The Sun. — London, England, 1849-07-21 00:00:00

e :;%•:, ro. • a Ministry, and to Which was immediately to touch the national heart, to ob nin the national support, to vanquish ee ,,nquer a Parliament, talked that "ese, evening to gas: Alas I that they were come bo a classical assembly 4 Parliament which they still held to „ kith terms as " shams" and do a ef p ‘ e ' r s i h od am w s h " en all in d v oh hole history of p . But be 'wanted to know what in the whole tations in fel agitation in this country cou . Id be more osten " dJes should be employed. lan'spramencement, more violent in re lacking in earnes t 7 imeotent in its achievements, me than the agitation for - ea s, in l• a_ , rea i and in consistency, its assurances, more lam t e . The r‘sancial reform. —(Loud cries Conservative (the 4°n• emberafter h • living read them to . . ble p arty). t l lt 1 , k if it was possi of y " Hear, hear.") and seek to t ill co 1 f ard at the preset' amount to at least 6 a Q Come orw . ectur_e, had gone on to as t day, which would 4 - lase a duty on corn,. •'"'"u000/. ? But why should the experience triad a year h *r bread after ,C4e040/. year more for t ei r cv—after not the public . pay '"eY bad had ba„,_ the repeal domestic expenditure, by tt,'ing saved in their week ? blessins of a free -trade po i ~ of op for Hon. Gentlemen 1.! ecrn-laws, no less a sum than 2,000,0001. a ;!sqear, hear.) It was very rite to talk of "shams," bu t which the people . they Llget the bitter disappointment of the credit ' 4 ' 1 )44 e wellt those Gentlemen shouolfd this t political tac statements of adroit tad foe ad experienced in consequence . merly given to the _ ti t i an _ 'Hear, -ear' • with th 3 and successful agitators. k. n that the party ~.,,e charge of the Hon. Gentlema ld one 1, IHe denied out of doors. He done trPage in that House and another 1""n1 he (Mr. Disraeli) had the honour to act had be said of their public views inconsistent with the general tenor d an amendment to iia,,bad done nothing of the kind—that they had , t he It was true that they had move they andress at the commencement affairs of this declare that the re erY had been called upon to that our foreign ded the LP, t l 7 were in a prosperous condition of the session. But when an in eebli c perfectly justified ‘eits were conducted in a manner which coma! if Hon. Gentle ; and . taf , confidence, he thought they were k a r s ng to join in any such declaration earnest supported the attue. Peosite had been sincere and would have suPP , - -4 upon the Government, they we in their repeated that occasion. ay„...,. doors they Areuraent which had been moved upon (th e c on, to the farmers that held out gain, the II Gentleman had said that out of Utz, the party) had system of protection would s li ae - u'ng but a recurrence to the motion for an inquiry into ti-oeem their fortunes • and yet in eye the teeth of that declera tb:i.theY had brought forward a ßut he (Mr. Disraeli)- fis_enrdens upon real property.motion nsistency in that. Nothing t o t tnlY made him regret that a principle which the hi e 'louse • and he still believ ie ed that the proposal . he ha 4d before them was founded upo had also brought for ell% would ultimately think it right to adopt. The Hon. w'l2,tilernan reminded them that they They had no doubt done e(41"4 aim otion calling upon the House to take into its con so .erat the state of the nation- w sat oa"d when he considered h wh remembered that the . name t of Irelands to them—when .8 were the gentlemen who gentlemen to rise up an was never mentioned in that House withon d d ea _ n _ s ing at least five-and-twenty rY ba e tch of Hon. Members "ionnee the conduct of the Minlstt wards that country 'When he remembered that another . kid th t hem that unless financial reform was instantly conceded . on to declare that the eo n . e on every occasi e7PPort—svh n he remembered that there was ano , of the House read 2teign policy of this country remembered that during all that time ,an dence—when he were deplorable con- was undeserving of the public in a most min , t h ' fi nances of the country !La'<on, and that agricultural d in his country, he knew no perio at Paralleled, perhaps, in distress existed to an extent House to inquire into the state b-ii! history in which a party could be more justified than of the t in calling upon the t h nation —( Hear , i the consistency ist con —(Hear, hear)—a t eugh the House had not con ilted to that inquiry. But let them mark Hon. Member for used that evening by the tit th e language the i West Riding. The Hon. Gentleman had said at one time bthe eat Protectionist Members professed a great principle, et that they shrunk from its application. Ten minutes expect to succeed in illerwards, however, the Hon. Gentleman had said that sge P rotectionist party could never adherence to that Itlieiclairing the confidence of the more intelligent portion of t , a People of this country, because of their H Member had th e Principle principle of protection which he had previously charged t ` ii ' l e te m with having abandoned . . The ashamed to come forward with such f cti r e i t ) e give . them a lesson in p litical agitation; . but he thekess_. Israeli) should be as ,rtencies at the humblest a meeting, to say nothing ad. and "dodges."—(Hear, dtts'lts din of Commons, aclassical assembly, although ileilr.es the language of "shams" . had been made cli me ? But he should proceed to consider the subject imme by th3' under discussion. A clumsy attempt l aw e Hon. Gentleman opposite to convert that into a corn had been debate But let them see how that question , illtr e •. th at steed, His Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Herries) finding tat, erevenue of the country was in a highly unsatisfac e way or other to ; a Tkts and that it was necessary in th en i ) ,etlish the public coffers, had suggested that a tax ta g „, I°l be levied on the importation of foreign . corn, which His t ight . he believed, be paid by the foreign producer. tett'gat Hon. Friend had, however, at the same time, in any flitted ad that if it could be proved that the tax would fall a ou _ _ fitse ee w s a Y,ca the British consumer his whole proposal would Zep er rhy fall to the ground. Now, l more i tarl ear( ' a question discussed more temperate y, he (Mr. Disraeli) had had s 3 '' a nd with more severity of logic than that qu h e a st a i r on ) his apeen b y his Right Honourable Friencl.—( hoe . ngtanent was unquestionably a masterly: on H e e , ar' hatever had' a r r i ve d, nli been rriv e, (l . But how had his Right Honourable Fri . ght think of the conclusion at w w hich .eu h d e tePly 7:\ s r, The firstperson who had addressed them in '"zeh - hi s Right Hon p . Friend was the Chancellor n o e f ai th et e i th at IZlnet, in whose speech he (Mr. Disraeli) f ha i l n ' i t rY for him to answer. Ilees as did not find a single argument which it e c e o t uld ma b n e an ,„ ade a few desultory observations, and the!! The Right Hon. Gentleman vous to l • ce nt . , le it to the successful I t; s lorward arid ste th • views upon that subject. His t 'get lion Friend their free-trade agitatorsto Nat oli , • he should observe, had brought that of f: l3 that although sho,.._ that the House not as a pure theory—for he hed removedarY this yea the duty n foreign corn had be A the • a e commencement of the mon o t a h r 0 liii. , What Was the 'mid e Price had not been affected by that removal. eas u e Y . the usual al 1e.„,,,,: answer that that was an exceptional answer that had been given to him? . the ease —' he (Me. Disraeli) could not understand bow ternembe could be considered an exceptional one, when he Illlarter. red that during that time millions on millions of 4 ell er -- of corn had been imported into this country from Part i. f at ; of th e world. The experience they had acquired eirei a- `lnPOrtatioll showed them that they could make oleagreers pa, J 4 Portion of the taxes of this, conntry : — t hat e'! le ar.) He would tell the agitators that in discussing Itighttnt he would have none of their stale tricks. His ;)11 f o tlell. Friend had shown that the removal of the duty kid aZ i gn corn had not affected its price ; and after he in tea p , _own that he was perfeetly justified, and especially le g et%isent state of the finances of this country, in dolga Bow was Suestion under the consideration of th l t on and ilfte r es lt that, with that vast amount of Imperta ' tied the sale, duty was taken off, the foreigner still . deman t eo.. ratiejnees • His Right Hon. Friend had given the h 'thou ,i aB well as the practical explanation of the fact. He th eri ,e , that the foreigner had 25 per ceht. profit, and that placer interfering' Viti; Wa4 a Margin permitting of a tax upon the foreigner, with or enhancing the supply. He ee,. t b.,e question in a clear and logical manner before the ales. If that were so, the remedy he proposed would . be t ze , ated to relieve the people of England, .by . filling the eebipfluequer, without imposing any new contribution on the etie s -t • Who could deny that, with an exhausted Exche la the gentleman who had had much practical experience t hq 'e management of the Imperial Exchequer, f!eling tha Anm ad a PrODosition which would meet that deficiency, sup -11;"'ed 12, 1' . e arguments of practical men —who could say (IP 11 " w th- ot justified in making that suggestion ? tr e ,: t r e hear a . s ) n He would be glad to know what Hon. Gen which it hid b ee arf In that House would justify the tone in l i . 4 received ? He was satisfied that the people out of doors t.,,, very point at 13ti ld think differently of his Right Hon. Friend's sug point connected ' with itieu4l--they would not be led away from the eau!, which was purely a fiscal thisonal feelings of the most interesting character. No t' the foreigner.— to r f w ae more gratifying to the people of England than (He_plenish the Exchequer at the cost o es e :? The Proposition was one to reduce the surplus It La of the f oreigner(Hear, h . ad no doubt of ti nid soon become a popular one. derConsing the state t o ,_ea' finances, mid believingthat they were not likely soon et.!olprove, he thought Hon. Gentlemen on his s . icli . 3 of the n lit'asewere bound to leave upon record their opinion upo ., ui,, presents tate of the finances, and their best means of re Lapeonoing.their exhausted Exchequer.—( Hear, hear.) They °f i l e s% e s it with sincerity and without regarding the taunts Liens" Members opposite'. They would maintain their opi without taking lessons from the Hon. Gentleman's pha lli% z ob ilt of the ltiatl:sf..talent below the gangway, trusting with confidence peopl e of England. —(Loud cheen . 3.) tlepri e t y of ti:','"Ne; did not rise to question the policy or 11i) ,te did not it th W hateve e "ggestion of the . Aight Hon. Gentleman. a h r. other Hon. Members might think of t e h h er e preseet it had in at.the time bad been occupied with Ile wa s at that et its natural fate, and he believed would not , moment n uestion before the House. s, into Croy,interfere with the Speaker th e oh.;, tnere • leaving I t his I , r to s , T i nto aUbj e 4"Y to call th e roops intoT mmittee of Supply, if he did not feel . of that of wh ich _ . attention of the House to an important a Rossi sad o _, an t e had iv e , notice --namely, the entrance u r n% of e Rear.,,, ransylvania.