The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-24 00:00:00

ss. any length oftime until the question of the Corn-law s was settled. - ' Whethe r the state of commerce in this country were prove ,rtnus or otherwise, still they did their countrymen this jujus ice, they prevented them from extending their trade, and they had n a more right to p revent the extension of their trade than the 7 had to prevent its creation ; a prevention of the future •!ass bad as an usurpation of the past. As long as they laid rrman„ent their reetrietions on the intelligence and enterpi ice of their austrintryrnen, it was imposs'ble they could ever know any real the ssyssstteent, arising prosperity It was true they were consoled by increased night non. Baronet in a statement that their exports had ; but there were two sorts of exports, one a sound i i l e ipi m ea ' r. from a demand abroad, the other a forced proceeding from the want of demand at home. ) Nothing had been more clearly proved than „,,,... t. this was the fact with respect to the cotton 7:_ u ld n • If they took the return of the whole amount ,re lnl . _ tend deducted it from the whole amount exported, the tutioutna.lttr woeld give the quantity taken for home consump eosvot less , ettantity taken for home consumption last year, ....,!. ki_.enan the year preceding it, the year 1840 ; that show r d t • id,,,f_eill rthestate of the exports might be, the home consurne ...7 1 a state of distress and denression. The total weigh tee .' spun in 1840, was about 406,000,000 lbs. ; the Vtil7rtity o „,, exported, was 9 29,000,000 lbs.. which left e:I 44 1 ''''" lbs. for home consumption. By the same as ell i s a t u t , n , ll, the quantity for . home consumption last year, No . ,r-e-Yee) lbs, being. a diminution of or i anufac -9,000.,0001b5. from ture this export %you'd still go on, because tie m w e " ' fi nding they hall no chance of a demand in the home market f re obliged „ to make consignments —a most dangerous system - commercial l• ''' • h se uences, they ran th e r i sk Po ley—but blind to t e con .q . Ala sell of. s elline at the smallest possible profit, rather than at ail. ' , . lire destitution of the home consumer was ei ti i occasioned hY their refusing to extend commerce, and give _ tie P eYment to the industrious cl.isses. They recognized the ver y measu re of extending commerce, and cheapening food by the They measure which the Government had proposed. hadl 3 Y heti admitted his (Mr. Ewart's) premises, and adopted th eprinciple for which he was co n te n d• elll•te s , that it I ri eFF • It had been stated in the course of these ~, had been our original comme r ci a l p o li c y , ilelePlece restriction on the supply o f th e f oo d o f t h e peop l e. th e h ome t hat such h a d b een t h e ease. Up to the year 1771 n of th e ti n --e te l i PlY of co rn h a d b een su ffi c i ent f or the consump- Jm country. In that year a Committee of the House co sat to consider the cause of the distressed state of the _llintry, General Pownall had been the Chairman of that rirrn.raittee B erl . * and Mr. Burke had been one of its members li Inedall,Tn e had then declared that the most momentous of a • Car a -- g as the meddling with the food of the people. That h greatleittee *tad reported that the cause of the distress was t e sepui "tension of our commerce, which had rendered the The of corn inadequate to supply the wants of the people. Ire: tilt of that recommendation was the establishment of a Illiti e t - "r in corn. For • the thirty years following they had 'thi e f,. L ' r ee trade in corn, and the report of the Committee Itse ~,ed sat in IE O I, a report drawn up by Mr. Hutkisson, •eo -4 e 4 that had any period of the history of this tun, , s _ never hete se - 4, 71l so marked by prosperity as the thirty those no "72 arid 1802, and he would refer all to the er"„eunced free trade doctrines as being merely t t h ic e a o l re diu i s_ l Nth ) , u r t et of that Committee, as affording a prac . corn. Ile el - t benefits to be derived from a free trade in '''' much ' another omission in the statements of th ~,i,surprised at e -- ‘er aid came it, he would ask, that the state tteleets oiark ,e. How t Offirefs before the Imports 'nlene tts _v, nY the Governmen d _ note do'''. had been wholly withdrawn from consideration ? s did f t dha )p that the Right Hon. Baronet, or other Pi il. „ ' Piste is- - opposite, p 't did 'not cite in their favour the ° ltti ai r l e , -s :1 111; fl o Cini o e si o e r , Mr. Porter, or Mr. M'Gregor, all t of Or llaiti "ressed themselves favourable either to the immediate . illiry,atte freedem of the trade in corn? re was another . ' w e . h and which, with the exception of A i ti le they heard nothing, b Y 1 1% ‘ te 'liisso ' these in the ear h d up 1821 and t at rawn , erd „ n s reof , rae o ,,, siurharn on tate the an , C adas was the most lerVittlt which had been drawn un in the country. He al- N t e : the report of the Hand-loom Weavers' Commission. les %Miss' se e f ion recommended that the duties on corn should .%tiet u r t tr!' Year to year till there was no duty at all ; and it 1 4, ter y !conclusion after the most . extensive and accurate *eolith,' when they had such authority on . their side for the of am istl of the duties OH corn,that systems who could wonder b elte iti°4 should exist in the country, or that they were „ ed to him to be le a,,e9e1l anything but reason ? It appear i. . In • ferte"tien of reason and not of force.—(Hear, real.) 4 T e L ti rnes they had had the revolutions of a Cade or of al t, ' and not the peaceable, _ reasonable agitation He did hot k es t * Aeland and Mr. Sydney Smith. . t ti e lver ho Gentleman could complain of an agi a- NI - • vc ihn* d not of the pas shius. rigid on by the force of reason, a ‘ n ofthe--(Hear, hear.) He was convinced that if the just claims ef asjeeple were not satisfied, and if they a w 11 edthat sPecies n ' h the reatest eau-esation to continue, it would be fraught wit . g '' not cep to the social Sibsyem. He had traced the agitatio y n, k- Ie 'lithe metro olis ut in Lancashire, Staffordshir . e, or b ' jeet e1 ,,, 144 in Scotland; and he was convinced that until the o - Isseirias attained that agitation never would slumber, never It -cea se • He believed that the miserable apology for a remedy „utile .. • Pe Ile,Vee no satisfaction, and never could I t Wi t Hon. Baronet brought Emancipation, he in Catholic heßight ~ N ils , •. no t e "d It boldly, scorning all minor exceptions. T any s e atable Baronetwas asked, would he not demand tenure impose . . i troeh i 8 , or impose any restrictions . . . 7 He answered that he 1 b c use he I ,tne , 1 1 , 44 - That he would concede the princip e, e a Ole ' ' N et Until it was conceded, there would be no rep . ose.— r i stel ae s' Why did not the Right Hon. Baronet act so in the e s ,- ease ?Y Why did he not show the same boldness ld ? eees.'"er, he (Mr. Ewart) was convinced that the he day a w d o r o mt ete we datie „,ell he (Sir R. Peel) would regret that_ h t . 11,, - ",,S He must remind the Right Hon. aron B et that, . led ‘e sale, Modification was the resource of a uf weak the Ilietstledecided mind."—( Hear, hear.) The course . d h I t 1 104 B not only condemned, b y t %l e n d i „ Ark • aronet, was t he aZ t l ,! e a a suffering people, but it would . be conde t m by 1 111 - i s le verdict of a reflecting and impartial posti f r t i h y ; corn_ • 4 eets r t ie . " B ERKELEY would vote for the repeal o •ei le, and 14. ' ' -ca use hh f d them to be unjust in rin p d l'ehiev e e 'eve H Members had expresse titre, sss ens i n e ff ect . ..Many on. s , . the ro • Fe - eat • , ' e • tuous gnation at p total te astonistiment an vir • that those laws edal es te Peal the Corn-laws. Remembering ee s e , Ys been opposed by statesmen of the greatest eminence, f - %lite , d rstand such expressions. He was . 4 s ee at a Loss to un e b use he held"' the s_e r eat r t e Peal of the Corn-law s, eca , ue lieGt e l d ).4e ileal doctrine, that all commerce , . should be ~ en sile . , and, because the Corn-laws espscia , lly as i *si • iolenee to ' ' 14 .4, 1 1 4 'g with the sustenance of the peop.e, di v . Ss,• -4. Corn-law was proposed in 1815, it me- When the aloe lip, used I)3' several great statesmen. The language then i tre t ,'• li_l• illustrious Princes of the Blood, and by several po L itt ef the first standing in this country was, that the neces , taLllaght to be irresistible which could authorise Parliament th e t'Per with the sustenance of the people, an . d to imp d e d 1.1 4 :ea sale and purchase of that article on which deg e n h e ad tho;tistenee of Sr large a portion of the commun ity. enuinever pro ' dae:Te authority for saying that those laws .. (Hear, hear.) '.' i fsii‘ en tY, cheapness, or steadiness of p • - rice. — h the late Lord Gr ee -- ,tas' in error, he shared the error with with his ' hoy - 'le, with the late Duke of Buckingham, and_ '''''e e elitli sentiments, e s. e r „, ghness the Duke of Sussex, whose when •e StestlMllgated, would command respect, and arose equally 5 ' s oundness ,anundness of his head and frcm thegoodness of his had been ei ,trilto„,-111ear, hear.) Among the petitions which had had -"ed, P r ayingf o r repeal of the Corn-laws, he . • h,,,_ a IlltieitOntir to present one from t , he city of Bristol, * ' fan Lad received 25,000 sinatures ; and agreeing with the ••• 'ell; -I "Al:ter for Birmingham, that the petitions presented ., • . s . 10 .,, 0 with the attention which was • gee tr ,t l .use were not received ~ ®h t heir is importance, he felt himself bound to raise his voice strongly expressed ' t hei„ 4 " of those petitioners who had so e sn one e _._ 4 04 :P i , ittion s on the subject of the Corn-laws. 1 Pti to present, 3 „ i iftleil i elt he (Mr. F. Berkeley) had the honour t remark. elk 7 1 7,799 individuals, the language wasmas respectful it was .4 4. tat th e s time that it was most same 4 It t sorrows felt by the people. burl , e xpressed the great L l eitie" e (Mr. F'. Berkeley) begged to say that 74 f,' Perused the names of the petitionrs, 0 a ell - "Ma i h men as were not only inca p able . f tel t e names of sue It ° chi, b to the meanness of exaggeration. a , ste,„ b ut of even stooping • ` m tket'''' t ee belief of the petitioners that there was a growing irk ~ 4 14. ) ~,eslon among the people towards that House.—( Hear, le had been 4t lllee t hey believed that the prayers of the peop t it., -sted . - d the House not o gle k ut . -- -( Hear, hear. ) They pray e lects,l urine to despair. —( Hear.) . When Wh he (fir. F. Berkeley) kn e -,, that the • habitants. of the.eity of Bristol were not so .1 14 !ttg y , '" her parts of the country, , tti did fe , retched as the people de in d, n a t nd expressing such sen ' 14, 4e nta i l t a t hat petitions so wor t, tisk' ,sltlanded the utmost attention and respect of the which he "1 1 / 4 1 t4 , whilst on the subject of . the constituency be allowed to r e fer t o " t ?_near to represent, he might probablythe Member for Cam- Oleteh i ue speech of the Noble Laid, 1 1 p ew ee, who alluded to his (Mr. Berkeley's) constituency. •ttl itll , eing of political agitations, past and present, the Noble Bill, inferred seeloill,. alluding to the agitation of the Reform rotten klitht,_ef that agitation as connected with . boroughs, '''a i . le h e the folly was proved by the failure of the Reform d Bristol iu 'le i .b e e added that Nottingham Castle was sacked,an t o r t e Q . 1 1%, in their agitation against rottenuever before boroughs.fore been tit ,„h_.4 by .2.alider against a people N h oh ad Noble Lord in that Honse. 0 441,.. l i,Y . lion. Gentleman th e . tlttl e of tie . rkeley) won or the Nble Lord to produce ( - e y t time r peg le e of Bristol in ull le taira.,. evidence, to show tha h h P i been actuated by k s Y s se e i i ` t en against rotten boroughs a which the Noble Lord :‘artituse, desire. The effects to ~ 7.a.a4411" ,a, were the ob and were operations of a law . L i l le r h eineffi • n ewant of j udgmen tof the Magistracy. "vliw-te t aunted eLe •e'' an small minority and an isolated esi t iY l 41 th„ with being a fat th e ,'w House. He was perfect yco 1 ntented to put up bt,.ordololint, because he knew they were not an isolated body ,loriti,.°ll. Let Hon. Gentlemen reflect that they had had h ex -et " s en form •ons which had fallen before t e the p eo N 0 , i ~, er ocean , the me k t Veons of the people. In his humble thinking:. te kar t , "e ,Present moment .e t , f 1 the deepest indignation at fhe felt the uti- Otei,uoer In which they were treated. 1 by the Right lo t e ,i'' lie,: t ent at the measure brought forw ke a r r y t and an insult, illeettlests 4 ,,, t - They felt that it was a mockery disastrous cease ;: iv - "eY were conciliated, the most kr. Ttier‘aid fells w• is., Protective P I NELY took the prevent . . question to be one of . 64 ' 48°144 % ;1 1 4. The Right Hon. Bart. in introducing his iles-u„..?eeettee ' ,i,e not lay any stress upon them on the score of be always s. "u s ea - ePase t i, „et° protective duties, he (Mr. T.) would . 4fl. --.4 a 44" Pectin the importation of corn and provisions, l st , ), ithll to th , Th 'ntou,„ -- e comfort of the working classes, the extension of %•'''. -e •• Hi re -r ef! of the country, and the distress now existing, Itl ' that e „se ellght to consider the inexpediency of any duty s k t . l;, Z c lea t i l r i . ,, i He (Mr. T.) had come to the conclusion, that vie,. mss 6,s —es ought to be tree from all duty, and he would 4 1; friee t r` t tilY give his support to the motion of his Hon. Ile, :iitli ns „ an d Colleague ( Mr. Villiers). The principle of a eill' eeta,;ltteate oPerated for the benefit of those countries near us, silt, ' a}l the considerable injury of countries at a distance—he hear, It s , lte r. y` t 0 the United States of America.