed cease, as many of them will soon be obliged to do, on account of their own reduced condi tion—let the houses of these who are now subsisting on what they raise by disposing of their furniture and clothes, become completely ;tripped—let the winter, with its cold and severity, arrive, bringing in its train multiplied claims, as it shortly will, what, oh ! what will be our sad condition ? Rates must be raised to a fearful amount. Oh ! the coming winter presents to the soberest mind n appalling picture ! At present we ar e in a 1 deplorable co tion, but no contemplative , right - minded citi zen in our di ict can look to the approaching winter without trembling and alarm. Emphatically do I say, let the monopolists beware—endurance . must have its bounds. Must our popula tion perish before our eyes ? It has been said that our Premier has a heart; we know our beloved Queen has. They can serve, they can save us. If we perish the blood of thousands upon thousands will lie at their door. Depend upon it, men of chat acter, men of intelligence, men of loyalty and moral worth, men who constitute the stamina, the muscles of civil society are beComing desperate. Needless national sufferings liko ours will drive wise men mad. One township in our county has been brought to a stand, and has found it utterly impossible to raise its rates and feed its poor ; the claims of the masses of its pauperised poor, have overpowered the capabilities of the rate payers ; and it has cast itself upon the Government. In this wake we are_ rapidly following; and so are many of our neighbouring towns. Stockport is doomed without a speedy change. No kind of investments are safe. One general ruin threatens to overtake and overwhelm us all. We are in a most deplorable state. He is a besotted, stupid imbecile, or has a heart cased in steel, who is neither awake to the existing unpa ralleled distress, nor willing frankly to own it. Party spirit can do, and has done much in this respect, but the sprinklings . of such stupid individuals is rapidly declining, and must shortly vanish away. A friend of mine, who has been extensively en gaged in business, who is well acquainted with our merchants and manufacturers, who is daily, and in these days of anxious idleness, almost hourly walking on 'Change, speaking the other day of his own losses, and those of his fellow-tradesmen, ob served, ‘• Let any man on 'Change tell me he is doing well, and I dare not trust him a shilling." And he, Sir, is no prophet who reckons on a very speedy recovery from our pre sent deplorable condition ; and he who can reckon at all on the arrival of a permanent restoration to vigorous commercial health without freedom to trade, is a novice who must not be trusted. He talks of what he does tot comprehend. We may cherish hope from the coming harvest ; nay, cn reflection, we cannot. We must have trade, or our harvest, however abun - dant, cannot find its way to the homes and the sto machs of our labouring poor. The wheat harvest, it is said, by persons competent to judge, will not, in many parts of the country, even under the most favourable circumstances, prove more than an average crop, and should the weather be come unpropitious—and our cliir.e in England is fickle—may even yet prove a failure. We have little, indeed no hope from the new corn scale and the revised tariff. Neither of them will revive trade, and without trade, and were they in themselves as really good as they are notoriously bad, to trust in them would delude 'and cheat. if flesh meat, if coffee,tif sugar, were $0 per cent. lower than they are—and they might be but for baneful monopolies—if flour, and meal, and rye, were one-third or one-half less than they are—and they might be but for the accursed Curn-laws —what would it avail if working men had little or no employment ? To them it is an insult and a mockery to talk of cheapness if they have no money—a cart load of provisions for a penny would prove too deax for them, if they have not a farthing in the world. But the prime necessaries of life are dear, and will be so—they are taxed for this very purpose—of this we do, and will complans. Let, however, our impious fiscal restrictions be removed, and our wicked Corn-laws be abolished, and our trade will revive. The distant parts of the world will send us their pork, and beef, and mutton, and coffee, and tea, and sugar, and corn, in exchange for our manufactures. In thus speaking I utter what is known and understood—l utter plain, sober, truth—truth which must be rung in the ears of our countrymen, till feeling its force, they rise up as one man to assert their rights, and resolve to give their mono polizing oppressors no rest, till right, and reason, and hu manity, and Christian principles prevail, to deliver the poor that groan and cry under the grasp of a few rich, pampered, proud, selfish lordlings and their clan, by whom, at present, they are wronged, and crushed, and indirectly murdered. Strong language, say you. Oh , that it were stron g er than the case requires ! Were it, my spirit, and the spirit of thousands of my countrymen, would be delivered from a load of anxiety and sorrow which language cannot depict. Give me a hear ing ; I speak with a full heart. I come from a district, the pre sent history of which must be written in blackest ink, mingled with wormwood and gall. It can furnish scenes of wretched ness as deep and as dark as ever were chronicled, and, remember, the wretchedness is still gathering a darker hue, and is still rushing onward in a rapid downward career. And what is my conviction, and the conviction of thousands, after mature and honest inquiry ? Why, that all this misery— and we cannot enumerate a tithe of what really exists—is Ina . nly attributable to class legislation, which has placed on our statute-books laws which cramp our trade, render provisions scarce and dear, and starve our people. Dwelling where I do—knowing what I do—feeling as 1 do—l must, I will give utterance to my honest convictions, and denounce, in strong terms, those impious restrictions which have plunged, and are still deeper plunging my country—my fellow-creatures—my fel_ low-countrymen, by thousands ' into an abyss of wretchedness and ruin. Justice, probity, humanity, philanthropy, cannot spare such crying evils. Woe is me, if I denounce them not. 'I his heart of mine must become recreant to my judgment, and to the voice of conscience ; it must be converted into stone ere I cease my species, of my country , o f to feel and speak strongly; I must become a monster and no - possessed, laws nun, a hater of which h y d i i c d h not ar m e y d e Q c l u ar e e e n how ;if with the clear conviction now utterly, I loathe and abhor the Corn overwhelm ing us with calamities not to be described. And 'here, Sir, tillew me to state , tha t I am a member of the Anti-Corn-law , Levue ; and that I am honestly -proud of my associates, anS of the righteous agitation to which iiey have given birth ; and I wish from the bottom of my heart I hat; capabilities to serve the cause in a manner commensurate to its ilPpgrtance and its holy purposes. The body has been .... k foully maligned. The object has been to bring it into disre- • pute, and to stay its operations. Vain attempt. I know some thing of its workings, and of the men, too; by whom they are conducted and sustained ; and I will say that, taken as a whole, for integrity, humanity, intelligence, patriotism, loyalty, and for religion too, a more honourable, right-hearted body of men were never banded together to seek the attain ment of any great national object.—( Hear, hear.) A newly-fledged, hair-brained Yorkshire senator has ventured to assail the League, and been cheered on in his wild course by the Bread-taxers in the House of Commons. And what then ? He sought notoriety, and he has gained it. But such notoriety very few men indeed would like to wear. Of this gentleman I know little, but what he has taught me, in the inimitable speeches he has delivered against the League and others. As suredly they are rare instances of his love for truth, and of his ability to teach. He has, indeed, by his labours to enlighten those once applauding friends who sit around him, most des perately scorched not a few of their own dear friends. He had better be quiet, except he is reckless of his own character, and that of those who most support his party. To serve his friends he should be chained to his kennel, for he knows not when to bark and when to bite. I know something, how ever, of the gentlemen who constitute that portion of the League immediately connected with Manchester, and I do thitsk, nay, 1 -am sure, taking the character of his speeches as my test, not one of them Can suffer by a comparison with him for prudence, truthfulness, and moral worth. I have a strong opinion that their aggregate respecta bility would not be very much raised if they attached to their cause the name he bears ; nay, I assure him this, I imagine, would be true, even if he should prove a much more discreet and intelligent person than his wonderful speeches warrant one to suppose. If the League are a mistaken body, let their er rors be pointed out ; they fear not discussion—they rather court it ; but honourable men, and valuable citizens ought not to have their characters unjustly traduced. I rather think that even their opponents begin to think that for such work Busfield Ferrand is not the man. His notable inquiry has ended in smoke, save and except it has covered him and them with its filth. Of the League and its operations 1 will venture further to say that it has: not only tended greatly to enlighten and disabuse the public mind, on many subjects connected with our perma nent national welfare, but its influence has proved very bene ficial in calling forth the - patience, and in preserving the peace of the country, and especially of those districts from which 1 come. Its existence and its movements ought to be hailed, in this respect, as a signal national blessing. It has done more to preserve the peace than all our rural and town police, with our new-made magistrates to boot. In its existence our suffering people have hope—in its teachings they see an infallible remedy. While it lives they are favoured with a gleam of light to which li they look with a faint expectation that it may per chance lead to the dissipation of the present darkness 'in which they are enveloped. Let it cease to exist, and to, what can they look ?. I am sure they have little confidence in Peel, nor can it be said that any of his doings, since he assumed power, are calculated to inspire their confi dence. His tariff and his sliding-scale, though a kind of ac knowledgment of the correctness of free-trade principles, are so miserably defective and partial, as to mock and insult them in their