The Sun. — London, England, 1855-07-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. ( From the Times of this day. ) The incident which has terminated the connexion of Lord John Russell with the present Administration, and changed for the twentieth time in the last few years the head of the Colonial-office, does not derive its sole or even its chief interest from the late negotiations at Vienna or the conduct of the war. This occurrence is the last link in a chain of transactions which appear to us to leave no excuse either to Parliament or to any party in this country for ignorance of the true character of Lord John Russell as a public man. Oar own opi nion of that character has long been formed, and not un frequently expressed ; it is now justified and confirmed by evidence so irresistible and demonstrative that we hear no attempt to combat the conclusions which a more correct estimate of Lord John Russell's disposition and abilities bad long ago suggested to us. Yet, so power ful in this country, but more especially in the House of Commons and in what is called political society, are the ties of old association, the fictions of party, and the in fluence of ooteriew, that it required a failure and mis conduct as gross as that we have recently witnessed at Vienna on the part of Lord John Russell to drive him from the position he still sought to retain. Nothing in this transaction is more significant than the fact that the fatal blow was struck at last by the subordinate members of the Whig party in the House of Commons, who could no longer endure to be led by a man who had so ill served his country in the face of Europe. It is understood that Lord John Russell had previ ously tendered his resignation to his colleagues in the Cabinet, but that they declined to accept it from that mistaken tenderness which sometimes plays the part of weakness. The members of the Govern ment not being member s of the Cabinet, but serv ingunder it and voting for it in the House of Commons, were of an opposite opinion ; and they firmly announced to Lord John Russell himself and to the Fm Minister that if the late Plenipotentiary to Vienna did not withdraw from office before the debate on Sir Bulwer Lytton's motion, they were themselves prepared to quit office and to record their votes against the ministry of which Lord John Russell still formed part. These gentlemen appear to have acted with a spirit and independence which does them much honour, and we trust that there is some one to be found among them capable of leading hereafter the great Liberal party in this country with more energy, ability, and honesty than have been displayed while Lord Russell affected to per form that duty. It is not to be supposed, however, that the fall of Lard John Russell from the position he once occupied in the estimation of his party and of his countrymen has been the result of any sudden pique or extraordinary incident. Although his conduct at Vienna and sincehis return has roused the just indignation of Parliament, and termi nated, as we hope, his career as a minister of the Crown, the decline of his influence and of his reputation has long been perceptible. In December, 1851, he availed himself of an event on which he had the feelings of the country with him to eject Lord Palmerston from the Foreign-office, and although, opposed as we had been to the foreign policy of Lcrd Palmerston in Greece, Sicily, and elsewhere, we viewed that change without regret, the measure was a strange act of perfidious inconsistency on the part of Lord J. Russell against a colleague whom hehad shortly before described and defended as the British Minister par excellence. A very few weeks served to show that Lord J. Russell was utterly incapable of prolonging the existence of the Government of which be had been the head since the overthrow of the Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel ; and, on looking back to that period of six years, we must say that so inoperative and unsuccessful an Administration has never existed for so long a period in this country. It was kept in office mainly by the dread of letting in the Protectionist party, and so injuring the grand commercial reforms of Sir Robert Peel. Yet in 1852 the Protectionist party were restored to office, though only long enough to compel them to abjure the doctrines for which they had so vehemently contended. Upon the dissolution of Lord Derby's Cabinet, after a Parliamentary struggle in which Mr. Gladstone had borne the most conspicuous part, the Coalition Govern ment was formed under Lord Aberdeen. Lord John Russell held the office of Foreign Secretary just long enough to write a blundering and discreditable despatch in answer to the propositions made by the Emperor Nicholas to Sir Hamilton Seymour, but, on the plea of health; he professed to prefer an unattached position, and so he retained his seat in the Cabinet and the leadership of the House of Commons, without any Ministerial de partment. It may now be said without inconvenience, and it will be said hereafter, for it is historically true, that the one great source of difficulty, division, and weak ness in Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet was Lord John Russell. He obviously felt with great keenness the loss of that position of First Minister of the Crown which he had oc cupied for six years, and he watched month after month, with the restless irritability of unsatisfied pursuit, for an opportunity to recover it. He felt with equal pain the oratorical superiority of Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons, and the growing indif ference of Parliament to his own speeches. His cold and exclusive nature forbade him to contract confidential relations with his new colleagues, and he continued to treat all but his own immediate fol lowers in the Cabinet as his rivals rather than as his colleagues. Such was the state of affairs when Parlia ment met in February last, and the first act of Lord John Russell was to break up the Cabinet and denounce those who bad been carrying on the war while be had been enjoying the rustic pleasures of Minto. It is need less for us to recur to the details of so recent and so remarkable a transaction ; suffice it to say that, so far as it is possible to judge of a man's motives from his conduct, Lord John Russell thought that the disasters of the army in the Crimea gave him an opportunity of ejecting from the Cabinet those Ministers who were su perior to himself in position, or independent of himself in their opinions. But he had utterly miscalculated the effect of this extraordinary proceeding ; for although the country did not regret the fall of Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle, it viewed with indignation the means by which this result had been obtained ; and, Although her Majesty thought it her duty to give Lord John Russell an opportunity of forming the new Admi nistration, he was instantly told by his nearest political friends that such an attempt would cover himself and them with indelible disgrace. His conduct as a col league and a public man was placed by these intrigues in a most unfavourable light ; but some reputation he still retained for national spirit as one of the chief au thors and promoters of the war, and for knowledge of the questions involved in this contest. On these grounds, and also from a desire to give him an oppor tunity of repairing a damaged political character, he was sent to Vienna with most precise instructions, based on the views he bad himself previously advocated. His mis sion was not unaccompanied by some ludicrous details, which excited the surprise of Europe, and every inci dent which took place at Vienna showed his utter want of knowledge and judgment in his relations with the society of a foreign Court. The result was that in about three weeks he was turned completely round, like a mariner without a compass in the navigation of unknown waters, and a British Plenipotentiary, who was at the same time a member of the British Cabinet, found him self advocating the Austrian proposals and making a confidat.t of Count Buol. Upon his return to London the fumes of diplomatic flattery began to clear off, and in another fortnight he bad so far forgotten what had passed at Vienna as to make a warlike tirade in the House of Commons in answer to Mr. Disraeli's charge that the language of the Government had been am biguous, But ere long this doublefaced game was brought to a close. Count Buol very naturally replied to Lord John's warlike harangue by publicly reminding him that at Vienna he stood committed to the Austrian proposal ; and after having risen last February in the House of Commons to turn King's evidence against his colleagues, no resource remained for him on Friday week but to plead guilty himself, and on the following Friday to withdraw from office, convicted upon all these charges, as he himself expreised it, by Parliament and by the country. We have not attempted to heighten the effect of this must painful and humiliating narrative by any remarks. The facts are already familiar to our readers, and they admit of no exculpation. But, although our estimate of the political character of Lord John Russell has never been a high one, we cannot record this extinc tion of his public career without regret,—not so much for himself as for the country. It is a national dis credit when a man who has filled so considerable a part in our affairs stands before Europe and before Eng'and in the position which Lord John Russell now fills. The other day the failure of a private bank threw a stain on English credit and shook the confidence of the world in our financial establishments ; but the bankruptcy of a statesman in the discharge of his public duties is a far greater disaster to the honour and autho rity of this country. If there be one cause more than another to which this calamitous termination of the career of Lord John Russell is to be attributed, it is the unqualified selfishness and the exaggerated notion of his own importance which have invariably marked his con duct. Having the honour to serve a great country and to lead a great party, he has never risen above the most selfish considerations, and every act of his life has been regulated by its effect on his own prospects. R enee, although the principles for which he contended were