—(Hear, L e *ennte t , 4C).r most important trade was with that t ' l lg e _ ed '4 O e•or the last few years our exports to America aye )), 'ectin. of eight millions sterling. They consisted of manu- Nes, N... es) not in the state of cot'on twist or yarn, but manufae ,sdse wrie l i .o a ~ gut in e, high state * of perfection—woollens, linens, 4 tt: they shouldeSuch articles. It was of the utmost importance that ;i t -, ..eoiri_rl. afford facility to the United States for exporting i ,' the: Wasprovisions in exchange for those manufactures. 4 1,, loniat i .„ ~ an opinion that America was not an exporting t ast Thati" t i Itlr• M`Culloch, in a work published last year, re ties,: fe e , su ,”, every one knew that from the United States very leit'' Ported PPhes of corn could be obtained ; that they even im -64 th _ wheat into that country from Dantzic and other ports. tei ui 'Year 1837 five hundrid quarters of wheat were cer . . the 3' Imported into America from Dantzic, but that was iTh ° nIY year whe• ' to any extent. , e h at . et the importations were nad also •vest in America and there had been bad that year ; sill( of ~,..b , e . e n an undue expansien of paper currency, the re nigh, winch circumstances was that prices were unusually %arse:ld corn having risen, like ' all other articles, 500,000 hth e i. , had been imported rom Dantzic. The Noble Lord i * 'ember for North Lan cashirehadalluded, in a speech to • constitue t • . . ie A sse , ri 9la September las , , to the high price of corn 414 rift, and intimated that we could not look for any ev e :: Y „from that country. A paper had, how ew ' ~eeell laid usion the table of the House a it a ., u aYs ago by the Board of Trade, from which fur rared that the average exports ft om the United States rt ed lase 49 years had amounted to 900,000 barrels of flour, t rt :Y e A ) OO O . quarters of wheat each year. They had also ex isselerable quartti6es'of Indian corn, rye, beef, and pork. 5t14 . 1 1 , Po to be recollected that America was virtually ex' to utui r n n•om the markets of this country • arid yet notwith ' very g the exclusion, her exports of grain ' and flour had been arid o gye e :( ; and although she had to compete with Hamburg, w`elAtcountries, she had almost exclus'vely supplied the 1ndie 5 %.,12_ 4 ,. . anti South America. The United States were 1 ,7 N in circumstances of great The as re aided the 7.rk.ts of this country, in • ' g k i te of the Continerit _ cc,itnuarison with the na e held in his ha nti aco of Europe. (Her, hear.) copy f a memorial addressed to the _ -- certain documents. • on, but he would 1 !lime would be detail] word with regard to the 3r- Generals, and in whir) concurred, that if thel iereafter used as a pre': recollected that the tuo o have been a party' :CHEQUER BIWA, BULLER, his intention not toll* resolutions in the Aull' been decided.--40tsh ions had been aids mdy occasioned to •tbs ! ar, hear.) He was OtA hear.) He could •Vi [embers might choofetl portancc, that he sb0 00) he would not irate the way of proc,... rd any pubic business. n to understand thst tbs to be brought forward le Right Hon. Gentle 4- the Corn-law resold ear. ) was intended to put off which the Chancellor 01 itention to bring on estions involved into tbl B aronet were di e t ale in any case 1!, t--( Hear.) ; had not shown.any.,l ae resolutions. afr would postpone all tm" Li- as it lay with liint•vr 'as disposed of.---(lielf' InarY resolutions 115,1 h. stages of the y 'Bill: implsined of e '_ . , 114 ; ipeded the dieet t "_, -* question of theStemej g to the annonneem.----'Algt; moti )n, with referla brought on oe Thal as to be reeeededrit Baronet now d ', at mild sespeneeu,, 50t l's) side of the 11„set; 1, Corn-laws, postponed, in oniet 11; tP st from day to (111....; not complain of t,.. -able Baronet, whelS debate should take 15 which they were g._ll`-tio. lefore the orders e' uite in the discretiealtsig ven those notices t s Government As L., re House had firsl;,,,; ct to the Corr:A. inches of the 13° ; 0 1 of course he could PP been occupied w.w'w, erhampton since - ridgy. _4 ) o• 0 in. Gentlemen's w-w,tlel could be made t should be clete , information he is sure h e w as set hlio in doing 1110 early as possitle. its of the B i g ht dO P h the statement—, 4 also a %lembee Chancellor o f the' re what was . theiotts Tf, .espect to leat could adhere, i s if Of e House ; an a w e ilae r i a motion on re i g e ith such an exe Noble Lord the S h e ig forward to-n'itt lad given notice ".0 lie thoughtbJ onsiderable alars:oo aronet, that no r s io, le Corn-law queg ition on the sole d hat in a matter, ty I given to etlab.liki the evil vvhica )N BILL. )f this Bill, onas hould be read s se so worded as toie'to t was his inteotili should be refrs' „it r nely desirable teorft ally existed le ye s. t description se would content Ao :ad a secondlint s t o the a bsolu te a „ # ,, P o g adopted rego„:„ 3 t e d in lartoge i,rge which arose Opoper m the want of o' [table that in is cautiously, l_tist' only add te..., , 5h .00 ,b10 st airs sr°"'-' „rots Ldoted to the- the Noble ;reed v;,‘-.„,t uearly this st w r of tl'e large In- assespiii! had that ty i° a n. Oe )n. of e himself to rif v ,' is oe more esP ec h :,,io oo t enabled 1" .. - T ;os fel the boroog"...a there, ots. Be h°Rissto L these two Ad cal o measure '7 ov ec' it his motion tction in findieg,.o4 a Bill on the 0: 1 0 0 d no dou bt, theitej, i m ild be c onstrue ,ante he could te Le t m e this arr anlst t. This subject ,peculations bdp.ll ,heir own taste. oi Hon. Baronet te stairs ? der rnmen t would der pons ibility, reie airs. ,he adjourne6 ' en fe r prese rved sli e l;" l 0 would ng almost ° b e, j men t which le measure 1100fr7; 'd of the lend? Honourable ;bolt hrough th,o h dii iossess the 11" - lli which he tbe'.4: rte" 0 1° wing fo Right Olotaur, that de ° ots be i Moment '6 was, on ell e j ar filci been setlfe Vet nd ; that 094 er than the to s, ten left fr ee j o g ° vo, in folle°0„e; measure teeoool/1.; m the Peeof vs done or tb or t „no scale, 'other ~ i n co , would h.„01)0, !opted th : e ,',ras at last 00 have t hebeen ply dopted o W o o try rest` ° f die t o the close0:000, wtant cku „birth propos', : gat Dr and e , noSe l deCi: eogrtOollae „; .ste tuurne,_„o :co.. t he 67371/113et::16 tri• ne , 0,!,,1es title° Ine'r " those P r . op ° ectirg, in Y a ft oo l t ,tr, o dt g scitier g,t. be 1.4 Such O. e &ciao° ,Oots , for a t d oss' Y ..,at osei t he ea 4 , ed as reme'r, vioper ore e chstreseffe noneterY °goose! lio. ret° ;ht • or c re culation moon a [Lion, h'6.o, 0 0 6 th A° 3eri • roo f° taking thle. oas ever I • 0 0 ? If ij ae rcial reg 7kt ° notoent• es . t b moat coo. ,stion refore t'Y e, i. „coa l " tions whte7 lb er e is cOUntrPtheo nt 01°' t the P. e i s o - 0 / e 0 13 1 thorn ma b e duet ion of the trade; vi"-efere, Now, theride of ates 0 0 the leeteci liat wa s se ihn e 4 'sure the clop; ng to ppoF 1414 he si? t hd , onsu roeril °, , y 5. 'e monetary doi they act e kmeries, " hi s to send at tio r estri c ,he m• oonetary:ow .lag's W e r re tioe e during / s l i t for trity coo lo he- TIM SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, RIEBRUARY 24, 1842. Right Hon. Sir R. Peel, agreed to at the Chamber of Com merce, in Liverpool, in Octob er l a st ;. a nd the memoria l ists stated that the effects of our present system of Corn-laws. which had been sufficiently observable for many years, had been again i strikingly exemplified du r i ng the last two years, n the course of which we had i m port e d l ar ge quantities of grain from the Continent, while none had been, or could safely be, imported from the United States. They stated the only remedy for the evil would he the adoption of a fixed duty instead of a sliding scale. The Congress of the United States of America was now in session, and were about to take into consideration the tariff of that country.—( Hear, hear.) On the 38th of June next the Compromise Act, passed under the super intendence of Mr. Clay several years since, would come into operation, and under that British goods would pay a maximum ad valorens duty of twenty per cent. But now the manufacturers of America were urging Congress to increase the duties on British articles, as Great Britain re fused to take the corn and flour of the United States, or, when she did, it was on less favourable terms than she showed other nations. The English manufacturers of woollen cloth and iron articles were already in great jeopaidy as regarded the Ameri can market. At present the United States were receiving woollen goods from Belgium and Saxony to a very great ex tent, and it depended upon the measures our Government would adopt respecting the flour and corn of America, whether the increasing markets of their vast territory should be closed against us or not.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He had that day received a letter from a gentleman extensively engaged is the trade of the United States which contained a useful suggestion, worthy the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet. It was, that charging the duties on the averages of six weeks, should be confined to the ports of Continental Europe, within the Straits of Gibraltar ; but that a period of six weeks should be extended to ports without those Straits. The object of those regulations was to allow America, and other distant countries, to compete with the neighbouring countries of the Continent. Whatever might be intended in that way, of this ha was certain, that the effect of the plan would be to lower the averages at least Cs. the quarter ; and there was as much fraud committed for the purpose of lowering as of raising them.— ( Hear, hear.) As to the alarm which some gentlemen felt at the idea of being dependent on foreign countries for the sup ply of a necessary article, he did not participate in it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated on a ltte occasion very truly that there had been fluctuations in the price of cotton. No doubt of it ; and so there must be fluctuation in the price and in the supply of every home or foreign product. But there had lately arisen a competition between India. and America in this product, and the consequence was that cotton was at this time cheaper than it ever had been. But if cotton had been subject 'to a sliding scale instead of a moderate fixed duty, England would never have become the country of cotton manufactures ; but that branch of industry would have flourished in those other soils to which the present Corn-laws were driving it. Cotton manufactories would be established in other countries, and the sliding scale would prevent its being established in this country. Articles were more uniform in price when they were not subject to protective duties, and the differences between the prices of coffee and sugar in this country and on the Continent proved that principle. At that moment he believed their pro tective duties were doubling the price in London and Liverpool. Coffee was cheaper by eighty per cent. on the Continent than in England, which was also an effect of the system of protec tion. Their tariff allowed them to import foreign coffee, but they must first send it to the Cape of Good Hope and bring it back again. Now these things were so absurd that he hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would revise the system of import duties altogether.—(Hear, hear.) He believed they were now arrived at a. critical period. The embarrassments of men ehnnt s arid manufacturers had existed for three or four }ears, and were increasing every day, and from the information he could obtain he found there had been more capital lost in the last years than during any former period. The suffering of the la bouring classes could scarcely be described, and it was most creditable to them that they had borne them in the way they had done. But the people now looked into the causes of these things, and were satisfied that their commercial tariff and re strictive laws were at the root of the evil ; and the greatest and most oppressive of those laws was that which excluded corn and flour.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that in a short time something would be done for the relief of the suffering people. He was altogether disappointed at the measure that had been introduced by the Right Hon. Baronet, arid certainly he looked forward with very little satisfaction to what was be fore them, as no improvement had taken place in trade since the measure had been announced ; he thought they were in a position of the most alarming kind, and he trusted something would be done to remedy it. Mr. lIASTIE said with a view to coming to a right decision on the subject, he had examined into some details connected with the large and important agricultural interest. One of the best authors on the subject, Mr. M'Culloch,sin his " Statistics of the British Empire," stated the whole rental of the kingdom to be forty-six millions sterling, and the gross value of the produce out of which that rental was to be paid to be two hundred millions. He had then made an inquiry into how much of this agricultural value was corn produce. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Dorchester, hxd told the agriculturists there that the law proposed by the Go vernment would give them protection to the extent of ths. a quarter; he denied that it would have any such effect. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Dorchester, stated that the agricultural interest would have a protection of 14s. per quarter. Now, the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government stated the other night, that his anxious wish was to reduce the duty on corn to 10s. per quarter. No w, that would reduce the landlords' protection to 8 per cent., and he (Mr. Hastie) would maintain that if a free trade in corn were opened, and he founded his opinion upon a thorough examination of the Corn-laws of this country—he felt convinced that if a free trade were opened in corn the price would not fall ss. in the course of thirteen years. He found that the average amount of wages of agricultural la bourers in the great counties and round the large towns was Bs. This was proved before the Committee of the House in 1836. The wages of the labourer was the same as the rent to the rich man. Now, Bs. a week was 20/. a year ; and they had it from the Hon. Member for Salop that, after a careful examination, the labourers in his counts' consumed at the rate of one quarter of wheat per head per annum. Now, if this Bill did what the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) said it would, viz., give a protec tion of 14s. to the agriculturist, they had the labourer, who had 201. a year, and who, perhaps, had a wife and two chil dren, who, altogether, would consume four quarters of wheat per annum, the protection alone, at 143., amounting to 2/. 165., or near 14 per cent, on his income. Compare this with the man who had 100,000/. a year. It would not bear comparison. He (Mr. Hastie) should give his vote cordially for the motion of the lion. Member for Wolverhampton, and he (Mr. Hastie) only recommended Hon. Members opposite, connected with the agricultural interest, to look into the sta tistics which he had laid before them. Air. O'CONNELL said, he would not detain the House many minutes.. He had expressed his sentiments so often on this subject, that it would be superfluous for him to go into it at any length then. He merely rose to say, that he should give his vote most cordially for this motion, because he thought it was a vote given on principle. There was no disputing the fact, that great distress prevailed all over the British empire. It was not confined to any particular locality, or to any parti cular trade or manufacture, but it was general and overwhelm.. ing ; the details were enough to sicken the firmest heart. Misery, destitution, poverty, and starvation, met them in every direction. There was not the least doubt of that. It could not be said to be a party question. It was stated on one side of the House, and re-echoed on the other.—( Hear. ) The only question was, which side of the House was disposed to meet that distress with a remedy. Now what did they propose to do? It was nothing to say the pre sent plan would relieve them; it would not relieve them. If they said the repeal of the Corn-laws would not relieve them, that wac an assertion very far from proof. —( Hear, hear. ) That assertion had been made for the last week or ten days, and the result was, there was to be no relief. Now he thought it was a gross misrepresentation to say, the, Corn.laws were the sole cause. He thought it was one of the evils. There was one thing certain, if they gave provisions to the people, they would relieve them. Did it not follow of inevitable ne cessity, that they would give them some relief by giving them provisions cheaper ?--(Cheers. ) What they wanted was food. What they refused to give them was food. The question was really this Should their Corn-laws raise the natural prices of human food ? Would restrictive laws make food ? fhe natural price of food was that which was the market price of the produce all over the world, unfettered by any taxes whatever ; that was the natural price of food. Were they to have that natural price, or were they to have an artificial price, that is the price that these laws produced? Of course, during the years of deficient supply, by having that supply from one country, instead of from all, was a great loss and evil. That was, there might be a deficient harvest in this country, and there might be a deficient harvest in other coun tries, but that was no reason why 'there should be a deficient harvest everywhere; and by this law they were prevented from receiving the benefit of a good harvest in other countries of the world, and thus they kept up the prices here notwithstanding the bounty of Providence elsewhere. The distress of the coun try was increasing. Did their statistics, or did they not, prove that the distresshad been increasing, year after year, and day by day, for the last five or six years? At length it was become indisputable, and they were actually boasting on the other side of the House, of the patience with which the dis tressed people bore their sufferings. These people were suffering deprivation, yet all relief was kept from them, for their purpose was to make the landed interest mil at the ex pense of the poor. It was a rich and poor question.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member below him (Mr. Hattie) had drawn a comparison between the rich man arid the poor on e in point of consumption. Nine-tenths of the income of the poor man were laid out in provisions, while a hundredth or a thousandth part of the income of the rich man was not taken in provisions for his family. It was, therefore, a poor man's pressure ; and they must recollect that the poor man's pres sure was much greater than the benefit to the rich man. Who wee to decide this question? Would they leave it to the Chartists, or to them, the Radicals? Would they be content that the Chartists should call a Convention, and that that Con vention should decide whether there should be a tax on human food? Certainly they would not ; because they had decided no Convention should exist. But what right had they to a Con vention of the landed interest ?—( Hear, and cheers.) What right had they to decide that question between the poor and the operatives, who were not represented there ; but against whom they (the landed interest) were opposed?—( Cheers.) He meant no offence to Hon. Gentlemen opposite, because it was human nature to be inclined to one's own interest.—( Laugh ter.) The Chartist operatives did the same; but he did com plain of their exercising the power they possessed to the injury and oppression of the poor man, and for their own exclusive benefit.—(Loud cheers.) The entire of the working classes were interested in the abolition of this law.—(Continued cheers.) He hid heard it said, that if they abolished these laws, it would take away every advantage of the agricultural labourer, and reduce him to want. He, (Mr. O'Connell) utterly denied that the agricultural labourer's interest had any interest in the prosperity of the landlords. He denied that position ; they would, perhaps, refuse to be convinced, but he had a document to show the fact, and that was the Report of a Committee of that House, appointed to inquire into the state of agriculturists (as we understood). He had that Rep or t w hi c h s t a t e d, th a t distress existed amongst the agriculturists, but that the labourers were more com fortable than they had been for some time before. --( Hear.) He remembered at that time, the Right Honourable Baronet ' opposite (Sir R. Peel) expressed hii satisfaction at the state of these labourers. This showed that the agricultural labourers was as much interested in cheap bread as the operatives,and at all events that they were as much interested in dear bread as the farmer or the landlord.--( Hear, hear.) Ireland indeed was not mentioned in th a t R eport, f or h e was sorry t o sa y, the distress there wa s a l ways on the labourer, therefore he could not introduce himselfto this Ireland a e o a u n n y t ry w h l therefore t must ? these con fine std tistics, would th ey consult ' Well,the welfare of the people After all, the question lay in a narrow compass. Would they still insist upon continuing these taxes upon the food of the poor consumer ? Discuss it as they m i g h t, introduce(, , Hear, hear, ,, and cheers. ) as many excuses as they pleased, all the fallacies brought forward Corn laws had fallen, one aft er the other He to sustain the Corn - He did not think the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Wiltshire, would now assert that dear corn produced high wages He (Mr. O'Connell) rememberedthat the Hon. Baronet used made high wages, and low in to say that dear corn corn made low wages. He did not think that even he (Si r Burdett) would make use of these fallacies now. Wh en ' i these fallacies were ntm duced they failed one after the other. ear, hear.) The for Y people were screaming eread--the H were screaming for food—was it wise, Was it, after all,safe to show a cold-blooded indifference ? He would not to continue an intentional cold-blooded indifference, b ut i t was loo s k a e y d it was P° ' by these suffering people as such. L et t h em look to these laws. Why, for heaven's sake, why not make the experiment ? (Loud cheers.) For his own part he should not vote for the motion if it had been for a gradual reduction, for he believed the benefit of the resolution should he given now.—( Hear, and cheers. ) He knew an advantage would be taken of his say ing so, and the authority would be rated much higher than it deserved. He thought it was now. The great importance of the motion was immediate relief, for if they opened the ports to-morrow, speculation would have the certain effect of mak ing corn dear. As they had no other plan, why not adopt that of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton ? There was no other scheme that could relieve the distress. But they had been re turned there to support the Corn-laws, and they had an over whelming majority. Those interested in the scheme were not represented at all. When the Right Hon. Baronet was last in power—he did not meat the last Administration, for then he had office, but no power—(Hear, and laughter)—when he was last in power, when his Administration terminated, what was the state of the country? When it terminated, the night was rendered terrible by blazing fires in various districts, and the day by assaults upon the Magistrates. Members were threa ened. Commissions of death were sitting, and many per sons sentenced to execution. The Ciiy itself was much dis tuib al, so that the Monarch, beloved as he was, did not dare to visit the Chief Magistrate. This was the state of the ter • initiation of the last Administration of the Right Hon. Baronet. lie ( Mr. O'Connell) would implore of him not to expect an euthanasia, or that everything would go on smoothly now it these laws were continued; but he might expect an over% helm ing stream of indignation from the manufacturing population, which would bear him down—that population driven to de spair by the sordid system of legislation fir the profit of a clasl.—( Cheers. ) Col. CONOLLY said it surprised him much tohear all the vi tuperat ion which had been heaped upon Gentlemen on that side of the House. Taking into consideration the fact of the home market being worth all others in the universe, he was not prepared to adopt a measure to ruin it altogether. He regretted to find the home market bad been impaired, and he had heard the exports of this conntry declining attempted to be accounted for by the Hon. Member for Dumfrieashire. He (Mr. Ewart) contendel that the condition of the country was bad. If it was bad, why make it worse ? He (Col. Conolly) would go as far as any man in compassion for suffering, but he would not lend himself to a measure brought forward for the prevention of this suffering by involving the whole of the agriculturists in ruin. It was a measure calculated to render us dependent on a foreign, and perhaps a hostile country-. (Hear, hear)—for our maintenance. Of course, as he was an agriculturist, he should be charged with being selfish, and he submitted, with the Gentlemen on that side of the House. He was satisfied the landed interest of the country stood high in the estimation of the population. He fully agreed with the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, as it held out a great portion of relief, and did everything that could safely be done, consistent with faith to the public creditor. With respect to the vituperation heaped upon them, he would say that he treated it with the utmost contempt. He thought the principle adocated by Hon. Gentlemen opposite was one of the wildest schemes from first to last that could be submitted to the House. He could not avoid inferring that there was a little political re sentment in the opposition given by Hon. Gentlemen en the other side of the House. It was freely admitted that there were advantages to be derived from the measure proposed by the Hight Hon. Baronet, and however inflammable the haran gues made against it were, he (Colonel Conolly) saw those advantages were admitted by the trading clases. He thought also that it was a remarkable coincidence that there should be a tumult at the meeting at Wolverhampton, at the very same time when there was a debate in that House upon the subject of the Corn-laws—when the House was engaged with the mo tion of its representative, who supported the total abolition of those laws. He wished to keep faith with the public. He was also anxious to sustain the agricultural population of the coun try, and to secure support to the manufacturing in terests. He had, therefore, voted against all the proposi tions for a number of years which had been brought forward for the abolition of the Corn-laws since the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton had a seat in that House. He represented a large agricultural interest in Ireland, and knowing that their interests chiefly depended upon agriculture he was determined to resist to the utmost the proposed mea sure.—(Cheers.) It had been his good fortune to travel through almost every part of Europe, and he could not think it would be possible to trade with the people of the Continent, from their inability to consume the manufactures of this country. Could it be possible that Poland, at least in our day, could consume the manufactures of this country?