—(Roars of laughter tlatna.ne:34l)ettN rose ' to order. had at heart,b ev i l l le Waa not : • He put it to the Hon. Gen: Mr. OSlSO4Pn i f a ieg it eo l t Zl i i % Itis cause ? they both -- K_Cries of nG e on e said be Ives in ti t , The spEARe.n. s a id d laughter Was that h 4 th e o i arid "Chair, chair. )ti e do new leav the i lra t nd w s a o y f the .,, House. n 3' question now before him r * BRIGHT pa save e ebair Mem a ' . • ad induced the reason th i. e --8 anXiolls • th ILlnalY infer that, h coo. er for Stamford to bring . forward the question, and be. ittleghfittidlioortu! G w o h n a t t lem w a a n s the ChanCellor of the E ;rig senl6 e xchequer, and I Y` 7 'ng been formerly a Chancellor of , ar Y called in. He ereinecliundeerdleee Chancel . p r obability of his being a try his hnd at gala . a question of Soume: htheahtatdhedyetoebrmtaiinn_e4ed fie without being re! l a s i, e.e amount of corn frorn almost the the effect of diminishinvell 7:4 e tnat the imposition oe e eve that part of the world, coo:tice of corn would be to cern , the 17 equal to the amount o e f r i , . small fixed duty would had a On• Member for Wakefieldlle petition and supply, and higher in fixed duty the extent raised in that It was proposed to levy. las, , regard to his litin.tiF ri deniedrn would not have been ad said that if they had Pilth - '• In the market • Friend that such was the case. nn'utoy.l3eep most unfairly alt nact Orr. Cobden), he thought he or a__ the resistance that illpon the question of ecy et_ s during the refo rms 11 .-.)&ealstie.r foe Hue inghamshire an.dand• k. Present session had come from the Hon. been offered to financial :qv! en the House and the Governmiseni Iceasssoloonfs s o l i , a R II t de to of d t io h t e ru H ot ous th e e . p H ro e . ototte.pctionist leaders, because referring to the eel and other he House that they h be _ ,a andoned their professions, and Friend the that would probably a 4 all b 8, e need not remind the Buckinghamshire. ri is ' i n i ease with the Ilon. Member for West Riding had proved hit% IVlember for the vial refutm and financial econo e f the sincere friend of linen thing was more essential to th e ' • 03 ;e1 1 1...7,, a - n ae he knew that no el' the country. He did not regret thrg and future welfare the discussion that night, as it " wouicibt:Tging forward of that they were fully determined to maintOw the country g l free trade so that no political party wool ,ia the principles alter them. o ever be able to Mr. WODEHOUSE said the question 1 1 , 4 , e clear! before the House by the Right Hon. e . y Gentleu Put the that it was quite unnece n") " the 47ellaber for Stamford , . ss f or hi ••0 detain it by any lengthened observations, gearsvi the tiestion as being pro tanto an addition to the arguments i n Svo He reminded the House that the Noble t er of protection. had on a former occasion Po se (Lord J Russell) himsel f pro., .-s e • but they had then declared their d ate d a fixed duty on corn, hirinsination to accept of no compromise. He was rho. lighlY convinced that the propositton o tie lculated materiallyrally to benefit 1.14 d \vas one which was ea e "flano f the country , and he had no doubt would be te tr trances li/rla,lY popular in the country. had not attended to th e \,* YI.LLIERS was afraid the House Hon. Gentleman. teaperY Important admission made by the honest or a more teeZetie knew that there was not . a more than the Member lo t v_Lent Ateinber of the Protectionist party lieilie,rfolk, and he said he would not have the shabbine ss— that be l aok,qe would not have the manliness—to amp! t r , 1e 5 , 1 , 1 ?,° ,1 the imposition of a fixed duty as neither more 'alle - tha n a • • lture—to remunerate or. protection to agricu the it elv, there was a noble Lord in another House— 11013- lid be :orn if 3e the aid al h e re' unjust of the prty, one who must be much respected by the Protection... - -4 v Lord Winchilsea—who once said that if ever a fixed au was proposed, he trusted in God the people would rise as one man to resist it. Sir W. JOLLIFFE said the Hon. Member for Wolver hampton and his friends had throughout treated the ques tion as one of protection ; but it was not so. So far from it, that it was a suggestion which ought to receive the support of all the financial reformers in the House. They saw an empty Exchequer, and they suggested a means of replenish ing it in a manner which be was certain the Noble Lord at the head of the Government would willingly adopt, but that he was prevented by the friends sitting behind him. He be seeched the Chancellor of the Exchequer not to hearken so wholly to the merchant and manufacturing class, who were described by Adam Smith as eminently qualified to take care of their own interests, but who were at the same time very liable to beguile the simple country gentlemen. He ought to take advice from that class of which he was so great an ornament. He confessed that he had been much astonished last night to hear the Premier say boldly that nothing could ever be done with the national debt but pay the interest of it. It was a declaration likely to make a serious impression upon the monetary world. The revolu tions on the Continent had all been preceded by deficiencies in the Exchequer. and large additions to the debt of the country. The Right Hon. Gentleman ougt to take warning in time. Mr. ROEBUCK—They had now arrived at the 20th July, and he trusted they would be allowed to transact some of the vast accumulation of business which appeared on the paper. They had passed the greater part of the night in a discussion more worthy of a debating club than of that House. They had no proposition with which a Govern ment could deal—no question before the House upon which a private Member could give an opinion. A Right Hon. Gentleman who had grown grey in the service, had half ,angrily given a notice, which he had not the courage to follow up, and forsooth he made a suggestion to the Chancel lor of the Exchequer. Nothing so idle bad ever before occurred —nothing so disrespectful to a House of Parliament was ever before proposed. To put an end to it he moved that the House do now adjourn. The SPEAKER trusted the House would support him in keeping speakers to the question before the House which was the question of adjournment.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BANKES did not think the on. Member for Sheffield would promote the transaction of public business by adopt ing such a course. He trusted he would withdraw his motion, and, although anxious to answer his speech, if the motion was withdrawn, he would not trespass on the time of the House. The motion for adjournment was 'withdrawn, and the House went into a Committee of Ways and Means, when the usual votes for making good the supplies out of the Consoli dated Fund were agreed to and reported. Mr. B. OSBORNE gave notice that on the bringing up of the report on Supply, to-morrow (this day), he would call the attention of the House to the advance of the Russian troops into Hungary. RAILWAYS ABANDONMENT BILL. The amendments to this Bill were considered, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time on Tuesday, at Twelve o'clock. NEW FOREST AND WALTHAM BILL. Upon the motion that this Bill be read a second time, Lhe Bill very rdD e N w n C ae s A r at N l h believed,satisfaction. read eaa he said, that this Bill would give second time, and ordered to be This read d w ß o ( a t A h s Re i s cpo d n a d j o F ) tim H e E a A n L d rde T o Hß re l d L t L o . be cem. 'flitted on Monday, at twelve o'cl oc k.' NUISANCES REMOVAL BILL. This Bill was re-committed. _ _ ENCLOSURE ACT BILL. The Enclosure Act (Extension of Powers) Bill went through the Committee, some verbal alterations having been made in the clauses. DRAINAGE OF LANDS BILL. The Drainage of Lands Bill was read a second time, to be committed on Monday. PAVILION (BRIGHTON) BILL. The House then went into Committee on the Royal Pa vilion (Brighton) Bill. The clauses up to 8 were agreed to without observation. On clause 9 being read, which provided that no stamp duty be paid on the purchase, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved that it be omitted. He could not recognise such a principle, which was against the general law of the land. Captain PECHELL said such conduct was very far from fair. An agreement for the purchase of the property had been entered into by the people of Brighton, of which this clause formed a part. They thought that, in dealing with the Woods and Forests, they were dealing with honest and sincere people; and his opinion of the Noble Lord at the head of that office was such, that if the Chancellor of the Ex chequer succeeded in striking out the clause, the Noble Lord would pay the money out of his own pocket. Lord A. HERVEY thought such a course as that taken by the Right Hon. Gentleman was not to be justified, and he trusted his Hon. Colleague would divide the House upon the question. After a short conversation, _ _ _ The CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again to-morrow (this day). , The New Zealand Land Conveyances Bill was read a third time and passed. THE COLLECTION OF RATES (DUBLIN) BILL. This Bill went through Committee. DUBLIN IMPROVEMENT BILL. Mr. REYNOLDS moved a proviso upon clause 132. Sir W. SOMERVILLE opposed it. The proviso was then withdrawn. Amendments were agreed to, and the Bill was reported. ATTACHMENTS, COURT OF RECORD (IRELAND) BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. The House then adjourned at Half-past Two o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 20. Their Lordship 3 assembled at Five o'clock. ADMIRALTY JURISDICTION (COLONIES) BILL. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL this Bill was read a third time and passed. LUNATIC ASYLUMS BILL. This Bill was read a second time. SUMMARY CONVICTIONS BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. INDICTABLE OFFENCES BILL. This Bill passed through Committee. ROME. The Earl of CARLISLE presented a petition from Manchester (as we understood) against any interference with the liberties of the Rowan people. COMMONS INCLOSURE BILL. On the motion of the Earl of CARLISLE, this Bill was read a-second time. FOREIGN POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. Lord BROUGHAM rose to move the following reso lutions (of which his Lordship had given notice) on the subject of the foreign policy of this country. " 1. That it is right and was the duty of the Govern ment to require and obtain from foreign powers satisfac tory explanations of those recent movements in the Italian States which tend to unsettle the existing distri bution of territory and to endanger the general peace. "2. That it is inconsistent with the general interests and duty of this country to interfere in the concerns of foreign nations, as between their Governments and their subjects. "3. That this House regre ts to observe in the con duct of the Government,parti cularly as shown by . the papers laid before Parli am ent , • a want of fri en dly feeling towards alli es t o whom w e are bo un d by t reaty and by mutual acts of goodwill'' The Noble and Learned Lord then said that whosoever would wish to undertake the discussion of any difficult and deli cate question touching the foreign policy of the country ought, above all things, to free himself from every feeling of national prejudice. which might disturb his judgment, for when the mind laboured under such, expressions were apt to be used which might, whether they were well or ill under stood, give umbrage elsewhere, and might endanger the peace as well as the policy of the highest interests of this country. It gave him great satisfaction—seeing that he s'iould unavoidably have to express some difference of opinion with his Noble Friends opposite—to be able to commence what he had to state by expressing his entire approval of such sentiments as those he was about to cite in their better language than his own, when they say, and instruct their Envoy at the Court of the Two Si cilies to say, "that they give the strongest assurance to that Court of the earnest desire of the British Govern ment to draw, if that were possible, still closer the bonds of friendship which had so long united the Courts of Great Britain and the King of the Two Sicilies," and:it was the more grateful to him to join in those sentiments—better ex pressed than he could have expressed them—because he should have occasion, in the course of the remarks be was about to make, and which were wrung from him by accusations made against the Neapolitan authorities, the Neapolitan ministers, and the Neapolitan troops, and, in the true spirit of the passage which he had just read, to defend those parties from the attacks that had been made upon them, he thought most injuriously, most in considerately, and most unjustly.