The Sun. — London, England, 1855-07-16 00:00:00

4, 4 tot ttion+ SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock. TATTERSALL'S. (THIS EVENING.) NOTTINGHAM HANDICAP. stolon the field. GOODWOOD STAKES. 10 to 1 agst Quince (taken) 12 to 1 agst Homily (taken) 15 to 1 agst Calamus (taken) 15 to 1 agst Supplicant (taken) 25 to 1 agst Katerfelto (taken) 25 to 1 agst Mishap (taken) 25 to 1 agst G-oorkah (offered) GOODWOOD CUP. 2 to 1 agst Oulston (taken and offered) sto 2 agst Baroncino (3 to 1 taken) 12 to 1 agst Royal Quand Meme (taken) DERBY. 9to 1 agst 71y-by-night (taken) 16 to 1 agst Wentworth (taken) 20 to 1 agst :Fazzoletto (taken) 20 to 1 agst Dramatist (taken) 25 to 1 agst Artillery (taken) 25 to 1 agst Yellow Jack (taken) 30 to 1 agst Polmoodie (taken) 40 to 1 agst Mario (taken) STOURBRID GE RACES. (THIS DAY.) Cripple Minetta (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) PRE STWO OD STAKES. 2 Four ran. INITKEEBERS' PLATE. Roving Betsy Alma Four ran. STO URBRIDGE STAKES Master Slender Whitelock iiiteflyer Six ran. Won easy. I AIPERI AL PARLIAME NT. HOUSE CIF LORDS.-(THIS EVENING.) ROYAL COMMISSION. The Royal assent was given by commission to the fol lowing bills : —County Palatine of Lancaster Trf . ..3 ; Woolmer Fox vat ; Duchy of Lancaster Lands (1855) ; Union Charg es Act Continuance ; Cinque Ports In lem nay ; Court of Exchequer ; Stock in Trade, Copyh c Id, &c., Commit ;slim Continuance ; Haylebury Coll e l qe ; New South Wales Government ; Victoria Govern ment ; Wade Lands (Australia) Acts Rep!: ; Militia (N( r. 2) ; Hartlepool Pier and Pa rt ; Fife and 1 Kinross Railway ; Carlisle and Sell oth Bay Railw2 by and Docks ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire , Railway Capital ; Stockport, Disley, and Whaley Br idge Railway ; Carmarthen and Cardigan Railway an .d. Dock Improvement ; Weymouth Wal.er ; Grand Sur ri iy Canal (No. 2) ; Torquay, Tor, altd St. Mary's Ch a rch Gas ; Hedon and Hull,l &c., Ro: ids ; Sligo Gas ;; West Bromwich Improvement ; Sta: nes, Wokingha• ai, and Woking Railway ; Cape Town Railway s .nd Dock ; Glasgow, Kirkintilloch, and Baldernoc'b . Roads; Aboyne, Ballatin,S' Braemar, and Cairnwall *Roads ; Gateshead Quay ; Halifax Gvbslight and Coke, Company; Royal London Militia; Lu ton, Dunstabl e , and Welwyn Railway; Folkestone Inapt- , ave ment ; in Barrel Proof House (Birmingham and London) Stockton and Darlington Railway ' • SotrA rset Mineral F tailway ;Wolverh amp t on N ew Water; Brad. ford Corporat ion Water; Dublin Roads (N 0.2); Keighley and Kendal Road ; Liverpool Improvement ; Medtrurst and Wes. t Farlegh. The L ords Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the D?k,3 of Argyll, and the Earl of Harrowby. Their lordship adjourned during pleasure. The LORD CH. LYCELLOR took his seat on the wool sack at five o'clo The Earl of H A.DDINGTON presented two peti . ;ions from Huddersfield and another place against the Scotch Education Bill. The noble lord said he entirely con cur red with the pra 5 , 43 r of the petitioners. ' 'THIRD READINGS. On the motim •of Lord REDESDALE, the follo , ring bills were read a third time and passed :—Wavvney Valley Railway .; Barrow Harbour ; Furness Rail% 'ay ; England and I raland Improved Communication Bir kenhead and I verpool Docks (Trust Property of Bir kenhead Dock Trustees) ; Haddow's Divorce ; Sitm ners' Divorce ' - ztnd Jones' Divorce. The. Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a patitilmi from a meeting held in Freemasons' Hall, and signed by the chairman o a behalf of the meeting, in favour of tile Religious Wor ship Bill Bow before their lordships. Earl FORT 'ECUE presented a petition fronq the governors o f Exeter and Devon Hospital against the Charitable Trus is Bill. • The Earl of ) )EItBY presented petitions for the total abolition of Chi irch-rates- and far the better observance of the Sabbath. • On the moti. 3n of Lord REDESD..A.LE, Lord and Lady Raglan's Annuity Bill, was' read a first time. Lord BROD . / 3-HAM, in reference to the subject of slavery, paid a high compliment to the Earl of Malrhes bury, when Se n.etarY for Foreign Affairs, for the able manner in whi. he conducted the correspondence on the subject of k Javery. The Earl of 41,LBERMARLE presented a petition from the inhab it ants of the Presidency of Madras pi ay ing for a redrer is of grievances, and that the administra tion of the Bri ti sh territory in India be transferred to the Eastlndia C lompany or the Crown. The petition was signed by 1 4,000 persons, and complained of never having receive rd any redress of the many grievances com plained of in. a petition presented by the Earl of Ellenborough. The petitions particularly referred to the salt and to: bacco monopoly, in inflicting great mis. disease, and irs covenience upon the natives. The ruble earl then pros 3eded to enumerate several other subjects of taxation wl ich were most oppressive and vexatious' to the people. T 1 ere was a tax called the matourfa, leviied upon trades as id professions, which was most bitterly complained d No trade, however humble, was err ceptecl from it s operation, and the manner in which it was levied ca used great discontent, being in one case only is. an i in another case 10s., while thelwhole amount reef ied from the tax was only 115,5191. fr.)m a populatiori .of 22 millions. Another prominent gritv ance was a k ind of land tax—the ryotwary—that acted most seriotvii r upon the cultivators, and was most detri mental to th le improvement of the land. The noble earl then entered. at length into the other evils complained ot, and stated t h at torture in some instances had been re sorted to to collect the hateful impost. LLEFT SITTING.] HOUSE ol COMMONS.-(THIS EVENING.) The SPEA ER took the chair at four o'clock. Lord J. ill JSSELL entered the house about half-pant' 4 o'clock, a u I took his seat on one of the back bencaes, between Sir. tG. Strickland and Mr. Duncan. Mr. G. B E RKELEY took the oaths and his seat for Cheltenharn„ in place of Mr. Craven Berkeley deceased. The Lord amendments to the Honiton Road Bill and the Dagenh: cm Docks were considered and agreed to. The Crom strty Estate Bill and Pedder's Divorce Bill were read a - third time and passed. Bray's E 5 ;Late Bill and Harvist's Estate Bill were r3ad a second tin 2 e. M :SSAGE FROM THE LORDS. Mr. PUI MAN, Y eoman4Jsher of the Black Boa,. appeared at the table and summon e d th e h ouse to att. 3 n d in the Hous 4 , of Lords to hear the Royal assent given ky , commission to several bills (lor which see our Lords report). The SPEI3 :Elt, and several members of the house its - mediately r eyaired to the House of Lords. THE HOP DITTY. In reply to Mr. PELLAT; The CIL INCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER sta.•,eil it was not the intention of the Government to alter sr.; present the rate of duty chargeable on foreign hops. Mr. E. 13.1 LL asked the Chancellor of the Excl te quer if he h 1 taken into his consideration the inconve nience and loss sustained by the =Aster from his le ing obliged to find securities for the payment of ma It duties, and the great hardship that persons so beconiiiig. securities musk° their entire property responsible for i said duties, and are prohibited from disposing of a cy portion oft heir estate in land or houses ? The CHA3TCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he bad made inquiry into the present state of the law, al iil should be pi •epared to propose an extension of the reg a - lations intr, xinced with regard to bonds given to th, , e Board of Cu stems by the act of last session, but one e which he thought would remove the grievance coim plained of. _ AUSTRIAN SUBSIDY. Mr, S. Tr' gOX asked the First Lord of the Treasfl ry whether, at an 3, time durin g t h e recent negotiations at Vienna, a st tbsidy to the Austrian Government had evi ?.r been entert: tined by the Government of this country I (Hear.) Lord PAKLMERSTON—No, sir ; never. (Hear wad laughter.) LORD JOFIN RUSSELL'S RESIGNATION. On the (;kirk proceeding to read the orders of t hey day, Lord J. frUSSELL sa id—Sir, my noble friend 1 .a s given notice •of motion for the postponement of the ore PTS of the day, allow the hon. baronet opposite, the m an ber for Hert fordehire, to brin ,- , on the motion of wt. ich he had given t notice. As the motion refers both to 11137 conduct at Vienna and my continuance in office si. ice my return, r - think it right to state to the house wL tt has occurred bearing on that motion the hon. baron ie t wishes to lon ng under the notice of the house. 