The Sun. — London, England, 1855-06-05 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. The Earl-of HARROWBY presented several petitions in favour of closing public-houses on Sundays. The Earl of HARDWICKE moved for certgin re turns respecting the transport service, and also for re turns in respect to the means of education afforded in the naval service. The Earl of EGLINTON gave notice that on Monday he should ask a question relative to the Ordnance sur vey in Scotland. LOSS OF HORSES ON BOARD THE MEDWAY. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH wished to ask whe ther Government had received any information with re spect to the loss of 65 horses off Gibraltar, while on the passage to Balaklava. He had been speaking to a gentleman who had seen the horses shipped on board the Medway, and he expressed his apprehensions at the time that unless there was very fair weather during the whole of the passage to Balaklava, there would be great difficulty attending the safety of the horses that were placed upon deck. an d the that the weather turned out very stormy, and the consequence was the loss of thehorses to the extent he had stated. He thought that the system of placing horses on deck should never be sanctioned except in cases of the greatest necessity. Lord PANKURE said he was sorry to say that he had received a letter from Admiral Grant, from Gibraltar, confirming the report of the loss of those horses placed on board the Medway. The vessel had, it appeared, met with a most violent hurricane on the 13th and 14th tilt., which had occasioned the accident referred to. THE BALTIC BLOCKADE. - • - - - The EarIOfALBEMARLE wished to ask whether the Russian Government were justified in asserting that this country had departed from the principle originally laid down for conducting the blockade, viz., that a neu tral flag should cover the cargo. This fact had arisen out of the proclamation of the blockade of Port Baltic, an d other ports in the Gulf of Finland, on the 28th of April last, by Captain Watson. Earl GRANYILLE replied that there was foundation whatever for the statement so put forward. The Earl of HARROWBY further explained that nei ther Captain Watson nor his lieutenant had given any cause whatever for such an assertion. THE IRISH PEERAGE. The Earl of DERBY gave notice, that on Monday next he would call their lordships' attention to the cir cumstance attending the creation of the title of Baron of Fermoy, a subject which was of the greatest importance, as it would raise the whole question of the Irish Peerage. SECOND READINGS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE the following bills were read a second time :—Bray's Estate, Levesay's Estate, Marshall's Charity Estate ; Banff, Macduff, and Turriff Railway ; Commercial Road, Swansea Docks, Cornwall Railway, South Wales Railway Consolidation, Birmingham Canal Navigation, Leominster and Ledbury Road, Ashton-under-Lyne Water, and Renfrew Police and Improvement. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Bristol and Exeter Railway, Kingston-upon-Thames Improvement, Plymouth Great Western Dock:, Old ham Gas and Water, and Inverury and Old Meldrum Railway Amendment. LEASES AND SALES OF SETTLED ESTATES BILL. This bill passed through committee. RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. The further consideration of this bill was postponed till Monday next. ROMAN CATHOLIC CHARITIES BILL. This bill was read a second time. The LORD CHANCELLOR stated that the object of this bill was to place Roman Catholic charities on the same footing as those of Dissenters. WEIGHTS AND MEASURES BILL. On the motion of the Doke of ARGYLL, this bill was read a second time. NEWSPAPER STAMP DUTIES BILL. This bill passed through committee. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY. Mr. FITZROY, Chairman of Ways and Means, took the chair at four o'clock. The Clerk read a letter from the Speaker, enclosing a medical certificate, stating that the right hon. gentleman was suffering considerable indisposition, owing to a fall from his horse. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed Staines, Wokingham, and Woking Railway (Altera tions, &c.) ; West Somerset Mineral Railway ; Wey month Water ; Wolverhampton New Water. The following bills were considered and ordered to he read a third time : —Aboyne, Ballater, Braemar, and Cairnw ell Road ; Basingstoke, Stockbridge, and Lobcomb Corner goad ; Bridport Roads; Gomersal and Dewsbury Road ; Great Northern Londgn Cemetery ; Gun-Barrel Proof Houses (Birmingham and London) ; lioniton Road ; North Yorkshire and Cleveland Railway ; Rhvmney Railway ; Scinde Railway ; Severn Valley Railway ; Somerset Central Railway ; Stokes Bay and Isle of Wight Railway, Pier, and Telegraph ; Stroud Cains cross, and Minehinbampton Road ; Stroud and Chalford Road ; Portsmouth Railway ; Lightpill and Birdlip Road. The East Kent Railway (Extension to Dover) Bill was read a second time. PUBLIC BUSINESS. • Petitions were presented by Mr. IL Berkeley (ieveral of them from Glonceatersbire) in favour of a repeal of the Sunday Beer Bill ; by Mr. T. Duncombe, petitions in favour of the Marriage Bill ; by Mr. Pellatt, several petitions from metropolitan parishes for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. Watson, from Hull, a potition praying the house to adopt means for preventing future wars ; also a petition from the same place again 4 the Maynooth grant ; by Lord Etcho, from a place in Scot land, against the Lord Advocate's Education Bill ; by Slr W. Moleswortb, two petitions for the repeal of the Sunday Beer Bill. INCOME TAX. Major REID gave notice that, ou the 25th of June, he should move for leave to bring in a bill, to be enti tled the Income Tax Enfranchisement Bill. THE VIENNA NEGOTIATIONS. In reply to Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, Lord PALMERSTON said it was true, a 3 reported in to-day's papers, that the Vienna negotiations would be closed this day. The result could not be known that evening ; but his expectation was that intelligence would be received that evening or to-morrow to that effect. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BRIGHT wished to know when the papers would be produced to show the effect of any further negotiations, so that the country might know with what prospect they were entering upon a protracted war. Lord PALMERSTON said be could not now reply to the question, but would do so to-morrow. STAMPED LETTER PAPER. In reply to Mr. A.TAGITIRE, Mr. WILSON said that a stamped paper for trans mission through the post would very soon be in operation. THE SPEAKERS ILLNESS. Lord PALMERSTON said he was concerned to my that this morning he saw the professional gentleman :it tending the Speaker, who advised the right hon. gentle man to have a few days' rest, and he should move that in the event of Mr. Speaker's absence for more than one day, thesuspendsion of the standing order that the Speaker sbould write a letter every day to that effect, and that Mr. Fitzroy should take the chair on every subsequent day during the Speaker's absence. After a few remarks from Lord R. Cecil, Sir F. The siger, Sir W. Heathcote, and Mr. Disraeli, Lord PALMERSTON said he should restrict the motion to be in force during the present week only. The motion was then agreed to, NEUTRAL VESSELS. In reply to Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE, Sir C. WOOD said it was stated that the Russian Government had issued a notice that Captain Watson of the Imperieuse bad published a notification that goods contraband of war found neutral vessels would be seized by the Allied fleets. He had seen Captain Watson, and the civil governor had visited every vessel in Port Baltic Harbour, and found only two ves sels with goods of the sort alluded to, and as they were not considered to come within the terms of the order in council, Captain Watson allowed those vessels to leave the harbour. EDUCATION BILL. On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, the above bil was postponed till Monday next. CONDUCT OF THE WAR—ADJOURNED. DEBATE. On the order of the day on th is subject being read, Mr. MILNER GIBSON rose for the purpose of resuming the debate. He observed that, from a question which had just been 'put by the honour able member for Finsbury, an