—(Hear, hear.) That dis patch was dated on the 16th December, 1847, but, somehow or other, events had happened soon after which made it hardly possible to suppose that the same hands which wrote that passage wrote the subsequent instructions, or that the same agents who were called on to obey the orders in that passage, and to represent those feelings of old attachment, to draw which closer was said to be impossible—that the same hands who gave the instructions, and the same agents to whom they were convey e d, coul d on the 18th Jan. have taken a course entirely and so diametrically opposite to such instrue. tion.s. It would give him great satisfaction if, having begun to touch on the southern parts of Italy, he could proceed at once thither in the progress in which he was about to ask them to accompany him ; but he found, by what had taken place elsewhere within the last few weeks, that it was neces sary, however reluctant he might be, to go back to the north of the Peninsula, and recur to a question often agi tated in that House—he alluded to the Sardinian Monarchy, and the still unconcluded negotiation between that power and Austria, to the still unremoved fleets of the Sardinian Monarchy from the Adriatic, to the still beleaguering of our ancient .. ally and friend Austria in that part of Europe, and to the prevention by such beleaguering —of which, whether accidentally or not, Sardinia was the occasion, and the cause of its continuance—of her employ • ing her undivided resources in crushing rebellion in other of her provinces; but, taken altogether, it was impossible he could address himself to our foreign policy without re ferring to the northern parts of the Peninsula. It was in the beginning of the session that he had occasion to foretel the speedy discomfiture of the then Sardinian Monarch by the victorious troops of Marshal Radetzky, and, after a temporary success, he was repulsed and driven back, com pelled to pass the Ticino, and forced to resort for pro tection to the walls of his own capital, and only not followed to that capital by his victorious pursuers because they mercifully abstained from using their victory against him, and preferred to redeem their pledge and maintain their arrangements of the Treaty of Vienna, to doing that which the rights of war gave them—to enlarging their territory and taking security against a repeti tion of the o ff ence. The best friends of the arrangement of the treaty of Vienna, the stoutest champion of that distri bution of territory, even my Noble Friend near me , w ho, by his able nego tiations, completed the work of our more illustrious victories, he himself could not have objected, nor dreamt of obj ec ti ng , t o M ars h a l R a d e t z ky following Charles Albert across the Ticino, and exacting from him, according to thereiesofundeniable rights ' of war, and according t . o the strictest ...ar Out the law of nations, ample security against a similar acted aggression and aggression for the future.—( Hear, hear.) He tarnore humane and a more merciful part. He (Lord that he sho uld only lamented, and he thought it was an error, right to do ould have so far stopped short of what he had a of laud to i He would not have had him take a single acre that of the increase the territory of the conqueror or diminish at least that it ; but he would have had him show mag nanimity he , was not from fear of resistance but from mag was said, icl3llresolved to stop.—(Hear, hear.) Then it talked of and twe shall have peace," and mediation was • o ffered, and the mediation of this country THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY between Austria and Sardinia was accepted. The success of thatmediation, s, a s unlikelyalthough that hehad successbut little w o would l ah ariseop e t hfraotmgtrhe that t t --sces. u s would arise, he had alw a y s h ear tily d es i re d, but he s“,. - that when two pa r ti es i n p r i va t e lif e were s t rugg ling in a Cu.la of law, and one of them had gained the ca use, had got a verdic t, and j ud gm e nt was en tered u p , he m th e o d u i g a ‘ on edict as, would agree that the Whole matter in dispute should be re- 1 ferred to mediation, the CAM being over. Therefore, though fie bad great confidence in his Noble Friend opposite, yet he at the time told him he had but little hope from the negotia tions that were going on, because the matter was over. And he also said that Austria was prepared to fight, but he hoped it would not be necessary. He little knew the Sardinian councils, however, when be hoped so. Charles Albert broke the armistice, rushed headlong into the Austrian dominions, was defeated, abdicated the Crown, and was now living in retirement in Lisbon. He was much to be blamed for the farmer parts of.his conduct, but he was also much to be pitied for the latest, because he was driven on by the worst possible councillors and advisers, the ultra-Liberals and Red Republican party of Paris, Turin, and Genoa, and he paid the penalty. Negotiations were begun, and still con tinued, and if common fame spoke true, with less chance of leading to a pacification now than there was four months ago. There were some natures sanguine almost to excess, whom no failure could cure of very extravagant hopes, and who. grasping at all possible means, even while sinking catching at every straw, took comfort at every trifling change; and because everything was not as it was twenty four hours before, thought they were saved. Now, looking at what was taking place in Hungary, Transylvania, and Croatia, he believed there was some in Turin who had hopes that by allowing these negotiations to drag on, Austria might be foiled in her plans of aggrandizement, as they fancisd, although nothing was further from the thoughts of Austria than any views of aggrandizement. The Noble and Learned Lord then briefly alluded to the cor respondence between the British Government and the Courts of Austria and S .rdinia, in which the former was threatened with war, in case of any attack on Sardinia, while the latter was merely advised to refrain from invading the Austrian dominions. He then proceeded to the French intervention in Rome, and asked, in the words of his motion, whether we had received the full explanation which we had a right to expect of a movement which put in jeopardy the existing distribution of power in Europe. He found in the heart of the Peninsula, in the centre, and in its capital, not a Roman, nor an Austrian, nor an Italian army, but a great French army, something like forty or fifty thousand men, and one hundred and twenty pieces of cannon. In the first instance a small expedition went from Marseilles to Civita Vecchia, and some explanation was given of that, more or less satisfactory, but still an explanation. But could any person imagine that that expedition would stop there ? Nor did it, for it was speedily reinforced, and marched into Rome. Then arose naturally the question, of what they intended to do at Rome? what was to be done with the Eternal City when the French had taken possession of it? He did not know what questions had been put by the Government of this country to the French Government, or what answers had been given to them, but certainly the latter could not have been allowed to march from forty to fifty thousand men to Rome without giving some explana tion as to their intention. As to the conduct of the French army before the walls of Rome, he begged to express his en tire admiration.—(Hear, hear.) Whether or not it was con sistent with the opinions of the French Republic to have sent them there—whether or not it was in conformity with the views expressed by the different statesmen of France since the 24th of February, 1848, when the French revolution took place—an event, unhappily for the people of Rome, for the peace of Europe, and, above all, unhappily for the welfare of France herself—whether or not, he said, it was consistent with the opinions expressed by the statesmen of France since that event, to send an army to Rome to crush the Roman Republic, formed after the model of France— (Cries of "Hear, hear")—he would not stop to inquire. Suffice it for him that they were invited by the Pope, as he says himself in his allocution, to go there, not, however, severally and alone, but in conjunction with Austria, Spain, and Naples—(Hear, hear)—and the severest criti cism he should pass upon the French expedition to the Roman states was, that in going as they did, alone, it looked very much like stealing a march on the other powers, and getting a footing established in Rome before them. That I now being done, all his unfavourable impression as to the French occupation of Rome had vanished, and he now had much satisfaction in stating that no Government, no com manders, could have acted more admirably than the French army had done before Rome. They might have bombarded the city, but well did the French commander, and well did the French soldiers know, that if such were done, the destruction of property would be immense, and that the sacrifice of the lives of innocent parties would be equally extensive. They felt also, both commander and soldiers felt that they had not been sent there to operate against the Roman people, but against those who tyrannised over that people.— ( Hear, hear.) It was the Mazzinis and the Garribaldis—no doubt a man of great military talents, a man of great bravery, but a professed conspirator, whose life had been spent in originating conspiracies—he it was, and Mazzini—a man not of the same:consequence, but more distinguished than most men in his, way—and the several thousand followers who flocked to their standard—revolu tionists from all parts of the world—that the French army was sent, and not against the people of Rome. That being the case, much caution was required on the part of General Oudinot to carry on the contest so as not to inflict upon the Roman people the chastisement intended for their oppressors, as well as spare those monuments of art with which Rome so much abounds from spoliation and destruction. What they were to do now that they had got possession of Rome was a different question. Their difficulties, he conceived, instead of being over, were hardly begun, and that was one of the reasons which would induce him to suggest to his Noble Friends opposite, the propriety of instituting a general con gress for having those difficulties discussed and overcome. The course of these observations now led him to refer to Austria. There was no doubt but that the intention of Austria was to restore the Pope to the possession of his . . full spiritual and temporal functions. Now, his opinion was, that it would not do to say, that the Pope ought to be restored to his spiritual, but not to his temporal func. tions. That was a somewhat superficial view of the case, for he did not believe it possible that the Pope could exer cise his spiritual functions either among his own people, or as regarded the Roman Catholic Church throughout the world, in a proper manner should he be deprived of his tem. poral authority. From the earlies times it had been found that as the temporal authority of the Pope increased his spiritual powers did so in the same manner, but independent of that, was it possible`to suppose that un less the Pope had sufficient to keep him independent of other powers, those powers would not exert an influence over their spiritual head, and by some means or other re.