1( have first :to state that, having on Thins(' lay evening declared to the First Lord of the Treasury jity wish to retire from the service of the Crown her Majesty was graciously pleased to accept my resignation of office, and therefore I only hold office till my successor is appointed. I might be disposed to rest satisfied with this declaration were it not that recent events have been of so complicated a nature in them selves, and have likewise been perverted by malice— (hear) —that I think it is highly desirable to place be fore the house some account of my conduct in those recent and very difficult negotiations stated in the circular that has been so often referred to—that I in- formed the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs, before I left Vienna, that I would use any influence I might possess for the acceptance of certain propositions that were to be an ultimatum. Sir, I do not dispute the general correctness of that assertion ; but it is not true, as has been stated, that I engaged to state to the Cabi net the views I entertained. It is true that I promised to lay before the Government in the most favourable manner I could the proposition that had been made, and I did so in conjunction with other persons of great weight and au thority. Besides the three resident Ministers of France, Great Britain, and Turkey, there were at the time in the capital of Austria Ministers of Foreign Affairs of France and of Turkey. After many and repeated discussions there was at length a proposition made to us, and 'both the Ministers for Foreign Affairs for France and Tur- ... key, persons less known in this country, but men dis tinguished for intelligence and sagacity, and they both thought it might be accepted as a foundation of proposi- tions to be made and accepted. I concurred in that opinion, and after a conference and several interviews with M. Druyon de l'Huys, we decided on forwarding it . to our respective Governments. I will not now enter into the nature of their thoughts. I might have something to say about them by and by. I brought this proposal on the night of the 29th April, and on the 30th a Cabinet Council was held on the subject of my recent mission. I have already stated that the result of the discussion of the Cabinet was that these propositions were not adopted by the Government of this country ; but I think I might state that it completes what I then said, that there were circumstances which arose in the course of these discussions which made it appear to my mind impossible to urge the acceptance of these propositions. There was prior to the end of that week—the first Cabi net being on Monday. At the end of the week the con currence of all the members of the Cabinet was, that the propositions could not be accepted. I might say that the circumstances to which I allude were circumstances quite independent of the merits of the propositions, and did not alter my opinion of- their merits. This agree ment having been come to, Lord Clarendon wrote a despatch, dated Bth May, with regard to the merits of these propositions. Not that I wish to enter into them entirely, but I do so in consequence of obser vations made by the hon. member for Buckinghamshire He said that these propositions were such as to convince the people of this country, that if they could be received there was no great issue at stake which justified the great exertions this country was making in carrying on the war. Now, sir, it was because I thought the war necessary, and that these exertions should be made, that I was the bearer of these propositions, and thought they were fit to be accepted. I conceived the magnitude of the peril to Turkey, and the power and prejudices of Russia to be such that it was necessary, if possible, to unite all the great powers of Europe out of Russia against her efforts in war, and afterwards given Turkey security in peace. Such, therefore, is the foundation of my opinion, an opinion not formed certainly upon the merits of the earlier of these propositions, because the house will find, and those who have read the recent papers laid upon the table with :reference to these negotiaions, that I objected to that which is the main principle of this proposition, namely, the principle of counterpoise, when they came to be enforced —which they were, the day before I left Vienna. The Emperor of Austria, through his Minister, stated his readiness both to present this ultimatum, of Si. Petersburgh, and, should a treaty be concluded, to enter into a defensive alliance with France and Great Britain to prevent and arrest any future aggression on the part of Russia against Turkey, I did think that thereby security would be obtained for the future peace of Europe, which, whatever might be the success of the arms of France and Great Britain, —however glorious their efforts might be—would be scarcely able to place Turkey in a secure position if Austria did not combine with us, or should at any future period partake of the designs of Russia. In stating these opinions I hardly expect to hear they differ from the views entertained by the hon. bart. the member for Hertfordshire, because, speaking as he always does with great ability and eloquence, he, on a former occasion, pointed out to the house the advantage of having Austria as an ally, from her impor tant position, being situate in the centre of Europe. Such, then, were the general grounds upon which I acted ; and, acting upon the assumption that the propo sition would not be proceeded with, I supposed the de spatch of Lord Clarendon would contain a rejection of the whole subject. The noble lord then went into de tails of some of the facts that had taken place at the Conference, and proceeded. At that time, therefore, there was an end of all negotiations and to any ultimatum, and no doubt could be entertained that the war must be continued. The noble lord, after referring to the third point in the Conference, said.—lt hes been made a reproach to me by the right honourable gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli), that in that discussion I had been the uncompromising advocate of war ; be that so. Under the circumstances I would ask the house what other course I had to adopt. (Hear.) It appeared to me tlaat neither the first nor the second propositions afforded the elements of peace, and therefore I had no alternativ-e but to support her Ma jesty in the prosecution of the war. Now it has been said that the house has not been informed of the propo sitions of Austria. I certainly was not answerable or responsible for that communication—that duty devolved upon the Foreign Secretary ; but I cannot entertain a doubt that the Government acted most properly in not making that communication, because it would have given Russia an opportunity of sending her forces wherever she pleased, and to -those parts where she thought they would be most effective. I can conceive if the Government bad come forward to propose a mo tion in this house upon the subject they might have been met by a statement that the house would not entertain it until the papers were laid on the table ; but such a course had not been left open to - the Government in the prevent instance; they were obliged to enter into it as well as they could. The right hon. gentleman has said that I was the uncompromising advocate of war I doubt very much whether the assertion can bo borne by facts. To say that because we are engaged in a great war with Russia, there were no terms in which we can accept peace, was qeite an absurdity. Her Majesty's Govern ment had taken no such view--they had conceived a plan of limiting the Russian fleet, on which basis they would have made peace. He had never said other wise, than that that security was a very imper fect one, and that was his present opinion. Peace and war were not abstract matters by any means. Being on the Ist of May of opinion that terns might, with the consent of the Emperors of France and Austria, be pro posed at St. Petersburg which might lead to peace. But when these terms could not be proposed, he had fallen back upon his previous position. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the subsequent portion of his conduct on the occasion of the motion of the right hon. member for Becks ho bad counselled the vigourous prosecution of the war, and such was still his personal feeling upon the subject. The noble lord then referred to the personal attack made upon him by the right hon. member for Manchester, and to the speech he made in reply to it ; and observed that on looking back to that speech his sentiments as than expressed were now identically the s ame. With regard to the motion of the right hon. baronet opposite (Sir E. B. Lytton), the noble lord remarked that it was a most strange and unjust conclusion to arrive at, that because he had on the 21st of April considered the Austrian propositions might be accepted as a foundation of peace, he should thenceforward be incapable of serving his country uprightly and conscien:-. tiously. (Hear.) Reverting to the period when he had accepted office under the present Administration, he traced the course of events in connection with it until his return to this cauntry, and stated that he had twice tendered his resignation to Lord Palmerston, but that the noble lord would not receive it, considering it to be a great disadvantage to the public. (Rear.) But at length the misrepresentation to which his conduct was submitted had induced him no longer to consult the per sonal feelings of his noble colleague, but at once to place his resignation in the hands of her Majesty, w h o h a d b een g raciously pleased to accept it. (Hear, hear.) But he might be allowed to say that he was in no way dis satisfied with the position in which he now stood, because he had always done that which he believed to be for the benefit of the country. (Cheers.) He had every reason to thank his late colleagues fo their extreme kindness towards him, and t he confid e they had on \ all occ as i ons di s pl a y e d towards him. i had, however, been slandered and calumniated in a manner which his conscience assured him his actions had hot merited ; but at the same time, though such was the case, he did not, as he had said, feel in the least degree dis satisfied with the circumstances under which he ;tool in that place when be remembered that one of England's best and noblest generals and virtuous and able men— he alluded to the late Lord Raglan—had during his late yrolaiAent pubic career been venally as Frouly slAnd. • ered and misrepresented than he (Lord J. Russell) had been. (Cheers.) During bis long political career he had the sati=faction of knowing that he had been enabled to I)romote by measures which lie had been adopte], the welfare and advantage, the liberty and prosperity