— He deemed it utterly impossible. The people there had advanced nearest of any country in the world to destitution. Why should the people of this country then expect to dispose of their manufactures there ? It was a delusion so audacious—the argument was a fallacy so extreme, that it was a matter of wonder how any person could be a party to it. In giving the opposition he was then about to give to the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, he (Colonel Conolly) felt that he was acting in maintenance of the best interests of the people of this country. He was anxious for the welfare of every human being in the State, and however erroneous some Hon. Gentlemen might suppose his views were, they were at least the result of a good deal of experience, and much consideration upon the subject.—( Hear, hear.) He would say he had taken an honest course in f•ustaining the measure proposed by the Right Honourable Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government, because he was con vinced it administered to the wants and wishes, and main tained the best interests, of the country ; he would therefore resist the proposition of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton; and he was happy to think that he (Col. Connolly) and those who acted with him, consulted the real interests of the people ; and that the Right Hon. Baronet in bringing forward his measure, had not lost sight of that which would resider this country independent of all the nations in the world. On the entire he would appeal to the good iiense and intelligence of Hon. Gentlemen, and he was quite sure the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton would find himself in a most miserable minority.—( Laughter and cheers.) Mr. HAWES assured the House, that at this late period of the debate, he would not interfere, but that he was anxious to express the opinions which he entertained with reference to the question. He was quite disposed to speak of every interest connected with it with moderation, but he should at. once state that it was his intention to support the measure of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton for the total and immediate re peal of the Corn-laws.—(Hear.) What was the state of the present case? The amendment proposed by the Noble Lord the Member for London had been rejected, and he ( Mr. Hawes) was now called upon by the Hon. Gent. the Member for Wolverhampton to support, instead of the Noble Lord's amendment, a measure for the entire abolition of those laws. He did so, and he was prepared to prove clearly and dis tinctly, the grounds upon which he had taken that course. Before he entered into the consideration of the plan proposed by the Government, he wished to do ample justice to the motive; which induced her Majesty's Ministers to bring forward the proposed measure. He was prepared to admit that the amendment of the present law proposed in that measure would be of service to the country—( Cheers from the Ministerial benches )—and that there would be made by the present measure a larger trade in corn than hitherto existed.— ( Hear, hear.) Ile admitted fully that it was the intention of the Government to amend the law, and that they would succeed in doing so by the measures they proposed. He did not think he could more strikingly illustrate that opinion than by reading to the House the opinions of the gentlemen who are engaged largely in the foreign corn trade. Three merehants admitted that there would be a considerable increase in the trade in foreign corn if the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet became a law ; but they apprehended that spe culation in the corn trade would remain uneradicated, and that the measure would cause considerable derangement in the trade. H e begged the attention of the Hon. Members opposite to that letter, it was addressed from Rostock, to ione of the largest mercantile houses in the corn trade in London, and might, in every respect, be relied upon as expressive of the opinions of foreign merchants with respect to the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet; that letter stated that trade was nearly suspended at Rostock in consequence of the new Corn-law measure, and it was likely to be so until that important question was settled, for, until 'then, the merhants there could not expect any revival in their trade—( Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches )—as people would not wish to in vest their capital in speculations in corn, lest this measure would interfere with, or impede their interest. As far as they were concerned they stated that they did not want any alteration at all, for they had no doubt that, if foreign corn was introduced into this country at a lower ra t e o f d uty t h an was a t presen t paid, it would withdraw a great deal of capital from them. The letter then proceeded to state, that the merchants at Rostock hoped that the Duke of Buckingham would succeed in his opposi tion. He inferred from that letter that they were opposed to a fixed duty, bocause it would be levied upon the holders of stock, and whilst he admitted that the present measure was an amend ment upon the present law, he should also say that the state ments made as well by the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), as by the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Kent, were sources of considerable gratification. The Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel) said he proposed this measure because he thought it would be an improvement upon the present law and promote the interest of the country, because he felt it was the best measure he could propose ; and the Right Hon. Baronet and the Hon. Baronet the Member for Wiltshire, admitted that the e laws were the basis of agricultural prosperity, and that extending the trade in corn would be a benefit to this country.—( Hear, hear.) That was no small concession —it was no small concession that the most sterling of all Use opponents of this measure, should now come down to the House, and to use their own expressions, support it from sheer necessity.—( Hear, hear.) On the entire he considered the protection now given to corn might be greatly regarded as an amendment upon the present law, but yet it was not con sistent with the interests of the people.—(lronical eheers from the Ministerial Benches.) The Hon. Member for Essex cheered that observation, but he (Mr. Hawes) thought he was entitled to say, when a law was brought in as an assurance against famine, and when he found that the present law was admitted t 3 be injurious in its operation, he was en titled to say, that there were very great and very material changes necessary. He congsatulated himself 'and the House upon the change of opinion entertained by the Right Hon. Bart. the Member for Tamworth, and other Hon. Members on the opposite side, since this measure was underthe considera tion of the House last year—(Hear, hear) —and he congratu lated the House now that they were fairly entitled to consider that those opinions were entirely contradictory to the opinions the Right Hon. Bart. and his friends then entertained upon the subject.—(Cheers and counter cheers.) It was a subject of o c n o n h g i r s a i ul d a e t in o o ft „ h a e s H t he ou s R e i h g h a d t e l - l h o a n. Bart. ng ed their . and he ir opinions, Gentlemen tha that they might toemorrow or next day approximate to the principles of free and unrestricted trade.—(Cheers from the Opposition. ) The only evils which the Right Hon. Gentleman assumed over which we had a control in our hands, were those for which he proposed no remedy; and in those which no one could control, he said sonic alteration was desirable. The only security against the fluctuations and disturbances in our mercantile re lations was to place the trade of this country on a broad basis, so that when wheat was cheap in one quarter of the globe, it might continue so in another; and inasmuch, as an example of quoting from the reports of brokers, he (Mr. Hawes) might perhaps be allowed to follow that example, though 1:e did not think it was a good one. That from which he should quote would be as deserving of credence as that of Messrs. Kingston and Lane. It was dated the 31st of December, 1841, and was issued by the Associated Brokers of Liverpool. They began by alluding to the great commercial embarrassment, and then they said, that in an As sociation like theirs, composed of brokers of every shade of sen timent, much diversity of opinion must, of course, exist, as to the source of this embarrassment. Some regarded the evils as of a temporary nature, which would SOO3 disperse, and the mercantile body be restored; but whilst all would gladly concur in this hope, others there were who placed it to the effect of a narrow policy, which, by attempting to enjoy trade without reciprocating it, had at last converted our most valuable cue • tourers into dangerous rivals ; this, they said, thatwas an anomaly wholly unworthy of an age whose pride it was to have aerie se r. li ha a irsplken of the mild find many awmueutrc:ho drawingr fiotir authorities o e f country. htoigah reelos respectability close. t t t o y la sw e u m c a h k m in o g re quo opera tions and but i h n e flu d e id nc n e o o t f w t i l s t h e t C o o a r n n n - l o a y w t s he in u t o e u rm se s b m y se vere ; tation after quotation; nor would he refer to a report, though a g ac a q o u h ai a n d te b d een w m itl a i de it 4 ; se he of 100 M weavers, syho tr e o tr rt: e n p t or o t ne a , :l o r ie aw in ; udpocbctioymmtgh:e:rheaenti,d said, to trouble the House with extracts of that ; the Right Hon. hosieht4dh:avest:ipkesi the' ti at: d th ßt. e labouring was, no doubt, aware that in describing the direful operations ra mo ad st e Gentleman was, no doubt, we r ll oo eCr.rown hoped that u co e r s p . st that he witilied to classes, ostts.hhe the most mi, C t hoh o see r t n oan Righti w geun s at g6oHepneo Was4oti rdßse44,ls7l; On what principle keep corn t c o t r h n a tbtehtew Primes 4 B. Ministerand of q t u b a; t might range from 545. to 58s. a quarter ? He should ha .e imagined that the natural wish would have been that corn might be as cheap as possible, and he ( sir. Hawes) thought that any attempt to regul ate t h e pr i ce of corn w i t hi n t h ose limits, would in fact b e condemned by every one. - Hear. ) It would be reco ll ected that in 1810 the, price was 90s. it then fell to 705., b y t h e l ate law i t was 645., and now the Right Hon. Gentlem an ; came down 83. lower, an d ma d e it 511 s. ; but he (Mr. Hawes) had no more faith in the decla ration that 565. would be a far remunerating price for the British farmer, than in the former declaration that 90s. would be a fair remunerating price. He had a right to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman for seine better basis for this law than that corn should range between 545. and 58s. a quarter. Mr. Ellis, in his examination, thought that wheat should be brought down till it was brought to 50s:, and Mr. M'Dougall, a Scotchman, said, that the Scotch far mer could grow wheat, and grow it with a profit, at a price of from Os. 6d. to 7s. a bushel ; and when asked if the present rents in Scotland could be maintained with wheat at that price, he said, " I am perfectly certain they could." tic (Mr. Hawes) would now come to the opinions of agents who were engaged in collecting the rents on large estates, and who spoke from their ow n great experience; and from their statements he (:1l;. Hawes) formed a strong confirma tion of what lie had before said, that the Right Fin. Gentle man had no right to assume that 565. was the price which would afford a fair remunerating price to the farmer ; and if he could riot prove, that he %vas bound to alter the scale in conformity with the views of those who maintained that wheat can be grown at a less rate. He (Mr. Hawes) remembered that the same arguments as the Right Hon. Gentleman made use of now had been brought before every agricultural committee. The same principle was adopted in 1815, to hold the price at 90s. as was now made use of to keep it at 565. Ile would now come to the evidence of Mr. Tyson That gentleman was asked, Looking at Mr. Coke's estate in Norfolk, do you think the farmer could afford to pay any rent whatever with wheat at ss. a bushel ?" The answer was, " Yes, I think he could, with a good profit," He was then asked, "Do you think taking the average of years, that Mr. Coke has a single tenant on his estate that could afford to pay any rent with wheat at ss. a bushel ?" The answer was " Yes." And the same question being again put to him, he said, " I am not sufficiently ac. quaintest with the soil to answer confidently ; but, looking at the great improvements in agriculture, &c., I think the farmer will grow his wheat cheaper." He was then asked what sys tem of Corn laws he would substitute instead of the existing one ? He answered, " I should be for a fixed duty, begin ning with a high duty, and going down to a low one, as low as five shillings." He was next asked if he thought ss. per quarter as protection would be sufficient to enable him to compete with the foreigner ; his answer was " Yes." The next question " With wheat at 40s. a quarter, do you think the farmer would be able to grow wheat to any extent ?" His answer was " Yes, I do." He (Mr. Hawes) thought that the evidence of a witness having so great expe rience, examined and cross-examined to such an extent, and still adhering to his former answer, was entitled to the atten tion of the public.-( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Hawes) should be prepared to show that the effect of the Right Hon. Gentle man's measure would he in reality. to keep up wheat aboves6s.; and he should next advert to the evidence of Mr. Beckworth, the steward of the Duke of Bedford, who said that he could grow wheat at 53. 6d a bushel. He (Mr. Hawes) did not think then that the Right Hon. Baronet was justified in giving to the House a measure which should attempt to regulate the price of wheat between 545. and 585., and to place the mean (565.) as a remunerating price for the farmer, in the face of such evidence as he (Mr. Hawes) had adduced. The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had, he thought, unduly depre ciated the price of foreign corn. Taking Ale price of wheat for a long series of years and at a duty of 165., that would form a much higher protective price to the farmer than 565. Corn could not be obtained at Dantzie, for a long series of years, at a less price than 40s. a quarter.