- duce him to dependence upon either one or the other of them ? He had stated at the outset that he should last of all call attention to that part of the subject having reference to the relations of this country with the southern parts of Italy ; and he had set out by reading an extract from a dispatch from the Government of this country to that of Naples, dated December 16, 1847, and which expressed an earnest desire to draw closer the bonds of friendship which existed between our old ally of Naples and this country. But on the 10th of January following there broke out a rebellion in Sicily, and then a change came over the spirit of the dream. There was no longer the same desire to draw closer the bonds of friend ship which existed between Naples and this country; but, on the contrary, there commenced an exhibi tion of diplomacy which he most sincerely regretted should ever have taken place. He could not ima gine a more speculative and extraordinary spirit than that which ran through almost the whole of the diplomatic correspondence whicn had taken place since then between this country and the Neapolitan Government. A consider able portion of that correspondence seemed to have been carried onl by vice-admirals and the captains of the ships of s tran so s o to n rm as ed the i y nto got the line. But what was a singular ,fact attaching to all there, that no matter what instructions they set out with, o someinto th s e or w t at o er f s o a f n S im ici a l l y they became t cam ( e ) behold—political sailors, diplomatic vice -admirals, speculative captains—leaners toward rebellion,and sympa thisers with outrages, and suggestors of expeditions against the established Government of that country, between which and this it was so soon b e f ore w i s h e d to draw bonds of friendship closer. H e r egre tt e d the senthcee from Naples at the time of Mr., Temple, who was the representative cf this Court at that Court, and he trusted that it was ill health alone that excused his absence, but the Noble Lord who assumed office in his stead acted as if he had been seated in the Foreign-office himself—giving orders, suggesting terms of mediation with the greatest self-importance; but, certainly, in such a man ner as was anything but creditable to this country. Even Sir William Parker, the Admiral on the station—certainly a most able and ingenious officer—fell into the same error. In one of his dispatche., writing as to the rebellion in Sicily, he says, " I gave general orders to captains o' ships to afford protection to individuals of either side who were flying." It was well known what side they did protect, and he went on to say, that he should await anxiously at Naples until he saw what effect the rebellion in Sicily woull have there. But what had he to do with the effect the rebellion would produce at Naples? What had the Admiral of a fleet to do wiih such matters? But, further on, he went on to explain, that should the rebellion extend itself, it might lead to the Neapolitans rising in insurrection.. Then came Captain Codrington, no doubt an able and gallant officer, but who, in his dispatches from the scene of disorder, became so speculative as to discuss the result of the elections which were about to take place in Calabria, and the probability of their being hostile to the Government, as well as the pos sibility of the Calabrians rising in rebellion. In, respect to those documents, he had to state that, in the blue book laid on the table, all the correspondence was not produced—the documents produced were culled from the Foreign-office, and he had a right to say that if there was so much to find fault with in what was produced, there would be more faults to find had the whole been laid on the table. He then came to the visit of the Earl of Minto to Naples. The Noble Earl went there at the invitation of Lord Na pier. They were repealers in that country, and they wanted a native independent Parliament, as the Irish people did at College-green; and he totally disagreed with his Noble Friend when he stated that the Sicilians suffered under a tyranny of 30 years' duration. He should say, in reply to that, that when the Duke of Genoa was chosen King by the Neapolitans, on the 24th April, all were agreed that he should be their sovereign, and this was totally in opposition to the belief that the English people wished to have the two crowns on the head of King Ferdinand; and, should the Grand Duke of Genoa be offered the crown, he considered that there should be no hesitation on the part of this country to oppose such an offer—(Hear)—with which he did not by any means agree—( Laughter)—for, while he admired the three orders of the Constitution in this country—that is, the sovereign power, the aristocracy, and the democracy—he did not wish to see such a feeling of revolution to prevail among the Sicilians against their sovereign as was now well known, and to which the best statesmen of the present day were strongly opposed.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then read several extracts in proof of his arguments, and contended that the rights of the Neapolitans were grossly infringed on by the Sicilians and others, To a person of true British gallantry facts gave the very reverse of the reason for doing the things which they had done. They had fleets in those seas, and captains were sent out, and with sealed orders, to enforce an armistice, not be tween two foreign contending nations, but between a legiti mate Sovereign, their dear and ancient ally, and his rebel lious subjects, whom he had defeated at the cost, as they said, of 3,000 of their best troops. If those sealed orders, to be acted upon in the alternative of the armistice not being e► - zbraced by the Sicilians, were not an intervention—an armed interference in the affairs of that kingdom, he knew not what could be called so. But still it was denied that it was; and what were the facts? From the 11th of Septem ber till the 29th of March that armistice was maintained by force of arms. The Sicilians, their Lordships would remember, had hired two steam-vessels, the Vectis and the Bombay, the former of which proceeded to Sicily with arms and men ; but the second was stopped. He bad promised not to trouble the House with any papers on this subject, but he must refer to them very briefly, for the pur poses of showing the indignation with which the Sicilians re garded their interference. There was but one course to take in foreign affairs, and that was to abstain altogether from in terfering in them to the extent ofsiding forcibly, with either, party. Let them entertain their own views and make their own suggestions on the subject, but not inflict them on other nations. There was gmot.her form of their interference in EVENING, JULY 21, 1849. foreign affairs, which was scarcely less objectionable, and that was an intermeddling in negotiations pending between foreign countries. They should not have likings here and dis likings there; but he found most clearly that iu every letter that was written, in every act that was done, a rooted preju dice against Austria, our alliance with which country in our best times since 1688, had been the very corner-stone of their foreign policy. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the resolutions which stood in his name. The Earl of CARLISLE said he certainly should have felt great hesitation in presenting himself to their Lord ships' notice after so powerful an orator and accomplished a debater as his Noble and Learned Friend who had just sat down, had it not been for the sober and temperate tone by which the speech of his Noble and Learned Friend had been distinguished. But while he gladly paid this compliment to his speech, he could by no means extend it to the re solutions to which it served as a preface. Those re solutions seemed an attempt to gather together and sum up all the scattered and desultory taunts and insinuations which had been heaped on the Government during the present session, from all classes of politi cians. On the one hand, the Government were accused of being too willing to show sympathy with re volutionary opinions, and on the other, with not showing themselves sufficiently anxious to respect the independence of even the most democratic institutions—at one time they were too French, at another too Italian. The resolutions stated that the Government of this country was bound to require and obtain satisfactory explanations of the recent movements in the Italian states. Now, supposing that it were the duty of the Government to require satisfactory explanation of these matters, how were they to obtain them? (Hear, hear.) It was just as much as to say that it was the duty of a good Christian to pray for and obtain from Providence a continuance of goad weather. Suppose the assurances we obtained were not satisfactory—suppose they were unsatisfactory—what would it be the duty of the Government to do? The second resolution stated that it was inconsistent with the general interests of the country to interfere in the concerns of foreign nations as between the Government and its subjects. To that he cordially subscribed; but he held that it would be a most imprudent thing to lay it down as a principle that under no circumstances would this country be justified in interfering —(Hear, hear) —for there might be cases in which such in terference might be dictated, not only by considerations of national policy, but by the dictates of humanity. Examples of such interference might be found in the proudest times of our history. The resolution of his Noble and Learned Friend was opposed to the very principle on which the Dutch Go vernment interfered at the time of our revolution, when their interference led to the establishment of the Protestant Government of this country, and seated the present family on the throne. The 3d resolution expressed regret to observe in the conduct of the Government a want of that friendly , feeling towards allies to whom we were bound by treaty and 1 mutual acts of goodwill. To begin with that city which must ever hold the first place in the consideration of man kind, he must observe, in reference to Rome, that the ruler of the Roman states addressed a formal requisition to us through his representative at Paris, to bear part and co-ope rate with other Powers in endeavouring to compose the dif ferences which had taken place between himself and his subjects, and for the re-establishment of hi s do m i n i o n over them. Her Majesty's Government, though unaffectedly sympathising with the misfortunes of the Holy Father and the afflictions of the Roman dominions, thought it their duty to abstain from taking part in the conferences opened at Gaeta, or the proceedings which emanated from them ; for they very properly felt some delicacy in putting themselves on the same level with the organs of the Catholic powers of Europe, who were accessible to views and influences in which they could have no share, and, therefore, though they could not cease to watch what was taking place on so important and interesting a field of action, and were ready at all times to offer such advice as might be useful or advantageous, yet they thought it behoved them not to interfere in that con ference; for they felt that, should they lead to any overt acts, nothing could be more distasteful to the English people than the interference of the British nation fur the purpose of imposing the dominion of the Pope on any com munity whatever. At the same time, her Majesty's Govern ment did not think it becoming in them to adopt any impor tunate or obstructive course towards those powers who had charged themselves with the office of interfering for the pur pose of settling, if possible, this long protracted controversy; nor did they conceal their opinions. His Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign-office stated to our ambassador in Paris, on the 28th of January, the importance that lie at tached to the maintenance of peace, and deprecating any at tempt to settle the differences between the Pope and his subjects by an armed force. Again, on the 9th of March, he stated that the Government did not see, from the recent oc currences in Rome, any, reason to give up the hope that an amicable arrangement might be effected by the interposition , .of friendly powers, without the employment of a military force. This was the advice the Government tendered ; nor did they think it necessary to make any formal protest either when the French landed at Civita Vecchia, or when they afterwards proceeded to the siege of Rome; or when Austria beseiged Bologna and blocaded Ancona; or when the Neapolitans invaded the southern territories of the Pope, or when Spain disembarked her troops at Gaeta. For his own part he confessed that he had not viewed the subsequent proceedings without regret, nor could he view without ad miration the display of that valour which once again seemed to have become the attribute of the Roman name. And here he must observe that his Noble and Learned Friend had much exaggerated the number of foreign adventurers engaged in the conflict. It was due to the French nation, and to those able men who directed her councils, to state that the most ample assurances had been received and were still received from the Government of that nation as to their future dispositions and intentions. They unequivocally dis claimed all idea of extension of territory, and all notions of conquest.