inference had been sought to be raised that it was inconvenient to discuss the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster, seeing that the Vienna Conference was closed. For one, he (Mr. Gibson) was not responsible for the amend ment of the hon. gentleman ; and, if he pressed it upon the be luie, he thought, for various reasons, the house ought not to agree to it. After the lengthened discussion that took placeon the motion of the right hon. member for Bucks, and the amend men t o f th e r i g ht h on . mem b er fo r Portsmouth, it was n o t, s i ncerely speaking, w i thout some regret that in consequence of the alteration which the hon. member for Kidderminster proposed to introdu ce, he felt it to be his duty to a dj ourn the further considera tion Re did not assent to of his amendment. that it w hi c h the hon. gentlemen Propo se d, as he believed involved considerations of great magn i tude, and thoug ht it. moreover, mo st undesirable that th e h ouse should be asked precipitately either to adopt or reject The pre vious debate was a party debate. The right hon. mem ber for Bucks had asked the house t . o pass a vote of cen sure virtually on t he Government, n consequence Qf its m bi g uous language an d uncertain conduct on, th e great question of pe ace or war. The member f or Portsmouth undertook the defence of Ministers and moved what he must say, considering the occasion, was 2. very feeble amendment. (Hear, hear.) But he listened to th e speeches of the leader of the Opposition and the Government party, and he must say , althou g h he found them both a , ree on the subject o f the prolon gation of the war, he had great difficulty in discovering TRJ SUN, LONDON TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 5, 1855. we were not prepared to carry on the war for mere empty military success and glory, he called upon the House of Commons to deliberate well before it gave its deliberate sanction to a motion which might commit the country to an indefinite war, and bring upon it the most formidable disasters. (Hear, hear.) Sir W. MOLESWORTH, after adverting to the terms of the amendments before the house, said it would appear from those amendments that the real question for its con sideration was whether we ought or ought not to have made peace on the Russian proposals on the third point? The opinion of the sight hon. gentleman who had just sat down was that we ought to have been satisfied with the Russian proposals, and that, in fact, they were better than our own- The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford said that Russia had conceded all that was asked for before the commencement of hostilities, and that we ought to be satisfied, for that a nation once having engaged in hostilities ought not to enlarge its demands. Were such a principle to be generally adopted it might lead to the most pernicious consequences, for what greater inducement could be held out to the wrong -doer to persevere in doing wrong than the assurance that he would not by doing so be placed in a worse position ? (Hear, hear.) In order to maintain the peace of the world we had lowered our de mands to the utmost; but having been forced to draw the sword, we had a right to stand upon our rights, to require that they should be fully secured, and even to enlarge our demands in proportion to the success of our arms. (Cheers.) The right to increase our demands had been distinctly as serted by Lord Aberdeen's Government in its communica tions with foreign Governments. In his opinion we engaged in this war to prevent the dangerous aggrandisement of Russia at the expense of the Ottoman empire—an aggran disement which menaced the stability of the system of European States--to enforce the obligation of the Euro pean law of nations, and to inflict punishment upon Rus sia for her wanton violation of the law by the unjust invasion of the Danubian Principalities. In order to avenge that invasion—to avenge the closing of the Danube and the outrage at Sinope—in order also to take security against future danger from Russia, we declared that it was indispensable to put an end to the Russian preponder ance in the Black Sea, which was a standing menace to Turkey. These were the objects to attain which we went to war with Russia, sent an expedition to the Crimea, and consented to negotiate upon the four points at Vienna. Two ' of these points had been granted, but why had Russia come to terms upon them so readily? Simply, if possible, to de tach Austria from the Western alliance, and to secure the neutrality of Germany. With regard to the third point, which contained the security for all the others, and with out which their concession would be perfectly useless, Rus sia used every art of diplomacy to avoid the honest fulfil ment of her engagement to put an end to her preponderance in the Black Sea. She rejected our most moderate terms, and proposed others, the adoption of which would, in his opinion, be worse than the abandonment of the third point altogether. He was quite at issue with his right hon. friend the member for Manchester, who said that there was no substantial difference between the propositions made by the Western Powers and those of Russia. The dif ference was a very substantial one. It was all the difference between a war establishment and a peace establishment, between a state of ever and a state of peace. According to our terms Russia would be bound by treaty not to maintain in the Black Sea more than a certain moderate number of ships, not exceeding the number which we ordinarily main tain in the Mediterranean ; and if she exceeded that num ber we should be entitled to call upon our Allies to assist us in compelling her to observe the treaty. The Russian proposals, on the other hand, would compel us to run a never-ending race of war expenditure with Russia in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Her first proposal was the opening of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. This was universally condemned by the allied powers—by France, England, Turkey, and Austria. The effect of such an arrangement would have been to extend the preponderance of Russia to the Mediterranean and the Neapolitan waters, and would have been at once an abandonment of the object of the war and a sur render of important Turkish rights which we were bound to do our utmost to maintain. The second proposal of Russia was that the straits should remain closed, but that Turkey should have the right of calling up the fleets of her allies at any time when she thought herself threatened with aggression. According to these terms, Turkey would be entitled to summon the fleets of England and France whenever she thought herself menaced by Rus sia, and the fleet of Russia whenever she thought herself menaced by England or France. England and France would therefore be morally bound to maintain in the Me diterranean fleets capable of coping with that of Russia in the Black Sea ; while the latter power would have a right to re-establish, and a plausible reason for extending to any extent she pleased, her fleet in the Euxine, in order that it might be able to cope with the fleets of England and France if it should be summoned to protect Turkey. Peace on such terms would, in fact, be founded upon pro visions for the immediate renewal of the war. It would impose upon us the chief burden of war by requiring the maintenance of a police in the Black Sea, and would leave in existence the Russian fleet and Sebastopol, which we had so often declared to be a " standing menace to Turkey." Such a peace would be worse than the present state of things, because we had for the present put down the prepon derance of Russia in the Black Sea, and it would be better to keep it down, than to allow it to rise again. His right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone) had defended the expedition to the Crimea, and then had arrived at the conclusion that we ought to abandon the chief object for which it was undertaken. He said that we had got, or might get, three points, and half of the fourth, and asked what we were quarrelling about? We were quarrelling about that without which there would he no security for any of the points, about that for which the expedition to the Crimea was undertaken, viz., the de struction-of