sufferings. Let the League expire, and hope may be con verted into despair; and when a people become desperate, who can say to what lengths their despair may drive them ? We ex hort to peace, we deprecate physical force ; we teach loyalty to our Sovereign and obedience to our rulers, but we constitution ally tell the people andtell the Government, and tell our beloved Queen, that legislation which protects the richest men in the world and refuses to protect the poor, is an awful crime in the sight of man and God, and that we will not cease to cry out against the abomination until it be removed. We point to the evils it inflicts ; and alas lvve do it now with aching hearts, cover ing, as it is, our land with mourning and sack-cloth. True, the spirits of the people are breaking down, their patience is becoming exhausted—long-retarded justice, with bungling at tempts at legislation, which mock and leave unrelieved their sufferings, is fixing on their minds a gloom and despondency not to be witnessed without alarm. Our advances are so tardy, and long between, that at times they almost doubt whether or not we have advanced at all. They are becoming deaf to our appeals, when we try to inspire them with hope. The attempt begins to agitate and rouse, at least, till we gain their attention and appeal to facts. A time was, we say, when we could not be heard in our so-called Commons' House of Parliament—when the question was, comparatively speaking, little understood, either at St. James's or elsewhere—when the press was scarcely employed at all on the subject—when the agricultural districts were hermetically sealed against the repealers' agents and books—when the ministers of the Gospel stoad aloof from any interference—when the subject was gene rally considered in the light of a mere political squabble. Remember too, we say, the strength of that prepossession, and prejudice, and ignorance, and selfishness, with which we have to conflict—presenting an array of opposition, before which, hearts, less actuated by principle, founded on conviction and patriotism, than those by which many of the leading men of the League are animated, would long ere this not only have quailed, but fled. We still say there is hope; and assure them that we will: continue to acquit ourselves like men, and never abandon them, and their, and our, and our country's cause. Now, we say, we will be able to secure discussion in the Parlia • ment House. Now, we have seen even a Government propos ing a fixed duty. Now, we have heard the head of another Government teaching the very doctrine long taught .by the League, though, in practice, he strangely contradicts himself. Now, the press is sending forth its publications on this subject by thousands per diem, and is calling in the aid of poetry, liters ture, and science, to enable it yet more plenteously to meet the cravings of the people. Now, we have a cordial reception for our lecturers and tracts in the rural districts, not excepting the lovely neighbourhood of the renowned :Sir James —. Now the subject is taken up as one of humanity and piety. Now, decided Christians join our ranks. Now, Ministers of religion can meet in conference, and, with the Bible in their hands, and the have of God and man in their hearts, enter into vows with each other, and with Heaven, to seek, by prayers and labours, the abrogation of laws, which, while unjust in themselves, are wasting and destroying the moralityand prosperity of these realms. I am sorry to learn from a recent speech delivered by Sir R. Peel, that he affects to believe, and wishes the House to believe, that his late measures are approved and lauded by the country, because the people quietly endure their new acknowledged sufferings. If such speeches are correctly reported—such is the inference he affects to draw—he lays a flattering unction to his soul, indicative of great ignorance of the real views and feelings of the people. The Income-tax is justly execrated, and will become more so when brought into operation What then ! will he maintain and teach the doctrine, that his measures are popular and joyously received, because the people do riot break out into open rebellion? What 1 will he allow no other proof of the obnoxiousness of his measures, but riots, and civil anarchy, and confusion ? What is this but a direct encouragement of what we dread? Did the League ever thus teach ? Will they adopt this senti ment of England's Premier? Never. If I have mistaken the Premier's meaning, I ask his pardon ; if I have not, I charge him with teaching what I neither admire, nor will imitate. Last night I was in the House of Commons. I heard the de bate on Mr. Villiers's amendment on the motion to go into Committee on the Supplies. Principles were enunciated by Sir Robert Peel himself, which showed that our cause is, to say the least, slowly progressing, and so far there is en couragement. There was one in the Tory camp who had abandoned the sliding scale, and would now vote for a fixed duty. This is progress made, though not to the extent of our principles. We must not, as I think, abandon our principles, or cease to agitate for their adoption. l‘ly own opinion is, that if we can prosecute our object, with our wonted energy, and refuse to lay'down our arms, victory will yet be ours. We have done much—we may do more—the country, though much enlightened, still needs enlightenment. The League must continue its operations, and prosecute them with unflinching vigour. Never had a previous national move ment been more successful in the same space of time. Never had a movement been originated more important and philanthropic. Remember the awfully distressed condition of the country. Remember distress is daily augmenting. Winter with its horrors is advancing. We must do our duty. Fix your resolve—and nobly say that yon will.—(Cheers.) Mr. COBDEN, M.P. then rose to address the meeting, and was most enthusiastically cheered. He was compelled to leave early to attend a Conimittee over the way. He had nothing particular to say, but TIT congratulated the Delegates on the great benefits of their meetings.—( Cheers.) He hoped they would continue them, and send to the country for recruits.— ( Cheers.) If their proceedings were only reported by the public Press, they might depend upon it they would excite more interest in the country than anything that was done in the greet House over the way. But the meeting must remember that they had still a great deal more to do befere they would be believed among the higher circles. —( Cheers.) The present state of the country was not yet understood in the metropolis. The people here, at least the higher orders, were quite incre dulous of the statements of distress that had been made; and he was not surprised at it, when he considered the splendour in which they lived. How, he would ask, should they know any thing of the distress, when their own organs of the press studi ously avoided mentioning it.— (Cheers.) In the daily press— he would allude to the Times—there was no allusion made to the subject of distress, unless for the purpose of discrediting the public mind on the subject.—( Cheers.) He had alluded the other night to the fact of individuals eating carrion and de vouring nettles. This statement was disbelieved. He had since, however, received a letter from the manager of his own establishment at Chorley, relating an anecdote which was worse than almost anything which he had before met with : " Dear Sir,—There having been statements made at various times lately of people being driven by distress to eat part of animals that had died, and these statements having been always denied, and treated as fables, by your opponents, I am induced to send you the enclosed statement, that you may rely en is a fact. as I know it to be so, it having occurred in this neighbourhood, and I know all the parties concerned ; and I know they would not have thought of doing anything of the kind twelve months since, hot the fact is they are nearly starved, and have been for some time, indeed the people in this neighbourhood are in a shocking state of distress : it may be said they can go into the workhouse ; but that they cannot do in this parish, as all the workhouses are full, and no more can be taken in ; there are several workhouses in the union, and they are all crowded. 't The animal was a bull, belonging to a woman who keeps a farm in this neighbourhood, her name is Clayton, the farm is called Brook.house Farm. The bull was taken ill some tin. e last week, and a veterinary surgeon in Chorley attended it ; it died on Saturday morning last. The following men went to the woman who owned it, and begged her to let them have it, and she allowed them to take it away, instead of burying it; she gave them Is. for taking off the hide, and they brought it away early on last Sunday morning, and divided it near our Bleach works; part of it was quite black, I believe, from mortifieation having commenced, this was cut off, and our watchman got it for his dogs. The following are the names of the parties who divided it amongst themselves, and then each one gave part of Ins share to others, to those, as one of the men told me, who had the most children, and, consequently, was in the greatest distress.—Thomas West, John West, John Ratcliffe, Daniel Ratcliffe, James Holden, William Ratcliffe. " I send the statement respecting the bull, as I thought you might be speaking on Mr. Wallace's motion. " I am respectfully yours, " Crosse Hall, Chorley, July 9. " J. HYLAND." These individual cases would be less werthy of notice if they were not an evidence of what must be the unavoidable opera tion of the Corn and Provision-laws.—( Hear, hear.) A law was passed to inflict scarcity upon an empire containing twenty seven millions of people ; without producing scarcity it would be impossible to keep up the price.--(Hear, hear.) How could they spread scarcity over twenty-seven millions of people whose inequality was so great, without producing starvation at one end, whilst the other was whelly unaffected.—( Hear, hear.) Our legislators affected a holy horror of individual statements of suffering such as those which he and others had made. 'They denied these facts; they shut their eyes against Hear.) Whilst however, these facts were dis the clear unavoidable consequences of their own wickedness general admission that great distressprevailed. this country, convenient to admit the general distress, but that that t o li f e be obvious to the people and in was dtc din' j y tti e lse r t y ri eee"7" (a unless facts were brought to the Convention from all parts of the country. It was on distress would not this account . were so exceedingly dissatisfied • h with these proceedi ngs . — (Hear, hear.) Now, what had been the conduct of Si r R o b ert in • Peel? He would much rather speak of d b him his presence than in his absence, but his cond uct had been such, that they trumpet-tongued must speak of him everywhere. The only causeßobert Peel hadalluded during of the distress to which Sir ir Wallace during the debate on the motions of I% • Villiers—the only cause to which he had referred—was m a _ chinery.