—(Hear, hear.) They professed themselves willing to retire at the earliest moment compatible with their own honour from the scene of the past conflict, and exhibited a general disposition to concur with the other parties who had been engaged in these conferences to effect, if possible, a reconcilement of the differences which had prevailed be tween the Pope and his subjects. And should these efforts lead to a happy issue, as he trusted they might, the Govern. ment, at least, would not take shame to themselves, but would rather congratulate themselves, when France was engaged in a mighty struggle, in not having added to her embarrassments by any representations as to her conduct in this affair. Had they pursued a contrary course they might certainly have laid upon the table of their Lordships' House a more plausible or specious dispatch, and have gained ap plause by the pith and pungency of their remarks on the nature and character of the French expedition. But they thought such an advantage would have been dearly pur chased at such a price. Prom Rome his Noble and Learned Friend had transferred them to the territory of the King of the Two Sicilies, and in this part lie regretted to observe a bit terness of tone from which the rest of his speech was free. Our relations—to use the mildest term—with the inhabi tants of Sicily would have induced us to use our best endea vours to stanch her wounds and ameliorate her condition, even if we had not received a formal invitation from both parties in those fatal differences to interpose our mediation. His Noble and Learned Friend was severe on the Lord Privy seal for having compared the case of the Sicilies to the case of those who rose against James 11., and yet in the present session they had been told, not in any Ministerial document or dispatch—not from the lips of any of her Majesty's Go vernment, but by one of the chief ornaments of the Members opposite, with that nervous pith which distinguished all that fell from him, that the Sicilians had as clear a right against their Sovereign as the English barons had when they rose against King John, or as the English had when they rose, under the name of Orange, against James 11., The Go vernment were induced to interfere, with the view of pro moting amicable relations between the King of the Two Sici lies and his Sicilian subjects. We laid great stress upon the importance of placing the two Crowns upon one head, but when we found that that was not possible we were desirous of placing the Sicilian Crown on the head of the son of the King of Naples. We, however, found that the pre valent opinion of Naples itself was at that time that Sicily could not be recovered. Such was the opinion of Prince Cariati and Count Ferretti. We were told by our ambassa dor at Paris that there was a party in that capital that would rejoice to see a republic at Sicily, as the most unexpected triumph of their principles. When we were told that there was no hope of mutual confidence, we did not think that any grounds could warrant us in exercisino , a forcible inter ference between the c on t en di ng parties. Instructions were given to Sir W. Parker to abstain from any political inter ference. He thought he was correct in stating that on the first attack upon Palermo it was not the Sicilians but the Neapolitans that were conveyed away in safety by the ships of her Majesty. The instructions issued were to afford safety to the distressed of all countries. He found that when Pa lermo was evacuated by the troops of the King of the Two Sicilies, during the retreat of the troops the Te Drum was celebrated with all the pomp of the Romish Church, and the greatest demonstrations were made to exhibit their feelings of satisfaction at the circumstance. As he had no wish to rip up old sores, he would say nothing as to what took place at Messina. Our admiral did think himself called upon not to refuse to associate the forces of her Majesty with those of the French Republic in suspending the proceedings that took place upon that ill-fated strand. The British Government might certainly have said that he had received certain orders; why did he not observe them? lie (Lord Carlisle) should be sorry to belong to any party that could be capable of so heartless a disavowal. Non interference, no doubt, was an important principle upon which to act, but there might be an occasion, whether as regarded nations or individuals, when it would be most unjustifiable for a superior strength to stand quietly by while they saw the greatest suffering and wrong inflicted, and yet not stir a finger to prevent it ; such conduct he could not des gnate by any other language than baseness to man and treachery to Heaven. At a recent period the representative of his Sicilian Majesty addressed his Noble Friend the Se cretary for Foreign Affairs in expressions of great courtesy and thanks, and said that this was but a just homage which lie paid to the wisdom of the Cabinet of St. James's. If that power had been treated with the harshness, in justice, and bad faith which had been attributed to the British Government, they could scarcely have been ad dressed in such honourable terms as he had referred to, and have been subsequently courted for their good offices.—(Hear, hear.) He felt it was proved beyond a matter of doubt that the Secretary for Foreign Affairs could never have been actuated by any wish or disposition to act unfairly by Austria. But if Austria could have been injured by the non -production of the dispatch alluded to by the Noble and Learned Lord opposite, surely she had a represen tative here, and devoted friends in both Houses of Parlia ment, who would have had it in their power at once by a suggestion to have supplied the deficiency. The fact was, that much greater exigencies had superseded all thought upon that subject. Stress had been laid on the different language used by the Court of Austria in 1847, and to the Court of Turin more recently. He would not attempt to claim for his colleagues the g►ft of prescience or omnisci ence, but there was certainly, a belief then entertained that it was much more likely Austria would attack Turin than that Piedmont would attack Austria. His Noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had been made the object of attack from every quarter; he had certainly been attacked everywhere more than in his own presence,— (Har, hear.) The countless labours of his office, and the success that had attended his efforts in preserving his country from war, ought to have been sufficient to have screened him from such attacks. We have passed a year and a half that was wholly without precedent or parallel. Paris had been swept with cannon three times, and in military occupation—the Emperor of Vienna had been obliged to fly—Berlin perpetually in a state of siege— Pestli and Prague bombarded and stormed—Milan lost and won—Messina battered—Venice still holding out—Bologna attacked—Ancona blockaded—and Rome, with its Pope flying from it a fugitive and an exile, and sustaining a siege from perhaps a natii,n that was best acquainted with the science of war, on her old Aurelian walls. Ia the midst of these stirring events his Noble Friend had given whole nights and days to the labours of his office with the view of averting the calamities of war and of maintaining, as far as he could, the peace of the world. Though it might have happened that his Noble Friend had been som:times obliged to run counter to some favoured view of a distinguished statesman, or to wound the sensibilities of men whom ho would gladly have respected, yet the country must, however, acknowledge, after the lapse of these e.gtheen months, that he had not only succeeded in maintaining peace with every other power in the world—that he had not only preserved order and freedom within our own waters, but he believed that his exertions were still doing much to prevent the out break of what might be called a universal war. In the midst of an agitated world this country was in a state of pro found peace, unvexed by sedition at home, and untouched by the convulsions that were raging around her; her good offices being continually invited and treated with the greatest respect, and her arbitration solicited upon the last resort. Not an account reaches us which did not tell us of our Ministers, our consuls --above all, our naval officers giving an inviolable asylum to the destitute and friendless of every clime. In the midst of jealousies and discord all around us, we were opening our ports and inviting the commerce of the world. In this position the Noble and Learned Lord opposite came forward with illogical and unmeaning resolu tions.—( Hear, hear.) We are content, however, to meet them. We will point to Europe and to England as it now is, and are willing to abide the result.—(Hear, hear.) Lord lIEYTESBURY, who was scarcely audible in the gallery, entered into a minute history of the events connected w ith the Sicilian Constitution of 1812, during the time Lord William Bentinck was commander-in-chief in that country, but the indistinct tone in which his Lordship addressed the House rendered the greater part of his observations almost wholly inaudible. He denied that the paper which he had drawn up, and which was circulated in Sicily previous to the meeting of the third and last Parliament, was, as had been asserted, a guarantee by the British Government of the Con stitution which then existed. From the moment the two houses concurred in an address to the King to appoint a commission to revive the Constitution, the responsibility of this country ceased. The Noble Lord was nearly inaudible throughout his speech. The Earl of MINTO, who was also almost inaudible, was understood to say that the Noble and Learned Lord who had introduced that motion, had been mistaken in saying that constitution a l and representative form of government was established for the first time in Sicily in 1811. He should endeavour to justify Lord W. Bentinck from the reproach which had been cast upon him. That Noble Lord had come over here expressly to get instructions as to how he ought to act, and on obtaining them he had returned to that country, and had acted on his return in assisting to revise the old Constitution of that country, which had been placed on a basis of constitutional government nearly similar to our own, in the time of Frederick 11., only about eighty years a ft er our own Magna Charta had b een s i gned by King John. It would be seen,:then, that the constitutional and re presentative form of government had been for a long time established in Sicily. The Noble Earl then went into a detailed account of the political history of Sicily, from the period alluded to down to the time of Napoleon, but he was so imperfectly heard, that but a portion of a sen tence here and there could be caught in the gallery. He contended that England had pledged herself to maintain the rights and privileges of the Sicilian people, as secured to them by the Constitution of 1812 ; and that the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily were as distinct as England and Scotland formerly were. And, in fact, Ferdinand 111. of Sicily was Ferdinand IV. of Naples. There was an expectation