of the country. He had possessed many as warm and attached friends and of as noble natures as any man, and whatever errors he had committed, and whatever mistakes he had made, he had always endea voured to satisfy his own conscience, and therefore he had no reason to be discontented with the results which bad now taken place. Whatever, then, may be the de cision of the house, he was satisfied to abide by it. (Cheers.) Sir E. B. LYTTON said as the noble lord had retired from office he felt bound to justify the reason why he intended to pursue his present course. Though the noble lora had retired a second time in one campaign— though he had left the field—and this time he thought, " Parmula non bene relicts," Yet, as he had entered at such length into a vindication of his previous conduct, he trusted the house would not consider it ungenerous or vindictive in him if he also vindicated some of those reasons which led him to think that the conduct of the noble lord such as to shake the confidence of the country in those who administered its affairs. (Hear.) The position of the noble lord was this : Here was a great statesman, formerly the chief minister of the Crown, who was sent to Vienna to negotiate terms of peace, or to support honestly the necessity of the continuance of the war. He had just before broken up a Government by his own desertion. (Hear.) [LEFT SPEAKING.] THE DISCLOSURES. It would be idle now to discuss the merits of the Aus trian scheme for converting the Black Sea into a dock for the construction of as many Russian, French, and English ships of the line as might seem fit to the Rus sian Government ; except to observe that such a mea sure could be regarded only as the first step towards a partition of the Turkish empire, the very catastrophe which the war was undertaken to avert. As the Times has well remarked, it was the preponderance of Russia over Turkey against which the third article was intended to provide ; but Count Buol's scheme left that prepon derance not only without limit, but legalised its increase to any extent. _ _ _ We will not affect to conceal the pain and surprise with which we have learnt that such terms as these, which would as little have secured the objects of the war as those of which the''''rejection was so deeply deplored by Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Cobden, and Sir James Graham, obtained the sanction of Lord John Russell's approval. It is a triumph for the peace•at-any-price party, and their Russian allies, worth infinitely more to them than the success of the 18th of June. Nor have we only to regret that a statesman we so highly honour and value should have cornmitir.rd what we regard as a grave error of judgment. In the circumstances and mariner of disclosing the opinion he had unhappily formed, an error even more grave was committed. Al though not a member of the Government when he under took the mission to Vienna, Lord John was a Cabinet minister when he declared his approval of the Austrian proposition. As a mere Envoy, he might perhaps with out any great imprudence have expressed himself favour ably respecting a project of which the reception by the Government he represented was, to say the least, very doubtful ; but when to this character he added that of a member of the Government which sent him, he was no longer in a position to express any decided opinion with out distinctly compromising his colleagues. Whether or not his communicatien violated the oath taken by a privy councillor we will not stop to inquire ; but at any rate the evil was produced against which the oath is in tended to provide. The advice tendered by the council lors of the Crown has been made known to the Queen's enemies. The most authentic intelligence has been con veyed to them of deliberations which it is justly consi dered treason to reveal. The excuse to be made for Lord John Russell involves the condemnation of his original appointment. Brought into contact with some of the ablest and most unscrupu lous diplomatists in Europe, he found himself in a com pany for which all that was high and generous in his nature unsuited him. Mais que liable allait.il faire clans cette galere ? He doubtless thought, as Lord Lynd hurst in his late speech said he was bound to think, that Count Buol was a man of honour. Unused himself to the artifices of diplomacy, his caution was disarmed, we can well imagine, by the Count's perfect frankness and cordia lity. our English minister believed, in short, that he might place the same confidence in the Austrian Minister as in an English gentleman. He communicated his opinion, he tells us, "at a confidential interview ;" and of course the Austrian re-communicated it immediately to the Russians, and subsequently to the world. Lord John Russell unhappily did not remember that it is the pride of Austrian diplomatists to be distinguished for duplicity ; and that he had only very lately seen one of them, and by no means the worst of his cla , ts, at the same time publicly denouncing an individual as a traitor, and carrying on with him a secret correspondence as the most valued servant of the Crown. Other excuses to be suggested are of a more general kind. It is said of some sea-captains that they never take an observation of either latitude or longitude, but are contented to ascertain where they are from any vessel they may happen to fall in with. Such appears to be the conduct, as regards foreign affairs, not merely of Lord John Russell, but of almost all other English statesmen. They perpetually lose their reckoning in these waters. Unfailingly ready and eager are they always to seek advice from any one who is supposed to have given himself some trouble about a subject which they have themselves systematically neglected. And the expedient favoured above every other has been a re course to the Austrian diplomatist. Par excellence your Austrian has been thought a safe adviser, the interests of Austria and Russia in the East, as everbody is aware, being so manifestly opposed to each other. Lord Aber deen openly avowed, and notoriously acted upon, this principle of navigation ; and, by cruising after a sail, which, as Lord Lyndhurst has pointed out, can have been no other than the Flying Dutchman, the ex-Pre mier drifted into war. In coinnion with most other public men, we repeat, Lord John Russell has displayed the same kind of error. ' If the creed of foreign politics most familiar to statesmen in this country contained two articles snore fixed than the rest, these were that the Turkish empire was in a state of irretrievable decay, incapable of offering any resistance either physical or moral to Russia ; and that Austria was a power of prodigious Conserva tive force, which might safely be relied upon as a bar rier against Russian ambition in the East. In justice to Lord Palmerston we must remark that he has more than once stood almost alone among public men in ex pressing a decided dissent from both these propositions. He has been denounced as a firebrand for venturing to point out the causes of weakness inherent in Austria, and as an enthusiast for believing not only that the Turks were making good progress in the arts both of war and peace, but that any immediate reinstatement of the Greek empire at Constantinople was not to be ex pected. Those opinions were of course considered de testable by all who then swore by the Austrian, Russian, and Prussian Ministers, whether in Parliament or the press ; and by their means public opinion in England was at last brought into such a condition that the Czar thought he might safely propose a division of the Sal tan's dominions to Lord Aberdeen. In all frankness and sincerity let us add that while the Vienna disclosures have greatly shaken the faith we placed in Lord John Russell, they have not a little increased our confidence in Lord Clarendon. The des patches bearing his signature, which were laid upon the table of the house on Thursday night, are remarkable alike for moderation, firmness, and good sense. It is thus that the Foreign Minister speaks of one branch of the proposal to which Lord John Russell gave his ad hesion : "I then proceeded to state that her Majesties Go vernment could not attach much practical value to the engagement of Austria to make, at some future period, a casus belli of the increase of the Russian fleet beyond a given amount, for she had already declared that it was beneath her dignity to discuss numbers, and that she could not admit that the question of peace or war should turn upon eight or ten ships of the line ; and if such were the case now, when circumstances would enable Austria to go to war with advantage, what prospect would there be of her doing so some years hence, under circumstances likely to be far less favourable, for the very same cause, though in a lesser degree, that she would not now entertain." It thus appears not to have been the fault of Lord Clarendon, any more than of Lord Palmerston, that the English plenipotentiary fell in so readily with the views of his Austrian colleagues. But Lord John Russell has of late very frequently taken occasion to declare that England would not seek assistance in this war against Russia from the nation she oppresses ; and supposing that the refusal of Austria to join the Allies might render necessary a resort to this effectual but dreaded expe dient, he seems to have determined on making any sac riffice to avert so great a catastrophe.—Examiner. EXTRAORDINARY OCCURRENCE.