—( Hear, hear.) Now he had no hesitation _ in say.. in the way in which Sir ing, that the alluding to machinery Robert Peel had alluded to it, was as dangerous to the country as it was reprehensible in the Prime Ministerhiraself,—( limo. It would he reprehensible in any man, but in a man of Sir R. Peel's character and origin it was especially blameable—he had almost said it was especially wicked.—(Hear, hear.) Now what were the effects which were being produced in this coun try by Sir Robert Peel's allusion to machinery? He had re ceived a letter on this subject from a friend at Burnley, which he would read to the meeting : " Burnley, July 11, 1842. " Sir Robert Peel's machinery clap-trap is producing some effects. During the last week a bundle of lucifer matches was thrown into a cotton mill near Accrington ; part of the matches were found consumed, fortunately they had not reached the cotton, or the mill would have been destroyed. There is a com mon expectation among the poor suffering labouring people that machinery is going to be done away with, and they refer to the remarks of Sir R. Peel in the newspapers as authority." These were the natural effects of the observations made by Sir R. Peel. What more natural than that the distressed and suffering people, driven to extremities by their sufferings, should take up the opinion of Sir R. Peel, and attribute to machinery all the miseries which they endured ? They were told that the manufacturers were incendiaries. Now, he apprehended that they were the last mon in the world, circumstanced as they were, to do anything likely to lead to violence of any kind. When a lucifer match would destroy not merely the produce of their industry, but would destroy the capital also, was it. likely that they would provoke violence in the manufacturing districts, when the man, the pet, the protege, so petted by the Satndard, who was called the King of the factory children, recommended some time ago the children to destroy machinery with knit ting-needles, were they likely to provoke violence when their property could be destroyed by knitting-needles? The real revolutionists were not in that League, the real revolutionists were the majority in that House opposite.—(Loud cheers.) The real incendiaries were not to he found in that body, but in the Home of Commons and the Cabinet.—( Cheers.) As he said before he thought that their meeting had been productive of the greatest advantage. He exhorted them not to separate If they adjourned the meeting from time to time let it be merely to bring up more recruits from different parts of the country. Had they any gentleman from Nottingham? He was met the other night in the House of Commons by Mr. Gaily Knight, who said that Nottingham was not so flourishing as he could wish, but it was improving. He (Mr. Cobden) hoped they would take pains to bring before the Con ference the existing condition of Nottingham. He would undertake, if they furnished him with facts, to bring them before the House of Commons, and Mr.:Gally Knight. It was very important that the condition of Nottingham should be understood, as there had been no improvement in ma machinery there. He exhorted them not to separate—let them continue there as long as the House of Commons sat, and if the House should separate and leave the country in its deplorable and declining state, then it would be for them to consider what next they would do, in order to justify themselves before the country. There were thousands and tens of thousands out of employment, and who were starving for want of work, looking to them, and they called upon them and the country to take any and every step to force from the Government justice for them selves and the people. They must keep within the law, and proceed upon morality and religion. He would make no other exception, but he would embarrass the Government in every possible way. The more they embarrassed such a Government the more did they fulfil their duty to themselves and the country. He said take no other guide whatever but the strict letter of the law, and that greater sanction, the sanction of religion and morality, and whatever they could do to embarrass the Govern ment they were bound to do. They owed them no respect, they were entitled to none. They owed them no service which they could possibly avoid. The Government was based upon corruption, and the offspring of vice, corruption, violence, intimidation, and bribery. The majority of the House of Com mons was supported by the violation of morality and religion. He said for such a Government they should entertain no respect whatever. He would assist the Anti-Corn-law League all in his power to embarrass the Government. A Noble Lord, for whom they entertained great respect (Lord Brougham) had deprecated anything like endangering the credit of the country. Why what a mockery to talk to men who had the gulf of ruin yawning before them, who saw nothing but confiscation of their property and starvation for their work-people, to talk to them of the public credit ! He had no notion of preserving national credit at the expense of national suffering. He would rather see, a bankrupt exchequer than a starving population. They were not in a position •to be chary of public credit. What had been the conduct of the monied interest in the City, whose policy revolved round their money bag ? Had they shown a sympathy during the last three years, when property was wasting—when there was such a ruin of capital as the history of the world never witnessed before? Had they attempted to assist them ? Had they gone over their counting-house door to inquire if their statements were true or not? No. Why, they (the manufacturers) could convulse the funds, and bring them down to-morrow ten per cent. Then they would have Quaker men from Lom bard-street trotting up to Downing-street, and they would say to Sir Robert Peel, " Thee must do something, for thou see'at what is going on in the City."—(Loud cheers.) He (Mr. Cobden) would be the last man in the world to advise any thing calculated to shake national credit, but he saw no alter native between the starving thousands and destruction of capital of the manufacturing body. If there was no alternative between that and shaking public credit, why let them shake public credit to-morrow.--‘, Cheers.) That was the language he would use in the House of Commons on every opportunity he had. They were Voting supplies of money without any consi deration as to how that money was raised. They sat at three o'clock in the morning, the felon's hour of midnight, and they took money from the people, when half an hour before they re fused to inquire into their distress. He said that no despot would ever treat a people as the majority of that House treated the people of this country. The Emperor of Morocco would not dare to issue a mandate at midnight, and at the same time issue an edict to starve the people. —(Loud cheers.) He told them before he had nothing to say. He dared say those feelings had crossed their minds as they had crossed his. He believed they would do nothing with the present Government or the present Par liament. Sir R. Peel was nut called in to save the country or to save them. He was called in to save the great monopolies of sugar and corn—and lie had done his work admirably by his sophistry and special pleading. He had done his work admi rably for his masters. They had nothing to hope from the pre sent Government or the Parliament. The remedy was in their own hands, if they chose to exercise the power they pos sessed. It weuld be for them to consider what other means ought to be resorted to. Whatever they did, they 'must be de termined, without the slightest reference to etiquette, to which public bodies paid too much regard. Whatever they did, let them keep within the letter of the law, and he would do all in his power to assist them.--( Cheers. ) Mr. R. R. Moofte said, the night before last, in the House of Lords, when Lord Brougham made a speech on the manufac turing distress, amongst others he was replied to by the Earl of Ripon, and it would be useful to answer: some of the fal lacies and absurdities contained in that speech. The Noble Lord admitted the distress, but he would do nothing to relieve it, and contented himself with saying that the Corn-laws were not the cense, and that their repeal would not relieve it. If he could not tell them the cause they could tell him, that it was the Corn-laws, and that it would have caused much more extensive and intolerable distress, if it had not been for the unparalleled energy, industry, patience, and perseverance of those whom they (the aristocracy) despised—the manufacturers and la bourers of this country.—( Hear, hear.) Was it not enough to show that the Corn-laws were the cause, when they deprived us of the markets of the world, and sent out our best workmen upon the world, to assist in raising new competition against us in countries with whom we had now to compete.?—(Hear.) Was it not enough that they made bread dear, and left the people the less money to lay out on manufactures. They (the Anti-Corn-law advocates) told Lord Ripon that the Corn-law repeal would relieve the dis tress. Did he deny that it would open an increased trade whit America, and with the Continent ?—( Hear.) Did he deny that it would immediately, by giving confidence to our capitalists, set thousands of men at work ?—( Hear, hear.) Did he deny that it would bring in bread to this bread-stinted' country ?—( Hear, hear.) But he (Lord R.) told them that we already took all the surplus produce of the Conti nent actually consumed all the surplus produce of the exporting countries of Europe. But we did not receive it in the regular process of trade, but under such circumstances as showed it to be in itself the sign and the cause of embarassment and diistress. It was an uncertain trade, in the hands of those who were jobbers in the bread of the people, and it had to be paid for in money.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Lord said that the repeal would give no relief, because other countries, such as Russia and Prussia, would not make any change in their system. But if they did not, the loss would be theirs. America and the rest of the world would trade with ns.-- (Hear, hear.) So that it was easy to see the absurdity of that argument.