created that on the 12th January, 1848, considerable concessions would be made to the people in Sicily, and something like a Parliamentary: Government would be established. These concessions had, however, never been made. It was at that juncture he was invited to go to Naples, having previously refused to take any part in the affairs of Sicily or Naples. It was evident to any one that knew anything of that coun try that a long time would not elapse before a revolution would take place there. He gave it as bis opinion that there might be two Legislatures for the different kingdoms to ma nage their local affairs, and an Imperial Legislature to manage the affairs of both. During his negotiations he stated his ex treme desire to secure if possible the union of the two countries. He stated to the Government of the King of Naples at the same time, that he insisted, as one of the conditions, that he could not regard the Sicilians as being in insurrection against the lawful sovereign, and that if he were to treat it as a question of law he could not admit but that the Sici• liens had a perfect right to the Constitution:of 1812—a Con stitution that was still existing by law, and which the Nea politan Government had admitted was not abrogated, but only suspended. He could not get the Sicilian Government to acquiesce in this arrangement. The confidential decrees which he brought with him, and which he was not to dis close except under particular circumstances, he found had preceded his arrival, and had been circulated over the coun try. These had been unanimously rejected by the people, who determined upon standing by the letter of the Constitu tion of 1812. He refused to land until he was assured that the people were willing to acknowledge the Royal authority. One of the modifications which he proposed was that the King when not present should be represented by the Vice roy, who should be a member of the Royal Family. Invited as England had been by the Government and the people of Sicily to interfere in the affairs of that country, we were bound to acknowledge the old engagements which had been admitted by Lord Liverpool, Lord Castlereagh, and other members of different Governments in this country.—(Hear.) The Earl of ABERDEEN said he would not detain their Lordships with any inquiries into the history and nature of the Sicilian Constitution. Whatever might be the merits or demerits of that Constitution, the question for their Lord ships was, had the people of this country any obligation which compelled them to set up that Constitution, and which released them from those duties of good faith and justice by which they should be governed.—(Hear, hear.) He might first call their Lordships' attention to the position of this country as compared with that which it occupied hitherto.—(Hear, hear.) In the convulsions which befel Europe, if they interfered at all, they ought to have in terfered in a manner materially to support the cause of peace, of order, and of freedom, and thus to have deserved the blessings of mankind; but was that the course which they pursued? No; and what was the result of their in terference? Why, they had failed in every instance in their interference in the disputes of other countries; and by neglecting the proper discharge of their duties, they had made themselves the objects of animadversion of other Governments, and of suspicion to their subjects. The policy of this country hitherto might have been selfish, arrogant, and unjust, but he thought England had never before been remarkable for duplicity—(Hear, hear)—and most cer tainly they had been so in their conduct towards the King of Naples. He aprealed to any candid man, after having turned over the volumes on their Lordahips' table on this subject, whether what he stated was not correct, and whether there was not a strain of unfriend. liness and unfairness towards the Neapolitan Government ? In the first instance, the unfriendliness, the gratuitous un• friendliness towards that Government appeared to be re markable. In the papers which were laid before the House last year, relative to the correspondence with Austria, Naples was only incidentally mentioned, and then only in connexion with all kinds of abuses which were said to exist in the Roman States, and it was stated, in reference those al leged abuses, that it was not surprising that men who suffered under them should take up any scheme, however wild, to redress themselves—(Hear)—and at that very time Naples was in open revolt, anu Europe was convulsed. Why, was it pos sible to mistake what could have been the feelings of un friendliness of this Government in saying those things?— (Hear.) That dispatch to Vienna, at that time in a state of revolt, of open revolt, was, he thought, quite sufficient to account for the feelings of the Court of Naples. The Noble Earl opposite said he was invited to go to Naples in order to endeavour to settle matters. Now, he must say, in passing, that the Noble Earl's mission throughout had been attended with failure ia every instance; aud, as regarded Naples, it had been characterised by partiality, and hostility to the Government to which he went.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl said that he had great unwillingness to go there, but that he was pressed by the King. Now, they all knew that the old woman of Syracuse submitted to the tyranny of Dionysius lest the Devil might follow—(Loud cheers and laughter)—and perhaps the King of Naples had some thing of the kind in his mind when he sent for the Noble Earl.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) But the whole course of the transaction had been characterised by uafriendliuess and partiality as regarded this country. Why, after the capture of Messina by the King's troops, the affair was at an end, the revolt was put down, this country interfered, and interrupted the pacific arrangements.which must have followed ; and that interference he considered a hostile act towards Naples. It was true that interference was justified on the ground of humanity, but if it was on that ground, at all events their humanity was secondhand; for if the French had not been humane, they would not have been so. That was clear from the dispatch of Lord Napier, wherein he stated that the unexpected and spontaneous resolutions em braced by the French Admiral had placed the agents of this country in a momentary perplexity, from which they oould not easily get out ; but that, though the act was scarcely 'econcitable with the principles laid down by the Foreign-office, vet, considering the double relations with France and Sicily, they had thought fit to follow the French Admiral's example, and interfere in staying hostilities in conjunction with him. If the Neapolitans had been defeated, and the Sicilians successful, no such armistice would have been imposed by this country. Then, again, when the Sici lians invited the Duke of Genoa to become King of Sicily a British steamer was sent to convey those who were to proffer the Crown to him, and was that a friendly act? Certainly not. It was true he had the good sense to refuse it, but the fact that the Government of the country took up the matter and sent the invitation to him without giving the Court or Government of Naples any time for consideration, showed its unfriendliness towards the latter power. In like manner when the Sicilian envoys came to this country they were received at the Foreign-office by the head of that (1!?- partment—had the affairs tiled over, and considered, while the Neapolitan Minister was given audience to at the same time, and he must say that it could not have given that Minister any very favourable idea of the feelings of the Government of this country towards his Sovereign at seeing those parties so received wko were in open rebellion against him.—(Hear, hear.) He then came to the dispatch which had been laid on the table of the House respecting the Italian question, so far as Sardinia and Austria were concerned. Those dis- patches, he must say, were curious in their way. He moved for them in March last, and now, when they were produced four months after that, he found that they did not contain anything in reference to the late war between Austria and Sardinia, but were all of dates prior to the French revolu tion.—(Hear, hear.) He had heard it said that the Noble Lord, the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, was a bit of a wag, and he certainly could not have laid those dispatches on the table with a grave face. They comprised documents relating to the death of the late Pope, the dispute between Modena and Tuscany, and some qther matters, but as to Charles Albert crossing the Ticino they said nothing whatever. How ever, they must take them as they found them. One of them, a dispatch from Mr. Abercromby, dated August 1847, did refer to a threat said to be held by Austria against Sardinia, that should the Sardinian Monarch esta blish, as he proposed, a civic guard, that a portion of his territories would be occupied by Austrian troops, but had Austria ever made such a threat ? It had been contradicted, not only by the Cabinet of Vienna, but by the Sardinian Minister; and it showed a spirit of unfairness towards Austria to have laid such a dispatch, saying such threat was made, on the table of that House without the contradiction along with it, that contradiction being in the hands of the Foreign Secretary previous to the production of the dispatch. Had this country remonstrated with the King of Sardinia, he firmly believed that he would never have entered into a war with Austria. This country was, in a manner, bound to do so, for in entering into that war he was breaking his treaties as much with this country as with Austria. At the same time that war was going on the Noble Earl opposite was at Rome performing various antics (Laughter)—to the great delight of parties there, who lauded him to the skies, and shouted the independence of Italy, in other words, the expulsion of Austria.—(Hear, hear.) lle did not know how this country had acted during the last outbreak with Sardinia when the Sardinian Monarch was defeated on the plains of Novara, but he had heard it announced that the English Government had instructed the Sardinian Go vernment not to be in a hurry in concluding the treaty of peace consequent upon the armistice entered into after the defeat at Novara. If that was not the case the Noble Mar quis opposite could refute it. llad the war with Sardinia been concluded, as it ought to have been, and which it eu would have been had this country properly interfered, they would have been spared the circumstance whichahieumssot deeply isan re gretted as having taken place, namely, interven tion in Austria, as had wartht Austrian been ended the Austrian army would have been su d t o ili h m e i i n e ioat respectns to quell the rebellion in that portion of the to wi passports, t hout t he aid of that itw Russia. as He should next say with grant these foreigners a passport, because t there was no truly unjust such f it • not strict neutrality a case, orwas in o quence of the number of foreigners going to R ome , c t h n e se great difficulty arose. But though the French army should consist of 80,000 men in support of Rome, he did ii9t see why any feeling of danger should be felt by the people of England. The, Marquis of LANSDOWNEsaid that his Noble Friend ( Lord I Brougham) spoke of his first motion in quite a dif ferent language from his present resolution, for he did not mean to justify anything with respect to the interference of France with home; but he should say that he did not con sider that he was called on to give any opinion, but at the same time he should say that it was the policy of the Go vernment of England not to oppose the Government of France, which weighs much on the States of Europe, and he should, therefore, avoid any opposition to that Govern ment, and particularly when their interference in the case of Rome was for the restoration of the Pope, which was the wish of this country, on certain conditions, and that in op position to the wish of the Austrians. He should at the same time inform their Lordships, that the wish of the English Government in behalf of the Pope was in the light of a temporal Sovereign, and not as the head of the Roman Catholic Church.