—A few days since, while one of the ordinary passenger trains was travel ling from Bristol to Exeter, the guard, on returning to his box at one of the stations, found a parcel directed "E. Weller, Culinstock, to be left at the Callompton station till called for." On his way down a most offen sive smell was emitted from it, and as he threw it out at the Cullompton station he remarked on the unpleasant ness of its odour. In compliance with the direc tions, the bundle was placed in the office, but the smell became so bad that it was deposited in a horse box near the goods station. Here, however, it became worse, and at last it was so bad that it was taken to the station-master, and it was opened, when it was found to contain the body of a full-grown male infant, which was rapidly approaching a state of putrefaction. An in quest was hold upon it, and the guard stated that he Was unable to give any explanation as to how the parcel came into his box. Under these circumstances the jury returned an open verdict. ASSIZES AND SESSIONS BILL.—A bill brought from the Lords on the 9th of July provides for the more fre quent holdin g o f ass i zes an d sessions of the peace, by allowing the Queen in Council to order adjoining counties and cities to be united for the purposes of the act—that is to say, for trying in one of such counties, at any sessions of oyer and terminer and gaol delivery other than the sessions of oyer and ternoi ner and gaol delivery usually held in the spring and summer of committed d n eachyear,any persons who shall be charged with any indictable offences in the other or any of the other of such counties. TEE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 16 1855. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. ( From the Times of this day.) The incident which has terminated the connexion of Lord John Russell with the present Administration, and changed for the twentieth time in the last few years the head of the Colonial-office, does not derive its sole or even its chief interest from the late negotiations at Vienna or the conduct of the war. This occurrence is the last link in a chain of transactions which appear to us to leave no excuse either to Parliament or to any . party in this country for ignorance of t he true character of Lord John Russell as a public man. Our own opi nion of that character has long been formed, and not un frequently expressed ; it is now justified and confirmed y evidence so irresistible and demonstrative that we near no attempt to combat the conclusions which a more correct estimate of Lord John Russell's disposition and abilities had long ago suggested to us. Yet, so power ful in this country, but more especially in the House of Commons and in what is called political society, are the ties of old association, the fictions of party, and the in fluence of coteries, that it required a failure and mis conduct as gross as that we have recently witnessed at Vienna on the part of Lord John Russell to drive him from the position he still sought to retain. Nothing in this transaction is more significant than the fact that the fatal blow was struck at last by the subordinate members of the Whig party in the House of Commons, who could no longer endure to be led by a man who had so ill served his country in the face of Europe. It is understood that Lord John Russell had previ ously tendered his resignation to his colleagues in the Cabinet, but that they declined to accept it from that mistaken tenderness which sometimes plays the part of weakness. The members of the Govern ment not being members of the Cabinet, but serv ing under it and voting for it in the House of Commons, were of an opposite opinion ; and they firmly announced to Lord John Russell himself and to the Prime Minister that if the late Plenipotentiary to Vienna did not withdraw from office before the debate on Sir Bulwer Lytton's motion, they were themselves prepared to quit office and to recerd their votes against the ministry of which Lord John Russell still formed part. These gentlemen appear to have acted with a spirit and independence which does them much honour, and we trust that there is some one to be found among them capable of leadir ' e hereafter the great Liberal party in this country with more energy, ability, and honesty than have been displayed while Lord Russell affected to per form that duty. It is not to be supposed, however, that the fall of Lard John Russell from the position he once occupied in the estimation of his party and of his countrymen has been the result of any sudden pique or extraordinary incident. Although his conduct at Vienna and sincehis return has roused the just indignation of Parliament, and termi nated, as we hope, his career as a minister of the Crown, the decline of his influence and of his reputation has long been perceptible. In December, 1851, he availed himself of an event on which he had the feelings of the country with him to eject Lord Palmerston from the Foreign-office, and although, opposed as we had been to the foreign policy of Lcrd Palmerston in Greece, Sicily, and elsewhere, we viewed that change without regret, the measure was a strange act of perfidious inconsistency on the part of Lord J. Russell against a colleague whom he had shortly before described and defended as the British Minister par exeellence. A very few weeks served to show that Lord J. Russell was utterly incapable of prolonging the existence of the Government of which he had been the bead since the overthrow of the Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel ; and, on looking back to that period of six years, we must say that so inoperative and unsuccessful an Administration has never existed for so long a period in this country. It was kept in office mainly by the dread of letting in the Protectionist party, and, so injuring the grand commercial reforms of Sir Robert Peel. Yet fn 1852 the Protectionist party were restored to office, though only long enough to compel them to abjure the doctrines for which they had so vehemently contended. Upon the dissolution of Lord Derby's Cabinet, after a Parliamentary struggle in which Mr. Gladstone had borne the most conspicuous part, the Coalition Govern ment was formed under Lord Aberdeen. Lord John Russell held the office of Foreign Secretary just long enough to write a blundering and discreditable despatch i n answer' to the propositions made by the Emperor Nicholas to Sir Hamilton Seymour, but, on the plea of health, he professed to prefer an unattached position, and so he retained his seat in the Cabinet and the leadership of the House of Commons, without any Ministerial de partment. It may now be said without inconvenience, and it will be said hereafter, for it is historically true, that the one great source of difficulty, division, and weak ness in Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet was Lord John Russell. He obviously felt with great keenness the loss of that position of First Minister of the Crown which he had oc cupied for six years, and he watched month after month, with the restless irritability of unsatisfied pursuit, for an opportunity to recover it. He felt with equal pain the oratorical superiority of Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons, and the growing indif ference of Parliament to his own speeches. His cold and exclusive nature forbade him to contract confidential relations with his new colleagues, and he continued to treat all but his own immediate fol lowers in the Cabinet as his rivals rather than as his colleagues. Such was the state of affairs when Parlia ment met in February last, and the first act of Lord John Russell was to break up the Cabinet and denounce those who had been carrying on the war while be had been enjoying the rustic pleasures of Minto. It is need less for us to recur to the details of so recent and so remarkable a transaction ; suffice it to say that, so far as it is possible to judge of a man's motives from his conduct, Lord John Russell thought that the di,asters of the army in the Crimea gave him an opportunity of ejecting from the Cabinet those Ministers who were su perior to himself in position, or independent of himself in their opinions. But he had utterly miscalculated the effect of this extraordinary proceeding ; for although the country did not regret the fall of Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle, it viewed with indignation the means by which this result had been obtained ; and, although her Majesty thought it her duty to give Lord John Russell an opportunity of forming the new Admi nistration, he was instantly told by his nearest political friends that such an attempt would cover himself and them with indelible disgrace. His conduct as a col league and a public man was placed by these intrigues in a most unfavourable light ; but some reputation he still retained for national spirit as one of the chief au thors and promoters of the war, and for knowledge of th e questions involved in this contest. On these grounds, and also from a desire to give him an oppor tunity of repairing a damaged political character, he was sent to Vienna with most precise instructions, based on the views he had himself previously advocated. His mis sion was not unaccompanied by some hiclicrous details, which excited the surprise of Europe, and every inci dent which took place at Vienna showed his utter want of knowledge and judgment in his relations with the society of a foreign Court. The result was that in about three weeks he was turned completely round, like a mariner without a compass in the navigation of unknown water, and a British Plenipotentiary, who was at the same time a member of the British Cabinet, found him self advocating the Austrian proposals and making a conficlaot of Count Buol. Upon his return to London the fumes of diplomatic flattery began to clear off, and in another