the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea. He had never for a moment regretted the expedition, but he had never concealed from himself that it irretrievably engaged us in a contest with Russia, from which there was no possible honourable issue for the allied powers, except by putting down the preponderance of Busaa in the Black Sea. Without such a succes.4, the expedition to Sebastopol would be an inglorious failure. Without such a success, the lives of those who had fallen in the contest would have been uselessly sacrificed ; we should have no security fur the first or second points, or the first half of the third ; and all the concessions of Russia would be valueless. The conces sions of Russia ought therefore to induce us to persevere at least in the demands which the Government of Loid Aber deen conceived it to be just and reasonable to make. Whit had induced Russia to make these concessions ? Was it repentance ? She was incapable of the feeling ? Was it shame? She was ignorant of the meaning of the word. Was it the public opinion of Europa? That opinion was expressed against her long ago, and she remained unmoved, and defied it. What, then, had induced her to yield ? Fear. Fear founded upon the conviction that her resources were being exhausted and her armies were perishing, while those of the allies were rapidly increasing. Fear founded upon the conviction that if we persevered we must bo suc cessful. For this reason she had hail recourse to diploma tic wiles and intrigues, and had endeavoured by a show of moderation, combined with deceit, to sow dissension amongst us, to cajole the weak, to frighten the timid, to strengthen the peace party, to create a Russian party ire the house and in the country, audio trick us as she did the diplomatists of Europe in 182 i!. Let the his tory of the campaign be a warning to us, and let U 3 not by timid councils enable future historians to tell a similar tale of this war, and to record that the Parliament and the statesmen of England ended a war of success by an ignomi nious and dangerous peace. Peace on the terms advocated by the member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson) would be dan gerous, because it would be a confession of defeat on thepart of England and France, and would elevate Russia to a pre ponderanee alike menacing to Europe and to Asia. Such a peace would embolden age to fresh aggressions and teach her to despise the threats and menaces of. the Western powers. It would make Austria less ill-disposed, Prussia more attached, and all the 'petty potentates of Germany more servile than they are now. It would lessen the repute of both England and France. It would cover with disgrace our brave armies and navies, and would produce feelings of recrimination between the commanders, the officers, and the men. It would weaken the alliance between France and England—would be a great discouragement to western civi lisation, and a great triumph to the barbarian of the north —and would render it necessary for France and England, ere long, to seek new battle-fields on which to avenge their loss of onour and renown. Such a recreant peace would, in his opinion, be dangerous to England. It would shake our Indian empire—an empire founded upon the opinion of our irresistible might entertained by a feeble and excitable oriental people, easily moved from the extreme of fear to the extreme of audacity—an empire encircled by bitter ene mies, who were watching with intense anxiety this contest, ready to attack us if it should prove adverse. It would make every man of British descent throughout the we rld—it would make all the colonies of Great Britain—ashamed of the humiliation and pusillanimity of the mother country, and would convert those feelings of affection 'which were displayed towards us at the commencenae, t of the struggle into sentiments of contempt, dangerous to our colonial do minion. (Hear, hear.) The strength of the British empire depended upon the absolute belief in our undaunted vigour, our ceaseless energy, our invincible courage ; but if we consented to an ignominious and inglorious peace, we should have but our reputation for these qualities ; we should have become the degenerate sons of those yeomanry, gentry, and aristocracy who half a century ago bid defiance to Europe in arms. If we showed that, by the long con tinuance of peace, we had become craven and faint-hearted, our mighty empire would speedily crumble into pieces, our external dominions would be torn from us, and we should sink to a second-rate state, and lose our position among the nations of Europe. Such a peace as that advocated by the right hon. member for Manchester would, in fact, give a triumph to Russia—would he to make the British soldiers and sailors abandon their colours, though they had suffered no single reverse. We had endured no defeats, In the Baltic we had swept the mercantile marine of Russia from the sea, and compelled her fleet to skulk ing'o rionsly behind fortifications. In the Black Sea we had compelled her to commit naval suicide, and to destroy a fleet which she could never re-establish without our sanction. We could, without detriment to the resources of tho country, repeat the naval, military, and financial efforts which we made last year, and are making this, for half a dozen y ears t o come ; and he believed that, if we were bold and courageous, if we were not faint-hearted and timid, long ere that period expired we should bring this war to a satisfactory termination, and conclude a peace alike honourable, satisfactory, and worthy or the allied powers of France and England. (Cheers.) Mr. JOHN M`GREGOR said that the war lead been com menced by the Government in ign° l 2ace of the power of Russia, and the difficulties and lecessities of the campaign. He denied that its object 'wee merely to def e nd Turkey. There was a much gre ter question invol ve d i n it, an d th a t was the checkine ... -„, of the aggressive policy which had been pursued-. P .assia for several centuries. F ro m th e t rea ty of the P .... by ath, the first that was made with R uss i a , d own to 4 .,tte present time, he found nothing but perfidy on per part. It - was matter of notoriety that she had always been regardless of her treaties. He believed there never was so great a delusion in the world as the notion of destroying the Russian dominion in the Black Sea. It was in fact a wild chimera, and we had better keep our ships on the stocks till they were wanted. The only real and wise course was to insist upon making the Black Sea perfectly free to the ships of every nation in the world. He did not think the country ought to be greatly elated by its recent successes in the Sea of Azoff, for, but for the lamentable want of forecast and sagacity which the Government had all along shown, those successes might have been achieved eight months ago. We had entered into t his war nos y , and he contended that it was absolutely nec essar y to any thing like an honourable or lasting peace that we should destroy Sebastopol. He went further. Considering the political crimes of Russia, England and France should in sist, in justice to themselves, upon a full indemnification for the whole of the expenses of this war. He trusted that the Government would endeavour to preserve the French alliance intact, since it was the most gratifying feature of the present war • and that they would not conclude a peace upon any te rms except those which would ntainr that either was in possession of any definite views as to th e ultimate objects of the war. It appeared to him that the objects of both parties was analogous to what was cleverly said of two celebrated literary Reviews, that they were "two opposition conveyances, both raking a great dust, but both travelling the same road and to wards the same destination." (Hear, hear.) But he should not be doing justice to his own opinions if he did not say that there were views enun ciated in the speech of the right hon. member for Bucks which did not entirely exclude all hope of au early and satisfactory peace as compared with the announcements contained in the speeches of the Government, which indicated a policy that would lead them to a war of thirty years' duration. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman then proceeded to read the amend ment of the hon. member for Kidderminster, who, he said, professed to be the mouthpiece of the so-called war party, contending that, after all, the hon. gentlemaia scarcely represented the expressed sentiments of that party in the terms of his amendment. But, he continued, was the house prepared to agree to the proposition of the hon. gentleman which pledged the house to the principle of the limitation of the maritime force of Russia as the only sine qua non of peace. Lord Palmerston said that he would agree to the first part of the hon. gentle man's amendment, but that he should object to the latter portion as interfering with the prerogative of the Crown. Now he (Mr. Gibson) thought a doctrine of that sort ought to be received with great caution, as the preroga tive of the Crown was exercised under the advice of its Ministers. He could not agree to this doctrine himself, and he would advise the house not to give way to it. He brought forward a motion converse to that of the hon. member for Kidderminster during the existence of the Conferences, the withdrawal of which had subjected him to the charge of having entered into some intrigue for party purposes to avoid a discussion on the subject ; but he begged to state that the responsibility of withdrawing that motion rested with himself, never having had any communica tion with the Government respecting it, and because he thought that by so doing there would be some risk of his injuring that cause he was professing to support, and therefore his sole object in not going on with it was that he conscientiously believed he would be injuring the cause of peace. He viewed this war to be a war in support of a political theory, which he took to be that the rule of the Sultan in that particular part of Europe where he now exercises his power as a political neces city, and that this country was bound to de fend him against his enemies, and which was totally apart from the consideration of the question whether Russia was right or wrong in the commence ment of hostilities, and which, if they adopted, they came to the conclusion the Turk could do no wrong. (Hear.) He was not strongly impressed with the faith of that necessity, and without de parting from the soundness of that theory, on which the war was undoubtedly placed, he would say that he thought the theory of always supporting Tarkey against all enemies, and that they meant from all time to support the rule of the Sultan in those dominions, would have the effect of alienating from them the sympathy of the whole of the Greek Christian population of that country, and drive them into the arms of Russia and the allies, and of enervating the Turkish Government, and removing it from the obligation of attending to those duties of good government, and the necessity of producing contentment amongst the people, which was the only way, in fact, of forming a peace upon which the strength and independence of Turkey would permanently rest. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The honourable gentleman then referred to the statements made in that house by the honourable member for Aylesbury and other members, that the war was caused by hon. members sitting on that side of the house pro ducing an impression that the people of England w ere averse to the war, which he said was not the fact, and adverted to the statements which had appeared in the public prints as being the most likely cause, and asked the noble lord at the head of the -Go vernment if he bad not himself advocated peace notions, which he found on a correspondence bearing the name of Mr. Addington, which had emanated from the Foreign office, from which it would appear an engagement had been entered into by the noble lord with M. Wikoff to represent to the world that the policy of the British Government was liberal, but especially pacific—thereby producing an impression throughout Europe that Eng land was disinclined to engage in war, and would' not defend Turkey. The noble lord the member for London, in order to distract their attention, stated in his speech before the recess that when Turkey was secure we ought to have no hesitation in making peace with Rus sia, so that he would have us believe the war was carried ou for Turkey alone. He was surprised to have read what passed in another place, uttered by the Foreign Secretary, upon the sub ject, that while Europe was really standing upon a mine the influence of Russia was extending, her minerals were increasing, and her interests progressing. Now he be lieved that this country was interested in Russia carry ing out her railways, as the brotherhood of nations re quired it. Why then were they to be frightened by the statement that Russia s, as able to overbear all Europe? He believed that Russia had no such intention, because he bad invariably noticed that when Russia came to the west and interfered with that part of Europe it had always been in consequence of an invitation that she had done so. Had not this country requested Russia to bring her arms here to pievent French invasion, and had not France upon several occasions sought her assistance also ? The truth was, and it must be told, that Russia bad never forced her alliance upon unwilling Government., but had been drawn into all she had done by the solicitations of the Western Powers. No man had praised the policy of the 1 late Emperor of Russia more than the noble lord at the head of the Government ; and was it to be permitted now that he should come down and discard all he had said before ? The noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had adopted a similar course. It was clear that neither party believed the rumours that had been spread far and wide, that it was the interest of Russia to extend her territory to Turkey, and it was too bad to frighten the country with such idle notions as bad been put forth as to the intentions of Russia. Then, with respect to Poland, he thought the noble lord at the head of the Government ought not to hold out any hope to the Poles, or to allow misunderstandings to be circulated, be cause it was clear that this country could do nothing for her at the present moment at least, because if the Western Powers were to reconstruct Poland, they would be bound to preserve her inviola bility, which they could not do. A celebrated Pole had said, that the reconstruction of Poland and the regene ration of Turkey were events far distant. He believed them to be so ; but Russia, in his opinion, was not to be blamed for thaf, but Turkey herself. The noble lord said he did not wish to diminish the cha racter of Russia, and it had been repeatedly said that they were proposing no jurisdiction for Russia. But how did they reconcile that with the demand that Russia should only keep a certain number of ships in her ports. The noble lord said we should still leave Russia a great power ; but he (Mr. Gibson) could not understand the doctrine of two great countries nut pro posing to disarm themselves going to a third great power and saying that it was consistent with its honour that the two countries in question should decide what should be the amount of her maritime force. He thought the proposition was puerile, but insisting upon it as a sine qua non was placing a great war upon a foundation as narrow and unworthy as it was unheard of in history. But the noble lo r d did not go to Vienna to negotiate---be went to decline an ultimatum. To negotiate implied to treat on both sides, to give and take, in order to settle some common ground. (Hear, hear.) But the nobie lord's instructions were to do nothing of the kind ; he went there with something to be agreed to or rejected ; or that when Russia refused to accede, he said his instructions were exhausted, and he did not stop to consider the plans ' proposed by the Russian plenipotentiary. He trusted the Government would give the house some clear and defi nite statement as to their intentions. (Hear.) The house had a right to know what England was fighting for, and what object the Government contemplated ef fecting by the carrying on of this new war. (Hear.) If the Government could penetrate into the mist ahead, they ought to point out what was not clear to the vision of others who bad as deep an interest as themselves in the fortunes of their country. It