--( Hear.) But, in answer to Lord Brougham, the Noble Earl said that in the years when the Corn laws were in full force, our trade with America was 12,000,0001., from which he argued that the law did not injure the trade. But it was easy to show that it had done so. In the first place, to go back to the ten years before 1800, the Americans consumed English mann. factures to the amount of 395. 4d. per head ; in the next ten years, 41s. Bd. per head. In 1812, the war occurred. In 1815, our Corn-laws were passed; and, consequently, the severe tariffs of America were enacted in 1816.—( Hear, hear.) In the ten years commencing 1831, the consump tion of English produce in America was only 225. 6d. per head; If America did not take our manufactures, it was because we drove America to manufacture for herself, because we would not take the produce of her fruitful lands—it was because we were determined that our people should starve rather than let them have our goods. What had given rise to the mone tary confusion of America but our Corn-laws. We had given large loans, both in specie and in goods to America, which were applied to opening up the great wheat country on the banks of the Mississipi, in making roads, constructing canals, &c., for the purpose of enabling that enterprising people to cultivate that fertile district. But when the harvest came— when the Americans had become possessed of the means of re paying us—our Corn-law interposed ; it forbade them the intro duction among us of that commodity which we most wanted— the commodity with which alone the Americans could repay us. The Americans could not sell us their wheat, and hence the monetary confusion. Was it not, then, caused by our Corn-laws ? Lord Ripon had lately said that at no period of American history had the people of that country so much urged upon Congress the necessity of an universally protective system as at the present. But why was it so? It was because our manufactures were sold cheaper than theirs, and they wished to have their capital and labour protected. But would such have been the case, if that enterprising spirit which led them to open paths into the far West and cultivate its prairies, !vas allowed to make the most of the land, in the hope of find ing a market for its produce. Lord Ripon said that the Ame ricans could not compete in any branch of manufactures with the European States. Now the very thing we wanted was to raise the valise of our labour—to raise its price. What were the wages paid to labourers in America? In the manufactories the wages paid common hands are 9s. per week for females, and 20s. per week fsrr males, and their board. Day labourers in the villages 4s. 6d. per day. Agricultural la bourers in ordinary times 3s. a day ; in harvest, 4s. 6d. to Bs. The labourer who boards himself has an additional shilling per day. In the country ls. per slay is the o r di nary price of board and bed in respectable families. Common la bourers are usually employed by the month or year. at from 21. 10s. to 3/. per month, with board and lodging. The taxes, direct and indirect, paid by an ordinary labourer of all kinds, are usually 10s. per year. In the extreme western parts of the country, where provisions are cheapest, wages are higher by 10 per cent. than these given for the same kinds of labour in other parts of the country." Such were the state ments of Mr. John Curtis, an American gentleman, who came to this country to show us the great field for industry, which the United States presented to our labourers. If our Corn-laws were now repeated the factories at present established in Ame rica would find it impossible to continue any longer working, The factories could not go on without skilled hands, and they were few in number, and when they discovered that they could get good remuneration and employment in the agricultural dis tricts, they would leave the mills and the factories; and the factories of America would and could not be continued if our Corn dews were repealed. Now as to wages. Why should not we have as high wages as the Americans, if the Corn-laws were repealed ? If they could, for raising food for us, afford to give good wages, why not we by raising clothes for them ? Lord Ripon, at the close of his speech the other evening, said that he feared such a Committee as Lord Brougham proposed could have no other effect than that of increasing the enmity that already seemed to exist between the agriculturists and the manufacturers. How an inquiry into the distress of the people could set those bodies snore at variance than they now were, he (Mr. Moore) really did not know, unless his Lordship meant to say that the inquiry would prove that the agricul- `_ .. ~~, ,~. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 13, 1842. turists were the cause of the people's dstress.—( Hear.) Did 1 he think that the people, feeling that the Committee of the House of Lords was a salvation committee, standing between them and the corruption of be House of Commons, that they were a little band standinground their Queen, that they were a Committee endeavouring ti arrive at the cause of the distress and to relieve it, would believt that such a Committee would increase the enmity between he agricultural and the manufacturing classes?—( Hear, heas. ) No ; his Lordship meant what the country should understand ; he knew that the Corn-laws trampled on heir trade; he knew that the Corn-laws prevented their trade ; he knew that the Corn-laws diminished wages; he knew that the Corn-laws raised the price of food, and would prevent the Ame ricans taking our manufactures ; he lnew that our trade with America might be increased, if the torn-laws were repealed, to between 40 and 50,000,000/. per innum, instead of being confined to 12,000,0001., as at present; e knew that the land owners then would have their rents pulled down, to which otherwise, though thousands should serve and die, they would not consent ; he knew, too, that he Committee of Lord Brougham would be a dangerous Committee. There was nothing he and his party dreaded so much as truth. So long as they could hoodwink and receive the people they would do it ; so long as they could rut their face upon a foul disgrace, they would do i.—( Loud cheers.) He Mr. Moore) was delighted to hear lir. Cobden recommend them to embarrass the Government. They had the power to do it, and he could see at once the nears by which they had the rower to embarrass the Government. They would em barrass them by not using the articles which would bring in the greatest amount of revenue, and if they were to recommend that course to the people they would aiopt it. They had the power to work upon the Governnenc by each man re fusing—not combining, for that world be unlawful—to pay the taxes in money, but consentin ; to pay them with their goods. So ought they to act with the last pet tax of the Government—the Income-tax—don'• pay it in money, but pay it in what they could well spare—gosus. They knew how the sales of such property were met. 'fie moment it was found that some peeple dared to make a stand in favour of their rights, people would say, " These men are in earnest," and they would lend them their most cordial and hearty support. The Government would tremble to is foundations, the lends would come down, and they would Ind monied men praying for the repeal of the Corn-laws. It vas right to embarass the Government. They said they wantsd supplies, and perhaps it was right they should have them, btt du not the people want their supplies, and was it not right they should have them ? --(Hear, hear.) Don't let them laugh when they were asked to give up what they Used, to give up their wine, or their ale, or their tea, or their sugar, for it was true, if the, people gave up these articles, the Government could not go on. Talk cf not damaging the credit of the country ! Why, the credit of the country was rotten to its very heart's core. Security of tie country ! when no one could tell the day or the hour when the whole working classes might rise to get rid of what now burdened them. Credit indeed when the people were dying for want of food. They must make a bold and determined stand. Every one should think not kow little, but how much he could do—not how little he could suffer, but how much. They should use every effort to inspire the country, to inspire themselves, with confidence; so would they weaken the Go vernment, at the same time that they added strength to truth and justice ; thousands and tens of thousands would aid them in their cause; then woald they obtain that for which they long had struggled, the country would be reinstated in her former glory, and their work would be accomplished.—( Loud cheers.) Mr. EWART, M.P., then presented himself to the meeting, and was received with loud cheering. The Hon. Gentleman said that even if there were no distress, the principles upon which they demanded a repeal of the Corn-laws would remain unshaken.—(Cheers ) Their enemies conceded to them that great distress was existing, but, even if they denied the existence of the distress, they still would not have shaken one of the principles on which they demanded a repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) They refused the repeal of the Corn-laws as a remedy for the distress, because they said that the Corn-laws had not occasioned it. Now, it did not follow, that because a certain state of circumstances had not originally been produced by a certain cause, that therefore the re moval of that cause would not alter the state of the circumstances. This objection had beer, answered by Mr. Canning, who had made use of a homely illustration, he had said that although the original malady might not have been caused by the absence of rhubarb and magnesia, yet that the exhibition of rhubarb arid magnesia would remove the malady.—( Cheers.) He would ask Sir Robert Peel, in reply to his denial, that the repeal of the Corn-laws would relieve the distress, if the repeal of these laws would not extend our commerce ?—( Cheers.) They had to call for returns for the produce of their labour, and they asked for no more than the right of asking for a repeal of the Corn-laws. They had had an interview with Sir Robert Peel. Their Chairman had conducted their proceedings during that interview in a manner that reflected the greatest honour on himself—( Loud cheers)—and must prove beneficial in its results to their cause. —(Loud cheers.) In reply to Mr. Hayworth's representations of the distress existing in Liverpool, Sir Robert Peel had asked him in the most gentle, plausible, Lord Chesterfield sort of style, What was the stateof their exports? Mr. Hay worth was ready with his answer; but if he had not beer, ready, Liverpool had since returned her own answer to the question, by conven ing a public meeting to be held on Monday next, in Clayton. square, to petition Parliament not to separate without adopting some measures for the relief of the unparalleled distress which was pressing on Liverpool as well as on the other towns of the kingdom. 