originally broad and free, he narrowed them to the ob jects of his own ambition ; the horizon before him was boundless, but his own vision was contracted to a single point ; he has passed his life in a small circle of flat terers, whose deceptive homage enlarged neither his mind nor his heart ; and even these have gradually dwindled away until they leave him to the appropriate punishment of his failings----alone. Politically, indeed, his opinions on the war now appear to place him in the same class with Mr. Gladstone and the other members of Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet who have seceded from Lord Pal - R ner3ton ; but, as the leader of a political party, we must conclude that Lord John Russell's authority is at an end, an d, if this nation i s t o maintain the position, both in arms and in the work of human improvement, which we believe to belong to it, we must find statesmen more worthy to preserve our character, and more able to di rect our power. (Front the Morning Herald of this day.) We really feel at a very considerable loss to explain how or by what means the Cabinet of Lord Palmerston can expect t o derive advantage in th e eyes of the cou n t ry from its s ummary e j ec tion of its Vienna p l enipotentiary. Many and various have been the similes which have been applied to the conduct adopted by the Premier in the present emergency ; but we cannot think that any one of them is thoroughly applicable to the circumstances of the case. Some of our contemporaries have likened it to the case of a mother casting her child to the wolves in order to save her own life. We think, however, that the " virulent friendship" supp os ed to exist between the parties may set that suppo s ition aside on the score of affection alone. Others again, have bethought them selves of the well-known figur e of casting a tub to the whale-; but we cannot help thinking that the Premier will find to his cost that he h as only thrown out a small pannikin, and that the leviathan, which may in this in stance be supposed to represent the people of England, will pass by the tiny offering with contempt, and will not be diverted from the purpose of staving in the ob noxious barque of the Cabinet, and wholming in the waves the veteran steersman who has hitherto with im punity encountered so many threatening aspects of affairs. The fact is, that viewing the matter impartial!y, as of course we do, the throwing over of Lerd John Russell is, on the part of his noble and right hon. colleagues, simply the dodge of the pickpocket, who throws away a surreptitiously-obtained watch the moment when detec tion has become inevitable. As we read Sir E. Bulwer Lytton's motion, the charge is not for being in possession of Lord John at the moment notice of motion was given, but for having obtained and kept possession of him in the first instance illegally—that is to say,having pocketed him, although perfectly aware that he was a portion of the property of the peace party. Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Cobden have already raised the hue and cry with regard to the petty larceny in question, and can hardly be expected to be satisfied with the restoration of the once-covered possession after the works have been taken out of the pinchbeck, and the article rendered totally valueless either for use or for sale. Seriously, however, we may observe that the crimes alleged against the Palmerston Cabinet are the retaining and the fostering of one who was known to have be trayed the interests of his country, and who must be held to have betrayed the interests of his colleagues, unless they were accessories before the fact ; and not only that, but of having aided, abetted, and encouraged the culprit in the now manifest fraud which he perpe trated on the British public, by representing himself as anxious to carry on vigorously a war which in his heart he considered a crime. We leave it to the noble lord to reconci'e to what we meet, by courtesy, call his con science—the relative criminality of keeping the world in flames, to bolster up a ricketty Coalition, or of repeating the part which he enacted in the early portion of the session, by breaking it up. It is now manifest that Lord Palmerston will attempt to escape from the difficulty by falling back upon the manly and eloquent despatches of Lord Clarendon. With regard to the validity of this plea, we beg to point out to our readers, and we request them particularly to remark this fact, that after Austria had performed the acts which called forth these very despatches, the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs attempted still further to mislead the public by stating, in his place in the House of Lords, that if we had no cause to praise Austria, we had none to complain of her conduct. Now, we ask our readers what confidence can be placed in the truth of the bold words put into the despatches, evidently for the purpose of meeting this present emergency which the Cabinet must have fore seen t and we further beg of them to put date and date together, and see whether the boldest of these documents was not written after the first murmurings of the storm were heard, and after Mr. Disraeli had given his notice condemnatory of the ambiguous language employed by our administrators in their previously published decla rations. We may further ask, whether the opinion of the French Emperor concerning the transactions at Vienna had not been previously and unmistakeably expressed by the dismissal of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and, more over, whether the retaining in the English Cabinet of a statesman even more compromised in those transactions than the French negotiator, was not virtually a perma manent insult to that ally whose support is of so much consequence to us, and of whose good faith we have had so many proofs. That Lord Palmerston was part and parcel of all these "subterranean transactions" is obvious from the fact that long after Lord John's return from Vienna, and when we must suppose, if his present statement be true, that the peace-mongering proposals of the great plenipo tentiary and his Austrian confederates had been most positively rejected in the Cabinet, the noble Premier still continued to maintain in his place in the house that the door was yet open to receive pacific propositions, and did in this manner continue " spargere ambiguas votes" up to the very moment when the unmistakeable expres sion of public opinion rendered it impossible any longer to continue a course of which the acute intellect of Mr. Disraeli had already perceived the mischief and insin cerity. One word more. Are we to suppose that the Jonah of the present emergency was alone in the Cabinet and in his opinions? Had he no supporters? Had he no abettors ? Had he no co-conspirators ? Had he no prompter ? If so, we ask who and where are they ? Are they still to be'permitted to clog, as they have hitherto done, the efforts of the nation in carrying on vigorously this great war ? That there is some drag upon the wheel must be obvious from the following facts :—That we are still without a militia—that we are still without those means of locomotion in the Crimea which would enable us to save our army from being sa crificed in vain assaults, and to remove them from the influence of the pestilence—that this army, so recklessly , misused, is still without a reserve ; and that, notwith standing the amazing exertions of General Williams, we may hourly expect to hear of the fall of Kars and Erze roum, and the total destruction of the Turkish forces in that country. Taking these things at their proper value we most unhesitatingly assert that whatever may be the difficulties which he may ercounter in the Cabinet or elsewhere, had Lord Palmerston been the sincere and patriotic statesman which he professes to be, he would long since have thrown off the trammels with which he has entangled himself, and would have carried out the wishes of the nation despite of every opposition from high quarters or from low intrigue. ( Prom the Morning Chronicle of this day.) The resignation of .Lord John Russell—which, as we acquainted our readers on Thursday last, was even then an almost settled purpose—has, after a brief interval for consideration, and, possibly, a few pangs of doubt, be come an accomplished fact. Her Majesty has also, as we learn, signified her gracious pleasure to resume the trust confided scarcely three months since to the late Colonial Secretary. From his colleagues, the noble lord has received something mere than a bare assent to his secession from the Treasury bench. By the country at large, his removal from the Cabinet will be regarded with undisguised and almost universal satisfaction. Pre suming that his own consent has been gained to the proceeding, there will thus be a singular unanimity of approval to the step, which Lord J. Russell will to-night announce and justify when he informs the House of Commons that he holds the seals of his late office only until his successor shall have been appointed. Few instances can be found in our history of a more sudden and extraordinary annihilation of political in fluence and public trust than that which has now befallen the member for the city of London. The edifice of fame and confidence so laboriously built up during a long life of service has crumbled almost in a moment. In April last not one of the leaders in the parliamentary array on either side stood higher in the confidence of the country. The slight disparagement that had arisen from his delay in qnitting a Government who were fatally mismanaging the war was quite effaced. The people were ready to forgive an act which looked so much like generosity, in not abandoning his fellow Ministers in the day of cala mity, or branding with incompetency before the public eye an amiable and well-intentioned colleague. Lord J. Russell accordingly departed on his important mission to Vienna amidst general satisfaction. No one, it was believed, could have been selected better qualified to bring the delicate and difficult negotiations then com mencing to a successful issue ; and none more certain to take care that, whether they succeeded or failed, nothing should occur to compromise the honour of the country or the energetic prosecution of the var. Even after his return from 'Vienna the political credit