-(Hear, hear.) That was very low in deed. The Right Hon. Gentleman, however, in order to lower the prices, struck out certain places, and to lower the prices of freight, in the same way struck out certain places, which, he said, sent over very little corn, and were only nomi nally corn-growing countries. He (Mr. Hawes) would beg leave to call tire Right Hon. Baronet's attention to what had been said by Mr. Jacobs-certainly a man of great ability arid integrity ; that ger.tleman said that wh ea t at W arsaw could not be procured for less than '2Bs. ; add 20s. for freight to London, and we hive it in London at 48s ; add the duty, 165., and the price reaches 645. It was quite clear, then, that all that wheat, extending over a series of many years, could not be brought in to compete with the British farmers' wheat at the price of 565. The Right Hon. Gentleman had, therefore, in point of fact, protected the farmers to a much greater extent than might at first sight appear. He would now look at the returns made by the Consuls. They stated the price at Warsaw to be 21s. ; transit 203., and duty 16s. would make the price 60s. The whole of that corn, therefore, could not be brought into competition with the British farmer. The 20s. which he( Mr. Hawes) had assigned as the cost. for transit from Warsaw to London was founded on the authority of the old Consuls, Messrs. Wilson, M'Culloch, and Jacobs. If a more extended inquiry into this question were desired they would find papers before the House of Lords containing the average price of wheat from the year 1770 to 1819. Th e pr i ce of wheat at Da n tzie then was 455. 4d., the f re i g h t 3s. 6d., which, with the duty of 165., made the p r i ce 655. ; again, confirming the statement, that the whole growth of the Polish and Prussian wheat would, under the operation of this law be excluded from competition with British crown wheat. No wonder, then, that the Right Hon. Gentleman's plan lied excited universal discontent ; for tho ug h h e fi xed the price of wheat at 565., it must, in point of fact, be much higher. Rut in succeeding years, from 1823 to 1826, wheat was very low. There was no demand in England, because the harvests were good both at home and abroad. Taking the ten years from 1821 to 1831, and taking also other years, it would be found that the average price of wheat abroad was 405., which, with the expenses of freightage and duty, would make the price from 635. to 645. per quarter. He did not mean to say that the Right Hon. Baronet did not introduce his measure with the best intentions, but then he bad no good foundation on which to rest his law. If he meant to secure an average price of 565. for wheat to the !home grower, he had no right to propose a measure that would give, in fact, a much higher protection, as any Gentleman would find upon strict examination. In fact, the new scale would be a very heavy tax upon bread. The Right Hon. Baronet die Member for Dorchester was opposed to a fixed duty, on the ground that it was impossible to maintain it. Now, if the idea of this im possibility were provedto he groundless, would the Right Hon. Gentleman consent to give up the odious arrangement of the sliding scale, and become a convert to a fixed duty ? Why under a fixed duty the higher the prices were, the more likely the duty would be to be paid. Even under the new scale the Government would g et a good d ea l more money t h an the old scale would afford, because the latter approximated to a fixed duty ; and the higher the prices were of corn at home, the more willing the consumer would be to get foreign supplies, and to pay that duty. But was the object of the sliding scale of maintain price ? If it were, look to the statement of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, who declared that no Act of Parliament could keep prices steady. Yet in the same breath he said that this was the essential intention of his measure.-( Hear.) The fluctuations in the prices of rye in Poland had been quoted to warn us against relying upon the probable steadiness of price in foreign wheat. 11ut the fluctuations in rye were easily ex lained. Rye was the main article of food of the people of that country, who were without roads or capital ; so that if a season were to fail in a single dishier, the price would be very high, though in an adjoining province the stock might be abundant ; but a gentleman largely connected with the trade of Poland had observed to him that the fluctuations in rye in that country should not at all affect England. He said the prices of food in England ought to be more steady than any where else on the globe, because we had more facilities of communication, more extended resources, and more capital than any other country; and therefore we could always com mand regular and abundant supplies.-( Hear, hear.) On the other hand the condition of Poland was exactly the reverse, and no comparison could be made between the two countries. The Right Honourable Gentleman re ferred to the period extending from the year 1765 to 1815, as a period of free trade in corn, affected by no other influences than the ordinary ones of supply and demand. But he would remind him that the French war was one cause of extraordinary interference-indeed, to quote the words of Mr. Tooke, there was no - period in our experience of free trade in corn of sufficient duration to enable us to draw just conclusions on the subject. It was said that an alteration of from 3s. to ss. a quarter would be made in the returns of the averagesug e mode. He (M r . H awes ) a d m i tte d that a change amount of ss. would be e ff ec t e d b y th e b t y u the e e f ul new l addition of those new towns which the Right Hon. Baronet proposed to introduce. The statement read to the House the other evening by the Vice. President of the Board of Trade, con. firmed this estimate. Taking the large towns of London Wakefield, De; by, Leeds, Newcastle, Liverpool, and Hull, it would be seen that on the Ist of September, 1841, the ale rage price of wheat was 75 s.,whilst in the remaining 143 towns the average was 675. 3d., making a general average of 71s. 2d. He knew it was said that a good deal of speculation prevailed at that time, but he would refer to the average weekly returns made to the Board of Trade, and ask could it be shown from them - that speculation in thejaverages was then at work ? If you take the country towns, anti exclude the large ones, you would find a very considerable difference, as the large towns furnished the higher averages, because of their greater consumption of the best quality of flour, which caused a greater quantity of wheat to be sold. But the small towns consuming less would exhibit lower ave rages. The result must be then, that in consequence of the addition of a large number of country towns by the Right Hon. Baronet to those whichhadfurnished the returns hitherto, the general averages would be lower, and the new Bill would keep out foreign corn longer than would be the Case under the present scale. He should not be unwilling to take into con sideration the alleged peculiar burdens upon land ; and if such burdens did exist, he agreed with hie Hon. and Lesrned Friend the Member for Bath, in thinking that one of two things should be done-either that these burdens should be repealed, or that a fixed duty upon corn should be imposed to the same amount. That, however, was a subject for further consi deration. (The Hon. Gentleman was proceeding to say that the landed aristocracy could not complain of the prohibition to fn such marks of impa tience, Gentlemen e House who had grow tobacco and other commodities in this coQuunetsrtyi,unw,h”enfrohme the u n. p a l : o r s e l te t Ministerial e w r i i t e h d l , o , he thought he might be permitted to observe that it to that speech. - was not Hon. Gentlemen on e caused a prolongation of the debate.-( Bursts of laughter, and sideug e interruption sot ifotnhgust dhu ism a se n a. and cries di c fe r ev s. e ot s efhd o et h cries of " Oh, oh," on the Ministerial benches.) He could not forget that, notwithstanding the, moderate and able speech by which his Hon. Friend, the Member for Wolverhampton, had introduced his motion, no one gentleman connected with he thought, a ( Hear, hear.) That was ne . t, so proper course to pursue upon a question which deeplylnterested the people of he thought this country. Now, Honourable Gentletn"7, • to on his side had a perfect right tu prolong t)recle the Government had condescended to reply bate, if they thought fit do , tintil they h d of Ler extracted from the members Majest y 's a some answer, and some notice of the sfeech.as met Ala e in support of the motion before the House. Wi ; - co member of the Go vernment addressed himself to thp sobleet, he thought Hon. Gentlemen on his s ide {test4 right to eonsid er that as a general invitation to go An entil it teas conVertient , 1 " 1 theta to break the silence they had observed. He wit! atiro that every member of that House deeply deplored the d'st,ress which so generally pre an veiled throughout tho uuntrY in his (Mr. Hawes's) opi nion, that distress was wholly andt solely attributable to the baneful operation of that restrictive policy w hi ch trade in articles of foreign produce s n e watou our ef e•enfessoed' however imperfect might be the scheme lee Government, it appeared tg him tit 4n improvement upon it app system it was , to displace ; and he al;c1 thciught that the whole was a great measure an imita tion of the pailiey of the late Ministry, whom a factious °We sition had removed from office._ A Government .4A entirely adopting the policy of its eredeeessere_ s seeere hear, and laughter from the Ministerial ht41144a-Ntlhom they had sup planted and obareeteib 'leer: pit, in his op i n i on, a Govern ment eosti4 maintain the confidence of this country. Mr. MARK PHILIPS said, that tho ug h he shonld xsot trespass long on th e i n d u lgence of the House, lipfc it iris duty to state his opinions upon the, imP°rtaklt iiktescion then under their consideration. He (31:410 A rt forget that, when in moving in a fornior Sesslow tl4 d ad resstei,sie to the Th rone, he stated dgep distress in which country was involved, that statement had been received with su sp i c i on and incredu lity. The existence of distress was tuny howeve r , a d m i tte d on all hand s ; a.oil it was evident that it was their duty to devise, if possible, an inireediate remedY for the evil. He remembered that in June last, the Right Han. Daronet, the Member for Taini.vorth, told the Noble Lord (Lord J. Russell) that, in his opinion, the new Parliament should be reassembled at the earliest possible moment for the purpose of taking into conside ration the important questions which then agitated the country. Now, it appeared to him, (Mr. Mark Philips); that the Right Hon. Baronet had forgotten his own lesson, and that he had not seemed anxious to take the condition of the country into his immediate consideration. And now that the Right Hon. Gentleman's measure had been disclosed, lie ( Mr. M. Philips) was bound to say, that in his judgment it would convey no relief for the distress of the country. The measure had been received by the constituency whom 'he had the honour to represent, with feelings of deep de spondency and regret. Many of his supporters in Man chester had felt so much dissatisfaction that they had joined pith those who saw no remedy for the evils of the country but an extension of the suffrage to every individual who had attained the age of twenty-one years. He did not himself, he should say, join in that movement, although he was aware that he might, by such a declaration, place himself in an attitude of hostility to the views of a large body of those whom he had the honour to represent. The Right Hon. Baronet had told them that he did not consider that the distress of the c iuntry had arisen in any material de gree out of the operation of the Corn-laws, and he also told them that it was not in his power to offer any remedy for the distress. He (Mr. M. Philips) did not therefore wonder at the disappointment which many had expressed. It had been said, that the working classes did not participate in the opinions of the advocates for an immediate repeal of the Corn•laws.--( Hear, hear.) Now he wished to o b serve , that lie had presented a petition against the Corn-laws signed by 68,800 of the town which he had the honour to represent; and as the entire population of that town amounted to no more than 0 40,000 inhabitants, lie thought that was a suffi • eiently distinct intimation of the opinion of the male adult population of the town of Manchester. When he first solicited the suffrages of his present constituents ten years ago he had stated to them Isis wish that a moderate fixed duty should be imposed upon foreign corn, and that that duty should be allowed gradually to decline until it altogether vanished. He thought that such a measure would have been the best that could have been proposed at the time. He was now ready to support the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, and he felt that it was only a debt of jus tice to the millions of this country that the tax upon food should be removed as soon as possible. He should say, with every wsh fairly to consider the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, that it appeared to him most objectionable in its character, and that it was calculated to perpetuate in a modified form all the evils of the present system. He admittted that it was an improvement upon that system, but he saw nothing in it which would give steadiness to the trade in corn, or which would take trade out of the hands of speculators and gamb lers. In the course of his own mercantile career he had never thought it advisable to exchange the commodities in which he dealt for foreign corn, and he had never imported a single cargo of corn, so dangerous and uncertain did he consider the trade under a sliding scale. He should now say that he would not think it consistent with his own interest to import foreign corn under the new scale which the Right Hon. Baronet proposed. What would become of their trade if the United States adopted the plan which they had adopted at home, and applied a sliding scale to every article of manufacture imported from this country ?