'That was the answer returned from Liverpool to Sir R. Peel's question. —( Cheers.) He would also refer Sir lit. Peel for an answer to an article which had appeared in one of the most moderate, temperate, and best conducted papers in Liver pool—to the Liverpool Times. In the Liverpool Times of this week, the following article had appeared:— " In Liverpool we have not any mills or manufactories to create overproduction; no profligate banks to ruin credit; there has been no great diminution in the amount of imports or exports ; yet, at the present time, every class, from the highest to the lowest, is suffering more severely than at any previoas time. At the present moment, nearly 700 more persons are receiving parish relief than were receiving it at this time last year. There are not more than three or four ships under repair in the port, and scarcely any building. The great builders of marine engines and machinery have been com pelled to dismiss hundreds of their hands ; ships are unsaleable, and freights, to most parts of the world, insufficient to pay ex penses. Things are every day going from bad to worse, and nothing can stop their downward course but the repeal of those prohibitory laws by which the price of food is enhanced, the employment of shipping diminished, the returns of the merchant impeded, and the ability to consume, both at home and abroad, destroyed." The question with regard to Leeds had been satisfactorily en tered into. They must apply their energies in every district for the repeal of this law. The repeal must ultimately be car ried. The probability was that Sir Robert Peel himself would be the instrument by which the repeal would be carried, unless he retired from office, in order to enable some one else to carry that great measure—a measure called for not only by the interests, but by the wishes and the necessities of the people.—(Cheers,) Mr. SIDNEY Saursi would not have presented himself to the notice of the meeting if he had not had something to submit to the meeting which would produce the most material effect in the chances of ultimate success. They had been most truly told by that excellent and able patriot, Mr. Cobden—(Loud cheers)—that their business was not with the Govern ment, which had refused to hear them—not with the Parliament, which had rejected their prayers— but with the great body of the people they must fall back on the sound hearted and intelligent people, to compel the Govern ment and the Parliament to do that which without some such action on the part of the people they would bo unable to effect. He had always been of opinion that they had looked too much, from the very first, to Government and to Parliament. If the people had been true to themselves the total and immediate re peal of the Corn-laws would have been carried before now. They had heard complaints of class legislation ; but it was not class le gislation that had returned two bread -taxers for Liverpool. It was the working men of Liverpool that had returned these Members, selling fur a little gold themselves and their country.—( Hear. ) The same thing had happened in Leeds, where the working men had returned Mr._ Beckett to th e H ouse o f C ommons ; and among the first names on the list against the late motion of Mr. Villiers was that of Mr. Beckett. Again, Mr. Philip Howard, who had been returned as the Liberal Member for Carlisle, had absented himself from the division, and had expressed himself unfavourable to a total repeal, although' he preferred a fixed duty to a sliding scale. Now he (Mr. S. Smith) proposed that the League should record its condemnation of the course taken by Mr. Howard. Before, however, he submitted to the meeting the resolution which he held in his hand, he wished to say that if Lord Melbourne were in the House of Commons the censure of the League ought to reach him as it had reached others.—( Hear, hear.) He found that that Noble Lord, the late Prime Minister, and the supposed leader cf the Liberal party, was the only Liberal Peer who had opposed the motion of Lord Brougham for an inquiry into the national distress. He wished his Lordship should know that he escaped a vote of cen sure by the League solely because he had no representatives on whom they could act by making him the object of merited in dignation.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. Smith concluded by moving the following resolution:— " That this meeting would respectfully bring under the no tice of the constituency of the city of Carlisle the fact that their representative, Mr. P. Howard expressed in the House of Commons his opposition to the repeal of the Corn-law, and absented himself from the division on Mr. Villiers' motion on Monday evening. And this Conference would further remind the constituents of Mr. Howard, that their deputies to the meeting of the League, held at the Crown and Anchor in February last, voted for the motion then and there, unani mously passed, that they would not vote for any Parliamentary candidate, who opposed the repeal of the Corn-laws. This meeting further directs that a copy of this resolution, signed by the Chairman, be forthwith transmitted to the President , and Secretary of the Carlisle Anti-Corn-law Association." Mr. Gautenv, of Bury, seconded the resolution, which was carried unanimously after a short discussion. Mr. S. SMITH wished to read to the meeting the list of the representatives for trading towns, who had voted against Mr. Villiers' motion, in order that they might go forth to the wor1.1:---Mr. Beckett, the Member for Leeds ; Mr. Cochrane, the Member for Bridport, who obtained his election by extensive bribery.—(Cheers) — Mr. Fieldee, the Member for Blackburn; Mr. Ferrand, the Member for Knaresboreugh—( Groans)—Mr. Grimsditeh, the Member for Macclesfield ; 111 r. Lyall, and Mr. Masterman, Member for London ; Captain Rous, the Member for West minster ; an d M r . Sh ep h er d, the Member for Frome. The Corn-law L eague mus t still; persevere, they must still send out lecturers, a n d if th e y did so they was their o wn .—(C beers.) m ight depend upon it the day Mr. WORLEY said, that very much had been said about im provement in machinery, and it was to that that Sir Robert Peel attributed the distress He (Mr. Worley) held in his hand a report. It was the report of Mr. Horner, the factory inspector, of Lancashire. From that report it appeared that there were 1,164 mills in 1841, employing 1,999,190 persons. Of these, 138 were standing, and 139 were working short time. leaving 887 m ill s at f u ll s for k, employing 1 42 , 062 persons. Of these not more than 3 per cent. were cotton-spinners upnn mules. These were chiefly adult and might possibly be reduced 1 per cent., so that there were never more than 4,260 so employed, and of those, 1,4210 at *the least had been thrown out of work by the extension of the . use of the s elf-acting mules, and by the coupling of others. Of those out of employment, no lets than half a million we 'e dependent on charity for support. At the pr esent time there were no less than 1,200 mechanics out of em ploy. lie knew a respectable machine maker, who said he ha, - 1 net a single order in his place, and he was then only working for stock and in a few weeks he must stop. Many of these workmen were emigrating to the United States. One of the largest mills in Manchester was work ing only four days a vteek. They were Conservatives, and were very active its returning a": Conservative Member for the county. They employed 1,000 people. Another large mill, employing 700 :persons, had stopped on Saturday. An other large concern, employing some hundred hands, had also stopped. The total number of persons thrown out of employ ment during the last week, was 2,600 persons. He also knew that cottage rents were fallen six to seven hundred per cent. in consequente of the occupants being unable to pay. Mr. 'SIDNEY SatT tit observed that 'from the Income tax, evil as it was, this: advantage would be derived, that it would enable an accurane estimate to be formed of the present rental of the country, w laich could be compared with the rental of 1815, when the Inec ane-tax was in operation before, and thus an idea could he foyxned of what the rice in the rental of the country really was. The meeting then adjjpurned until cloven o'clock to-morrow. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour. COLLEGE OF . MAYNOOTH. Mr. HARDY presented a petition from the Members of the Protestant Operative Association of Marylebone, praying for an inquiry into the code of regulations of the College of Maynooth. DISTRESS. Mr. BROTHERTON presented a petition from Lan caster, praying that means might be taken to alleviate the existing- distress. STANDING ORDERS. Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET moved that a Select Committee be appointed to consider the propriety of making such alterations in the Standing Orders as may be conducive to the improved conduct of the Private Business of this House, and that the following Gentlemen be Members of the said Committee :—Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. Estcourt, Sir George Grey, Mr. Greene, Mr. Strutt, Sir John Yarde Buller, Mr. Loch, Mr. La bouchere, Mr. Pendarves, Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. Aglionby,:Sir Robert Ferguson, Sir William Heathcote, Mr. Ewart, and Mr. William Miles. TOBACCO REGULATIONS BILL. An HON. MEMBER presented a petition from Donegal, against this Bill. FORMS OF PETITIONS. Mr. FERRAND wished to ask the advice of the Speaker upon a subject. He had beside him a petition signed by 4,000 poor men, miners and colliers, of Scot land; but unfortunately none of the signatures had been written upon the same sheet as that which contained the petition. He wished to know if there were any objec tion to receiving such a peUtion. The SPEAKER said the rule of the House was, that there must be one signature at least on the same sheet as that on which the petition was written. POOR-LAWS. Mr. STUART WORTLEY presented numerous pe titions from unions in the neighbourhood of Leeds, praying that the House would not dissolve the Gilbert Unions in their districts. Mr- FERRAND presented a petition against the New Poor-law Bill, in which the petitioners denominated the Commissioners as itinerant nuisances. Mr. ALDHAM presented a petition from som place in Leeds against the 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, and 37th clauses in the New Pocr-law BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS BILL. Mr. C. WOOD brought up the Report of the Select Committee on this Bill, which was ordered to be re-eom mitted on Tuesday next. LICFNSEf LUNATICS ASYLUM BILL. Lord G. SOMERSET postponed the further conside ration of the Report on this Bill till Saturday next. COAL MONOPOLY. Sir W. CLAY presented a petition, signed by 4,000 people, stating that the price of sea-borne coals was con siderably enhanced by a monopoly amongst the coal owners of the north, and praying as a remedy that the duty might be taken off inland coal. METROPOLITAN BRIDGES. The Hox. BARONET also presented a petition, pray ing for the repeal of the toll upon the metropolitan bridges, from the inhabitants of Kingston-upon-Thames. COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS. Lord HO WICK presented a petition from the North of England Medical Association against the Bill for granting a new Charter to the College of Physicians. AFFIRMATION BILL. Mr. HAVES presented several petitions from Cam bridge, and one from London, in favour of the Bill, for substituting du affirmation for an oath. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. FERIZ AN PZ4Y,P9tic , that to,morrow he should move for copies of all' orders issued by the Poor-law Commissioners, and the Guardians, together with the Reports of the Sub-Commissioners, since the year 1833 up to the 13th of April last. Mr. SHEIL gave notice that on Monday next, on the House going into Supply, he should discuss the policy of the Government in Ireland. Mr. S. CRAWFORD gave notice that, on the House going into Committee on the Poor-law, he should move an amendment.—(We were unable, however, to catch the precise nature of it.) Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that, on the 28th of July, he should move for a copy of the indictment and other papers, in the case of the Queen v. Duffy. Captain PECHELL gave notice that on Thursday, the 21st, he should call the attention of the House to the operation of the Portuguese Slave Act of 1839. WRIT FOR SOUTHAMPTON. Mr. MACKINNON stated that on the Ist of June last he had moved for the issue of a now writ for the borough of Southampton, but had postponed the matter until the 15th. They had now arrived at the 13th of July without the writ being issued. lie conceived that every month, every week, every hour, that the constituency of Southampton were deprived of their just rights, and injustice was done to them. He felt it impossible, however, to do more in the business at present, after the promise he had given to wait till the Committee gave in their Report. He understood that Report would soon be ready. He should therefore post pone the question till the 25th. REPORTING PROGRESS. Mr. HUME wished to ask a question. The other evening when it was moved on his (Mr. Hume's) side of the House that the Chairman report progress, the motion was negatived. Last night the Chairman reported pro gress, and he (Mr. Hume) did not observe that any mo tion had been previously made to that effect. Sir J. CLERK said he believed.the Hon. Gentleman was perfectly mistaken. The motion for reporting the resolutions was distinctly put from the Chair. _ _ The SPEAKER said that when he returned to the Chair the night before last, the Chrirman iaformed him that he was directed to report the resolutions to the House. Mr. GRIMSDITCH wished to put a question to the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, on a subject which excited considerable anxiety out of doors. He wished to know whether the Right Hon. Gentleman could give any information as to the progress which had been made by the Commissioners appointed to inquire into the circumstancos of the forged Exchequer bills, and whether it was probable tnat the Report would be laid on the table before the proroga tion of Parliament ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he had a short time since been informed by his Noble Friend at the head of the Commission, that the Com mission had sat four weeks, and examined 130 witnesses, and that he trusted the inquiry was drawing to a close. PROTECTION OF HER MAJESTY'S PERSON BILL. On the motion of Sir B. PEEL, the House resolved itself into a Committee on the Protection of her Majesty's Person Bill. Mr. HUME said before the Speaker left the chair, he wished to remind the Eight Hon. Baronet that the attention of the House had been for several months directed to the distress of the country, but that no attention had as yet been directed to that portion of her Majesty's speech which related to the state of the finances and expenditure of the country as a means of removing that distress. The attention of the House , ought to have been given to a reduction of the expenditu - re in the first - place. The distress gave every indication of continuing, and he thought the House ought not to separate without the whole expenditure of the country having undergone a review. He did not object to the personal allowance other Majesty, but of the enormous expense of the Lord Chamberlains' and the Lord Stewards' departments, and that of the Master of the Horse. Ministers should ad vise her Majesty to do away with half this parade and show ; and from all he knew of her Majesly, he believed she would be pleased to make such a reduction. What he called on the House to express an opinion on was, that some sacrifice should be made by the public servants of the Crown, for two or three years, until the expenses of the war in China should have been liquidated. Amongst the extravagaut acts of the late Government, which added to the difficulties of the Right Hon. Baronet, was the creation of a pension list for merits, to the amount of 4,0401. Of this there was a charge of 650/. for schoolmasters and teachers. He repeated that he did not blame the Right Hon. Baronet ; and for that unwarrantable addition to the public debt, it was the act of the late Government. There was the German teacher of her Majesty whilst Princess Victoria, with a pension of 1001. A teacher of writing 100/. , a teacher of music, 100/. ; a teacher of French, WO/. ; a teacher of Italian, 100/. ; a teacher of singing, • Too/. ; a teacher of dancing, 50/. ; in all, 6501., which threw upon the nation a debt of 20,0001. He thought it was the duty of the Right Hon. Baronet to make:the proposal to the public servants of the Crown to make the sacrifice of a part of their salaries for two or three years. He could not sit down without saying that the House at pre sent had no check whatever on the miscellaneous esti mates. There ought to be at the commencement of every session a Committee to examine them before they were proposed to the House, as was the case in every country where there is a representative Government. He hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would not allow any estimate to be voted until a Committee had examined each of the details. He therefore hoped that his sug gestion would not be lost on the Right Hon. Baronet, but that he would acvise her Majesty to make a reduc tion in all those expeditions, and set an example to every other department, so as to render the continuance of the income-tax unnecessary past the present year. Sir R. PEEL said, that he was quite sure the Hon. Gentleman did not desire to throw any opposition in the way of their going into a Committee of Supply.— (Laughter.) But what were the sources of expenditure? The expenses of the navy were 17,800,000/. ; and at present the expenses of the Ordnance, &c., amounted to 15,000,0001. But the House was competent to judge of these matters, as her Majesty's Government. And when there was an impression on the part of the House or the country, that the estimates were extravagant, they could be reduced. But when they looked to other coutries, and saw the forces they maintained, he did not think it would be advi sable, on their part, to make any reduction at present. The vote for the Caledonian canal he had objected to last year. It would now increase the estimates by 25,000/. With respect to the votes necessary for carry ing on the war in which we were n3w engaged, he must say that it was not true economy to stint the public service on that score. The better policy was to endeavour to bring the war to a close, but in acting upon that policy it was necessary, to take 400,000/. additional this year. But on the whole on the votes of this year as compared with those of last year there was a saving of 84,000/. He regretted that the Hon. Gentleman had referred to the appropriation of the limited fund placed at her Majesty's disposal for reward of public services. The sum thus appropriated was only 1,200/. a-year, and the services rewarded from that limited funds were those of persons who derived their claims from literary or scientific pursuits, or from service rendered to the person of the Queen. Those were the cases in which pensions were granted on the advice of the Crown. He hoped the Hon. Gentleman would not object to allow the Bill to go into Committee. The Hon. Geeticinan had alluded to a Committee of Supply. Now, with re spect to that, ho had doubts wnether the Treasury was not more economical than the House of Commons or a Committee of Supply. He trusted the House would proceed with the Bill, which had been read a first and second time yesterday, and which stood for committal to day. - . Sir R. INGLIS was astonished that the lion. Member for Montrdse had taken such an opportunity to make a tirade against the establishment of her Majesty. Mr. HUME confessed that he had fallen into a mis take, or he should not have made the observations he had done. He thought the motion was for going into. Committee of Supply. There was no person in the House who would be more happy to see her Majesty protected.—(Hear, hear.) He had known her Majesty as well as well as the Right Honourable Baronet.—(Great laughter.) And he believed that, she would not consider any proposition of the present Go vernment for the relief of her subjects as an impertinent or improper interference with her comforts. Mr: WILLIAMS was surprised to hear the imputa tions of the Hon. Baronet, the Member for the Uni versity of Oxford, against himself and his Hon. Friend, the Member for Montrose. The Hon. Baronet seemed willing to arrogate to himself an exclusive loyalty; but he could tell the Hon. Baronet that if her Majesty's person or throne were in danger he should be as willing as the Hon. Baronet could be to defend them. • Sir ROBERT PEEL deprecated any angry discussion upon a subject in which they were all unanimous.