of Lord John Russell underwent - little, if any de preciation. Fram the first it was avowed that his sion bad failed. Gradually it became apparent that the failure was most complete and double in its character. Ile had been unsuccessful not merely in the primary and ostensible object of inducing Russia to accept honourable terms of peace but in the secondary purpose of compelling Austria to assume some definite position and proclaim finally whether, and on what principles, sh e wou ld ta k e an active part either for or against the Western Powers in their contest with Ru.sian domination. Still the coun try was in a forgiving humour, and showed itself far more ready to believe that Austria was treacherous than that the British Plenipotentiary had been unskilful. And when, from his place in Parliament, the late Colo nial Secretary spoke such bold words of defiance against the Muscovite, the public rejoiced to believe that in him they would find a servant ready to co-operate heartily, sincerely, and energetically in the war policy of the ad ministration. That speech was delivered on the 24th ofMay. It was meant to serve the immediate purpose of the ntoment— and, for the moment, was successful. By it Lord John Russell retrieved the position he had somewhat imperilled by his ill-luck at Vienna, and reinstated himself in public confidence. But by the retribution which justly attends falsehood and insincerity, it is to that speech ho must now assign his fatal fall, not merely from place and power, but from the trustful confidence of his fellow. countrymen. The people have proved that they can pardon, and have pardoned much; but they cannot pardon deceit and craft—the suppression of truth, and the suggestion of a lie. Anything may be for given in a Minister, but living upon false pretence. If the Colonial Secretary had confessed his acceptance of the Vienna proposition from the beginning- -if he bad never attempted not simply to conceal his pacific prepos sessions, but to delude the public by a false semblance of vigour and heartiness—ho might, indeed, have found resignation inevitable, but he would have left office without one blemish to his honour, without leaving one remembrance behind him which could have chilled the reliance placed in his talents and good faith by his col. leagues he quitted, or the country whom for the moment he ceased to serve. But as it is, Lord John Russell has forfeited both, now and for ever. His political bankruptcy has been accompanied by discreditable circumstances, since he deceived his creditors by the grandest display at the very time when he was most hopelessly insolvent. He has acted like the hypocrite, whose outward practice of religious rites grows more conspicuous in the exact pro portion that his faith in the religion itself has become void. We await the explanations which will no doubt be to-night offered copiously and skilfully to the House of Commons, with some curiosity, but no hope that the result will do much, or anything, to retrieve the for feited station of the retiring Minister and the convicted politician. His own act has rendered henceforth im possible the rihewal of public confidence in Lord John Russell. (From the Daily News of this day.) Before the House of Commons cau proceed with adva ntage to the di scuss i on o f Si r Bulwer Ly tton s motion it will be absolutely necessary that some further information should be obtained respecting the actual condition of the Cabinet. • The retire ment of Lord John Itugeoll, under circumstances that deprive it very much of the character of a volun tary act, was plainly resorted to in the hope of thereby diverting the impending storm. The explenipo tentiary once driven from office, the imputation of dis cordance and disunion in the Government would forth with fall to the ground. The terms of the resolution as originally framed seemed to render such a mode of dealing with it possible ; and if the affairs of nations were to be governed by the technical rules of special pleading, the co-partners in the great delinquency now charged might thus perhaps elude further investiga tion, and claim the benefit of a non-suit. But while we are abolishing the use of fraudulent quibbles in our courts of common law, it will hardly be tolerated that the demands of right and justice should be baffled by such means in the grand inquest of the nation. The substantive issue raised by Lord John's avowals respect ing the Austrian proposition is not whether he acted with diplomatic indiscretion at Vienna, but whether on his return home he well-nigh succeeded in misleading the Crown into the acceptance of a peace which the country would not have sanctioned ; and then at the last moment took a prominent part in persuading the public that the divided Cabinet was an united Cabinet, zealous for the unslackened prosecution of the war. The universal anxiety and alarm created by these revelations cannot for a moment be regarded as identical with any desire for the exclusion or any peculiar distrust of one man. Everybody understands that had Lord John stood alone in his infatuation about the proposal of Count Buol, he could have done no harm. Everybody comprehends that the danger lay in his having in the Administration influential allies, by whose aid he expected to be able to carry its adoption. That was the danger in May last ; that is the danger now. The Cabinet since then has undergone no change ; yet it was currently rumoured then, and is now implicitly believed, that of the confi dential advisers of the Queen, one half were ready to ap prove the compromise with Russia which the Austrian Minister proposed ; and, notwithstanding this, we know that without exception the whole of the members of the Cabinet contributed to the delusion practised upon Par liament, and prevented unanimity in breaking off nego tiation, in order to defeat a party motion in the House of Commons. It will not now avail to say that the Secretary for the Colonies was the deceiver, and not his colleagues. Many of them sat by and heard his words, some of them cheered and none of them disavowed them. How was it possible, indeed, that they should do so Was it not notorious that for many days pre ceding hopes had been excited amongst the advocates of peace that sooner than prolong hostilities a numerous section of the Government was prepared to separate from that which advocated the rejection of Austria's terms ? Is it not still in the recollection of every one that Lord John was expected to make a pacific speech, and that the house was taken wholly by surprise in listening to that which he actually delivered ? Assuredly his col leagues who agreed with him in opinion, and differed from him in the course ev en t ua ll y pursued, cannot have the face to deny that they were participators along with him in the delusion practised on the house. They were ready to make peace upon conditions wnich the country repudiates, yet they consented to make war in order to preserve their places. The country has a right to know who were, who are these men, for they are still Cabinet Councillors of the Crown, and they are so because they put forward the most courageous of their number to tell a martial tale, and to talk enthusiastically about the war. We should like to know before the session ends, and the fortunes of the country are committed, for another perilous recess, to the keeping of such men, how many of them we pay for lying in wait for an opportunity to resume negotiations like those of Vienna. We presume that ere the debate of this evening commences some explanation will be asked on this score. It is the right and duty of a legis lature which finds that it has been once deceived to in terrogate strictly those who have misled it. They cannot deny their public participation in the act ; we should certainly like to hear how they can justify the desertion of their leader in his acceptance of the penalty incurred. His act was their act ; his momentary triumph their game. So strong is this feeling abroad that since the resignation of Lord John Russell was known to have been expected, popular belief has given Sir George Grey, Sir Cornewall Lewis, and Sir Charles Wood credit for a determination to follow his example. If this be so, there only remains to be questioned the residue of the Philo- Austrian party in the Cabinet, amongst whom public conjecture points to two members of the Upper House and one of the Lower. But there is another and equally . ' important view of the matter. How will the Prime Minister and the Sec retary for Foreign Affairs account for withholding from Parliament, pending the discussion on Mr. Disraeli's motion, the despatches contained on the papers pre sented only on Thursday last, and which revel the truth regarding Count Buol's proposition ? Certain portions of the correspondence had been laid upon the table, but none calculated to give the representatives of the people the slightest knowledge of the final conditions agreed to by the French and English Plenipotentiaries at Vienna, and none affording the least intimation that these con ditions met with the approval of a moiety of her Ma jesty's advisers. This great and essential feature of the transaction was studiouslyand deliberately kept concealed by Lord Palmerston from the Commons, and by Lord Clarendon from the Peers. They may aver, if they will, that paramo . unt considerations of public policy governed their conduct, and that they thought themselves jus tified in duping Parliament and mystifying the country. Well, let them make good this defence, and then Sir Bulwer Lytton's motion will, of course, be defeated, and Lord John Russell will be regarded as a martyr, if net reinstated triumphantly in office. But if they shrink from this course, if they are prepared to sacrifice their late envoy and colleague, for having too venturously championed the cause they now would fain repudiate, how are they to justify their participation by acts of omission and commission in that for which he is so deeply blamed ? THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 16 1855 ENCOURAGEMENT TO THE ENEMY. It is a wise maxim not to despise an enemy; but there is a fault on the opposite side, that of enormously exag gerating the power of an enemy. To what purpose do men in high position in Parliament dilate on the might of Russia, and the difficulty