fortnight he had so far forgotten what had passed at Vienna as to make a warlike tirade in the House of Commons in answer to Mr. Disraeli's charge that the language of the Government bad been am biguous. But ere long this doublefaced game was brought to a close. Count Buol very naturally replied to Lord John's warlike harangue by publicly reminding him that at Vienna he stood committed to the Austrian propoF.al ; and after having risen last February in the House of Commons to turn King's evidence against his colleagues, no resource remained for him on Friday week but to plead guilty himself, and on the following Friday to withdraw from office, convicted upon all these charges, as he himself expressed it, by Parliament and by the country. We lave not attempted to heighten the effect of thin must painful and humiliating narrative by any remarks. The facts are already familiar to our readers, and they admit of no exculpation. But, although our estimate of the political character of Lord John Russell has never been a high one, we cannot record this extinc tion of his public career without regret,—not so much for himself as for the country. It is a national dis credit when a man who has filled so eonsiderable a part in our affairs stands before Europe and before England in the position which Lord John Russell now fills. The other day the failure of a private bank threw a stain on English credit and shook the confidence of the world in our financial establishments ; but the bankruptcy of a statesman in the discharge of his public duties is a far greater disaster to the honour and autho rity of this country. If there be one cause more than another to which this calamitous termination of the career of Lord John Russell is to be attributed, it is the unqualified selfishness and the exaggerated notion of his own importance which have invariably marked his con duct. Having the honour to serve a great country and to lead a great party, he has never risen above the most selfish considerations, and every act of his life has been regulated by its effect on his own prospects. Hence, , although the principles for which he contended were originally broad and free, he narrowed them to the ob jects of his own ambition ; the horizon before him was boundless, but his own vision was contracted to a single point ; he has passed his life in a small circle of flat terers, whose deceptive homage enlarged neither his mind ncr his heart ; and even these have gradually dwindled away until they leave him to the appropriate punishment of his failings—alone. Politically, indeed, his opinions on the war now appear to place him in the same class with Mr. Gladstone and the other members of Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet who have seceded from Lord Pal merston; but, as the leader of a political party, we must conclude that Lord John Russell's authority is at an end, and, if this nation is to maintain the position, both in arms and in the work of human improvement, which we believe to belong to it, we must find statesmen more worthy to preserve our character, and more able to di- rect our power. (Front 4he M or ning Herald of this day.) We really feel at a very considerable loss to explain how or by what means the Cabinet of Lord Palmerston can expect to derive advantage in the eyes of the country from its summary ejection of its Vienna plenipotentiary. Many and various have been the similes which have been applied to the conduct adopted by the Premier in the present emergency; but we cannot think that any one of them is thoroughly applicable to the circumstances of the case. Some of our c ontemporaries have likened it to the case of a mother casting her child to the wolves in order to save her own life. We think, however, that the " virulent friendship" supposed to exist between the parties may set that supposition aside on the score of affection alone. Others again, have bethought them selves of the well-known figure of casting a tub to the whale ; but we cannot help thinking that the Premier will find to his cost that lie has only thrown out a small pannikin, and that the leviathan, which may in this in stance be supposed to represent the people of England, will pass by the tiny offering with contempt, and will not be diverted from the purpose of staving in the ob. vosious barque of the Cabinet, and whelming in the waves the veteran steersman who has hitherto - with im- punity encountered so many threatening aspects of affairs. The fact is, that viewing the matter impartially, as of course we do, the throwing over of Lord John Russell is, on the part of his noble and right hon. colleagues, simply the dodge of the pickpocket, who throws away a surreptitiously-obtained watch the moment when detec tion has become inevitable. As we read Sir E. Bulwer Lytton's motion, the charge is not for being in possession of Lord John at the moment notice of motion was given, but for having obtained and kept possession of him in the first instance illegally—that is to say,having pocketed him, although perfectly aware that he was a portion of the property of the peace party. Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Cobden have already raised the hue and cry with regard to the petty larceny in question, and can hardly be expected to be satisfied with the restoration of the once-covered possession after the works have been taken out of the pinchbeck, and the article rendered totally valueless either for use or for sale. Seriously, however, we may observe that the crimes alleged against the Palmerston Cabinet are the retaining and the fostering of one who was known to have be trayed the interests of his country, and who must be held to have betrayed the interests of his colleagues, unless they were accessories before the fact ; and not only that, but of having aided, abetted, and encouraged the culprit in the now manifest fraud which he perpe trated on the British public, by representing himself as anxious to carry on vigorously a war which in his heart he considered a crime. We leave it to the noble lord to reconcile to what we must, by courtesy, call his con science—the relative criminality of keeping the world in flames, to bolster up a ricketty Coalition, or of repeating the part which he enacted in the early portion of the session, by breaking it up. It is now manifest that Lord Palmerston will attempt to escape from the difficulty by falling back upon the manly and eloquent despatches of Lord Clarendon. With regard to the validity of this plea, we beg to point out to our readers, and we request them particularly to remark this fact, that after Austria had performed the acts which called forth these very despatches, the noble Secretary for Forei g n Affairs attempted still further to mislead the public by stating, in his place in the House of Lords, that if we had no cause to praise Austria, we had none to complain of her conduct. Now, we ask our readers what confidence can be placed in the truth of the bold words put into the despatches, evidently for the purpose of meeting this present emergency which the Cabinet must have fore seen ? and we further beg of them to put date and date together, and see whether the boldest of these documents was not written after the first murmurings of the storm were heard, and after Mr. Disraeli had given his notice condemnatory of the ambiguous language employed by our administrators in their previously published decla- rations. We may further ask, whether the opinion of the French Emperor concerning the transactions at Vienna had not been preriot.sly and unmistakeably expressed by the dismissal of M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and, more over, whether the retaining in the English Cabinet of a statesman even more compromised in those transactions than the French negotiator, was not virtually a perma manent insult to that ally whose support is of so much consequence to us, and of whose good faith we have had so many proofs. That Lord Palmerston was part and parcel of all these " subterranean transactions" is obvious from the fact that long after Lord John's return from Vienna, and when we must suppose, if his present statement be true, that the peace-mongering proposals of the great plenipo tentiary and his Austrian confederates had been most positively rejected in the Cabinet, the noble Premier still continued to maintain in his place in the house that the door was yet open to receive pacific propositions, and did in this manner continue " spargere ambiguas votes" up to the very moment when the unmistakeable expres sion of public opinion rendered it impossible any longer to continue a course of which the acute intellect of Mr. Disraeli had already perceived the mischief and insin cerity. One word more. Are we to suppose that the Jonah of the present emergency was alone in the Cabinet and in his opinions? Had he no supporters? Had he no abetters ? Had he no co-conspirators ? Had he no prompter ? If so, we ask who and where are they I Are they still to be permitted to clog, as they have hitherto done, the efforts of the nation in carrying on vigorously this great war I That there is some drag, upon the wheel must be obvious from the following facts :—That wo are still without a militia—that we are still without those means of locomotion in the Crimea which would enable us to save our army from being sa crificed in vain assaults, and to remove them from the influence of the pestilence—that this army, so recklessly misused, is still without a reserve ; and that, notwith standing the amazing exertions of General Williams, we may hourly expect to hear of the fall of Bars and Erze roum, and the total destruction of the Turkish