appeared to him that we were embarking in a war which could only end by what was called a state of exhaustion. Unless a definite object could be pointed out, we must go on crippling and humbling as long as there was anything left to cripple or humble. If we should take the Crimea there would al ways be something left to do, until, by the conquest of Russia, we could entirely reduce that Government to sub mission. If the four points were abandoned the noble Jore and his Government ought to state the advantages 'eney proposed to confer on the people of this country as an equivalent for the large sacrifices it was called upon to make. The noble lord, in reply to a deputation which waited on him with a memorial in favour of negotiation, said that the Government would not make war for glary ; they would only make it for the interest of England. If Turkey was now considered safe, let the noble lord show the country how its interests were consulted by the pro tly f em o a n iad g a n,t t ha l o hnt n d t o i 3h f oa I t s h ae e kw s i e ahv h oa o f s do t i i ud l i g t nh i e ot s t .t the ee T e dh h a e f rt n tel o seh b s e ogfl l o o Ar r y d i.m h a a T, s Then, en u nk s Turkey was as safe as f ev ea e r w o er f e d n i o agr t carr l yin on this war for glory, was it from of the original damn What disgrace had been incurred ? T te h g e ri r t e y w o as f Ti2u o r t ke a ta R s we could make her. The whole made had been conceded by Russia. tan soldier on he Turkish wouldbindter.ri fthe herself to respect the in tegrity and Russia r O .l Wes no fear of disgrace, and tain the'clignity of the country and give satisfaction to the , people at large. (Hear.) Mr. G. VERNON said the chief fault he had to find I with the late proceedings was, that the course pursued by the Government did not appear to him to be one which he could really understand. He could understand that mat ters might have be en either ripe or not ripe for negotiation. It was for the Ministers to decide that. If they were not ripe, then, no matter how delicate our relations with Aus tria might be, nor how complicated the position of our alliance, it would have been our duty and our policy to have declared distinctly the only terms on which we were prepared to negotiate a peace. (Hear.) We should have made known our intentions to Russia in a manner which she could neither misunderstand nor misinterpret. If, on the other hand, we thought the time was come when we might enter upon negotiations for a peace not dishonour able to ourselres—if we were ready to accept conditions infinitely more favourable to us than those for which at the commencement of the war we professed to ask— then he said those negotiations ought not to have been broken off. So long as Governments as well as men were influenced by human passions and human in terests, so long would armaments be necessary but he was of opinion that this war was both just and ne cessary, for it was undertaken for the protection of an op pressed ally, in defence of violated treaties, and in the vindication of personal good faith and international law. In warring with Russia we warred more with a dynasty than with s nation ; and the more he was convinced that this war was just and necessary, the more was he appre hensive that we might take any false step which might lead to any misinterpretation of the motives with which we were carrying it on. If in the origin of the war we had no definite object, we were committing a great crime; and if we had a definite object, so soon as that object was adequately attained, peace ought to have been sought for. He did not go the length of saying that we ought not, in the course of the war, as our military successes became great, to increase our demands'. He simply said that we ought not to go the length of asking for greater conquests because we had gained greater successes ; though he ad mitted we ought to ask for greater securities for the at tainment of the objects we had in view. He trusted the time was not come when we were going to set " nation against nation," or to fight for the partition of Europe. He I hoped what we wanted was simply the settlement of the matter of the Black Sea between Turkey and Russia, on a fair and solid footing. He believed there was no problem so difficult of solution as this balance of power that was talked of in the Black Sea. The mode in which the Russian proposition was treated reminded him of the hackneyed expression so often quoted in that house by the gallant member for Lincoln : " Timeo Danaos et done ferentes." He believed the course we were adopting was the one least likely to disappoint Russia and to serve Turkey. We might go on from victory to victory, but when We had la vished our treasure and our blood we might perhaps find that we had destroyed the finances of Turkey and the bone and sinew of the country, and that when we expected an ovation, we would receive the curses of a beggared and de solated people. He thought the time would come when reflecting men would feel that we were fighting more for success than for any definite object. Lord DUNGARVANthought that the tone of the speeches recently made by statesmen who had lately been high in office must have a pernicious effect both on the people at home and upon our brave allies abroad. (Hear, hear.) He much regretted that those statesmen who had been in office when war was decla ed, and who had taken an active part in the prosecution of that war, should now advocate on such slight grounds as they did a departure from a policy they had been concerned in originating. (Hear, hear.) For himself, he was inclined to rejoice that the Russian plenipotentiaries did not accept the proposed limitation of their fleet in the Black Sea, for that would have been a condition for England or France to carry out. That condition couldhave been no guarantee againstßuasia having a number of ships on the stocks in every port in that sea. Russia proposed that the straits should be open at all times to the ships of war of all the nations, and that the Porte should have the power at any time to call in the fleets of France and England to its assistance. The noble lord at the head of the Government had ably pointed out the danger attaching to the first of these propositions, and the latter was no concession at all, for ever since the treaty of 1841 the Porte had been in full possession of the power of calling for the assistance of the fleets of the 'Western Powers whenever it judged that assistance necessary. The desire of Russia was in the eyes of the German Courts to throw upon the Western Powers the onus of carrying on the war. That was a challenge which he hoped those powers would accept, for he believed that England and France united could fail in nothing, and the more so when right and justice were upon their side. No doubt many misfortunes had befallen us—no doubt many faces formerly well known on the benches of the house would never more I be seen there • yet nothing, he felt sure, would abate the resolution that England had taken in this case. Forbid it that England should rush into war for the sake of prestige alone ; still it could not be denied that prestige untar nished and unbroken was one of the mainstays of a kingdom, and, careful as this country should be of her commercial interests, if she wished to continue in her present proud po sition, she must not refrain from putting forth her strength to support the cause of liberty against force and injustice. He could have wished to have been able to give his whole vote in favour of the anieudment of the hon. member for Kidderminster ; but he should be acting better if he only supported the first part of it, for it was, he thought, highly improper in any way to fetter the hands of her Majesty's Government in the present important struggle. Mr. BAXTER objectel to any vote that v4nld hamper the Executive Government, and this objection, he thought, applied to both amendments now before the house. They were both instructions to the Government— the one to make peace on liussien terms ; the other, to refuse all fur ther negotiations. He could not agree to either of them, and especially he could not agree to the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster, that they would accept of nothing but the diminution of the