—(Hear, hear.) Where were the merchants so daring, or so speculative, as to run a risk of making shipments of good s wh en th e y did not k now w h at d uty might be imposed on the imported goods? or what merchants in this country woild make over consignments while they were in doubt of the duty to be imposed ?—( Hear, hear.) The people asked to whom they were indebted for these laws, and they were anxious to know who held the reins of office when the beauties of the sliding scale were adopted, and they found that a landed interest was then dominant.—(Hearahear.) He did not be lieve that they were aware of the evils that would result from the system they adopted; and he was not sure that if the mer cantile interest had been as powerful at the time they would not have to complain of similar evils in their commercial system. But he considered the operation of the sliding scale was par tial ; and since the commencement of last Session he felt it to be his duty to inquire into the condition of the poor where he resided, and the population there were chiefly employed in the occupation of hand-loom weaving ; but the extent and in tensity of the destitution of the people was beyond what he had any conception of.—( Hear.) He found that they possessed neither bedding, nor clothing, nor furniture ; at least nothing that could be called by those names. They had now suffered for three years and as the articles of their manufacture were exported to the United States, they were still to endure misery for a longer period, because they would not admit the corn which those States had to give them, if they were only allowed to take it.—( Hear. ) Though they worked as hard as possible, they could not earn as much as would keep body and soul to gether, without any reference to clothing or furniture ; and they attributed that state of things to the operation of the present sys tem. He believed if they were only allowed to import the wheat which America had to give, this distress would be re lieved, and those who dragged on a miserable and wretched existence, would be placed in a b e tt er con di t i on.- -( H ear. ) He was the more convinced of this, because, when a vessel had arrived in Liverpool, from America, on the 28th of De cember, the cargo was exchanged for goods; and if such an exchange was allowed to proceed on a more extended system, what might they not expect?—(Hear, hear.) But he considered it was very wrong to con fi ne th emse l ves to the single article of wheat, for he believed if their trade was more free, a larger exchange of every kind of agricultural produce would re sult.—( Hear, hear.) Hon. Gentlemen opposite were afraid they should be flooded with corn in this country, if a free importation were allowed ; but it should not be assumed that foreign countries were able to raise corn to the extent supposed. They should adopt the rotation system, which prevailed in this country. In the north of Germany he did not know of any land so fertile as to produce crops in continuous succession, so that the fears of Hon. Gentlemen seemed to be phantoms which had no existence. Hen. Gen tleman made another fatal mistake with regard to the opera tion of the sliding scale, when they said that wheat was only admitted when a scarcity prevailed at home, and only in such quantities as to make up for the deficiencies of the harvests in this country. But it was notorious that the quantities im ported were not sufficient to feed the hungry of the country.— ( Hear, hear, hear.) There was one topic to which the Right Hon. Baronet had not alluded, namely, the effect of the sliding scale on th e sa f e ty o f t h e B ank of England. If, in any one year, the scarcity of the count-y was such that they must pay for the wheat imported in bullion instead of manu factures, the evils that must arise would be trivial in them selves compared with the evils that would follow such an ope ration.—( Hear, hear.) Under the present system everything was haaardous and doubtful ; their capita' was diminished, and the loss entailed on the community was frightful to contem plate.—( Hear, hear.) It was not easy to calculate those losses, and he would not give any figures to prove them, because these, being the result of individual calculations, might not be much relied upon ; but he would say, and without any wish to exaggerate, that the sliding system placed the people in a position in which it was not right or safe that they should continue.—( Hear, hear.) But he would produce a cacula tion made by the Mayor of Manchester, which would prove the distress of the people. The Hon. Member then showed by the statement that in the year 1836 the workman had a snrplus, after all other necessary expenses, of 2/. 7s. 9d. for food per week, whereas in 184 i 1 he was n an actual defi ciency of means to purchase food. In the former year he paid 36 per cent. of his income for food, and in the latter he paid 89 per cent.—( Hear, hear.) That was evidence of the en hancement of the price of food on the people. Much had been said with respect to the exports of the country, but be ( Mr. P.) would say now, what he so often said before, that the ex ports were a very fallacious test of the prosperity of the country. Ile stated that for the last two years the increase of the exports was to be considered as evidence of the distress of the country, because, from want of means, immense quantities of goods had been consigned to realise, by a system of advance, the means, on the part of the manufacturers, of carrying on manufactures and keeping their workmen employed.—( Hear. ) He had a circular in his hand, on the information contained in which he should prefer the House to rest, rather than on any statement of his own. It was issued in January last, by an individual who differed from him (Mr. Philips) in politics— a large commission agent in the town of Manchester. If the House wished he would give the gentleman's name.— (Cries of " Oh, oh," ani " No, No.") The do cument he alluded to mentioned the severe losses arising to spinners and manufacturers from their present position. Few were able to work their establishments so as to have common interest on the capital invested ; others, hoping that they might yet be able to obtain a sufficient re turn for their outlay, were contracting engagements which must, in case of any disappointment to their expectations, end in their ruin. It was proved, that in Man chester, and six other towns in its neighbourhood, there were about sixty-three mills entirely at a stand from bankruptcy and other causes. The circular went on to state that the amount of exports was greater at this pe riod titan during any former years; that the increase in the exports did not arise from any increased demand in the foreign markets, but the manufacturers were compelled to force his goods into the market at ruinously low prices to obtain the means of carrying on their business. That was a fair statement of the case of the manufacturers. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Howie Department, was pleased the other night to read to tin House a statement of the number of mills and cotton factories, accord ing to the return of a factory inspector, which were built since the year 18:39. There must have been some mistake in the statement of the Right Hon. Baronet, namely, that 91 mills were built since that year. That was impossible, Those mills must have been built in 1836 and 1847, and the machinery added in 1839, and brought into Ina operation in the same year. The evils attendant on the banking system he (Mr. Philips) would not attempt to deny; but before he pro_ seeded to observe on that subject, be would refer to the st a te.. ment which he had been just alluding to. He (Mr. Philips), shortly aft er th e l ate c h ange in the MinistitT, applied to the Right Honourable Baronet to haw a return from the factory inspector of the W 4 number of fac tories in operation ; diviOkii those working full time, from those workiri s hort time, and both from those that were elesedi I'he Right Hon. Baronet refused to grant }inn that return, on the ground that those mills N Melt were in full operation at the time the return was made, might be only working short time by the period the return would be kid on the table of the House, and those partially employed might have become in full Operation; and that, consequently, i no return could giW Information o f th e actua l state of the trade, Now he (Mr, Philips) was as anxious to possess that document as the Right lion. Baronet was averse to lay it txp,c,n the table of the House. It appeared, however, thal its the niw e t -one mills built i n th a t di strict, 16,000 pe:g.. - aii had be.', l employed, and ought not those to be as kaocla objects of if they wer e emp l oye d as agricultural ti oeirsoliciiude as l ia - bourers? But with r hiespect to the. banking , tiptop" , he (Mr. Philips) had mself deprecated it t o . the year 1835. lie spoke his mind on the lie to his constitue n t s i n th e y ear 1836. l ad h° g ". ' then the more alarmed as hi s cons tit u ents did ;: not s"'in to have any apprehension on the matter. He con fessed, however, that at the present time his opinions had undergoun 4 considerable modification with respect to over trading and over-speculation. He had ben informed by per sons engaged in trade, that in the years 18.35 and 1836, in almost every transaction they had with other parties, every account was paid them in Bank of England notes. They were not on that account chargeable with over-speculation or of fostering over-trading, because he should like to know the farmer who, if offered Bank of England notes for wheat he brought into the market, would think that, in accepting them, he was en couraging over-speculation ?—( Cries of " Divide, divide," " Order, order.") He must say, that although he thought they were suffering now from diminished consumption, as they had hitherto suffered from over-speculation, the people of this country were only anxious to obtain an exchange of their own productions for the articles which they needed ; they had no desire to see any injury inflicted upon the landed interest— they only wished to see that interest fairly promoted and encouraged, but not by legislative protection, Isuch as as-as now sought to be kept up. lie had heard with great regret from the Honourable Member for Bradford, some expressions, which he thought unworthy of that Hon. Gentleman. The Hon. Gentleman had talked of the "drum ecdesiastic" having been b eaten in connection with the Anti-Corn lawmovement.—( Hear from the Ministerial benches.) That expression was used with reference to the efforts of the dissenting clergy of this country; and he thought the Hon. Gentleman had gone far to injure himself in the esti mation of a largo body ofipersons, whose goo d op i n i on he ( M r. M. Phillips) considered it no slight honour to enjoy. He hoped the Hon. Gentleman would at some future period acknow ledge that his expressions were hasty, and that they were not justified by the circumstances, and that they had done no thing derogatory to their sacred character. He had also to complain of the Hon. Member for Pontefract or. the same sub ject. The ROIL Member said the clergy of the Esta_ tl Llislied Church had not degraded themselves by joining in the cry. Was it a degradation for a clergyman to sympathise with his flock ?—( Hear, hear) Was it degrada tion to advocate what he believed would remove the distress of the country ? He was far from thinking that any man degraded himself by coming forward to assist the suffering and starving people.—( Cries of Divide, divide," " Question, question.") The manufacturers had come in for their share of abuse ; now he slid not pretend to say that the manufacturers were east in a different mould from others ; he did not mean to say that they would not find sordid individuals amongst manufac turers as well as in every other class of society; but he would ask, whether manufacturers were less distinguished for the honour of their transactions; aye, and for the regularity of those transactions, than any other portion of the community ? He would yak, whether they were less regardful of the interests, the welfare, and the comfort of the poorer classes, or whether they supported institutions, established for their benefit, with a liberal hand ?—( Hear, hear.) He would ask whe ther, among manufacturers, they ever met with indivi duals, who, as spendthrifts, destroyed their property, and turned others adrift in consequence, and then called them- s.-lees the farmers' friend? That, however, was not the proper mode of arguing the question. Many unnecessary aspersions had been cast upon the manufacturers. He stood there not to justify that class, nor to prove that they were more than mor tal,, but to deny that those aspersions were borne out by the facts.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Far from wishing to retaliate, he would be glad to see our country gentlemen carrying out improvements on their estates, and he trusted that a better understanding would yet exist between the two classes. On behalf of the manufacturing class, he had to express his earnest hope that the measure proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet was not the only one which he would offer to the country. If it were, it would be a bitter disappointment of their hopes.