—(Hear, hear.) With re gard to the resolutions of the Noble and Learned Lord, he never heard a proposition more completely aiming at the destruction of all those principles of foreign policy upon which it had hitherto been the custom of this country to act. The Noble Earl opposite had charged it upon the Government that by the exercise of proper means the war in Lombardy might have been put a stop to, and if the meaning intended by the Noble Earl to be conveyed to the House was, that everything had not been done by the Government which could possibly have tended to effect that object,, he would give it his unqualified contradiction. The Noble Earl appeared to suppose that better or more suc cessful means could be resorted to than pointing out to foreign ' countries how they were likely to be effected by the events that were passing within them, so as at once to appeal to their interests. The dispatches of Mr. Abercrombie were sufficient of themselves to show the conciliatory spirit in which Lord Palmerston had conducted these negotiations, and if more were still required by the Noble Earl, he should be glad if he would point him out the easy rule he ap peared, to possess, of bringing kings to reason. The Noble Earl, too, not content with having blamed the Government fur not exerting itself as it might have done for the pacification of Italy, bad gone on so far as to charge them with having manifested a feeling positively against Austria. Upcn examination, he was sure that that charge would be found to possess no basis in truth. His earnest hope for the benefit of Austria was that she might get out of the dculties i n w hi c h s h e was i nvolved. It was a remar k a bl e thing that in the midst of the most convulsed state of nations, who were bent, as it were , upon a war frolic, Engla n d was at peace with ' all; and t was but that day they had re ce i ve d the ratification of a treaty of peace in the north of Europe b e t ween the Danes and the Germans, on the question of Schleswig•Holstein, and thus England stood amidst all the convulsions that shook Europe in the dignity of peace—clarion et venerabile nomen.--( Cheers.) Lord STANLEY felt very painfully the impossibility of doing justice to a subject of such great importance as that now before their Lordships, yet he was unwilling to give a silent vote on the question contained in the resolutions , under their Lordships' consideration—resolutions which were sustained by fact, and which were deserving of the deepest consideration which their Lordships could bestow upon them. Of the three resolutions brought forward by his Noble Friend, he should pass over one, that was the one referring to the inconsistency of the Government of this country in interfering in the affairs of foreign States. The Noble Earl who had just sat down quoted that resolution, but he stopped at the passage, that "it was inconsistent in the Government to interfere in the affairs of foreign States ;" whereas the resolution ran, " as refers to the relations between the governors and the governed of those States." Now he (Lord Stanley) thought that the principle of non-interference should have been observed.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then referred to the second resolution, which referred to the right of Parliament to have full information on the subject of Bri tish interference in the affairs of Italy ; and proceeded to inquire of her Majesty's Government whether they bad any declaration from the French Government that the French troops should be withdrawn as soon as the Pope was restored. Lord LANSDOWNE—We have had such declaration. Lord STANLEY—Then that was the first time that they had been made acquainted with such declaration. Lord LANSDOWNE—We have had such information, though'not so satisfactory and explicit as could be desired. Lord STANLEY—There stands the difference. You have bad declarations, but annexed to them were certain condi tions, and what those conditions were they were lett to sur mise. The Noble Lord then referred to the conditions on which he understood the Pope was to be restored to his tem poral as well as his ecclesiastical power, and amused the House with some remarks on the manner in which the Pope was expelled his dominions. The Noble Lord referred to various instances in which rumours were raised as to Austrian interference in Italy, which had all turned out to be false. The language of Austria had always been, " We do not wish to extend our dominions, we will hold what we have, but as to the interference with the dominions of any other state or Government we utterly repudiate. The whole of the proceed ings on the part of this country exhibited a jealousy towards Austria totally unjustifiable, and in no case was there the slightest ground for such jealousy. He agreed with his Hon. Friend (the Earl of Aberdeen) that this country had net taken all the steps it could, and ought to have done, in order to prevent the invasion of the Austrian dominions by Charles Albert. The Noble Marquis said they told the King of Sardinia that it would be dangerous for him to take such a step ; but that was not enough, they ought to have said, " If you do so it is in violation of treaties which you b:come bound to observe, and if you do so we protest against an act which is a violation of treaties, and a most unprinci pled act on your part ;" but it was said why blame Charles Albert, while so much sympathy is evinced for the King of Naples; who made an invasion upon Austria as bad as that of Charles Albert, but the cases were different. The one was goaded on by ambition and personal aggrandise ment—the other at the instigation of parties whose wishes he could not controul. The whole course of proceedings of this country towards the King of the Two Sicilies was long before the advent of the Noble Earl at Naples, most unfriendly and unjust. In order to show the actings of this country towards Naples, after the removal of the Earl of Minto to the kingdom of Naples, the Noble Lord read extracts from the dispatch of that Noble Earl, showing that while at the outset he indicated to the Sici lians they should not neglect the terms he was instrumental in causing the King to submit to them, he, in the course of one short week, after such terms were submitted, turned round and advocated the cause of Sicilian independence. He really felt that it was impossible for him at that hour of the morning to go through the long list of objections to the course pursued by the Government, or to expose the gross misrepresentations of the policy pursued by the Neapolitan Government in these transactions; suffice it to say, from the first to the last the whole of our interference was an inter ference in favour of the revolted subjects of the King of Sicily.—(hear, hear.) They interfered in defiance of the laws of nations, and had thus caused a vast and unnecessary loss of life, and after all this monstrous and foolish interfer ence, Palermo surrendered without a contest. The feeling of the people was manifested, in defiance of the reports of our consuls, to be in favour of the restoration of Legitimate au thority. At another time he should be prepared to go more into detail ; but in the meantime he believed that in the papers before their Lordships there was ample evidence to enable their Lordships to decide that the double dealing and pattering of her Majesty's Government in these matters did not meet with the approbation of the more manly feeling of the House of Lords.—(Loud cheers.) Lord BROUGHAM' said he had already occupied their Lordships' attention at such length in making his opening statement, that it would be unpardonable at that hour, and after ten hours' debate, to detain them from the divi sion, and he should therefore leave the question as it stood for their decision. Their Lordships then divided. For the resolutions— Contents—Present Proies 45 —96 Non-contents—Present Proxies —lOB Majority for Government l2 Their Lordships then adjourned at Half-past Four o'clock. PARLIAMEN TARY DIVISIONS. From the Votes and Proceedings of the House cf Conitnomi FRIDAY, JULY 20. POOR-LAW UNION CHARGES ACT AMENDMENT BILL. (IN THE COMMITTEE.) Clause (And be it enacted, That it shall be lawful for the guardians of any union, or for the select vestry, guardians, directors, managers or overseers of the poor of any parish not in union in England or Wales, and they are hereby autho rised to pay out of the moneys in their hands for the relief of the poor in such union or parish respectively, the cost of or attending the education of the children of parents receiving relief out of the workhouse, or of children partly or wholly maintained by means of a poor-rate out of the workhouse, within such union or parish, and also to make contracts for any period not exceeding one year, with any shool mo mast unt so er, for the education of such children , and to pa h c y te a contracted to be paid out of the said moneys, subject, how ever, in respect of all such payments as aforesaid, to the rules and regulations which may from time to time be made by the Poor-law Board in respect of the schools at which such children shall be placed, and the maximum amount to be allowed for such payments in respect of each child, whether by contract or otherwise • and all payments so made shall be charged to the common ?Lind of the union, or to the parish where the same is not in union.") Motion made, and Question put, "That the clause be read a second time." The Com mittee divided : MINORITY—AYES, 13. Adair, Hugh E. Gwyn, Howel I'ilkington, James Berkeley, Henry F. Ilastie, Alexander Cholmeley, Sir M. lleadlam, Thomas Colebrooke, Sir T. Ilervey, Lord A. TELLERS. Froven, C. 11. Kershaw, Jumes Wood, W. P. Ulbson:T. M. Pearson, Charles Pechell, Captain MAJORITY-NOES, 54. Anderson, Arthur Foley, John 11. Pryse, Frye Armstrong, R. B. Fuller, A. E. Rich, Henry Barrington, Viscount Goddard, A. L. Romilly, Sir John Bellew, R. M. Graham, Sir J. Shell, R. L. Boyle, Colonel Orenfell, C. I'. Simeon, John Brotherton, J. Grey, Sir George Somerville. Sir W. Brown, 11. Halsey, T. I'. Spooner, Richard Buller, Sir J. Y. Heyworth, L. Stafford, A. Burrell, Sir C. Hobhouse, Sir John Thompson, Colonel Carew, W. P. Law, C. E. Tufnell. H. Carter, J. B. Lewis, G. C. Vane, Lord 11. Clay, Sir W. M'Cullagh, W. T. Villiers, Viscoun. Coles, Henry B. March, Earl of Watkins, Colonel Denison, Edmund Miles, William Willoughby, Sir H. Dickson, Samuel Monsell, William Wood, Sir Charles Drummond, Henry Nicholl, John Wrightson, W. B. Duncan, George Paget, Lord A. TELLERS. Ebrington, Lord Patten, W. 13 al nc s , M. T. Ferguson, Sir R. Power, Dr. Ilayter, W. 0. The sale announced to take place next week at No. 6 , Kennington-garden Terrace, by Messrs. robins, includes a most recherche collection of articles of taste an vertu, as well as some exceedingly fine marble groups, f d igures, and busts, pictures of considerable merit, and valuable plate, the property of a celebrated gen tleman well known for his know ledge and taste in the tine arts. The private view, we un derstand, takes place this day. THE CITY _E LECTI ON. A meeting of gentlemen favourable a yesterday g held atcommittees favourable to the election of the Lord Ma y or, a s one of the Representat ives of the City, wa s y e tlte Mansion Hou se, for the purpose of organisin g in the various wards; and, from the absence by the Conservatives, and the general of opposition his favour, little doubt can be e .feeling expressed in election. .... nte • 'tamed of his Lordship's -- THE CITY ELECTION . — Last n i g ht a numerously attended and highly respectable meeting of the electors of the City of Lond on was h eld in the large room of Ander • ton's Hotel, Fleet-street, for the purpose of securing the election of Sir James Duke, as one of the Representatives of the city of London. Resolutions to such an effect having been carried, the meeting separated. Letters from Malta, dated the 12th, state that a court-martial had taken place, to try Lieut. Richards, R.N., of her Majesty' s shi n H owe , f or sending a challenge to Lieut. Woolridge, of th e sa me ship. Lieutenant Richards was sentenced to be dismissed his ship, and placed at the bottom of the list of lieutenants. IRELAND. TILE QUEEN'S VISIT. DUBLIN, JULY 20.