Russian fleet in the Black Sea. He could imagine many other pro positions which would be even more acceptable, as, for instance, the destruction of Sebastopol itself. While he gave full praise to the eloquent and logical speech of the right hon. member for the University of Ox ford made a few nights since, ho thought the right lion. gentleman, in his laudable and Christian desire to stay the effusion of blood, overlooked the fact that, if the allied armies now retired from the Crimea without having ef fected its object, Russia would be more feared than ever her prestige would be greater—her invincibility confirmed. He individually, and all his constituents, had a direct in terest in the establishment of peace;' but he bad come to the cqnclusion that any peace made now would not con tinue long. Under these circumstances, he was willing to leave the question in the hands of Governm&at, having full confidence in them that they would conclude, not a patched-up peace, but a peace that was not likely to be broken during the present century. Mr. HENRY BAILLIE condemned the conduct of the Government in not having kept our army up to an efficient point, and in not drawing upon the resources of our Indian empire. He was against making peace on Russian terms, as he considered the terms proposed by the allies wholly inadequate to the exigency. • , Mr. M. MILNES thought the best solution of the diffi culty would be to prohibit any vessels navigating the Black Sea except for commercial purposes and purposes 'of naval police. Sir E. DERING had supported the motion of the right hon. member for Bucks the other evening ; but after the explicit declarations of the Government, ho was satisfied of their sincerity ; and he now hoped that Ministers would insist upon higher terms than they had yet demanded. Lord ELCHO was anxious to mark his dissent from the sentiments expressed in the eloquent speech of his right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford—a speech which lie deeply regretted, as he believed the country would accept it as a sufficient explanation of the blunders that had ocaurred, and would consider " lukewarm" as the reason of " too late,' but which he regretted still more because he believed it would tend indefinitely to postpone the prospects of peace, which the right hon. gentleman was so anxious to attain. He maintained that there was great dancer in Russian power unless it was checked in time ; and the propositions commended by the right hon. member for Manchester were intended not to chock Rus sian power, but to leave it as it was. He was in favour of the Government propositions, which, he believed, con tained the principle of limiting Russian power. But for himself he believed that the road to a secure peace lay through Sebastopol. Therefore, though it gave him the greatest pain to separate himself from his friends on this question, yet he was prepared to leave the question in the hands of ? the Government, believing that they would not continue the war a moment longer than was necessary to secure a lasting peace. Lord C. HAMILTON defended the Russian propositions as more effectual for the maintenance of peace, while it would not needlessly humiliate Russia. He could not therefore vote with the hon. member for Kidderminster, as he did not believe the rupture of the negotiations was attributable to Russia. Sir B. LYTTON said the right hon. gentleman the failure. (Renewed t member for Manchester had summed up his objections to the continuance of the war by asking how it could subserve the interests of England. He (Sir B. Lytton) would answer that question by reminding him how eloquently, on a for mer occasion he declared that he and the party with whore he acted were not anxious for any terms of peace which were not consistent with the honour of the country. (Hear, hear.) On that point the right hon. gentleman should observe this distinction, that with individuals with nations it was something more—it was a condition jealousy of honour might be a Mere sentiments, whereas tects my person ;" of greatness. (Hear, hear.) If the position of an individual were lowered, he might still say:, "My estate is unimpaired, the law still maintains my rights and pro lowered in the eyes of other stales, more especially the hmiont of a nation like England, which owed its,position not to its territory but to its character--(cheers)---nob to but if the hononr of a nation were the numerical aiiimint of its armies, but to a belief in its spirit and its indomitable will, the consequences would affect its solid and vital interests. (Cheers.) Its credit would suffer—its commerce would indirectly be damaged right : even in peaceful negotiations its claim would not lie re. cognised, and never again would it interfere with effect against violence and, wrong, and on behalf of liberty and which would affect the interests of this country, if, other nations could say—whether justly or not—that England (Cheers.) These were some of the consequeneei bld grown unmindful of her honour. And he asked his right honourable friend (Mr, M. Gibson) whether other countries would not say this with every appearabde most powerful enemy, they of truth, if after having got into a war with their a ccepted any terms of peace which Turkey herself would indignantly refuse to endorse ? ,(Hear. hear.) He did not mean to deny that the right hon. gentleman was as anxious for the honour of the country as any one of them. But he asked, did anybedy believe that a single subject of the Ottoman empire would consider that they had fulfilled their engagement if they consented to any terms of peace that would not take from Russia a single fortress or a single ship by means of which she now held the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) The right hen. gentleman and the noble lord who spoke last were consis tent in the course which they had pursued—they were against the war from the first ; but he could not conceive how any member of the Government who led them into the war—(opposition cheers)--a , nd who were responsible for all that it had cost them, could now suddenly as sume the language of peace societies—(hear, hear) — and hold it a brittle in them (the opposition) if they pushed to a military success the war which ere and his col lbheouantg .uh gentlemanees 0 uld n commencedotth reconcileo member with emb e ar the er military ctoh ure st re cheers.) He had listened to tho speech of the right with profound respect for his intellect and his eloquence • University of e ( o ß fh e ao n dx e sf w ou e rp c d l , ported at the commencement of the war with that which he had advoclted recently. There could be no doubt as to what in the right hon. gentleman's eyes was the object of the war. He was sure he would not accept the definition of it which had been given that evening by his right hon. friend the member for Southwark, and which he (Sir B. Lytton) was-astonished to hear, coming •as it did from so ac complished a philosopher as the pupil of Bentham and the editor of Hobbes. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentlenaen tempts to injure our ancient ally. Te riht, hon. gentle said the ,objett was to. punish Russia for her insolein a. Man the member for Manchester had - asked when, if the Neither in war nor in legislation eauld punishment ever be policy indicated was followed out, would the war end? He an object—(hear) — though it was sometimes the only means i (Sir B. Lytton) believed that if we were only in earnest in of preventing the repetition of crime. He took it for granted carrying it on, and limited it to its legitimate objects, it that the right hon. gentleman the member for the Univer- could not last long. In these days war was money, and city of Oxford would say that the object o f the war was. to it was impossible for any power to sustain a long war maintain the independence and integrity of the Ottoman with a short purse. The pecuniary resources of Rug empire. Well, but if that were the object, how in Septem- sic were already becoming exhaasted—her trade bwngas ber, 1853, when address in g an audience at M anchester j ust almost annihilated—while her recruiting system ei before the commencement of the w a r, did the right hon. carried on in a way which, besides draining the country 'of gentleman speak on that subject ? He 'said " Remember its adult male population, inflicted a heavy loss upon the that the independence and integrity o f th e Ottoman em- lords of the soil, and incalculable misery and discontent pire are not like the independence an d i n t e grity of Eng- upon the people. In conclusion, the hon. baronet expressed land and France. The government of Turkey is a govern- a general that when it should be asked what service the prat gent full of anomaly, full of difficulty and distress." Was sention had performed, history would reply that it likely that one who at the commencement of the war it drew the sword to protect the weak against the strong, took that chilling view of all the great human interests and that it had not sheathed it until it had redeemed the that were involved in the struggle would now give unpre- pledge given to humanity upon the faith of two Christian objec t? uded counsels with a view to the attainment of the sovereigns, and vindicated the cause of justice and liberty. c The right hon. gentleman complained that the The LORD ADYOCA.TE thanked the hon. hart. not only terms of peace had been unwisely extended. Who was for the clear exposition he had given 9f his own views, but it that taught them ,to extend the terms ? (Hear, hear.) also for having successfully disposed of the arguments of Was it not the head of the Government which the right those who were the opponents of the Government in the hon. gentleman adorned? (Hear.) When Lord Aber- present debate. It had been said that the country had deep was repeatedly urged to say to what terms of peace drifted into war. He altogether disputed the accuracy of he would attach his favourite epithet—" safe and honour- that statement. Never had a war been• entered into by able"—he said it was impossible to state them, as the people. of this country with so much deliberation. It they must vary with the fortunes of war, and it would was not a war of passion—it was a war of dynasties—it was make a great difference whether they were accepted at Con stantinople or imposed at St. Petersb ur g . Now he (Sir B. a war of justice and of nec essit y ; and he did not believe the country would stop in its course until the object for Lytton) never approved of that answer- He )lad always which the war bad been commenced had been achieved. held the doctrine that if they mad e war it should be for no- With regard to the origin of th e war, when the r ight hon. member for Manchester said it was owing to the tone of the thing less and nothing more than ju stice—(cheers) —and if ' the right hon. gentleman held it when out of office, why, press and of the supposed impossibility of England and ' when in office, did he sanction Lord Aberdeen's making F rance enter i ng ' the terms of peace dependent on military success ? How into an a c lliance to resist Russian aggres sion, the right hon. gentleman conceded the point that the could he continue to sit in aca.binet which changed the cha - Emperor of Russia was all along waiting for the opportunity meter of the war, and made it one of aggression ? He did to attack Turkey. The interest w e had in defending not say whether the strategy of the invas ion of theCrimeaTurkey was this:—That through the sides of Turkey our own libel , was right or wrong, but the moment the army landed, the ties were menaced. We had a plain and obvious dan w ger best to co nditions of peace were necessarily altered. The ri g ht hon. ward off, and the question now to c onsider was, ho gentleman was a party to the campaign in the Crimea,how we could place Turkey in such a position t hat the liberties then, could he shrink from its logioal conseque nces ? (Hear.) of Europe should be secure for the future. It by no means s Why was Sebastopol besieged ? Was it not b e c ause it was fol lowed, when the war was actually commenced, tha the fortress which secured to Russia exclusive preponder- the status quo should be the condition of peace. The ance in the Black Sea, and because itscapture was the ma- right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford had said terial guarantee by which they had pledged themselves that we ought not to raise our terms as the war went on to maintain the independence of Turkey and the s afet y of but the principle of altering th e terms according E ur ope? (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him very stran g e to the to what double uses the right hon. gentleman could put a lt e red state of circumstances consequent on the war was an ally. When the house desired to inquire into the 'admitted by Lord Aberdeen himself, who increased the causes of the calamities of the army, the right hon. son- terms upon which his Gover nment were prepared to treat for peace as the war we nt on. The terms upon which tleman said, " Take care what you are about; to inquire peace might be negotiated on the one side and on the on such a subject may offend and alienate your ally, o th e r must always depend in a great measure upon the re - Trance ;" now, when the question was how a pea ce could suits of the war ; and the results of our military operation, be patched up, he seemed to forget that they had an ally even before the recent successes, were certainly not such as on th© face of the globe—(hear)—and recommended them should induce us to accept lower terms than those to creep creep out of the quarrel in a manner w hich would ex- nally p ro p osed, butthe contrary. (Hear, hear.) The main pose them equally to the charge of desertion by Turkey demand was the limitation of the Russian preponderance and of perfidy by France. (Hear.) He would put it .to in the Black Sea, as embodied in the third point. The any advocate of peace in that house whether a peace which would have excited the indignation even o f a commercial o nly effectual means of ca rr y in g out that object was by the measures proposed by ' the allies, for it was clear people like our own would not have mortified the pride of that gallant nation of soldiers with wh ich the name that if the other proposi tion were adopted—viz., that Turkey should have the right to call in the fleets of Napoleon was associated, and shaken the stability of a throne which seemed essential to the safety of social of France and England if she were menaced—in the event of France and England not being agreed, or either order throughout the whole civilised world? (Hear.). The right hon. gentleman had reminded the house how if those po .vers not being agreed. with Turkey, there would be no protection for Turkey. Locking at the result of the Russia had come down in her own terms. Buthovv was this debate, he did not think the Emperor of Russia, or any change effected ?By diplomacy and negotiations, by notes power in Europe could now entertain a doubt that the and protocols? No, it was effected by the sword—it was effected on those fields of Alma and I k n erman, to which opinion of the House of Commons and of the country was that we had entered upon a war upon just grounds, and the right hon. gentlean had so touchingly referred. Sh ould were d e t erm i n ed not to relinquish it until the end w e had gentlemen all this blood have been spilt in vain ? With the soil of the Crimea filled with the bones of our soldiers , w ere we to in view was attained - (Hear.) Mr. COBDEN moved the adjournment of the debate. leave the fortress of Sebastopol untouched, and the Black Sea to the Russian navy, in order that they m i g ht con- Lord PALMERSTON trusted that the house would lineally threaten the independence of that ally for whom allow this amendment to be that the amendment on which the hon. member would so many of our countrymen had already perished? If we permitted this blood to be shed in vain, it woul d be mere wish to state his sen timents was the amendment of the for th e % University of Oxford (Sir W. member quibbling to talk of effecting our objeCt by ne g otiation. Let hon. Heathcote). them for a moment examine the question. What was the object for which the affair had been undertaken ? Was it not Mr. COBDEN begs®d the noble lord's pardon, but it was to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black on this amendment that he wished to state his sentiments. Sea? A.nd that involved'another question, whichwas the best Mr. DISRAELI hoped that there would be no difference