— (Hear.) It was manifestly the wish of every Member, that every possible protection should be given to the pers.ni of her Majesty. He was persuaded that the Hon. Member for Montrose had taktn the course he had pursued merely from a. misapprehension. . Sir R. IL INGLIS said that he had no further obser vation to make upon the matter, as the Hon. Member for Montrose had a2knowledged that he had fallen into an error. He could assure the Hon. Member for Coven try that he did not wish to arrogate to himself any ex clusive loyalty. The House - then went into Committee on the Bill. On clause 1 being proposed, Sir F. POLLOCK proposed, instead of the words " although the same shall not contain any explosive or destructive material," to insert " whether the same shall, or shall not, contain any explosive or destructive mate rial:" There was some doubt what might bo the effect of the word " although." The amendment was agreed to. An HON. MEMBER suggested that the word " Sove reign" should be substituted for the word "Queen," in order that the Bill might apply to future Sovereigns. Sir F. POLLOCK said there was a statute passed in the reign of Mary, by which it was enacted that the word Queen should include " King." The clause as amended was then agreed to. The other clauses having been agreed to, Sir R. PEEL said he had omitted to state yesterday, that her Majesty's Government, after a conference with the Law Officers of the Crown, had felt it their duty in applying the general principles upon which justice and the prerogative of mercy were administered, to spare the life of the convict Francis; but although the sentence had been commuted to transportation for life, he had been sent to one of the penal settlements of her Majesty, in which the labour was most severe, and in which there was not the least opportunity of any species of indul gence on the part of the Governor. The' House then resumed, and the Report was brought up, and the Bill ordered to be engrossed, to be read a third time this evening; SU PPLY. • On.:the Order of the Day 'being read for going into a Committee of 'Supply; -' Lord PALMERSTON said, when the Mines and Collieries Bill was introduced, the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) stated that not only did the Bill meet his entire approbation, but that when the Bill was brought in it should have the warm and cordial support of her Majesty's Government He saw in another place, that yesterday, another Noble Lord, also a Member of the Government, who held a high official si tuation, said that with regard to that Bill, her Majesty's Government meant to remain passive, and that each individual member of it was left to take what course he pleased ; and it was evident to foresee that that Member of the Government meant to give anything but a warm and cordial support to the proposed measure He wished to know how these two apparently contra dictory statements could be reconciled ? Or whether they were to understand that the members of the Government in this House were the expounders of the policy of the Government in Noble hands in another place. . _ Sir J. GRAHAM said he did not know on what foun dation he could rest his explanation, except the report of what had occurred in another place. The decla ration he had himself made was that the principle of the Bill met his cordial assent, not in his individual ca pacity, but as one of the Government, reserving to himself and his colleagues the right of considering the details of the measure, particularly theclause specifying the labour of children under 13 years of age. That clause the Noble Lord had altered on condition that the hours of work for children tea years of age should be limited. That alte ration he could have supported with perfect consistency. with his pledge. He had no communication with his Noble Colleague, as he could have done, had he had notice of the question,but he had no doubt that his reser vation applied entirely to the details of the measure. Sir JOHN SEALE asked the Bight Hon. Baronet a question—a subject on which the whole of the south west coast felt great interest. It was whether the Go vernment had made up their mind as to the port of de parture for the East and West India packets. Sir B. PEEL replied that the Government had come to no decision on the subject, which was one of great importance, and required further consideration. They would not decide until they had inquired fully, and satis fied themselves of the relative fitness of the several ports both as regarded the interest of trade, and the convenience of passengers. Sir J. SEALE was understood to say that Dartford bad been recomm ended by the Commissioners of In quiry ; but he ha .d heard that there was an intention of selecting South aripton Sir R. PEEL said, there was as yet no intention re specting any particular part. [LEFT SITTING.' STATE OF TRADE. There was a rather better feeling in this mar ket yesterday than for some weeks previously, and an increased amount of business done in yarn (principally for the Russian market) ; and also in some descriptions of goods, particularly in domestics and inferior qualities In shirtings. Printing cloths, however, continue as dull as ever ; and in no descrip tion, either of goods or yarn, can any improvement of price be noted. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, JULY I.—There has been but a dull market to-day ; not many buyers have attended, and the number of pieces sold has been limited. Though the quantity of business has been smaller, the prices have been stationary. In the wool market prices remain the same; but lamb and skin wools have been much inquired after, and are becoming scarce.—Man chester Guardian. FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. DIVIDENDS. At the Court .of Bankruptcy, Basinghall-street. J. Parker, G. Parher, J. L. Parker, and T. Roberts, mer chants, Birchin-lane, Aug. 4, at twelve—A. H. Henn, hatter, Holborn, Aug. 4, at cene. _ . In the Country. J. Porter, victualler, Honiton, Devonshire, Sept. 6, at one, at the Old London Inn, Exeter—W. N. Heward, timber mer chant, Bridlington, Yorkshire, Aug. 5, at one, at the Red Lion Inn, Great Driffield.—J. and T. Turner, clothiers, Fulstone, Yorkshire, Aug.'s, at three, at the Pack-horse Inn, Hudders field. CEIRTIFICATES—Aua. 2. E. B. Holland, power-loom manufacturer, Manchester—W. Barnes, fire brick mrinufacturer, Shincliffe, Durham—E. Hare, liquor merchant, Corby, Lincolnshire—W. B. Byng, engineer, Old Windsor—A. 57elfer, engineer, Paddington—H. Briggs, cotton spinner, Bl:ackb.urn, Lancashire—A. Cartwright, J. Cartwright, and W. Cartwright, cotton spinners, Wigan, Lan cashire—J. Hayward, miller, Milverton, Warwickshire—W. Ball, bookseller, Pabernoiter-row—W. Hill and W. K. Wackerbath, ship agetts, Leadenhall-street—T. Dykes, sta tioner, Broad-street, St. Giles's. PAP.TNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. T. Wheelwright and A. M. Randall, surgeons, South-place, Finsbury— H. 111 , 00 re and W. Alnatt, attorneys, Wimborne Min ster, Dorsetshire —R. Mitchell and T. Bolland, iron founders, Middleton, Lancashire— W. and G. B. Hamond, grocers, Burnham Westgate, Norfolk—R. Farrell and E. Grimmer, tailors, Great Ormond-street, Queen-square—C. Williams and R. Champion. wholesale fur manufacturers, Friday-street Cow deli, sen. and W. Cowdell, jun., attorneys, Hinck ley, Leicestershire—T. Evans and A. Duff, carpenters, Stock bridge, Southampton--Cl. Calley and G. C. Lingham, button manufacturers, Binviii sgl iam—Town, Crabtree, and Co., dyers, Ardwick, Lancashire Is( far as regards R. Town, H. Crab tree, and J. Smith)--J . Bolton and J. Miller, corn dealers, Albany-street, Regent's .park—W. Wray and J. Greaves, fruit merchants, Leeds—J. I ialy, M. Kipling, J. Kipling, and A. Kipling, ken merebarr ts, Upper Thames-street—J. and W. Giles, engine turners, ldirmingham—W. Boyle and A. East hope, house painters, Ludgate-hill--R. and C. Ratsey, sail makers, West Cowes, lisle of Wight. SCOTC It/ SEQUESTRATION. JOHN MORRIS ;ON, bookseller, Laurieston, Glasgow, July 15 and Aug. 12,, at one, at the Chambers of J. Smith , Glasgow. _ ~ GENERAL DIS Watson and Compcopy the following from any's Leed s Circular, a publication contain ing generally correct information respecting trade and com merce :—" The Try of commercial distress reaches us from all quarters, and some of its bitterest notes have lately been heard, at the meetings of the 5 bopkeepers, both here and at Manches ter; such meetings as t hese held by this class we never heard of before, and they bet. ,ken a depth of suffering in trade, that must not be disregarde 11 by those who have the sole power to mitigate it. If, in the midst of summer, fast approaching the harvest, with the we athcr rather favourable than other wise, and with an a bus dance of specie at the Bank of England, such is the sh<ocking condition of trade, as was detailed at these meet in, ,s, what are we to look for, as the winter approaches, especially if the harvest should turn out deficient, in quantity (although a great breadth of wheat was sown), & t some parties begin to fear, from the appearance of the cropsi ? The fact is, the present state of things was fully predict ell . by the late Mr. Huskisson in 1830, who stated, at that tin le, something to this effect ; that should the commercial princii de s then at work, continue a few years longer (as they have d one ) accompanied by a succession of bad harvests (which has a ctually been the case), a sate of things would, of necessity, follow in this country exactly similar to what is now passing : Lroond us. The old mercantile system , with its bou n ti es , its Frol ribitions, and its protections , is fa irl y worn out, and can n' ever h e revived in this country. MILITAR Y CO,iya , OSI TORS.—The Guernsey Star of Thursday, J ure 9 .3, gives the following reason for re q uestin g advertisers to scud in their advertisements for next publication one day earlier than usual , viz. In consequence of the militia going out o n m, on d a) • next, and the whole of the men of our establishm en t I— v t 9 attend to their military duties." IMPMAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE. OF LORDS, July 12. EMPLOYMENT 'IN MINES, &c. The Earl of GALLOWAY presented a petition from Callander, and other places in Scotland, in favour of Lord Ashley's Bill. BIRMINGHAM POLICE. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition, signed by 15,000 inhabitants and rate-payers of Birmingham, pray ing that the House would take some means to reduce the expenses of the Police force, and that they might be re lieved from the present charter of incorporation. SUDBURY DISFRANCHISEMENT. The NOBLE LORD also presented a petition from the Mayor and inhabitants of Sudbury, against the disfran chisement of that borough. The petitioners stated that they thought Sudbury was no worse than a great many other boroughs,, and that ,a whole borough ought not to be punished for the delinquencies of a few. . MINES AND COLLIERIES BILL. BROUGHAM presented several petitions from places in Shropshire, Yorkshire, and other mining dis-., tricts, some in favour of, and some against this Bill. Numerous petitions for and against Lord Ashley's Mines and Collieries Employment Bill, were presented by the Earl of Wicklow, Lord Monteagle, Earl Stan hope, the Earl of Scarborough, and Lord Denman. EDUCATION.