of coping with her ? What is the effect of this but to encourage the enemy, who knows how to make use of admissi ms serving to show that we have entered into a contest to which we are un equal, while Russia has taken the part which her supe rior strength assigns her and enables her to perform with success. Most acceptable must these assurances be at St. Petersburg. Amongst other passages we grieved to see in Lord John Russell's speech of the 7th was one holding forth on the difficulties of the present contest, and describincs Russia as enormously powerful, her popula tion animated and strengthened by repeated successes, continually adding something to her power, appetite for rapine growing with what it has fed on. Now, if this be really Lord John Russell's opinion of the effect of the en; croachments of Russia during the last century, it must be utterly inconsistent with a hope he has repeatedly ex pressed, that a peace may be made with that country on the oniysure basis, "her interest in peace." F or hi s lord ship has represent e d her elements of strength, material and moral, as derived from the robberies achieved either by her arms, or extorted by the terror of her arms. Mr. Cob den, who followed, pursued the same strain, and talked of the impossibility of our humbling Russia, with her 80,000,000 of inhabitants, and inexhaustible raw mate rial for troops. Well said Custine, that Russia is a huge puff placarded on the face of Europe, and the imposture passes, as those whose patriotic interest should be to expose it to lend themselves to the support of it. What is a population of sixty millions to a country like Russia, spreading over a seventh part of the earth ? We do not make use of the phrase a seventh of the habitable globe, because Russia is a seventh of the globe habitable and uninhabitable. Now the strength of a population consists in the closeness of its texture, and the proportion of men to the soil. A thin population is a weak population, and Russia averages about eight souls to a square mile, while France averages more than 170, and England more also than 230. In the province of St. Petersburg, not includll ing the capital, the average is 1 soul to 25 acres, in Archangel there is only 1 soul to 50 acres, and in Tomsk the proportion is one to 180 acres. Whenever the po pulation of the British isles was rather less than a mil lion it was, relatively to the territorial scale, as strong or as weak as Russia is now. And if our Queen counted her people as does the Czar, including Europe, Asia, and America, she would include all her subjects in every part of the world without regard to geographical distinctions, or the separation of distances, and would boast not sixty millions, but more than double, nay, nearly treble, that number, British, colonial, and Indian. And the separa tions of the parts of the British empire are as nothing compared with the frightful distances of the Russian em pire, as Nicholas used to call them. We communicate with our fellow-subjects at the Antipodes in far less time than the Czar takes to communicate with his slaves or prisoners in Siberia. So when the bugaboo of the Rus sian sixty millions is raised to frighten us, let it be mea sured with territory to divest it of its awe, and let the question be asked what are sixty millions scattered over so many as seven millions of square miles and upwards. And men, so scanty in Russia compared with the ground they are spread over, are the wealth of Russia ; where the fortune of a man is counted in serfs as it is here in pounds, and out of the sum total of sixty millions forty-four are serfs, twenty-three belonging to the nobles, twenty-one to the Crown. Every man enlisted in the army is a man taken from the meagre producing power of the country, and every man killed is so much of its wealth diminished, for he belonged to somebody who is the poorer for losing him. Russia is a country poor in everything but deceit and military organisation. She wants men at this moment far more than we do ; but the difference is that the Czar helps himself arbitrarily to what he wants, robs and impoverishes his nobles to re cruit his ranks. But this resource has its limits, and if endurance be strained too far, the remedy in usage in Russia is like ours in analogous circumstances, a disso lution—but a dissolution of a very different sort of body. Russia no doubt brings all her available strength to the front of the Crimea, and the question yet to be solved is, what depth there is in this resistance. Certain it is that it is not of a force to repel invasion, and that we have held our ground against it when weak in numbers, exhausted by fatigue, sickness, and want of every kind but one—indomitable resolution. Having compared the alleged strength and weakness of Russia and Turkey, Lord John Russell stated that when hostilities commenced the military force of the for mer was to the latter as ten to one ; but at those odds the Turk did not shrink from taking the field, and nothing daunted by numbers and difficulties so much dwelt on here, he made head against great odds. Courage with justice are good against great odds. But Russia is most successful in shamming, and can put on imposing appearances when she can do nothing else. At the end of the last war between Russia and Turkey, the Musco vite army was in the last stage of exhaustion, reduced to some 5,000 effective men, when the oonceasiona so - disastrous to the Ottoman Porte were made, in ntter ignorance of the real weakness of the power extorting them. Russia is the bully of Europe, and they play the bully's game who are perpetually magnifying his potency. The time for dwelling on the enemy's strength and Turkey's weakness is past. There was, indeed, a season for these considerations, and it was before we determined on drawing the sword. Then was the time for scanning difficulties, and measuring, or even over-estimating, the strength with which we might have to cope. To harp on these things now is neither consistent with spirit nor with policy, it either depresses oz. revolts the public mind here, and it animates and assures the enemy, reading to him the lesson Lord Lyndhurst ad dressed to his country, " Persevere." And has it had no effect on the powers which it has been so much de sired to move to a part in this war I May not Austria and Prussia refer to the statements of English states men as sufficient reasons why they should hesitate to take the field against so gigantic a power as Russia ? Her prestige is the spell which binds Germany, and some of our leaders do all they can to strengthen that prestige by never mentioning Russia without some pre posterous exaggeration of her power. We do not allude to the Submissionists; it is all consistent with their quail ing policy. As they would have us yield, they endea vour to make out a case of irresistible power on the part of the enemy ; but for men who have advised the war, to labour to produce an impression that we have engaged ourselves in a contest beyond our strength, is an incon sistency, and impolicy, strange, foul, and unnatural in deed. If there has been weakness in the conduct of the war, it is not to be carried to the account of the strength of the enemy, in order to cover the faults of the mis managers of affairs.—Examiner. THE DISCLOSURES. It would be idle now to discuss the merits of the Aus trian scheme for converting the Black Sea into a dock for the construction of as many Russian, French, and English ships of the line as might seem fit to the Rus sian Government; except to observe that such a mea sure could be regarded only as the first step towards a partition of the Turkish empire, the very catastrophe which the war was undertaken to avert. As the Times has well remarked, it was the preponderance of Russia over Turkey against which the third article was intended to provide ; but - Count Buol's scheme left that prepon derance not only without limit, but legalised its increase to any extent. We will not affect to conceal the pain and surprise with which we have learnt that such terms as these, which would as little have secured the objects of the war as those of which the rejection was so deeply deplored by Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Cobden, and Sir James Graham, obtained the sanction of Lord John Rus4ell's approval. It is a triumph for the peace•at-any-price party, and their Russian allies, worth infinitely more to them than the success of the 18th of June. Nor have we only to regret that a statesman we so highly honour and value should have committed what we regard as a grave error of judgment. In the circumstances and manner of disclosing the opinion he had unhappily formed, an error even more grave was committed. Al though not a member of the Government when he under took the mission to Vienna, Lord John was a Cabinet minister when he declared his approval of the Austrian proposition. As a mere Envoy, he might perhaps with out any great imprudence have expressed himself favour ably respecting a project of which the reception by the Government he represented was, to say the least, very doubtful ; but when to this character he added that of a member of the Government which sent him, he was no longer in a position to express any decided opinion with out distinctly compromising his colleagues. Whether or not his communicatie❑ violated the oath taken by a privy councillor we will not stop to inquire ; but at any rate the evil was produced against which the oath is in tended to provide. The advice tendered by the council lors of the Crown has been made known to the Queen's enemies. The most authentic intelligence has been con veyed to them of deliberations which it is justly consi dered treason to reveal. The excuse to be made for Lord Jobs Russell involves the condemnation of his original appointment. Brought into contact with some of the ablest and most unscrupu lous diplomatists in Europe, he found himself in a com pany for which all that was high and generous in his nature unsuited him. Mais que diable allait it faire dans cette galore ? He doubtless thought, as Lord Lynd hurst in his late speech said he was bound to think, that Count Buol was a man of honour. Unused himself to the artifices of diplomacy, his caution was disarmed, we ca❑ well imagine, by the Count's perfect frankness and cordia lity. Our English