forces in that country. Taking these things at their proper value We most unhesitatingly assert that whatever may be the difficulties which he may encounter in the Cabinet or elsewhere, had Lord Palmerston been the sincere and patriotic statesman which he professes to be he would , long since have thrown off the trammels which be has entangled himself, and would have carried out the wishes of the nation despite of every opposition from high quarters or from low intrigue. (From the Morning Chronicle of this day. ) The resignation of Lord John Russell—which, at we acquainted our readers on Thursday last, was even then an almost settled purpose—has, after a brief interval for consideration, and, possibly, a few pangs of doubt, be come an accomplished fact. Her Majesty has also, as we learn, signified her gracious pleasure to resume the trust confided scarcely three months since to the late Colonial Secretary. From his colleagues, the noble lord has received something more than a bare assent to his secession from the Treasury bench. By the country at large, his removal from the Cabinet will be regarded with undisguised and almost universal satisfaction. Pre suming that his own consent has been gained to the proceeding, there will thus be a singular unanimity of approval to the step, which Lord J. Russell will to-night announce and justify when he informs the House of Commons that he holds the seals of his late office only until his successor shall have bean appointed. Few instances can be found in our history of a more sudden and extraordinary annihilation of political in fluence and public trust than that which has now befallen the member for the City of London. The edifice of fame and confidence so laboriously built up during a long life of service has crumbled almost in a moment. In April last not one of the leaders in the parliamentary array on either side stood higher in the confidence of the country. The slight disparagement that had arisen from his delay in quitting a Government who were fatally mismanaging the war was quite effaced. The people were ready to forgive an act which looked so much like generosity, in not abandoning his fellow Ministers in the day of cala mity, or branding with incompetency before the public eye an amiable and well-intentioned colleague. Lord J. Russell accordingly departed on his important mission to Vienna amidst general satisfaction. No one, it was believed, could have been selected better qualified to bring the delicate and difficult negotiations then com mencing to a successful issue ; and none more certain to take care that, whether they succeeded or failed, nothing should occur to compromise the honour of the country or the energetic prosecution of the war. Even after his return from Vienna the political credit of Lord John Russell underwent little, if any de preciation. From the first it was avowed that his mis sion had failed. Gradually it became apparent that the failure was most complete and double in its character. He had been unsuccessful not merely in the primary and ostensible object of inducing Russia to accept honourable terms of peace but in the secondary purpose of compelling Austria to assume some definite position and proclaim Finally whether, and on what principles, she would take an active part either for or against the Western Powers in their contest with Russian domination. Still the coun try was in a forgiving humour, and showed itself far more ready to believe that Austria was treacherous than that the British Plenipotentiary had been unskilful. And when, from his place in Parliament, the late Colo nial Secretary spoke such bold words of defiance against the Muscovite, the public rejoiced to believe that in him they would find a servant ready to co-operate heartily, sincerely, and energetically in the war policy of the ad ministration. That speech was delivered on the 24th of May. It was meant to serve the immediate purpose of the Diemen t— and, for the moment, was successful. By it Lord John Russell retrieved the position he had somewhat imperilled by his ill-luck at Vienna, and reinstated himself in public confidence. But by the retribution which justly attends falsehood and insincerity, it is to that speech he must now assign his fatal fall, not merely from place and power, but from the trustful confidence of his fellow. countrymen. The people have proved that they can pardon, and have pardoned much; but they cannot pardon deceit and craft—the suppression of truth, and the suggestion of a lie. Anything may be for given in a Minister, hut living upon false pretence. If the Colonial Secretary had confessed his acceptance of the Vienna proposition from the beginning—if he had never attempted not simply to conceal his pacific prepos sessi,ons, but to delude the public by a false semblance of vigour and heartiness—he might, indeed, have found resignation inevitable, but he would have left office without one blemish to his honour, without leaving one remembrance behind him which could have chilled the reliance placed in his talents and good faith by his cob leagues he quitted, or the country whom for the moment he ceased to serve. But as it is, Lord John Russell hag forfeited both, now and for ever. His political bankruptcy has been accompanied by discreditable circumstances, since he deceived his creditors by the grandest display at the very time when he was most hopelessly insolvent. He has acted like the hypocrite, whose outward practice of religious rites grows more conspicuous in the exact pro portion that his faith in the religion itself has become void. We await the explanations which will no doubt be to-night offered copiously and skilfully to the House of Commons, with some curiosity, but no hope that the result will do much, or anything, to retrieve the for feited station of the retiring Minister and the convicted politician. His own act has rendered henceforth im possible the renewal of public confidence in Lord John Russell. (Front the Daily News of this day.) Before the House of Commons can proceed with advantage to the discussion of Sir Bulwer Lytton's motion it will be a bsolutely necessary that some fUrther information should be obtained respecting the actual condition of the Cabinet. The retire ment of Lord John Runell, under circumstances that deprive it very much of the character of a volun tary act, was plainly resorted to in the hope of thereby diverting the impending storm. The explenipo tentiary once driven from office, the imputation of dis- cordance and disunion in the Government .would forth- with fall to the ground. The terms of the resolution as originally framed seemed to render such a mode of dealing with it possible ; and if the affairs of nations were to be governed by the technical rules of special pleading, the co-partners in the great delinquency now charged might thus perhaps elude further investiga tion, and claim the benefit of a non-suit. But while we are abolishing the use of fraudulent quibbles in our courts of common law, it will hardly be tolerated that the demands of right and justice should be baffled by such means in the grand inquest of the nation. The substantive issue raised by Lord John's avowals respect ing the Austrian proposition is not whether he acted with diplomatic indiscretion at Vienna, but whether on his return home he well-nigh succeeded in misleading the Crown into the acceptance of a peace which the country would not have sanctioned ; and then at the last moment took a prominent part in persuading the public that the divided Cabinet was an united Cabinet, zealous for the unslackened prosecution of the war. The universal anxiety and alarm created by these revelations cannot for a moment be regarded as identical with any desire for the exclusion or any peculiar distrust of one man. Everybody understands that had Lord John stood alone in his infatuation about the proposal of Count Buol, ho could have done no harm. Everybody comprehends that the danger lay in his having in the Administration influential allies, by whose aid he expected to be able to carry its adoption. That was the danger in May last ; that is the danger now. The Cabinet since then has undergone no change ; yet it was currently rumoured then, and is now implicitly believed, that of the confi dential advisers of the Queen, one half were ready to ap prove the compromise with Russia which the Austrian Minister proposed ; and, notwithstanding this, we know that without exception the whole of the members of the Cabinet contributed to the delusion practised upon Par liament, and prevented unanimity in breaking off nego tiation, in order to defeat a party motion in the House of Commons. It will not now avail to say that the Secretary for the Colonies was the deceiver, and not his colleagues. Many of them sat by and heard his words, some of them cheered and none of them disavowed them. How was it possible, indeed, that they should do so ? Was it not notorious that for many days pre ceding hopes had been excited amongst the advocates of peace that sooner than prolong hostilities a numerous section of the Government was prepared to separate from that which advocated the rejection of Austria's terms ? Is it not still in the recollection of every one that Lord John was expected to make a pacific speech, and that the house was taken wholly by surprise in listening to that which he actually delivered ? Assuredly his col leagues who agreed *ith him in opinion, and differed from him in the course eventually pursued, cannot have the face to deny that they were participators along with him in the delusion practised on the house. They were ready to make peace upon conditions wnich the country