—Prince Albert has announced his in tention or being present at the grand banquet of "lhe Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland," which takes place in the Rotunda during the week of the cattle-show. The show will commence on the 7th of August. Au extraordinary meeting of the Royal Dublin Society was held yesterday, for the purpose of adopting addresses to be presented to her Majesty and Prince Albert on the occa sion of the royal visit. ILLNESS OP THE CEIIEF BARON. ARMAGH, JULY 18.—The commission for this county was opened by Mr. Justice Perrin, at ten o'clock A.Z.E. this day. Chief Baron Pigot has been rendered unable to come to this town by a severe attack of diarrhma, which disabled him from performing his duties at Monaghan, in consequence of which some of the heaviest cases on the calendar had to be post poned to next assizes. ln consequence of his illness con- iinuing, the Learned Chief Baron took his departure for Dub lin to-day. We are informed that Dr. Corrigan was expected in Monaghan last night in attendance on the Learned Judge- It is doubtful whether the Chief Baron will be able to resume his duties at Downpatrick. If not, a commission will have to issue to one of the sergeants or Queen's counsel, to take his place as judge of assize. Judge Perrin has undertaken to discharge all the business, civil and criminal, for this county. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. WENLOCK RACES.—FatruY. The Wenlock Races of 10 soya. each, 5 ft, and 3 only if de clared, with 50 added. Twice round and a distance. Mr. Minor's Miss Bunney, 3 yrs ... (Evans) 1 Mr. Giles's Gaffer Green, aged ... 2 Mr. Hughes's Rebecca, 4 yrs 3 The Abbey Stakes of 3 sovs. each, with 30 added. One mile and a half. (Tasker) 1 1 ... 2 2 Mr. Wadlow's Gratis, 4 yrs •• Sir W. W. Wvnn's The Wind, 3 vrs SALISBURY RACES.—Tnur.snax. The Wiltshire Stakes of 25 soya. each, 15 ft, and only 5 if declared. Two miles. Mr. Elwes na Golden Pippin, 3 yrs... ... (Thick) 0 1 Mr. W. Sadler's Antelope, 4 yrs ••• ••• ••• 0 dr Sweepstakes of 30 sovs. each, h ft, for three yrs old colts, Bst 91b; fillies, t•st 61b. One mile and a half. Mr. Herbert's Letitia ... walked over. The County Gold Cup of 70 sovs. Two miles. Mr. Herbert's Radulphus ... walked over. The City Members' Plate of 50 soya. each, added to a sweep stakes of 5 sovs. each ; three years old, 7st 31b ; four, Bst 61b; five, Bst 131 b ; six and aged, 9st 21b. Winners extra. One mile and three quarters. Mr. Herbert's Radulphus, 6 yrs (Sly) 1 Mr. W. Sadler's Ambassadress, 3 yrs ... 2 The City Bowl, value 30 sovs., added to a sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each ; three years old, 9st 71b ; four, lOst 121 b ; five, 1 Ist 6lb ; s i x an d aged, li st 101 b. Gentlemen riders— professionals allowed to ride by carrying 61b extra. Heats one mile. Mr. Sadler's Antelope, 4 yrs Major Pitt's Mounseer, 3 yrs ..•• Mr. W. Sadler's Mountain Dew, 5 . 3• rs Mr. J. Howlett's Luminous, 5 yrs Mr. Kennedy's Traitress, 3 yrs ... FRIDAY. Sweepstakes of 50 soya. each, h ft, for three years old. Mr. Herbert's TtfLs. ... walked over. The Wilton Park Stakes, of 10 sovs. each, for two yrs old , colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 31b ' winners extra. T.Y.C. Mr. Jenkins's Miss Larkaway (A. Day) 1 Mr. Dixon's Blarney ••• ..• 2 Mr. W. Sadler's Giraffe .. ••• ••• •• • 3 Queen's Plate of 100 guineas, for three yrs old, Bst 121 b ; four, 9st 61b; five, 10st 61b; six and aged, lOst 31b. Two miles. Mr. J. Powney's The Hero, 6 yrs ... Day) 2 Mr. Harrison's Hippona, 4 yrs ••• •" County Members' Pl a t e of 50 so y a ., added to a sweepstakes of 5 sovs. each ; three yrs old, 7st 31b ; four, Bst 61b ; five, Bst 131 b ; six and aged, OA 21b ; winners extra. One mile and three-quarters. Mr. Herbert's Radulphus, 6 yrs ... Major Pitt's Mounseer, 3 yrs ... Mr. W. Sadler's Ambassadress, 3 yrs .. Mr. J. Mowlett's Diadem, 5 yrs ... 4 South-Western Railway Stakes of 25 soya., added to sweep stakes of 5 sovs. each ; three yrs old, 9st 71b ; four, lOst 121 b; five, list Gib; six and aged, list 101 b. Gentlemen riders. Heats. One mile. Mr. J. Sadler's Lady Bangtail, 4 yrs .. 4 4 1 1 Mr. Y. King's Red Doe, 4 yrs ... ... 2 1 2 2 Mr. W. Sadler's Mountain Dew, 6 yrs ... 1 2 3 dr Mr. W. Etwall's c by Tbistlewhipper out of Mopes, 3 yrs ... 0 3 dr Mr. J. Howlett's Luminous, 5 yrs ... 3 dr BETTING AT MANCHESTER.—FnmAy. GoonwooD STALES.-10 to 1 agst Maid of Masham (taken freely), 11 to 1 agst Collingwood, 100 to 7 agst Maid of Lyme, 13 to 1 agst Plaudit, 15 to 1 agst Fernhill, 15 to 1 agst Hornpipe, 16 to 1 agst Syrup, 16 to 1 agst St. Antonio, 20 to 1 agst Remembrance, 20 to 1 agst Tophana. GOODWOOD Cur.--3 to 1 agst The Hero, 3to 1 agst Canezou, 4 to 1 agst Tadmore, 20 to I agst Black Eagle. ST. LEGER.-5 to 4 on Flying Dutchman, 10 to 1 agst Lady Superior, 10 to 1 agst Uriel, 10 to 1 agst Loup -garou, 20 to 1 agst Chatterer (t), 25 to 1 apt Volcano (t.) CRICKET. ... ( Sly) 1 ELEVEN OF ENGLAND AGAINST TWENTY-TWO OF SUM This match was resumes yesterday. The following a the score at the close of the second day's play:— ENGLAND-FIRST INNINGS. Chatterton—c Morgan, b Parker ... 29 llinkly—c Morgan, b Lambert Parr—c Lister, b Lambert ... ... 14 F. Pilch—b Parker •.• ... 52 A. Mynn, Esq.—c Lead, b Parker ... .. 14 N. Felix, Eig.—b Parker ... ... 49 Guy—c Morgan, b Parker . . 6 if. W. Lindow, E,q.—b Taylor ... ... 10 Clarke—c Potts, b Taylor ... 2 J. Wynne, Esq. —c Allington, b Taylor ... 3 Bickley—not out B 3, w 28 ... ... 31 Total ... 212 HULL—FIRST INNINGS. W. J. Lunn, Esq.—run out ... 0 J. B. Parker, Esq.—run out ... 2 Lead—b Bickley W. Marshall, lisq.—c Chatterton, b Bickley 0 P. Lake, Esq.—c Mynn, b Bickley 0 80, w 3 ... ... 3 Total ... ••• ... 7 NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. APPOINTMENTS. Lieutenants—lL P. Jones, to the Royal Sovereign ;G. A. Pidcock, J. W. Whyte, W. J. R. Card, and 'l'. 1). Rich, to the Queen. Mid:hipman—George Rotinson, to the Hogue. Gunners—Edward Payne, to the Stromboli; John White, :o the Imaum. The Commander-in-Chief at Portsmouth did not go to Portland yesterday morning. The Fire King proceeded, with Lieut. Cochran on board, taking down a variety of ensigns and flags of all sorts, to be used on the occasion of the laying the first stone of Portland Breakwater, by his Royal Highness Prince Albert, on Wed. nesday next. Adiniral Sir Charles Ogle is at present staying for a few days with his friend Admiral Sir Bladen Capel. We are glad to see the gallant and esteemed Admiral, late our com mander-in.chiet at Portsmouth, looking in good health. He dined yesterday evening, with a large party, with Admiral Superintendent Prescott, at Portsmouth. The Childers, 12, Commander Pitman, sailed yesterday morning from Portsmouth for Chatham, to be paid off. The seamen of the royal yacht, as we already stated, will dine to-day, under canvas, on the lawn, at Osborne, when much fun and frolicking will take place. All hands dine on shore, excepting a few ship-keepers in each vessel. The Adventure naval transport, Master-Commander Peter Wellington, arrived at Spithead on Thursday evening, from Rio, with condemned stores, Ecc., from the squadron. The Adventure has made both the passage out and also home in a splendid manner. She sailed from Portsmouth on the 25th March, and arrived at the island of Cobsa, near Rio (where she landed her naval stores) in 58 days. She remained at Rio 11 days, sailed May 29, and arrived last evening, thus making the passage out and home, including 11 days stay at Rio, in 130 days. In her passage out, oil Rio, she experienced a tremendous hurricane, as he it u r i called at Rio a 4 . pampero," which lasted from nothing from it, while in the severe s t e o a t - h b e oa B t th an o d f l‘ s l i a a ) .e . i. , , b d utthe Adventure behaved like the good u y . or a tuguese two-decker, was wreck. The Crescent, Zi n ti n re ef, and Rifleman, were at Rio on the 28th of May, the gale, lyth'ediNsm'aascsotecii,elll(3lCrna7llati latter vessel having arrived on the 25th, from England. The Hydra steamer towed the Adventure out of Rio, and proceeded on a cruise in search of some " reported" slaver. The Kestrel and Lizard were daily expected at Rio from Buenos Ayres, the latter being on her way to England. The Raleigh and Harpy were at Monte Video, all well. The American frigate Brandywine and brig Perry were also at Rio, with the Vasco de Gamma, dismasted, and a French store-ship, armed en flute. A number of American vessels were lying at Rio, with emigrants on board, bound round the Horn to the gold diggings in California. One vessel has been wrecked in the above-mentioned gale, but a ll I hands were saved. The affairs at Rio and at Monte Video, and at Pernam buco, remained in statu quo. Commander Wellington has brought home 17,0001. value in gold, and about 35,0001. worth of bills of exchange ; the gold will be sent to London by Mr. Chambers, of the Hurd, to whom it is consigned. EXTRAORDINARY DESERTION OF NAVAL OFFICIES.—The second lieutenant of the Childers, Mr. George T. Graham (1846), and the master also of that ship, Mr. Andrevy t l!. Elliott (1847), whilst the first lieutenant was at the boep i and the commander was en shore at the Cape of Good Ho P e, threw their commissions on the deck of the sloop serted her, leaving a midshipman of four y_f Thaersadmiral o 'standing only n the in charge, and were not heard of after. and de station was obliged to appoint Lieutenant her passage to England. Gibson and a se cond master to officer the ship theon The the list, and r placed against names have been struc k o The master was under arrest at time , h , e deserted. Their them on the ship's books. AUT t . h — e D fa i t s e co o v t E t ßj e -------- A Tzu A b double regardi n g E R N unfortu nate aeronaut who on Monday week attempted to OF TUN ,01 , • cross the Cbannel in a balloon were yesterday set at rest the f 0 und i.t discoveryon the of the pla t b h o o d u y s . e Sands,Som Some TliE A.Liccryits/1 a fishermen, shoal ne ar i l t y aP h; the centre of the British Channel, off Lavernock Point, p b e y a rs, about twelve miles south of Cardiff. CAPE OF Goon HOPE.—We ' have journals from the Cape to the 28th of May,t a . which date it was in a very disturbed state, and an enieute was apprehended when the unviet settlers arrived from England. Public meetings and demonstrations were still everywhere being got up to pro test against the measure, and the greatest anxiety was felt ' for the peace of the colony. Lieutenant-General Sir Harry Smith, G.C.8., the Governor and Commander of the Forces, was at Cape Town. The naval Commander-in-Chief, Rear- Admiral B. Reynolds, C. 8., lay in Simon's Bay, with the following force: —The Southampton, 50 guns, flag-ship; the Seringapatam, depot ship ; the steam-transport Dee, and the steam-sloop Geyser, 6 guns. The Nimrod, 0-gun corvette, was also hourly expected from Bourbon. Her Majesty's sloop Childers sailed from th e s t a ti on f or Eug-land on the Wth of May. EDUCATION IN ENGLAND.—The co rrespondence be tween the lion. the Committee of Council of Education and the Committee of the National Society, on the sub ject of the management clauses, the condition imposed on the Romish schools, & c ., has been laid before Parlia ment, on the motion of Mr. Miles, M.P. This document extends over 40 pages- Argus, a w ell-known star in the southern hemis phere, has suddenly blazed forth, and, f rom a star o f th e second or third magnitude, now glares with the brilliancy of a first. ... ... 0 1 0 ... ... 1 2 2 3 3 dr ... ... 2 4 dr ... ... 4 dr