minister believed, in short, that he might place the same confidence in the Austrian Minister as in an English gentle►nan. He communicated his opinion, he tells us, "at a confidential interview ;" and of course the Austrian re-communicated it _immediately to the Russians, and subsequently to the world. Lord John Russell unhappily did not remember that it is the pride of Austrian diplomatists to be distinguished for duplicity ; and that he had only very lately seen one of them, and by no means the worst of his c:ass, at the same time publicly denouncing an individual as a traitor, and carrying on with him a secret correspondence as the most valued servant of the Crown. Other excuses to be suggested are of a more general kind. It is said of some sea-captains that they never take an observation of either latitude or longitude, but are contented to ascertain where they are from any vessel they may happen to fall in with. Such appears to be the conduct, as regards foreign affairs, not merely of Lord John Russell, but of almost all other English statesmen. They perpetually lose their reckoning in these waters. Unfailingly ready and erger are they always to seek advice from any one who is supposed to have given himself some trouble about a subject which they have themselves systematically neglected. And the expedient favoured above every other has been a re course to the Austrian diplomatist. Par excellence your Austrian has been thought a safe adviser, the interests of Austria and Russia in the East, as everbody is aware, being so manifestly opposed to each other. Lord Aber deen openly avowed, and notoriously acted upon, this principle of navigation ; and, by cruising after a sail, which, as Lord Lyndhurst has pointed out, can have been no other than the Flying Dutchman, the ex-Pre mier drifted into war. In common with most other public men, we repeat, Lord John Russell has displayed the same kind of error. If the creed of foreign politics most familiar to statesmen in this country contained two articles more fixed than the rest, these were that the Turkish empire was in a state of irretrievable decay, incapable of offering any resistance either physical or moral to Russia; and that Austria was a power of prodigious Conserva tive force, which might safely be relied upon as a bar rier against Russian ambition in the E. In justice to Lord Palmerston we must remark that he has more than once stood almost alone among public men in ex pressing a decided dissent from both these propositions. He has been denounced as a firebrand for venturing to point out the causes of weakness inherent in Austria, and as an enthusiast for believing not only that the Turks were making good progress in the arts both of war and peace, but that any immediate reinstatement of the Greek empire at Constantinople was not to be ex pected. Those opinions were of course considered de testable by all who then swore by the Austrian, Russian, and Prussian Ministers, whether in Parliament or the press ; and by their means public opinion in England was at last brought into such a condition that the Czar thougrht he might safely propose a division of the Sul tan's dominions to Lord Aberdeen. In all frankness and sincerity let us add that while the Vienna disclosures have greatly shaken the faith we placed in Lord John Russell, they have not a little increased our confidence in Lord Clarendon. The des patches bearing his signature, which were laid upon the table of the house on Thursday night, are remarkable alike for moderation, firmness, and good sense. It is thus that the Foreign Minister speaks of one branch of the proposal to which Lord John Russell gave his ad hesion "I then proceeded to state that her Majesties Go vernment could not attach much practical value to the engagement of Austria to make, at some future period, a casus belli of the increase of the Russian fleet beyond a given amount, for she had already declared that it was beneath her dignity to discuss numbers, and that she could not admit that the question of peace or war should turn upon eight or ten ships of the line ; and if such were the case now, when circumstances would enable Austria to go to war with advantage, what prospect would there be of her doing so some years hence, under circumstances likely to be far less favourable, for the very same cause, though in a lesser degree, that she would not now entertain." It thus appears not to have been the fault of Lord Clarendon, any more than of Lord Palmerston, that the English plenipotentiary fell in so readily with the views of his Austrian colleagues. But Lord John Russell has of late very frequently taken occasion to declar e th a t England would not s e ek assistance in this war against Russia from the nation she oppresses ; and supposing that the refusal of Austria to join the Allies might render necessary a resort to this effectual but dreaded expe dient, he seems 'o have determined on making any sac riffice to avert so great a catastrophe.—Examiner. EXTRAORDINARY OCCURRENCE. - A few days since, while one of the ordinary passenger trains was travel ling from Bristol to Exeter, the guard, on returning to his box at one of the stations, found a parcel directed " E. Weller, Culmstock, to be left at the Cullompton station till called for." On his way down a most offen sive smell was emitted from it, and as he threw it out at the Cullompton station he remarked on the unpleasant ness of its odour. In compliance with the direc tions, the bundle was placed in the office, but the smell became so bad that it was deposited in a horse box near the goods station. Here, however, it became worse, and at last it was so bad that it was taken to th e station-master, contain thebody and of a full - grown male infant, which it was opened, when it was found to was rapidly approaching a state of putrefaction. An in quest was held upon it, and the guard stated that he was unable to give any explanation as to how the parcel came into his box. Under these circumstances the jury returned an open verdict. MILITIA. ---Two returns relating to the strength of the militia were published on Friday. From the first it ap pears that the total number of volunteers in the United Kingdom serving on the Ist of March last was 68,266, and on the 15th of April 52,835. The number of those enlisted before the 12th of May, 1854, who left their re giments after Lord Panmure s circular of the 27th of Marchlast, was 16,269, o f whom 11,909 were re-enlisted, taking the 11. extra bounty. The second relates to the actual strength of the regiments in England on the 30th pf April, with the number bf those present and those absent on leave on that day. There were present 1,813 officers, 5,420 non-commissioned officers and 28,474 privates ; on leave, 275 officers, 268 non-commissioned officera„ and 8,392 privates. THE THAMES AS A SOURCE OF DISEASE. (From the Lancet of Tull, 14th, 1855.) The two millions and a half of human beings crowded together within the limits of this metropolis, still live on in passive apathy in the midst of, all those elements which may, at any moment, under the influence of a summer sun, burst forth into pestiferous activity. In spite of warnings without end, in contempt of past experience, we still continue to inhale a poison-laden atmosphere, and to drink water the multitudinous organic and inorganic impurities of which almost defy the combined labours of the chemist and microscopist to de scribe. We still do our best to pollute and convert into a common sewer that noble stream which should bring to us health as well as wealth. But Mammon engrosses every thought. The Thames bears upon its buoyant tide riches for the merchant, whilst its waters are swollen with the feculence of the myriads of living beings that dwell upon its banks, and with the waste of every manufacture that is too foul for utilisation. What mat ter ? The merchant is served, and the population is spared the trouble of constructing a cloaca maxima. But greed and apathy combine to exact from that cloaca maxima a double duty, which they have rendered it incapable of discharging. A sewer can be nothing but a sewer. But with a perversity besotted and revolting, we persist in drawing from our sewer the—shall we call it water ?—that we drink ; and thousands upon thou sands daily travel on its seething bosom bent on business or pleasure ! Wheresoever we go, whatsoever we eat or drink within the circle of London, we find tainted with the Thames. It is the fate of a Londoner that he cannot stir abroad or stay at home without inhaling or imbib ing the Thames in some form or other. He stores up a portion of it in his tank, to ferment into noxious gaees, and breed a hideous fauna at leisure ; he scents it as it returns through the streets, after fulfilling all culinary, alimentary, cleansing, and eliminative wants of man, to the foul bed whence it came ; the great stream, fed by innumerable lesser cloacw, must then serve to bear the citizen on his excursions from one part of the town to another. He feeds upon the Thames : he breathes it. The Thames is a part, and a large part, of his organ ism. Rightly io we speak of Father Thames ! He is all in all to us. His muddy tide lives in our veins, and gives us our bone and muscle. Since he forms so inti mate a condition of our existence, it would seem to be but rational on our part to take a little more care of our parent, and to keep him clean and wholesome. But we play the part of profligate and graceless children ; like ill birds, we befoul our own nest ; we pursue a reckless and insensate career, perverting a bountiful inheritance to the vilest and most self-destroying uses. If we wish to preserve the town in which we dwell in a state fit for habitation, or rather to reclaim it, we must determine without delay to stop the chief sources of pollu tion of the river. This, of course, cannot he done with out providing new means for carrying off the excremen titious matters of our vast population. This, it will be said, as it has often been said, is a work of time ; but if we never begin, it is not simply a work of time, but of eternity. We must begin, and begin in earnest. No one having eyes, nose, or taste, can look upon the Thames and not be convinced that its waters are year by year, and day by day, getting fouler and more pestilential. The areat philosopher whose obser