— ( Hear, hear. ) They looked to him for something more than the mere shadow of a measure of relief. In giving his support to the motion of his Honourable Friend, he was perfectly re gardless of its effect upon any property which he now possessed or might hereafter possess. He was determined to take the straight path of duty, by voting for that without which he believed the energies of the country would never be developed. He felt confident that the day was not far distant when the re peal of the Corn-laws must be granted. He earnestly enjoined lion. Members to grant it from their own csnvictions, and not to wait until it might be extracted from their fears.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") He did not use that expression as a threat ; but he warned Honourable Members that if they did not le gislate in a straight direction, the result would be an attack, not upon the agricultural interest alone, but upon every interest; he would avert it from them as he would avert it front himself. Believing that the feelings of the people were being alienated from that House, he earnestly entreated them to adopt wise principles of legislation. Sir ROBERT PEEL rose and said—When, Sir, I took an opportunity of submitting to the House the proposal of her Majesty's Government upon the subject of the Corn-laws, I felt it my duty to state that I thought that the extent to which the existing Corn-laws had operated in producing th a t di s t ress , te existence of which was not, denied, had been considerably exaggerated. I said that I thought that there were ether causes in operation which might be referred to as accounting, in a considerable degree, liar the distress which unibrtunately existed. One of those causes I stated to be, that there had been an undue stimulus to com mercial and manufacturing enterprise, in consequence of the aid afforded by joint-stock banks and manufacturers acting in concert. For that expression of opinion I have been called to account by many Honourable Gentlemen who have taken a part in t his debate. I have been told that this doctrine of over-production, of undue speculation, is ri dieulous. It was with some satisfaction that I heard the Hon. Gentleman, whose attention has been specially directed to such matters, and who represents the town of Manchester, the great seat of the cotton manufacture, confirming, to the fullest extent, the statement which I made, and admitting that to that system of joint-stock banks, to that unnecessary and un natural stimulus to manufacturing speculation, a considerable portion of the present distress was attributable. ( Hear, hear.) Sir, the Honourable Gentleman naturally enough I vindicates his own constituents. Ido not attach any blame to them : that is not the question. It may be that there was an over• issue of Bank of England notes; but that question I will not discuss. All I say is, that there is sufficient to justify me in not partaking the despair and despondence which prevail, when I have pointed out one cause of distress, which by timely precaution might have been avoided, and when I am confirmed in that by the experience and practical knowledge of the Honourable Member. I said also that I thought the diminution of our exports to the United States, might be accounted for by the disarrangement of the monetary system of that country. Here also I have had the Honour able .Member to confirm my view. He most expressly says that, however our own monetary system may have been de ranged, either the same or other causes have operated with greater force in the United States, and that the derangement of the market of the United States, must necessarily have operated injuriously to our manufactures.—( Hear, hear.) Sir, if I may estimate the extent, by the amount of the diminution of exports, it must be considerable. 1 find, Sir, that in the year 1839 the declared value of our ex ports to the United States remember, not the official value, but the declared value of the chief articles . . of British manufactures, woollens, cottons, silks, V hard ware, cutlery, earthenware, &c., amounted to 7,585,000/. ; in 1840 the declared value amounted to 8,839,000/., while in 1841, the declared value of our exports to the United States of America had fallen from 8,839,0001., which it had been the preceding year, to 5,200,000/.—( Hear, hear.) I know that it may be said that the diminished exports to America was more than compensated by the in crease of our exports to other parts of the world. But, Sir, is it not evident, that however much our exports may have increased in other parts of the world, the houses en gaged in the American trade must have suffered extreme de ' pression, that they must have experienced great difficulties, and some of them have been plunged into extreme distress, in consequence of the sudden interruption in their commercial dealings with their usual customers ?—( Hear, hear.) I said that the disturbance of our amicable relations with China, by diminishing our exports to that country, I considered to be another cause of the existing distress. The lion. Gentleman the Member for Paisley differs with me on that point, and his is a high authority on such a subject. The lion. Gentleman, it I understood him right, stated the other evening, that the total amount of our exports to China had increased. I find from the official returns that the amount of our direct exports to China have undergone a diminution within the last two years, and possibly the diminution may have led me to overstate the amount, and to attribute more to that cause than can be fairly attributed to it in producing the distress under which we are at present labour ing. With respect to our present exports to China, the dimi nution in them is considerable. In 1839 the direct exports to China amounted to 1,204,852/. ; in 1840 they had fallen to 851,000/, and in 1841 they had fallen to 524,000/. At the same time the Hon. Gentleman says that, although there has been a diminution of our direct exports to China, there has been an increase in our iip:irect exports more than commensu rate to that diminution. I think the Hon. Gentlemen men tioned Singapore. Mr. HASTIE—And the East Indies. Sir It. PEEL.—As to the East Indies, I am not prepared to state the amount; but I will take the amount of the aggre gate exports to Singapore and China together. In 1839 the amount of our exports to Singapore and China together amounted to 1,582,000/. ; in 1841 it had diminished to 1,211,000/., that is taking the aggregate of Singapore and China together, so that not only does there appear to have been a falling off in the amount of our direct exports to China, but in our exports to China and Singapore taken together, or, I may have overstated the amount of that diminut ion ; but I think that the Hon. Gentle men can be hardly correct in saying, that in 1840 and 1841, there had been an increase in the amount of those exports. How ever, the Honourable Gentleman from his situation, is cer tainly a high author ity on the point, and I certainly am in clined to pay great deference to his opinion on the subject.—( ear, hear.) I protest at the same. time— a doctrine which I know to be very unpalatable in several quarters, but a doctrine which I felt it to be my imperious duty explicitly to state—that the prejudicial effect of the Corn laws on manufactures in producing the present distress, %sad been considerably overat e d. Si r , l am b oun d to • that 'imsidered as finding Hon. Gentlemen who were entitled to be e authorities on that subject, I have reconsid erel '.. that opinion, I should be un but I can see no reason for altering it. Si: f, ghtest degree, to principled and unwise if I attempted, in t' Lie sii underrate the importance of man u f ac t u7. es. I b elieve the prosperity tiof them anufacturing interest sia 'essential to the w e ll-b e i ng o f e country.—(Loud cheers, ) When I occupied a place on the other side of the House I often stated an opinion, which I know some of my friend s h eard with alarm, as to the importance of manufactures to agricultural prosperity.—( Cheers.) I have always maintained that opinion, and it cannot be said that I have now newly taken it up as a Minister of the Crown. I have . always maintained, and have never hesitated to avow, my opirtima that the Prosperity of manu f actures was of more it - 01)401We to kgrietilt'lre than any system of Corn-laws— ( Loud cheers)7 -8 7:0.' in proposing an alteration in th e Corn laws, as a - . i iinister of the Crown, I am not now stating that 'Orlin ;or the first time.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) On 1 . - ,,Oking over the documents which have been laid on the table of the House in relation to this subject, I feel convinced that I am right in stating that the prejudicial operation of the Corn laws on our cotton manufacture has been greatly overrated. The effect of the Corn-laws in raising the price of food in this country has been stated to be that of disabling us from com peting with foreign coutitries. Formerly the Hon. Gentleman, who may be considered as the great champion of this question, used to say the exports of our manufactured goods had conti nually diminished year after year, in consequence of the greater cheapness of food in countries competing with us, and they would continue to diminish, unless we were enabled to pro cure food as cheaply as our rivals—( Hear.) Such was the statement made by the Hon. Gentlemen in former times, but now the Hon. Gentlemen discovers that during the last two years our exports had increased—( Hear, hear)—aid now the can. Gentleman turns round and says, sly opinions have uudergone a change, and I consider the increased exports of our cotton manufacture as a proof of its failure. Mr. M. PHILIPS—The increase has only been within the last two years. Sir 11. PEEL—Yee, but if you have greatly increased exports, although the profits of the manufacturer may have been diminished— Mr. M. PHILI PS—There have been no profits at all. Sir R. PEEL—Still what becomes of the danger of foreign competition? You now manufacture so cheap, that Iff the increa.so of your manufacturing exports be not a test of manu facturing prosperity, but have been accompanied by a decrease in your profits, yet still the price of food in this country has not prevented you from overpowering your manufacturing competitors. Notwithstanding the price of corn in this country, you have been enabled to undersell all your foreign rivals. — (Loud cries of " Ne, no.") You have been enabled to increase your exports.—( Tory cheers.) I have been a Member of this House for thirty years, and it certainly is a new doctrine to hear that an increase of exports has done no good to any one.—( Cheers and laughter. ) I will not take the case only of the old mills. I know it may be said that they may have been worked without profit, because it is better to use machinery than to keep it idle. But how can you -account for the building of new mills, if the profits of manufacturers be so materially lessened? Since 1839 ninety new mills have been built, not in the whole kingdom, but only in one particular district, which ca.ne under the notice of Mr. Horner within the last two years. I say they began building these mills before the commencement of that period; lino profit is made and they are worked at a loss, it would surely be better that the mills should remain unoccupied than to begin working them with a certainty of incurring loss. (The Right Hon. Baronet then rea d an extract from Mr. Horner's Report, from which it appeared that in the district under his (Mr. Horner's) inspection there had been built since the Ist of January, 1839, 91 new mills, employing a power equal to 3,350 horses.) But then it is remarked, true the exports have increased, but the reason is the home consumption has fallen off on account of the dearness of provisions, that the demand at home for manufactured goods having decreased, it is naces, , ary to dispose of the goods in some manner, and therefore they have been sent abroad. It is impossible to dispute the existence of deep distress in the manufacturing districts—a distress from which the manufacturing interests have suffered most severely. I believe I am right in saying, that, of all trades, the cotton manufacture suffers the greatest ; that the greatest instances of distress that have prevailed have been found existing in those districts in which cotton is the chief manufacture.---( Hear. ) Now, wishing to justify the position I have taken, that the operation of the Corn-laws—their I prejudici a l operation— has been un d u ly exagg erated, was obliged, from a sense of duty to make the statement I did, that I could not entertain any confident expectation that in a change in the Corn -laws would be found any sudden, any immediate, or any , extensive relief for that distress. The exports have been in- ~=► \ creased—but you argue t h at you ean n . i er- 4*n7,e pete with the foreigner, in consequence of his .01 • and of a cheaper supply of his home consureptin ts.)l —(Hear, h ear . ) Now here is a rate• - - 'scentairsed in a pamphlet which I believe is c esidered a thority, for it has been quoted by several Hoe. Gentlemeteopposite:---it is the pamphlet of Mr. Greg, and he here gives an eeceunt of the quantity of cotton manufactur e d in tins country in each year since 1824; then states the quantity exported both in goods and yarns, and then adds the quantity reserved for the home de mand. Now, during by far the greater portion of that period the Corn-laws were in operation. Now I think it is admitted that to select any partieular years of that period is take d three or four consecuti ve y ears , effect, syst em o f laws. I rect. and to make a ihoaor comparison, d r( l i y erto fair, o b idt u gi t es t oh h fe a tt t thee t r o ,t offj effect t of e o any t their i have never said that the price of provisions has nothing to do with the home consumption of manufactures; for if I take as an iastance, the year 1840, during which the price of corn was very high, I find that in that year there was a greater consumption of manufactured cotton in this country the in any one preceding year. But you say to . me, ttt Te ligh price of provisions prevents the consumption o n _ t manufactured • articles—that the people must buy corn, a d there fore they have nothing to expel i n the purchase of clothing, and this accounts for the depression that has been felt in our manufactures. But weat do I find here? It is stated that in 1824 you consumed 64,000,0001b5. of cotton by the home 00 0 1 0 8 1 4 b o s : " t s an 1, you t, le .e nna t nd o , n in ad l y n n y z .ou ti c li ons y med ea 7 m B e , when the consumption was 175,000,0001h5. of cotton goods.