repudiates, yet they consented to make war in order to preserve their places. The country has a right to know who were, who are these men, for they are still Cabinet Councillors of the Crown, and they are so because they put forward the most courageous of their number to tell a martial tale, and to talk enthusiastically about the war. We should like to know before the session ends, and.the fortunes of the country are committed, for another perilous recess, to the keeping of such men, how many of them we pay for lying in wait for an opportunity to resume negotiations like those of Vienna. We presume that ere the debate of this evening commences some explanation will be asked on this score. It is the right and duty of a legis lature which finds that it has been once deceived to in terrogate strictly those who have misled it. They cannot deny their public participation in the act ; we should certainly like to hear how they can justify the desertion of their leader in his acceptance of the penalty incurred. His act was their act ; his momentary triumph their genie. So strong is this feeling abroad that since the resignation of Lord John Russell was known to have been expected, popular belief has given Sir George Grey, Sir Cornewall Lewis, and Sir Charles Wood credit for a determination to follow his example. If this be so, there only remains to be questioned the residue of the Philo- Austrian party in the Cabinet, amongst whom public conjecture points to two inembere of the Upper House and one of the Lower. But there is another and equally important view of the matter. How will the Prime Minister and the Sec retary for Foreign Affairs account for withholding from Parliament, pending the discussion on Mr. Disraeli's motion, the despatches contained on the papers pre sented only on Thursday last, and which reveal the truth regarding Count Buol's proposition ? Certain portions of the correspondence had been laid upon the table, but none calculated to give the representatives of the people the slightest knowledge of the final conditions agreed to by the French and English Plenipotentiaries at Vienna, and none affording the least intimation that these con ditions met with the approval of a moiety of her Ma jesty's advisers. This great and essential feature of the transaction was studiouslyand deliberately kept concealed by Lord Palmerston from the Commons, and by Lord Clarendon from the Peers. They may aver, if they will, that paramount considerations of public policy governed their conduct, and that they thought themselves jus tified in duping Parliament and mystifying the country. Well, let them make good this defence, and then Sir Bulwer Lytton's motion will, of course, he defeated, and Lord John Russell will be regarded as a martyr, if not reinstated triumphantly in office. But if they shrink from this course, if they are prepared to sacrifice their late envoy and colleague, for having too venturously championed the cause they now would fain repudiate, how are they to justify their participation by acts of omission and commission in that for which he is so deeply blamed ? ENCOURAGEMENT TO THE ENEMY. It is a wise maxim not to despise an enemy ; but there is a fault on the opposite side, that of enormously exag gerating the power of an enemy. To what purpose do men in high position in Parliament dilate on the might of Russia, and the difficulty of coping with her ? What is the effect of this but to encourage the enemy, who knows how to make use of admissions serving to show that we have entered into a contest to which we are un equal, while Russia has taken the part which her supe rior strength assigns her and enables her to perform with success. Most acceptable must these assurances be at St. Petersburg. Amongst other passages we grieved to see in Lord John Russell's speech of the 7th was one holding forth on the difficulties of the present contest, and describing Russia as enormously powerful, her popula tion animated and strengthened by repeated successes, continually adding something to her power, appetite for rapine growing with what it has fed on. Now, if this be really growing John Russell's opinion of the effect of the en: croachments of Russia during the last century, it must. be utterly inconsistent with a hope he has repeatedly ex-, pressed, that a peace may be made with that country on the onlysure basis, "her interest in peace." For his lord ship has represented her elements of strength, materia: and moral, as derived from the robberies achieved either by her arms, or extorted by the terror of her arms. Mr. Cob den, who followed, pursued the same strain, and talked of the impossibility of our humbling Russia, with her 60,000,000 of inhabitants, and inexhauetible raw mate rial for troops. Well said Custine, that Russia is a huge puff placarded on the face of Europe, and the imposture passes, as those whose patriotic interest should be to expose it to lend themselves to the support of it. What is a population of sixty millions to a country like Russia, spreading over a seventh part of the earth ? We do not make use of the phrase a seventh of the habitable globe, because Russia is a seventh of the globe habitable and uninhabitable. Now the strength of a population consists in the closeness of its texture, and the proportion of men to the soil. A thin population is a weak population, and Russia averages about eight s.itils to a square mile, while France averages more than 170, and England more also than 230. In the province of St. Petersburg, not includ' big the capital, the average is 1 soul to 25 acres, in Archangel there is only 1 soul to 50 acres, and in Tomsk the proportion is one to 180 acres. Whenever the po pulation of the British isles was rather less than a mil lion it was, relatively to the territorial scale, as strong or as weak as Russia is now. And if our Queen counted her people as does the Czar, including Europe, Asia, and America, she would include all her subjects in every part of the world without regard to geographical distinctions, or the separation of distances, and would boast not sixty millions, but more than double, nay, nearly treble, that number, British, colonial, and Indian. And the separa tions of the parts of the British empire aro as nothing , compared with the frightful distances of the Russian em i pire, as Nicholas used to call them. We communicate with our fellow-subjects at the Antipodes in far less time than the Czar takes to communicate with his slaves or prisoners in Siberia. So when the bugaboo of the Rus sian sixty millions is raised to frighten us, let it be mea sured with territory to divest it cf its awe, and let the question be asked what are sixty millions scattered over so many as seven millions of square miles and upwards. And men, so scanty in Russia compared with the ground they are spread over, are the wealth of Russia ; where the fortune of a man is counted in serfs as it is hers in pounds, and out of the sum total of sixty millions forty-four are serfs, twenty-three belonging to the nobles, twenty-one to the Crown. Every man en'isted in the army is a man taken from the meagre producing power of the country, and every man killed is so much of its wealth diminished, for he belonged to somibsdy who is the poorer for losing him. Russia is a country poor in everything but deceit and military organisation. She wants men at this moment far more than we do ; but the difference is that the Czar helps himself arbitrarily to what he wants, robs and impoverishes his nobles to re cruit his ranks. But this resource has its limits, and if endurance be strained too far, the remedy in usage in Russia is like ours in analogous circumstances, a disso lution—but a dissolution of a very different sort of body. Russia no doubt brings all her available strength to the front of the Crimea, and the question yet to be solved is, what depth there is in this resistance. Certain it is that it is not of a force to repel invasion, and that we have held our ground against it when weak in numbers, exhauSted by fatigue, sickness, and want of every kind but one—indomitable resolution. ila,ving.compared the alleged strength and weakness of Russia and Turkey, Lord John Russell stated that when hostilities commenced the military force of the for mer was to the latter as ten to one ; but at those odds the Turk did not shrink from taking the field, and nothing daunted by numbers and difficulties so much dwelt on here, be made head against great odds. Courage with justice are good against great odds. But Russia is most successful in shamming, and can put on imposing appearances when she can do nothing else. At the end of the last war between Russia and Turkey, the Musco vite army was in the last stage of exhaustion, reduced to some 5,000 effective .men, when the concessions so tr disastrous to the Ottoman Porte were made, in °te n t ie ignorance of the real weakness of the power at them. Russia is the bully of Europe, and they play the belljb: game who are perpetually magnifying his potencl• ke p time for dwelling on the enemy's strength and Tur these weakness is past. There was, indeed, a s eason f or oa considerations, and it was before we a deter drawing the sword. Then was the time fo r ecaO to difficulties, and measuring, or even over-estimating/ strength T with which we might have to cope. 10 11 To harp on these things now is neither consistent :0 spirit nor with policy, it either depresses or rev e s the public mind here, and it animates, and essl r r e s s P ad; enemy, reading to him the lesson Lord Lynati'L it 'bo dressed to his country, " Persevere." And has " h de' ns sired e e d ff t e o c effect n movethteo powers part t s nwthhi this s h it a r h l a s Maybeen ieleorrutsEl and Prussia refer to the statements of English 0 e men as sufficient reasons why they should hesitat,,•,i take the field against so gigantic a power ail 11 ' 11 ' '' 01 6 Her prestige is the spell which binds Geral.,_ l6° l' tbs i some of our leaders do all they can to strengtas° , r r prestige by never mentioning Russia without earsaelid posterous exaggeration of her power. y W ield e , de t : e st ye . „ l 9 o ll ' to the Submissionists; it is all consistent with their 4 j e y ing policy. As they would have us your to make out a case of irresistible power one tbePr of the enemy ; but for men who have advised thw: labour to produce an impression that we ho r s el3 ec ' os' ourselves in a contest beyond our strength, is 9',11„;;i rr sistency, and impolicy, strange, foul, and unasu"," o ftb l deed. If there has been weakness in the condoc"„ - 40 war, it is not to be carried to the account of the 0 :41 of the enemy, in order to cover the faults f the managers of affairs.