vations we publish elsewhere, who has the rare and in valuable talent of illustrating everything by a happy experiment, shows us that the Thames water is already so turbid, that the lower part of a hit of card, sinking edgeways, is invisible before the upper part has become immersed. Before long its poisonous properties must inevitably arrive at such a pitch of concentration that we shall every year be visited with fevers not less fatal than those which annually spread desolation throughout the diluvial city of New Orleans. We cannot stop where we are, bad as our condition already is ; we must go on from bad to worse. The abominations, the corruptions we pour into the Thames are not, as some fondly hope, or falsely say, carried away into the sea. The sea re jects the loathesomo tribute, and heaves it back again with every flew. Here, in the heart of the doomed city, it accumulates and destroy,. The statement of Sir B. Hall, in reply to a question in the House of Commons, indicates the obstacles that for the present defeat all hope of stopping the defilement of the river. Our health and our lives are in imminent peril, and we are waiting for an Act of Parliament ! But there is nothing to be done whilst we are revolv ing the means of arresting the further contamination of the Thames ? Can, we not, to some extent, avoid the dangers that surround us ? Yes. We may escape a part of the penalties of our past and present folly. We can not help breathing an atmosphere tainted with the gaseous emanations of the river wehave madeinto a sewer, but we need not drink its water ; we need not cook our food with it ; we need not wash with it, nor need we travel upon it. The time is at hand when it will become compulsory upon the water companies to ascend for their sources of supply to a part of the river beyond the reach of the tides. Tolerate no evasion, no delay, in the ful filment of this contract. The fluid they continue to sell us in the meantime should be carefully boiled and fil tered before u,e. And we earnestly and emphatically exhort every cne who values his health and life, either !or his own sake, or than cf his family, to abstain during the summer months from travelling upon any part of the river between Richmond and Blackwall. Shun it as if it were Acheron itself. Had we pure air and pure water, the salubrity of this huge metropolis would, in all probability, not be much inferior to the most favoured spots in the country ; but, pure air we cannot have unless we first of all purify the Thames. OCCULTING TELEGRAPHS. The following letter has been addressed to a contem porary : _ _ _ Sir,—The failure of the Sebastopol assault on the 18th of June has been ascribed to the mistake of a signal made by the general commanding one of the attacks—the fuse of a shell was mistaken for a rocket, the signal previously agreEd upon. One of the most extraordinary features of the present war is the singular neglect by the allies of those aids which a highly advanced state of mechanical science places at their disposal. The Russians, on the contrary, have for years examined and systematically treasured up every invention which could contribute to their success. It reqaires no profound military skill to perceive that, under the peculiar features of the localities around Se bastopol, where combined attacks are directed by two commanders-in-chief, it is important that they should possess, if possible, means of instant communication with each other. It is still more important that each com mander should Lave instant means of conveying orders to the leaders of each of his several attacks. Had this been the case the mistake of a signal would have pro duced but little inconvenience, because it might, as soon as perceived, have been rectified. The commanders-in chief might communicate with each other by a portable electric telegraph; but this instrument could not be used by the advancing troops. A more effective instrument would be some simple telegraph, fixed at the two sta tions chosen by commanders-in-chief. During a night attack a very simple form of telegraph might be used, which has already been proposed for en abling ships to communicate with lighthouses or with other vessels ; it is called the " occulting telegraph." Its principle is equally valuable for enabling the seaman to read the number of any given lighthouse as soon as it appears above the horizon, or for communicating his own necessity for assistance or the news he brings. The best lighthouses consist of one argand lamp, sur rounded by glasses, which concentrate the greater part of the light in a direction parallel to the surface of the sea. Now, it is well known that if an opaque cylinder is lowered over the glass of an argand burner the light will be entirely hidden. If the shade be lowered, and then quickly raised, the light will suffer a temporary extinction, which is called an "occultation ;" at whatever distance the lamp can be seen this occultation will be perceived. It has been found by experiment that if these occultations succeed each other at about the dis tance of one second, they can not only be seen, but be easily counted. Here, then, :s a ready means of ex pressing small numbers, To express large numbers, as for example 374, it is now only necessary to make throe successive occultations, and allow a wise of five se conds ; make seven successive occultations, and allow a pause of five seconds ; make four successive occultations, and allow a pause of twelve seconds. After this the series may be repeated. Thus the number 374 can be communicated to all within sight of the lamp in little more than half a minute. One great advantage of this system of signals is, that the number can be repeated by mechanism until it is ac kowledged to have been observed. In the case of a lighthouse the same number must be repeated from sun set to sunrise. Another advantage is, that this kind of telegraph is adapted to ali existing numerical codes of signals. During the day the light of the sun itself might be used for an occulting telegraph. The distance at which sunlight could be employed might, under favour able circumstances, extend to about 100 miles. _ _ In 1851 an occulting light was publicly exhibited in London. The plan was at that time communicated to the Trinity-house. Occulting lights were subsequently approved by the Light-house Board of the United States, and Congress appropriated $5,000 to make experiments upon them. I have also evidence that the occulting system of lights was known at St. Petersburg in 1853, and I infer that it had been practically applied at Sebastopol from the following extract from the letter of the Times correspon dent at Balaklava—(See the Times, July 11) : "A lon4 train of provisions came into Sebastopol to day, and the mirror telegraph, which works by flashes from a mound over the Belbek, was exceedingly busy all the forenoon." This can scarcely apply to any other than an occulting telegraph. I am, sir, your obdt. servt., CHARLES BARRAGE. Dorset-street, Manchester-square, July 13. A letter from the Crimea states that Commandant Abbatucci (tbe son of the Minister of Justice), who was wounded some time ago, took his place in the trenches before he was well cured, and almost immediately' re ceived another wound in the head. THE DANIII3E.—A letter from Bucharest of the 3d, in the German Journal of Frankfort, says :—" The Otto man troops are still advancing into the Dobrudscha. From 1,200 to 1,500 Turks from Silistria have passed the Danube in boats, and landed at Kalarasch. Although the Tuskish corps now in the Dobrudscha are sufficiently provided with bridge equipage, and is supported by a flotilla, and, although the coast of Bessarabia is only de fended by about 10,000 Russians, yet it is not expected that the Muchir Ismail Pasha has any prey ent intention of attacking the Russi a ns. He appears inclined to wait for the fall of Sebastopol, in which ca. s.e he would doubtless be supported by some allied tr oops. The greatest commercial activity prevails on •, 1- ,he Lower Danube. It is calculated that, since the opelling navigation more than 500 vessels, of which 200 were of the Austrian, have taken on board cargoes at li i Y "all and at Galatz.", LIST OF SCOTTISH COMPANIES' PRICES. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. —- X s. d. £ s. d. Bank of Scotland .... 72. per cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 1847 0 British Linen Company B'. per cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 223110 Caledonian Bank 8/. per cent. 10 0 0 210 0 3'. 18s City of Glasgow Bank 5/. per cent. 10 0 0 10 2 0 11/ 150 Clydesdale Bank p cent. 20 0 0 10 0 0 13 Os mmercial Bank .. 71. per cent. 570 0 0 100 0 0 2097 es Eastern Bank.. • • .... 6/. per cent. 25 0 0 10 0 0 10/18s Edinb & Glasgow.... 31. p cent. 5 0 0 5 0 0 U. 17s Exchange Bnk of Scot.. National Bank 6y, per cent. 100 0 0 109 0 0 17010 s North of =cotland Bank 5/.percent 20 0 0 210 0 4/. les Royal Bank of 8 cotl. 51. per cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 127111 Union Bank of Scot. . 81. per cent. 100 0 0 50 0 0 917 5s Western Bank— .• •• 71. per cent. 50 0 0 50 0 0 77 108 Alliance Fire and Life.. 8;4/. pr cent. 100 0 0 11 0 0 181 53 British Guarantee 41. per cent. 10 0 0 2 0 0 11. 75 Caledonian Fire Insur 101. per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 251 Os City of 1 4 Iasgow Liie 6/. per cent. 25 0 0 2 0 0 47. 10s Co'onial Life ......... 5/. per cent. 50 0 0 1 0 0 57. 55 Edinburgh Life Insur. 61. percent. 100 0 0 15 0 0 261103 Eng. & Scot, Lan Life 51. per cent. 50 0 0 3 5 0 41. 7s Life Assoc. of Scal..and 61. per cent. 10 0 0 110 0 s'. Os National Fire and Life 61. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 11. 17s North British Insur... 71. per cent. 200 0 0 20 0 0 32/12s Scottish Union Inerne. /. prcent. 20 0 0 1 0 0 I/. ils standard Life ...... • 5/. per cent. 50 0 0 7 0 0 20/ Os United Dep. Assurance 5/. per cent. 10 0 0 1 0 0 ASSIZES AND SESSIONS BILL.