—( Hear.) You begin, according- to Mr. Greg, with 61,000,00011)s. , and go on to 78,000,00011;s., and 15 ,0000001bs. let us take the averag e of the l as t f our years, eluting which But last year the consumption f e ll t o 10.1,00e,0001b5. But now Von say that trade was the most prosperous. I seeol feet that the Manchester Chamber of Commerce pre sented a return to a Committee of this House, in which they stated, that up to the end of 1836, both commerce and manufactures were in the most prosperous state. They considered that there was never a period of four consecutive years during which the cotton manufacture had been more prosperous ; during those four years there was little or no importation of foreign corn. Now, is it not remarkable that if the importation of foreign corn that is, the exchange of foreign grain for your manufactured goods— is necessary to manufacturing prosperity, that during the four years, which on your own showing were more prosperous than any others, there was the least tessount of importation ? _.(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) From 1833 to 1536 inclusive, the whale amount of foreign wheat imported into this country, did not exceed 139,000 quarters on the average.—(Cheers.) True, that the neinufacturing interest was then prospering ; it is true that then, also, there was no foreign importation ; but you prove that the advantage of a cheap command o; provisions is of importance to the manufac turer, by selecting these four rears, because the price of wheat did not then exceed 4'7s. a quarter. That i s your argument—and you are obliged to abandon your argument, that the importation of foreign corn, is essential to your manufacturing prosperity—(Loud Tory cheers)—for the Manchester Chamfer of Commerce shows you that the four years of the greatest prosperity were the four years of the least eament of importation. —( Hear, hear.) But then you say to site, and apparently with great force, that this is true, but that you did not want such an import shun of foroan corn during those years, because in 1835 the price of corn was only 395. 2d. a quarter ; and though there might then he great agricultural distress, yet still the cheapness of grain supplied the deficiency of the foreign importation. Now let me meet :he argument that as corn is cheap, so is the increase in the consumption of internal manufactures. I will take from Mr. Greg's pam phlet the years 1833. 1834, 1835, and 1836, and compare these years of cheapness with the last four years, during which the price of corn has been extravagautly high. During these last four years there has been no such increase its the population as to warrant any great increase in the eonsumpt:on of manufactures on that ground, so that nothing can be more fair than such a comparison.—( Hear, hear.) I therefore take these four years of cheap provisions, and I find, on the average of those years, there were manufactured 279,000,000 lbs. of cotton ; there were exported 160,000.000 lbs, and reserved for home con sumption 190,000,000 lbs..—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") During the last four years, during which provisions have been high, there were manufactured instead of 279,000,0001b5.1 369,000,0001b5—( Cheers )--there have been exported, instead of 160,000,00.01b5., 227,000,0001b5.—( Hear.) And now I come to the impunkatit question of home consump tion, and I find that during the cheap years there were 119,000,0001b5. of cotton reserved fur home consumption ► while in the last four years there have been reserved for home consumption 142,000,000: by.--( Loud 'fory cheers.) In each year the quantity was as follows;--in 1833, there were reserved for home consumption, 116,000,0001b5. ; in 1834, 108,000e0001b3. ; in 1835, 121,000,00011)5. ; in 1836, 131,000,0001b5. I will now read the home censumption of the last four years; in le3B, there were reserved for home con sumption 173,000,0001b5. of cotton ; ill 1839, 117,000,0001b 5 . ; in 1811, 103,000,0001h5., or 142,000,00011e5. on the average, as compared with the years of cheap provisions. Mr. Greg, also, says that the internal consuineti -is does not bear a proper proportion to the external export --hut is this a fair test ?-- ( Hear. ) I show that the exports hare been great, but that you say is not the question ; but is not the progress of the, home consumption a fair test? In those years Ido not find( that there has been an annual increase in the population ro account for the annual increase in the consumption; but do we not find, from the documents before us, that taking the average of two, three, or four:years, the consumptiors of cotton goods has greatly exceeded the proportionate increase of the population? It is true that last year it has fallen off to 103,500,0001b5., to a certain extent fors'sfying the argument that an increase in the price of provisSons may have led to a diminished consumption.—(Cries or ‘• Hear," and cheers. ) But you must bear in nsitel what the ordinary consumption was before 1840, 175,000,0001b5., and let them make allowance for that effect which always follows an extraordinary or more than usual demand, which always leads to a depression in the years following it; 1838 and 1840 were the two greatest . yeers of consumption of foreign cotton ever known ;in 1838, was 173,000,0001 W., but in the next year it fell to 117,000,0001 be. In the next year there was again a stuldrii rise, and it again reaelied the enormous amountof I 75,000,0%) lbs., but in the following y ear it was aga i n diminished. All I can say is that by a reference 14 tl . .ese papers, as far ae documents are concerned, while 1 ado - is the distress that pre vails, while 1 deplore that distress-- while I deplore it, above all, on account of the state of the labouring classes, they may blame me as they will, they may burn me in effigy if they please, but alt these re anifestatiou s of opi nion will not in the slightest degree abate my deep sympathy for their sufferings, ner my sincere is isit to relieve them.. Sir, it is on their account that I take the course which they ee violently condemn ; but allow me, Sir, just to read whec the Chamber of Corm - tierce of Manchester says of the ejects of over-production. In th e parer signed by the President of that Chamber, I find the assertion that over-exeitement had occasioned speculations in that district to a. loss of more than 40,000,0001.—( Ileer,hear. ) Can we say to what amount of national loss over speculation may have led us in the vast number of railway and other undertakings in which our capitalists have plunged, if, in one district alone, 40,000,00:q. have been injudiciously expended)?—( Hear, hear.), I come now, Sir, to the most painful part of this discussion, but I am bound by a senso 'of duty to say that it is a necessary condition for a hie.' a state of prosperity in a manufacturing country 'A t! thi s , great demandfor labour and g rea t emplow .ent shou l d b e eon. current with great partial -distress, ii,lemen have referred to the condition of hand-loom wear,. Now take their con (Rion in 1836, when there wo-,, as acknowledged u p on a ll hands, so much prosperity it almost every part of ind us t ry . I n "usced in the Speech from the Th rone that year it was ally , that the state of t r ade and manufactures was in the highest prosperity. T` re mover of t h e a dd ress, Si r J. Wrottesley to and Mr. Parke -6 the Member for Sheffield , both bore testimony the floc e . arishin state of trade. Sir J.:Wrottesley said that neve r WV . a period of greater prosperity, an d Mr. Parker added that. never was there a more cheering state of trade, and that such were the prospects of manufactures, that to complete the orders already received, it would be necessary, in the next few years, to construct additional engines to the amount of 70,000 horse-power to meet the demand. Now in:that year there was, Sir, a very large extent of partial and local distress, and my proposition is that concurrently with great general pros perity such distress may and will co-exist. But, Sir, at the same time, it is my opinion that any attempt to interfere with the progress of ingenuity would be futile and mischievous, and I am not one of those who would be parties to such interfe renee.—( Hear, hear.) I think that the greater the prospe rity of manufactures—the greater the development of skill— the greater the improvement in machinery, the greater mu s t be the demand for manual labour.—( Hear, hear.) If you take into account the immense trades and occupations which derive indirectly a benefit from any improvement in machinery, it must be allowed that the aggregate of human labour em ployed is increased by every improvement; but it is no answer to my assertion that there may be the greatest possible partial suffering, and that great numbers may be involved i n th e steepest distress during suds a period of general prosperity. Take the case of the hand-loom weavers In 1835, which was a year of great prosperity, I find this melancholy account, that great numbers of them were unable to pi ovide for themselves and their families the means of sustaining life—that they were clothed in rags—that they were unable to send tht:ir, children to Sunday schools from want of decent clut them worked for 16 hours and more, and were driven lit, have ing ; although their labour was excessive, and many,. of recourse to ardent spirits to recruit their bodies.--(llear, hoar.) Now, Sir, this was at a period when corn was cheaper than it hail been for 20 years.— ) This leads the to think that I cannot encourage the delusive hope, that by reducing the price of corn we shall increase the detuana for manufactures.—( Ilear.) Sir, I cannot hope that a re-• duction in the price of corn will exempt this country from occasional and most severe suffering amongst some portion of the population. Sir, let us take the ease of the United States, where the demand for labour is great, and wages are generally high. Evert there, there is. occasionally severe suffering. Sir, let us take the. statements of Mr. Buckingham. That gentleman says that in the state of New York he was surprised to meet with numerous cases of destitution, and even of actual loses of life from starvation. Mr. Buckingham states his surr.ise at the number of charitable institutions, and at the vasi extent of distress which rendered them necessary, and this in a conntry where there was no restriction upon corn, and the necessaries of life were cheap.—(Hear.) Therefore, Sir, I must still retain the opinion which I have expressed already, that the Corn-laws have attributed to them an undue share in producing the distress which unquestionably exists.—[ The Bight Hon. Ba ronet then paused for some tinse, and, looking over sonic papers, put into his hand by an Hon. Member said )—Sir, ray Right Hon. Friend behind me has found the passage in Mr. Buck ingham's book to which I have referred, it is this, " I wsts surprised to find so mach indigence, and so many instances of deaths from destititution ; they were more numerous than I could have thought possible, and they would be unaccountable, but for this fact, that the cultivators of the soil had given up their occupations for speculations in railroads and canals, and wasted therein so much of the national capital, that, the: country being neglected, its own cultivators were obliged to import coin instead of supplying other countries." Sir, I have been charged with believing, which I utterly deny, that no good can result from the measure I proposed. I felt no such thing. I deprecated extravagant expectations that any immediate benefit would result from it. I depre cated such expectations because I as little expected them to be realised as in a total repeal ; but I dis tinctly stated that I expected these benefits would result— first, that agriculture would be exempted from the ill effects of having an enormous quantity of corn poured in at a sudden , rate ; and I stated also that the Bank of England would be• less subject to a demand fur bullion, as the demand for corn would be more regular under my plan than it was under the present system. It was, therefore, not just to state that Ih:d t, brought in a measure that would effect no real good. I t h a e been told that it would do no good as far as American de' could be no extension of trade. Now a u lriLte was concerned, because while the sliding scale existed, th r east t b le e m ca a u n se t : a l i stai d, tleman with whom I haul a conversation prepo , t h a t the average s , remedy to me, which with aA'.nkne o w, e v r e ag ry e t: b . t sh w t e u li l t i e l s b v e ee t k a s k ' e as e . then be able to bring corn fron , ? „; I will wait the. fi r st ledge of the six weeks' a ve il r l a ins no material alteration i that six weeks' average, United States, there will to brine corn front time, and I be been a proved by facts. Aninst ea dof six,have or der had sent to the United States r a thousand barrels, of flour been sent off on the lit of Au that order was gust , an( - . al rived at on the 13th of September, 1 Liverpool whit an rdrder sent to !~'