—Examiner. COUNTRY IWARKETS. HADDINGTON CORN MARKET—v 1 - l' o ol WHEAT. 1 BARLEY OATO:, 5 " 0 First Bos Od 89s 6d 36s to' 49 5 4 0 77s Od 1 37s 9d. 31s Second fid - Third 69s Od 1 34s 6d 31s au' 2 7Pii Total quantity of wheat in market, 291 (1 111 " 0 54 ,je PP PP barley „ 121 4 0 " 0 1 " i, ~ PP oats ,; ~ PP beans ~ 7 5 8 5 ci c1 110 :' 43° AVERAGES PER IMPERIAL (117ARTO'n 4 Wheat, 31. 17 0 11-12ths 1 Barley, _V 1. 17 V Oats, ... li. 14 6 10-12ths 1 Beans, .....21. 9 ' DALKEITH GRAIN MARKET—JULY i tfol ii ii Qrs. Best. Current. CO 289 Wheat 82s Od oos Od. ......... 9 i 430 Oats 34s 8d Oos Od ... —."O ul 178 Barley 33s Od oos Od ......... 40 46 Peas & beans 50s Od Oos Od ....... ABERDEEN—JULT 13. 9 6s 6d to 27s Od pu b tlibi Potato oats Common oats 26s 04 to 26s 6d Bere 31s Od to 31s 6d 1 531bs Barley 31s 04 to 31s 6d Wheat, red (spring)63s Od to 65s Od 1 621b8 0 , white 7os 04 to 75s Od Oatmeal 2os ‘''d to 21s 04 per boll' Rai' 55s Od to 56s Od per sa" 0 t° RETAIL PRICES. 4OllO 10$ Os 0 Flour oos Od. to 3s Od Barley flour,l4lb• Ito Oatmeal,l4lb 2s 9d to 2s 104 „ dust, ...••••• . 1- ON Beremeal is 7d to is 8d , per lb ......... 00CP Peasemeal 2s 7d to 2s 84 Sids, ... .. .. . ! ..... 4.1 b. loaf ...9d. j 2-lb . 10af... 4d. Cheese, per imperial stone, 3s 64 to 45 ' 01 PROVISION MARKET. 1 td i n j Beef, per lb 64 to 91 Butter, p lb. Os 9 v a te 0, Mutton, per lb. 64 to 8d Eggs, p doz. Os n j te, is, Veal, per lb 6d to 94 Hens, p pair 3 -„ i t o , (. Pork, per lb ...54 to 6d Chickens,do.2s v, 000 Salmon, per lb Os to Os Ducks, do., Os Od tolwd Grouse, per brace Os to Os Ducklings,do 0 5 u`i to,V I &IV Tallow, p stone, 4594 to 5s Od Turkeys, each4s O Potatoes, pr peck, 10d to 124 Geese, do., 45 ~,, 000 Butter for exportation (present cure) per cwt..nots Eggs, wholesale price, per dozen .... ............. " DUBLIN—JuLY 14. A to , dr White wheat, 41s O d to 43s Od ; red ditto, 3v, 9 r c', barley, 17s Od to 20s Od ; oats, 14s 9d to 16s 6a, VP 6a 0 00s Od to —s Od per brl; oatmeal, 15s Oct to 17 0 A to.' flour, ns 6d to 27s Od per cwt ; Indian corn, 48s " per 4801bs. SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JULY 14. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The tone o f th e ma rket _ i te, improve I to-day. Midland, 71i i—S o uth ~ —Lancashire and Yorkshire, 81$ i—Caledonian',4 l4 Lancashire, 19 1-16—Sheffield, 24i s—London' Western, 1001—Exchange Buildings, 277. MANCHESTER, JULY 14. STOOK EXCHANGIC.—There was little bus/ 0 10V but more disposition to sell, and prices were ralhe, Leeds, 81 — London and North Western, 1 0 ;00 2-14—Ditto, 101. Pref., 11 i—Ditto, el. Pref., 6 P' Man. and L'pool District Bank, 81 prn. BIRMINGHAM, JULY 1 4 - znoc l4 STOCK EXCHAITGE.—The market has be . e l l .i n dsoq active during the: past week, and prices of al j 4i d i an d ;6, pretty well maintained. Sales to-day. ' i dig. 0 (for next account), 711—N. Staffordshire, 6_- Western, Stour 'Valley Guarantee-i: 3 elle rs 'i s 11e;,, i Western, Birrninglam Guaranteed, . 1 - 1 ,, 1 Dors 1 —London and North Westerns, buyers LW" se }o p) Warwick and Nap:ton Canal, buyers 101-1 3 ,,i rra n i ing 0 sellers, 7 1 4 9 lo Worcester Canal, sellers 21—Birmingham ua3l-1 LEEDS, JULY 14. 11 t :11 STOCK EXCHAI7GE.—The business was very -- ' l lO , but yesterday's prices were about maintained. 71—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 241 . ' 4 0 land, 71 —Leeds Northern, 6 per cent. Pref., 30 r . —Craven Moor Mine, 18s., 17s. 6d. The steamer Queen arrived at Southampto n ~.° 110 ; 1 10 day with a cargo of above 200 fat bullock s l' te cl Peninsula. These beasts have been in:ll3°r ,/ furnish beef for the camp at Aldershott. o fp lit M COUNTRY ASSAY-OFFICES —AlllllB.6' OO turn of the reports of the Inspector-Genera l and Taxes on the assaying and marking of gi b e mingham and Sheffield have since appeared. se e v 9 waster at Sheffield is a surgeon-dentist, who vti tl 4 o, be an intelligent person, an d we ll ac quainte'' e pt o ) duties," and the business of the assay-office allpitrit conducted with due order and regularity. t j ham the assay-office is v er y commodious, a .. o o ° "ly paratus of a superior de scr ipti on. Th e excei l a b9O business appears to b e p roper l y super i n tene v e e pt. # wardens, and the accou n t s are sys t ema ticallYro - ell i assay-master at Sheffield reports a cr ying 00 which the silversmiths loudly complain,—v 4 ,' tice pursued by the ma nu f acturers o f plated 'Leer other imitations of silv er , o f i mpress i ng s uch b e efl i e marks bearing too close a resem bl ance t o 0 0 %e marking genuine silver pl a t e , an d d ece i v ing t h e dief, [AevEterisEmENT.l—Fifty years indescribable !iiolh dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, const i PitiOM leney, spasms, sicloaess at the stomach, and v°' :° ,,,„,o4l,tri been removed by Du Barry's excellent Revs:, - Food.—Maria Jolly, Wortham Ling, near ' Se d i Cure No. 3,9 0 6.—Thirte en years cough, i n di g estiol l ' e lle," ral debility have been removed by Du Barry's f % ,, e t, A lki‘ valenta Arabiea, Food.—James Porter, Athol-s l3- 5P15 From the Dowager Countess of Castlestuart. 0111 „,. e Der' 4 Y r, Rosstrevor; County of Down, Ireland, 9th De A' e— VO The Dowager Countess of Castlestuart feels indocoolld interest of suffering humanity, to state that D?,, cellent Revalenta. Arabica, Food has cured P`:' Medicines had failed, of indi ges ti on , bile, gl. -eat 01, O 1 , ;It 'less and irritability of many years standiug . o i 5 0 • Del deserves the confidence of all sufferers, and. se,b, sidered a real blessing. Inquiries will be Cheerfaw, Iros In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. 11 8 . 0 ', The 121 b., carriage free, ou receipt of Post-office 0 1 0 7, Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, London; 451• Als Piccadilly ; 60, Gracechurch-street ; 330, and 5 ir 4, Cheapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill; 49, BishoPt s 0.„ fl i 55, Charing-cross; 54, Upper Baker-street; v , Fth Oxford-street ; 89, High-street, Camden-tow e. % P 2 , 04 mall; 7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, New Bond-street' tivif,' j comb-street ; 13, King William-street, City ; ~..3 ; t;,O , street; 21, Coe:IL - spur-street ; 95, Fassingdon-w - o e tr Paul's Churchyard ; 6, Edward-street, l'orttuen BIRTHS. .9 1 OF A SON. On the 12th inst., at Ilchister-place, North Mrs. Benjamin Rowsell. tb ° On the 14th inst., at Lee-grove, Blackheath? 0 .0 . William Carr, E ‘Oi " sq. On the 13th inst., at 7, Fortress-terrace, f it Mrs. Bass. c to Oa the 12th inst., at Lytchett Matravers Vi ° f og' wife of the Rev. W. M. Heath. t "b e On the 11th inst., a t H orncas tl e , th e w ife of , Lodge. On the 13th inst., at Pelmuir, Torquay, t b° W. L. Feilden—stillborn. OF A DAUGHTER. l ov- On the 14th inst., at Nelson H ous e, Stoke Mrs. Alexander Rose. la° On the 13th inst., at Highbury-terrace, the Steavenson, Esq. MARRIED. p flo j 3 3 0 44111/ On the 10th inst., at Walcot Church, t Julien Count We ng i ere ki , t o Fanny, wic3"cof, John Francis Smith, Esq., of Whitebourn e fordshire. 1 4.°1 of On the 12th inst. at at Ditchingham Church , ,I 9C' Rev. H. R. Nevill, incumbent of St. Msrk v to Alice, third daughter of the Rev. Ed. Wi lß° , d ,SY Toperoft. CI P la V On the 12th inst., at the parish church, Duncan Gerard, Esq., of Kandy, Ceylon, I °oo daughter of Daniel Bell, Esq., Milton House, road. DIED. 030 , On the 13th inst., at Laura place, Cia_P ten ' herd, Esq. late of the Admir a lty, a ged 7 5 . -a tt O e er r On the 13th inst., at 31, C o l es hill- s treet, ' Colonel John Enoch, Assistant - Q ua rtermas ter Head-quarters, . London, aged 71. sti jio On the 13th last at 50, Tavistock-squa rst p'oF mann, Esq., of Aus " tinfriars. de„ On the 13th inst., at Herne-hill Abbey, Vysa, Esq., of Luton, Bedfordshire, agecl . .."''' orbs ' sa, O m n ue t l he Fr l a 2 n t c h is in m st a . r , ry a a t tt M , ercer i - ife.4 only survi ving Captain Marryatt. rt ie dte On the 28th ult at Sebastopol of watin -- i, r the 18th, Captain Wm. Henry Ma' nsfielcL i t't On the 30th ult., at Antwerp, Henry Sim"' off 00 surviving son of the late Robert Vans AP - 1 Sh heucan aged 67 On the l 7th lust at Emsworth, Hants, Doia.„l Esq., age d 42. " 7 4# f 1 11 00• LORDON: Printed and. Published by Mrt lice , • 0 0. 14 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun n at° Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, -- Middlesex, Monday, July 10, 1865. End r at 3c Elevi bAy .rig o, 3.30 r relt able T 0 ig-.6 The bat F, the Ti, Um( On ) tiro Wol, 8 15 Polic ac 'ordi The I are lou. are f, zi , j Folic Pr es , 4,0ad04" 17 . Gr, Da tea 1 •••, .a?