—A bill brought from the Lords on the 9th of July provides for the more fre quent holding of assizes and sessions of the peace, by allowing the Queen in Council to order adjoining counties and cities to be united for the purposes of the act—that is to say, for trying in one of such counties, at any sessions of oyer and terminer and gaol delivery other than the sessions of oyer and termi ner and gaol delivery usually held in the spring and summer of each year, any persons who shall be charged with having committed any indictable offences in the other or any of the other of such counties. [ADVERTISEMENT.I-Fifty years indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatu lency, spasms, sickness at the stomach, and vomitings, have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Revalenta Arabica Food.—Maria Jolly, Northam Ling, near Diss, Norfolk. Cure No. 3,9o6.—Thirteen years cough, indigestion, and gene ra debility have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Re valenta Arabica Food.—James Porter, Athol-street, Perth. From the Dowager Countess of Castlestuart. Cure 52,612. Rosstrevor; County of Down, Ireland, 9th December, 1854. The Dowager Countess of Castlestuart feels induced, in the interest of suffering humanity, to state that Du Barry's ex cellent Revalcnta Arabica Food has cured her, after all Medicines had failed, 'of indigestion, bile, great nervous ness and irritability of many years standing. This food deserves the confidence of all sufferers, and may be con sidered a real blessing. Inquiries will be cheerfully answered. In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. lls. ; 121 b. 22 c. The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Ban y Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, London; also at 182, Pi c cadilly; 60, Gracechurch- s t ree t ; 330, and 451, Strand; 4, Chcapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill ; 49, Bishopsgate-street; 55, Charing-cross; 54, Upper Baker-street; 63 and 150 , Oxford-street ; 89, High-street, Camden -town ; 18, Pall. mall; 7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, Now Bond-street ; 24, Mot. comb-street ; 13, King Willi am -street, City ; 30, Conduit. street; 21, Cockspur-street ; 95, Farringdon - street ; 67 , St. Fauro Churchyard; s, Eclwaxd.-street, r°01114117KU44.0. PRICES OF SHA REM IN BANKS, ASSURANCE, AND OTHER COM- PANIES' STOCK. From the Official List. PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY AND FRIDAY EVENFNG. LONDON, FRID A.Y, JULY 13, 1855. GAS-LIGHT AND COKE COMPANIES. Dividend , Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. ---. — X s. d. £ s. d. British ••••••.. •• .. -- I Ditto Provincial •• .. 71. 20 0 0 20 0 0 20 Brighton •• .... ••• • ~ 51. 20 0 0 2 , , 0 0 15% City of London .. •• • • 41. 10s. 100 0 0 150 0 u ! 90 Continental (3d Cap.)... 50 0 0 43 10 0 ! Equitable ...• .. •• • • 2/. 10s. 50 0 0 all 35 Great Central .. .. •• • 8/ per cent. 10 0 0 all I 11% Imperial ............ 101 & bonus. 50 0 0 all 90 f I Independent ......... 51. 40 0 0 London.• ............ _ 50 0 0 /9 Do., Pail. Preference 61. per cent. 25 0 0 ,I , P: ce: ix .••.. • • •• •... 4/. per cent. 60 0 0 50 0 0 30 % Ratcliff ..... ....... M. 100 0 0 90 0 0 70 United fieneral ••.. • • Si. 10s. 50 0 0 ali 20 Westminster Chartered 41 per cent. 50 0 0 PO 44 Ditto, New ........ 50 0 0 10 - 0 71,4 WATER-WORKS. ; Dividend Amount Name of Company. I per 1 of • Paid. Price. Annum. Share. £ s. d. £ s. d. East London Grand Junction ..... • C. per clot. 50 0 0 all 68% Kent.... • • Lambeth New River Company 2l. 10s. Southwark & Vauxhall 5/. per cnt. 100 0 0 89% West Middlesex • • DOCKS. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. £ s. d. X s. cl. Commercial .• , ...... 4/. pr cent. Stock. Stock. East arid West India... 61. pr cent. Stock. 12 5 East Country.. 2os. per sh. London .• • • .•• Ditto Bonds .. • 1 4/. per cent. St. Katharine outhampton Victoria .. • (si. per cent. 20 0 0! 12 0 0 outliampton ........ 31,0 s per c. Victoria .. ..... si. per cent. JOINT-STOCK BANKS. , Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. I£ s. O. £ s. d. Australasia.... . 120/. per cent., 40 0 0 all 85 British North American 61. per cent. J 50 0 0 ~ 65 Commercial of London. ' 5/. per cent. 1100 0 0 20 0 0 32% Colonial .............. I 41. per cent. \ 100 0 0 25 0 0 I lonian ............... 1 61. per cent. 25 0 0 25 0 0 Lend. Char. Bk. of Aus. 20 0 0 all 0 London and County 12/. per cent.i 50 0 0 20 0 0 Londn and Westminstr 161. per cent. 100 0 0 20 0 0 London Joint-Stock .• . 101. per cent. 50 0 0 10 0 0 29 3 % Provincial of Ireland.. I 81. per cent. 100 0 0 25 0 0 Ditto, N ew. • • ...... I 8 / . per cent. 10 0 0 all National of Ireland.... IV. per cent. 50 0 0 22 10 0 Nat. Provincial of Eng. " 81. per cent. 100 0 0 35 0 0 Ditto, New .. • • .... 8!, per cent. 20 0 0 10 0 0 Oriental Bank Corpora. 101. p. ct.&bs. 25 0 0 all South Australia ...... • 14! p.ct.& bs. 25 0 0 „ Union of Australia •. • • 30.. per cent. 25 0 0 " 73% Ditto .............. 331. per cent. 210 0 is/ Union of London ..... "10'. per cent. 50 0 0 10 0 0 30 LA Union of Madrid ..... I 40 0 0 all CANALS. .. . ._ tZDividend Names of ;.) Dividend Price Names of a> Companies. i A , per Companies. t_s" A Price. nnum. cr, Annum. cis ---- 1 x X Ashtn &Oldh 198 71. p. ct. 139 Macclesfield. 100 21. 10s. 51% Barnsley •• . • ,160 Neath ...... 100 16/, 150 Brknk&Abrg 150 4/. Oxford.. •• • • 100 110 Birmingham 1 40' 4/, 91 Peak Forest. 78 51. Os 86 Coventry....lloo 251. 209 Regent's -• • 30 ?l 14% Derby ..... 1100 6/. 15s. 84 Rochdale .. • • 85 11. 10s. 60, Ellsinre&Chsl 69 2.4 p. ct Sonirset Coal 140 GrandJ mein 100 3'. pr.ct. 493, 1 DO Li Fd.,,t 121 Do., 6 pr.Ct.l 10 6/. pr. et. 121 A ,itflrd &Wore 1 40, 281. 425 s,rand Surrey,loo 4/. Shrewsbury.. 125 1 Grand Union 100! 13. cs. Stourbrldgs.. i 45 1 12/. 285 Kennt & Avn 39 Os. Od. 6% Severn and 1 Lancaster ..100 Wye Rail.. 5 26 k 21 . 28 Leeds &L;v:p 1001 25/. Warwick & 1 Leicester. ..11001 5/. 491, Binning. SNO 21 ' 20 Leicstr &Nith 831 28% Warwick & 1 2/. 11 Loughborogh 142; 701. 575 Napton...s 100 1 .Alonmouthsh 1001 Worcstr &/ I Mntgmerysh 100' Binning. ' 6 l 2L 23 MeltnMwbry 100 Wilts & Brks — 1 10s. Od. IN - SURANCE COMPANIES. Dividend i Amount Name of Company. per of Paid. Price. Annum. Share. - - I X s. d. f X s. d. Albion .... • • .... •• .. 3/. 10s. 500 0 0 50 0 0 83 Alliance Brit. and For. 71. 14s. 6d. bs 'lOO 0 0 11 0 0 17 9 ,4 l)itto Marine ... .... 61. p.c. & be. 100 0 0 25 0 0 - Anchor .............. 6 per cent. 5 0 1 0 0 - Atlas .. Xrgus Life ............ 4/. per cent. WO 0 0 25 0 0 - British Commercial .. 71. 10s. 50 0 0 5 0 0 7 Jlericl.Med.& Gen. Life spr ct. & bs. 100 0 0 10 0 0 21 County .............. 4/. 100 0 0 10 0 0 - Crown .............. 17s. Od 50 0 0 5 0 0 17% Eagle .. Equity and Law...... 4 1 4 per cent. 100 0 0 -5 0 0 6 European Life .. I/. 20 0 0 a u ...... Genera 1............. . 61. 5 0 0 PP 5% Globe ... . 5/. per cent. Stock. ~ 109 Guardian ............ 5 1 . per cent. Ito 0 0 45 0 - Imperial Fire ..... .... 121. per cent. 500 0 0 50 0 0 - Imperial Life Indemnity Marine.... 1.. 33 & 3/. 100 0 0 20 0 0 75 Law Fire ............ 25. & 2s. bs. 100 0 0 210 0 4% Law Life... •• .....• .• - 100 0 0 10 0 0 57 Legal and General Life - 50 0 0 ' 2 0 0 5% London London -hip.. 105.& be. 25 0 0 12 10 0 - Marine....• - Nled.lnvlid & Gen. Life 4% i. per ct. 50 0 0 2 0 0 3% Minerva Monarch ••-•• • • .. - 5 0 0 1 0 0 - National Loan Fund 5l. per cent. 20 0 0 210 0 - Palladium Life .. Pelican .... •• •• • • ..•• - - - - Phcenix - - - - P-oi - essional Life ...... 51. per cent. 5 0 010 0 % Provident Life........ IL 5s & bs. 100 0 0 10 0 0 38% Rock Life .. Royal Exchange ,•••• 101. per cent. Stock. all - Sun Fire ... .. 6/ 10s. - !I .-- Ditto Life ..... 1/ 14s. - - United Kingdom .... 4/. p. ct &bs. 20 0 0 4 0 0 5% Universal Life .• • ..... 51. per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 - Victoria Life ........ 51. per cent. - 412 6 5% MISCELLANEOUS. Dividend Amount Name of Company. per of i Paid. Price. Annum. Share. - - £ s. d. I £ s. (..1. Assam Tea ..,....... V. 50 0 0j 20 0 0 21 kuctien Mart• ••• - • - 214 per cent. 50 0 0 - - thstralian A griculturl 1/. Is. 100 0 0 17 10 0 30 Australian Trust .... Si. per cent. - 25 0 0 24 Australian Royal Mail 51. 10 0 0 all 4% knglo-Mexican Mint.. 11. 10s. 10 0 0 all - British American Land 155. - 40 0 0 - Canada ... • • ........ 6/. per cent. 100 0 0 32 10 0 - 1)o. 5 per cent Bonds 5/. per cent. - - - Oitto, 6 per cent. - 61. per cent. - - 113% City Navigation Bonds - - - - per cent. 25 0 0j 23 0 0 - Electric Telegraph .. 6 Ditto - •• •• -•• •• - - - - Equitable ROTerSIOnTy 71 pr. cent, 100 0 0 100 0 0 - Mao New ... .- . - 50 0 0,17 10 0 - Gen. Revers. & Invest. 5 p.C. & bs , 100 0 0 ,100 0 0 - Gen.BteamNavigation 10 p. ct. 15 0 0 14 0 0 26 1 A Iludson's 8ay...... • • - Stock. ! - - Hangerford .. .... •• •• 21. 55. 100 0 0 ,100 0 0 - London Institution . • • - -- - London Reversionary 5 / per cent. 15 0 0 all - Russell Institution •• • • - - 12 10 0 - Prlce's Patent Cand. Co 10/. per cent. 20 0 0,17 10 0 27 Reversionary Int. Soc. 4% /. pr cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 - Royal Mail. Steam... . 41. p. share. 100 0 01 60 0 0 - South Australian. .• •• 61. per cent. 25 0 0 all 37% Trust and Loan Comp. - Upper Canada .. ••20 0 0 5 0 0 - 110 UNIT RY 11 Ai-SET• I Y 1 3 ' HADDINGTON CORN MARKET — •" it ot S e ctnd B7: A I L. I 3 7 3 11LE G Y d 1 36 o s s i s o ci; ci 1 : i i 77s Od / 37s od lus . Third als Od / 34s 6d I 318 2 700 j Total quantity of wheat in market, 291 qrs" 1127,1 .. barley „ 12 1 q rs '' 15r, oats , . 78 qrs.' 430 PP bean IP 55 V.) AVERAGES PER IMPERIAL QUARTEB• A 811 Wheat, 3/. 17 0 11-12th s / B ar l ey, „X- li 1 I• 17 Oats, ... 11. 14 6 10-12th s 1 B eans, 2/. 9-^ II , f DALKEITH GRAIN MARKET—JV" 1 111 .44 Qrs. Best. Current. 68' 289 Wheat 82s Oct 430 Oats 34s 8d oos Oa ....... " 331 178 Barley 33s Oci oos Ocl ........ Al 46 Peas & beans 50s Oct OO3 Od ...••• ABERDEEN—JULY 13. 9 68 6cl to 27s Od lobs per 10 Potato oats Common oats 26 s Od t o 26 s 6d Bore 31s Od to 31s 6d t 531 be Barley 31 s Od to 31s 6d J Wheat, red (spring)63s Od to 65s Od }62lbs " white 7os 0 ( 1 t o 75 s Od boll. Oatmeal per 2os dto 21s Od ,. ~ Flour 55s Od to 56s Od pe Wl'• 0 2 0 s s , O d d to to 2 3 s RETAIL PRICES. ne tO /1 10 Flour Oatmenl,l4lb Berenieal ....... ls 7d to is 8d , per lb ........ .0001 3s Od Ba , r , ley d fl u ° s u t, r' . l . ....... .. .............. Peasemeal 28 7d. to 2s 8(1 Sids, ... -_ .. :;•.; .... 4-lb. 10af...9d. I 2-Ib. loat .... ..,1"' 4e. Cheese, per imperial stone, 3s Gd to 1 0 PROVISION MARKET. A 401! i Beef, per lb 6d to 9,1 Butter, p lb. u e - gatov.o Mutton, per lb. Gd t o 8d I Eggs, p doz. Os ~,i 0 9 0 Veal, per lb.. 6d to 9d Hens, p pair 3 0 r 1t4 ,310 Pork, per lb 5d to 6d Chickens,do. 2 s . 