—HULLAH'S SYSTEM. Lord WHARNCLIFFE laid upon the table the Report of the Education Committee of her Majesty's Council, and said he had also to present, pursuant to notice, a petition from 1,600 persons who had been in structed in music at Exeter Hall, chiefly at the expense of an institution, which was endeavouring to disseminate ' as widely as possible a taste for music and other ele ments of a refined reduction amongst the humbler classes of their countrymen. The petitions prayed that Perlin ment would render pecuniary assistance to enable those persons . effectually to execute their ad mirable designs. Those persons first thought that the best means of disseminating amongst the people a taste for this science would be by teaching music to schoolmasters and schoolmistresses. They commenced on this plan in 1841, entirely at their own • expense, but after it had become known that the school masters . ! and mistresses derived so much advantage, the desire seized numerous mechanics and artisans to be allowed to participate in it, and at the present moment there were no less than 50,000 persons, in fifteen classes, receiving instruction. Those persons desired to have the means of acquiring, in a similar Manner, a knowledge of other elements such as arithmetic and linear , drawing. Several Noble Lords were present, as well as himself, at the choral meeting which was held at Exeter-hall for the purpose of showing what had been the proficiency of Mr. Hullah's class there in a very short time—(Hear, hear)—and he could appeal not only to them 'for the extraordinary proficiency, but he could state a foreign musician of eminence—indeed it was Men delssohn—expressed to him his delight and astonish- .!;, ment, and his conviction that Mr. Hullah had conferred' upon his country the greatest possible benefit.--(Hear, bear.) The Committee of the Council had had applicat• tions from all.. parts of the country for assistance in carrying Mr. Hullah's system into effect, and they found `- lj e that the grant of 30,0001. was altogether insufficient In meet the desire for education which pervaded the ?? country. They had money granted for the establish' ment of schools, but what was the good of schools unless they had good schoolmasters?—(Hear, hear.) There ' p ri was a school under the management of Mr. Stowe at 1 Glasgow, and though that school produced excellent schoolmasters, they did not seem to work together with the General Assembly. The Government then agreed • to- give : 5,0001. towards the establishment of l; normal school-in Glasgow, and 5,000/. towards a normal, - school in Edinburgh, provided the management ot those schools were allowed to reside in the hands of the General Assembly The Whiale of Scotland was now provided with efficient schoolmasters. Other sums of money were granted for the establishment of schools all over the country, and numerous applications had been made, on the part of others, to provide them with nor mal schools. Their Lordships must see, that if they; ,f'd assented to all these requests, the demand for money must far exceed the small sum annually allowed by Par liament for the purposes of education and school build ing. There was one part of the,present system to which he objected as unnecessary and expensive, and that was the system of inspection and reporting to Parliament. He could not see what reason there was for reporting to Parliament the state of every one of those schools, which would lay open the managers of any of them, at any time, to attacks in the House of Commons. He was of opinion, however, that reports should be made to the Council Of Education and the Diocesan ; but, for anything more than that, he certainly could not see the necessity. He could not help thinking that if Parliament would grant the requisite funds, he was sure no one would grudge the money, and they should go on so rapidly ill' . the course of education, that England would, in a veil short time, be the best educated country in the world. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE was glad to see that ,( 4 1 i the Noble Lord opposite was prepared to extend and carry out that system which had, for the last few years, been adopted to improve the education of the country- . The Noble Baron, in presenting the petition, had stated clearly and distinctly to the House the whole of the' circumstances attendant upon the introduction of the wonderful system of singing taught by Mr. Hullah- He, from the first, was convinced that the experiment (A , Mr. Hullah would succeed ; and the success had beef' infinitely greater than he had anticipated. Immediately ~ after the first class was announced at Exeter Hall.l' , seventy persons subscribed their names ; and by the time that class had gone through the course, three other classes of one hundred persons - each were formed, and there were now fifteen c lasses, ;';',/ attended by 2,500 persons at a time. He agreed with the Noble Baron (Lord Wharncliffe) as to the excellent influence of musical education upon the working daises, and he hoped that Parliament would empower the Con' mittee of the Council to give pecuniary assistance for the extension of this kind of education. But he hoped such assistance would not be rendered by a deductio n rom the present grant.—(Hear, hear.) Those who re commended the grant were told that they would fail fir their object of creating a desire for education ; but happily, as the Noble Lord (Wharncliffe) had testified,' the result was, that an extraordinary stimulus had been given to that desire, which was now so great as to re' quire a very much larger sum than Lad been placed at the command of the Council to meet it.—(llear, hear.) , -A great stimulus had been given to the benevolent to promote education from private sources, in which they would have despaired to embark, if they were not en couraged by the hope of assistance from the Govern' , 0 ; 4 ment fund.—(Hear, hear.) The result of the experi ment showed that there could be no better instrument for carrying a national system of education into effect titan the Committee of Council, both in respect to inspectio n and control. But a much larger sum than had been hitherto granted was necessary to carry the system int o • full effect, and even in these times of distress he did n"; think that a grant could be more beneficially applie'e In the vicissitudes to which the trade and manufactures ca this country were liable, what could be more desirable than to place the working man in a condition, by superior education, to transfer his labour from one branch of in • dustry to another?—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Mara tlP then read an extract from the evidence of a foreign In% nufacturer, who employed a number of persons of vari ous countries, Saxon, Swiss, and English, who stated that a n r Englishman in his own particular branch was super i° ,l to the others, but that on account of the more halite': nature of his education, he was as able as the Swiss, tafr less so than the Saxon, to adapt himself to ernergencies- - f apply himself on an occasion to another branch of wa ll ; . —(Hear, hear.) He concluded by thanking the Noble President of the Council for his statement, and e xpres' sing his concurrence in his views. Lord BROUGHAM believed that his two Friends, the present Lord President of the Council, 00 ,1 the late Lord President of the Council, would Wee , ' that he should offer them his thanks for their gratify ieb statements. But he differed from them in this, that i b is did net think that education could progress too rapi dl y although he had always been glad to assist its progro s however moderate, however slow. There was one pa t h of the Noble Baron's statement which he had heard 0.. regret ; it was, that 5,0001. had been given to cer ts l7 schools in Scotland, on condition that they were r b under the management of the General Assembly. Thol i , he (Lord Brougham) entertained the highest respect lurs the General Assembly, he did think that the Disse nt !, should be allowed to enjoy the advantages of 't ll°. grants to a certain extent ; he should, therefore, beg „ e suggest that a portion of the grant should be given !Or li body in Scotland, answering to the British and Form Bible Societies, if there were such a body. 8 11 Lord WHARNCLIFFE said it would be time enatluep to think about allowing grants to the Dissenters 1 " they built normal schools. The matter then dropped. DRAINAGE BILL. This Bill was read a second time. DRAINAGE (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill was read a second time. MINES AND COLLIERIES BILL. t his Earl DEVON postponed the second reading °` Bill till Thursday next. • BANKRUPTCY BILL. oord' The LORD CHANCELLOR stated that, in ae a d co since with a request which he had received, he h.., f on sented to postpone the second reading of this Dal Thursday till Monday next. Their Lordships adjourned at a Quarter to Bight' 9r: ~ iM . HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 12. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL• a , use brti e On the motion of Sir R. PEEL, that the 4. ° into Committee on this Bill, • fr 6l/1 ' n..' " Captain PECHELL presented several petitions Ate r Il t is Chester, Sundridge, East Grinstead, and var i°ll9 ? places, against the Bill. Mr. LIDDELL rose, pursuant to notice, to put of• state ~;," or; tion to the Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary- °'- % efir."_,lly, for the Horne Department, relative to the powers dent cised by tne Central Board of Commissioners tullie:;(lll.i!,4,;Qt eleventh clause of the Irish Poor-law Act—viz- , r o - Cetr ' - 14 111 , 0 1 legation of the whole powers and authority of tu, s obs tral Board, in reference to the administration t he ~, 11, . ;( English Poor-law, to any one Commissioner, to 7 .') consent of the Secretary of State. He w ished t ° l oaf . whether that clause was intended to extend to Ir e o ut H ; and if it did, whether they were prepared to carrY • , the provisions of the Bill in that country ? to Sir JAMES GRAHAM did not think it eecessa 00• enter at length into the subject raised by bise Friend. It must be well known that when tb b bat t he- • Act was passed it was not considered necessarY i d, but number of Commissioners should be increase,rehol. • 7 was considered necessary that one should be ill ". A.et and that he should have all the powers give° b YA t t ba e t t he to the Commissi o n it se lf. He, therefore, ni0"0114 Speaker do now leave the Chair. ~ , b t goo. " Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE asked the R ill befo re Baronet if he seriously intended to press this the Commission had expired ? A fortnigh t ed s to C ore had proposed that a short Bill should be P 4435 Btllince be . • In ' a ,