0 - ato olo Salmon, per lb Os to Os Ducks, do., 03 m t 440 Grouse, per brace 08 to Os Ducklings,do Os isi 000 Tallow, p stone, 489 d to 5s Od I Turkeys, each4s u 0 :1 00 Potatoes, pr peck, 10d t o 12d G eese , do., 45 of , Od t ° o Butter for exportation (present cure) per cwt.' .. lte Eggs, wholesale price, per dozen .... ............ ..• DUBLIN—JULY 14. A t' 7 1 0 9 ( White wheat, 41s Od to 43s Od ; re d ditto, 3"i to I s j barley, 17s Od to 20s Od ; oats, 14s 9d to 16s 6d; 105 00s Od to —s Od per brl ; oa t mea l, 15 s Od to 1 796d it0 05 flour, 93s 6d to 27s Od p er cw t ; I nd i an cor n, 485 n per 4801bs. $O , * yi R. and ever ? e , ri sent a° • 1 at 3 o'clock. teren till F, 0- 11 E Five 1 , July 2 in z 3 , Tam • m. p reit Under 12 able for the t C A RER EXC 6TER an t an , 81arl klme eVetirlin" "7 ' 2 ° and' and 5 : GI llEZ T te t c o lfl( 34 J alY, 18 Prift ?late,,„ Cl' oesby break Every dese 4pPer ly to tt PTER: ht 1 4r 'TM th ereon lintim , clecla tt ; 1 4 1 • 8 Lt Vtl e : en °flle( th 4d 1.1 0 t" Ectlet),", T lit r , C R h —rd. -. 14 ,t& bV e a tiel, titae, o , t kit,l .!..,,,4011 p ......._ * it . Ite meottie • ‘i e stY'a Ltx tr , Iloic t il ThTericlers gym, 4r 3 eir th e ,. e a : r e op en 4 ot ne _,!:.nly 4 sstraett lc e lThple i tided "der the, tor the at Liavkl °Me( Th e e rpool, ii,54. coedli liti,,' o 3 ,eall e d Nat) , " S -0 !gett(; 44 1 i . a th e 4 laia 1 at eel t r' suit Ev ° hira •,t , "”. ' an d :rs- te r , rtor' pifil o J oe e ,, ~, ,, 00 , ,1 0 id rt --- ~, , t ,„ o t . Port . 11, , t i4sT ,4a, top 1,„„0-tviit to the F ur, a 4 4 to, p . , Z,10 , k,i t ,, i toll ! 10, wa ltEl Als o reti e] ~. j whit.' el" tor, 01 , ,,,,, iinart • - k=e, 1 '" °, 1. , ' i k„"od, foi ~,, . , a v a ,ta , ' 0 le iui Pbr Ar e , J o 4i ' ao ng fr om ~..11 01 1 Tb:c l , 3 ell,, 'I Q ' I if has ' a Val ,tOl , olio 1,4' .shat, • ,4 0 I Nljn tiea lar: AO !j ail b Ourt , /V ll4 'ar 'llet ,11.44041 Nnz, gees, „. 0 I I t oitell e ,. a nd .• i 01/ Dl ho Iton i v ' 4 ,_ &I4' wit ,tool 0 11 . i l q °le, ' r il s• CI • C, OYA 4 4,, The tN , teede ( ito e k l kerie9 Rki,,tty) , kitot,h:tif „„,..ktlie j: 111ha I li Nb leri Wit 4 1 4 1 44: 1 1 4 11, r 4: . 0 0111 thti '. T Q ' r•t. , Nif ti 4 qrra ti atv I, q ) ti of t ~ 41, k,...,(6,„ It t : t aat, ( Ce et qloir e '''r tt," 3 al Itk ete eik, I lia t e l i tie! I tt , _ , tin t o e ) - 11‘4Yla n , 1 44 , be: Nif °4l ( 1'4 4 ,, 4 In ai n Meal 1 11, 1 1. .\,,....... ALL tile kiBo k t t l t It ki qtaa trzh e ; l ! \„,.:. Ilt Ito e tt klltq & d ° thd i ) \.....?1,11 SEABORNE MAILS. (N signifies that the malls a re sent f rom the (wer° the night—and M by the morning—despatch.) COIT.NTRIES. Day wean ni 4:, - froin+ w in General Post- port Ofllee, London.* Diepatel (Every Friday .. .. iLiverpool America(bylirit.pack)N ..mericP. (by United Sts packet) ..........N I tnerica (by U. States packet) ..........N Australia (via South ampton) ..........M Ditto (via Marseilles) N, Ditto (via Cape of Goad Hope) ............N1 Africa (West Coast) ...N Alexandria.......... N Alexandria ..........M Bahamas ...........M Belgium ............N Brazil .. Buenos Ayres ........M Cape of Good Hope .. N Cape of Good Hope ..N Capo de Verds Ceylon (see India) Ceylon Channel Isles ........N Chili.. ...............M China ... . Constantinople Constantinople Cont. of Europe M & N Egypt (see India) France ........ N Gibraltar Greece (see India) Groytowu .......... M 2nd & :7th of mon.:Southan llamburgh ..........N Tuesday & Friday London • Havannah ..........Ml2nd of the month Southall; Holland Dover ••• Honduras ..........M'l7th of the month. South am India (vlaSouthampt.)M,4th & 20th of m on .l plyrnoutl India (via Marseilles)M 9th&2sth of month Dover lonian Isles (see India) l 7, 17, & 27 of monDover.• Ireland ........M & N,Twice daily ......:Holy: ha e Lisbon.. ........M,7, 9, 17, &27 o f in.lSouthani Madeira 9th of the mo n th ISoutham madeira ............N '23d of month ....ILiverpool Malta (see India) Malta . ....... ~N 8, 18, &28 of men. Dover •• • , Sauritins (see India) Mauritius 14th of the month Mexico .• ••.••••• • • M 2nd of the month.. Soathatzll , Naples ...... ........N . sthlsth2sthormon. Dover .• • New Granada ......3)112d Sc 17 th of month Southall; New Zealand lEy private ship .. Various P' Papal States ........Nlsthlsth2sthofmon. Dover .• • Peninsula Ml 7 th 17 th 27 thofmon. SouthamP Peru 201 & 27th of mon. SouthamP Port Natal ..........N By private ship...,Various Sicily sthlsth2sthofmon, l Dover . • • Tuscany ............NBthlrith2sthofbaon.lDover .• • Venezuela 17th of monthlSouthill o P Van Diemen's Land (seel Australia) West Indies ........Z.1.2d& 17th oi month ,SouthalnP' luverpooi '''• - • ISoutharil ***** •••• • • South • , Dover '23d of the month.. plymoutl 'B, 9, 24, & 30 of m. Dover • • 4th & 20th of mon. southaml 17th of the month sontharn] IDailY... ...... Dover ,9th of the month.. Southaml 9th o the month.. Southam Vicious 1 9th of tin montb!Southartil 11 , fon.,Wed.,&Fri.'5.1outhasn1 2d & 17th of monthissuthan2l Once a month.... '8,13,18,23,&28 01 mlPover 14th Yz. 20th of mon.; 30.ithall Twice daily ...... Dover Twice daily • 'Dover • • ,4, 7, 17, 20, 27 of to ISoutharel When any of thew mails dates fall on a Sunday, the f the «; o spatched on the following day, with the excePn e g o dope, Southampton), and the Malta, both of which vrii. preceding day. SHARE MARIETS• LIVERPOOL, JULY 14. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The tone of the market wP: aro , improve . l to-day. Midland, 714 —s o uth P' l 7l) —Lancashire and Yorkshire, 81 4—Caledonian, d 110 Lancashire, 19 1-16—Sheffield, 24 s—London An Western, 1004—Exchange Buildings, 277. MANCHESTER, JULY 14. 0 10 ) ) STOCK EXCHANGE.—There was little bu.s.ile tho poi, but more disposition to s e ll, and prices were ra Leeds, 81—London and North Western, 100;00Iv 244—Ditto, 101. Pref., 112—Ditto, 61. Prof.., P Man. and L'pool District Bank, 8, 1 pm. BIRMINGHAM, JULY 14. o a STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market has 13011.100 t d active during the p a st week, and prices of all k i l n i pretty well maint a i ne d. S a l es t o -d a y (for next account), 714—N. Staffordshire , " 1 6 0 Western, Stour Valley Guaranteed, sellers', 01* Western, Birmingham Guaranteed, buyers 0% 0 1 01 —London and North Westerns, buyers WO, 8 %0 0 Warwick and Napton Canal, buyers 104-1 3 ir w a l0 Worcester Canal, sellers 21—Birmingham Can" 1 0, LEEDS, JULY 14. i dtd ° ,l‘ STOCK EXCHANGE.—Tho bu s i ne ss was very - AO3 bnt yesterday's prices were about maintained;i /5' 4 10 71—Manchester, Sheffield, an d Li nco l ns hire, 2 T,R I land, 71 —Leeds Northern, 6 p er cen t. Prof., " —Craven Moor Mine, 18s., 17e. 6d. 00 ss o / The steamer Queen arrived at Southampton 0 ,01 le day with a cargo of above 200 fat ballock ° „ r te 4 Peain-ula. These beasts have beenfr furnish beef for the camp at Aldershot* „ ofd COUNTRY ASSAY-OFFICES.—In continuat.o- f turn of the reports of the Inspector-Genera' ° oo l ,l and Taxes on the wsaying and marking of rottri . , mingham and Sheffield have t.ince appeared. 0 t ier siaster at Sheffield is a surgeon-dentist, who „ Ti io!„d te an intelligent person, and well acquaint o otrof duties," and the business of the assay-office If 130 0 0( conducted with due order and regularity. ham the assay-office is very commodious, t ‘ l3 + ; o o',l ll ' paratus of a superior description. The execr l ;l business appears to be properly superinteu n w pt. wardens, and the accounts are systematicallY!:,:or, assay-master at Sheffield reports a crying gr i 'yter t e,, which the silversmiths loudly complain,—viz' ', 0 61 0 1 4 1 9 tice pursued by the manufacturers of plated g „di j fi other imitations of silver, of impressing such gulp marks bearing too close a resemblance to tho s e 02 12 marking genuine silver plate, and deceiving BIRTHS. OF A SON. I, o'l On the 12th inst., at Ilchister-place, Nor t h 0, , Mrs. Benjamin Rowsell. al e 0 On the 14th inst., at Lee-grove, Blackheath , 30 William Carr, Esq. Ken Ai On the 13th inst., at 7, Fortress-terrace, ~ 0- - -- v Mrs. Bass. , Rectgrif' On the 12th inst., at Lytchett Hatt-avers -v, wife of the Rev. . M Heath. On the 11th in W. at . Horncastle, the wife o f the Lodge. On the 13th inst., at relmuir, Torquay, the ° °lli W. L. Feilden—stillborn. AO ,Ol OF A DAUGHTER. i i ralri V° 4 .1 On the 14th inst., at Nelsen Honee, Stoke ' - ior Mrs. On Roe. the 13th inst., s at Highbnry-terrace, the i fife to Steavenson, Esq. MARRIED. v . C l l ol# Ti o ih e Ou the 10th inst., at Wal co t Ch u rch, 4 ' - n i nir Julien Count Wengierski, to Fanny, widelv,: o rir John Francis Smith, Es q ., o f Whit e b o urne ib fordshire. gori ° o l Vol On the 12th inst., a t Dit c hi ng h am Chuicb , to% Rev. H. R. Nevill, i ncum b en t o f St. Mark's' 0 / to Alice, third d aug ht er o f th e R ev . Ed. W' l3° '' S,DJ I 4 Toperoft. tS' On the 12th i ns t., a t th e p ar i s h c h u rch, Cl 13 1;; n or , ,o , Duncan Gerard, Esq., of Sandy, Ceylon, te_.sf:dlo 7 daughter of Daniel Esq., Milton House, Iry '- road. DIED. yr W e.° On the 13th inst., at Laura-place, Claptoll* herd, Esq. late of the Admiralty, aged 75. . 0 4011' 1 1' On the 13th inst., at 31, Coleshill- street, I. '"Gee' cit i , Colonel John Enoch , Assistant Quartermaster. Head-quarters, London, aged 71. jul itig li On the 13th inst., at 50 , Tavistock-square, o mann, Esq., of Austinfriars. rr 9 1 Aft On the 13th inst., a Herne-hill Abbey, .- 31 e Vyse, Esq., of Luton, Bedfordshire, aged 49. . og toi l. p On the 12th inst., at Mercer Lodge, o f Samuel '' 4 Samuel Francis Marryatt, only surviving sou A v Captain Marryatt. eee i'. / On the 28th ult., at Sebastopol, wounds r. o .gt. 16 the 18th, Captain Wm. Henry Mansfiel d, 1414 '+, "O P '''. of , i a 1,. JEW .. 11, , On the 30th ult., at Antwerp, Henry Stew ar ; 96 ' A surviving son of the late Robert Vans Agu e ' ' ," 17 Shehan, aged 67 * . al; O nc n the 7th inst , at Emsworth, Hants, 1) 5/1 Esq., aged 42. _.......•%401 f v r LINDON: Printed and Published by tf of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun OfficeP co o, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Bliddleries, Monday, July 16,1855. , 4k t,, 1.4', ' k tit k ?II