means of proienting the outbreak of a new war that might of opinion on this important point. There were several arise from the future position of Russia. (Hear.) One amendments on the paper, but it appeared to him that this means proposed was to overasee Russia by the presence of was the real question on which the opinion of the house an Allied fleet in the Dardanelles and the right hon. mem- was asked—whether tho conferences were to proceed, or, ber for Manchester approved of and course. He (Sir E. as it was understdod, to be cloied immediately—was this, B. Lytton) should be induced to agree with him, but for had the best means been employed by Govern the pre ment de to rance one thing, thing, and that was, that while the Allies had only blish the equilibrium, and put an end to pon three ships in the Dardanelles, Russia would - have the of Russia in the Black tea- A mideratio n ore important the quousestion o , whole coast of the Black Sea bristling wi th her fortresses, or one more deserving consf He f and conld thus unceasingly increase her maritime force be- Commons could not well be conceived. When the noble hind the shelter of these strongholds, while England and lord at the head of the Government announced, before the France would have to keep up a constant system of surveil- recess, that he intended to support the first part of the mo lance on a sea where they would find neither ports of refuge, tion of the hon. member for Kidderminster, he (Nr. Die ner arsenals in which to refit. (Hear.) This plan then raeli) told the noble lord that he must be prepared for con would not put an end to the preponderance of Russia. siderable debates in consequence of that declarallon. Not All that it would do would he to guard at a great cost only was the whole question of the policy of Government in against Russia abusing that preponderance, and so far volved in the discussion, hute was muchto be r mai thntained an that—the He from putting an end to the possibility of a new war, you future means by which peac . would keep Russia perpetually threatening Turkey, and might also take that opportunity of answering the remarks England and France perpetually threatening Russia. of the Lord Advocate, and perhaps he might be able to show He could fancy nothing so. bad for the independence of him that the subject was of much wider character than he Turkey as such a system of chronic protection established seemed to suppose. The learned lord imagined; acting within her own waters. The second proposition was that under the instructions of the Government, that there of the mare elausu,a, with power te the Sultan to call were no other means by which the preponderance of Russia in the aid of the allies when necessary. But there would could be poss ewev y r, that it was the duty ibl checked and controlled. He t(heMr.House Disraelof i) be this difference, that Russia would constantly maintain thought, he of her strength, whereas the others might be unprepared, and Commons to enter fully and completely ino this discussion; whereas now there was not a Russian flag flying in those that the first part of the amendment of the hon. member waters, and her ships had been even chased from the Sea of for Kidderminster was the real business before them ; and Azoff, you would find, on the arrival of your contingent, that all the rest was " leather and prunella." (Laughter.) her flag flying on the walls of Constantinople. The hon. ba- The noble lord, therefore, must not suppose that they rouet having quoted the opinion of Marshal Marmont as to could proceed to an early division upon a subject on which the facility with which Russia might at any time make tide- it appeared to him the discussion had only comnienced. scent from Sehestopol on Constantinople, while at the same The debate was th il en was r adjo ea durnethe d till this ti day. time she marched an army against the B alkan fortresses, The Mortmain Bill scond me proceeded to say that, under such circumstances an d with TENANTS IMPROVEME NTS COMPENSATION such dangers, the proposition of tho mare eausum would (IRELAND) BILL. be untenable. The right honourable member for On the order for going into committee on this bill, Manchester complained that the conduct of the Colonel DUNNE hoped the Chief Secretary for Ireland Western Powers with respect to the third point had been w ould aive the house ample opportunity to consider and very unsatisfactory. He did not dispute that proposition, discuss the amendments which he proposed to introduce into the bill. and all he could say was, that it only pro ved how fortunate it was that the negotiations had been broken off. He Mr. HORSMAN said his a m?ndments would appear on lamented to hear these praises of Russian moderation the votes to-morrow and he proposed to bring them under from some of the most conspicuous members of the popes- the consideration (Alm house lit Thursday lar party in that house. Would not such expressions en- Nr. S. FITZGERALD said it was ludicrous to suppose courage Russia to hold on, and persevere in the war, in that the house could discuss the amendments on so early a the hope that the opinions of such influential persons would have their weight with the English people ? (Hear.) Lord NAAS also thought that more time should be day as Thursday. Every speech made in such a strain might be read by a allowed. Russian general to his troops ; and Russian ministers might translate it for the benefit of trembling merchants Lord PA LMERSTON then said the discussion would be taken on Thursday week. and discontented nobles, if they desired to animate them The Grants of Land Bill was read a second time. .to resistance against this country. He honoured their bold- - ORDNANCE BOARD BILL. ness iu taking so unpopular a view of the question, but he On the motion fo r the second reading of this bill, implored them to reflect whether they rightly exercised their powers, when in a war undertaken to protect weakness public office would not be read Mr. STAFFORD hoped that a measure for the recon struction of an importe•nt against aggression they took the part of t he ono mies of their the econd time without se full that no clear statement h ad l discussion. c mutry. (Cheers.) He now came to the amendments, Col;' DUNNE cOmplair, ed and it was with great regret he found there was not one yet been made in the chase gets Vas anxious in the Ordnance Depart make sucment. Mr. MONSELL • sa id he to h a with whom he could coolially agree. He could not agree to 'the me amendment of the hon. baronet the memb er for Ox- statement. He woul d p ost p oie' ford, much less to that of the bon. member for Kidder- e the second reading t ill Frii3av, minister, and as to that with which the right hon. baronet EPISCOPAL CAPITTILAR e. the member for Portsmouth had supplied him, it. would The Marquis of BLANDFORD booed the house would ;STATES BILL. have been much more complimentary to the quarter from eo into committee pro forma upon thi;e bill, in order that which he had stolen it had "not the right hon. baronet 7 pro forma, and 6 ;Ma alterations. he might introduce certain amendmeni!' added the crime, of murder to that of theft. Taking the The bill then passed through committee bantling out of the cradle the right hon. baronet cut it in was ordered to be reported on Friday. two, and the part which ho presented to t he house had not . NATIONAL GALLERY , & c. (DITBL a leg to stand on. (A laugh.) Now the motion of h is ri g ht . Tyr) BILL. This hon. friend the member for Bucks, by im p l y ing a censure bill passed through commit tee. EDINBUIV.4II LANDS BILL. on the Goverement for ambiguous language, offered a sub-stnl reason why they, the House of Commons, should This bill was read a third time and passed. volunteer to her Majesty the assurance of their co-operation SE ERS (HOUSE DRAINAGE)' BILL, in the war, or in th e n egotiation of a peace w hich they The Lords' amendm ents to this bill were considered and should consider honest. But the moment you omitted agreed to. YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS BILL. • the censure, you implied that you found no fault what ever with the conduct of the war, a with the language Mr. ADDERLEY o btained leave to bring in a bill to that had been held by the responsible advisers of the Crown, amend the Youthful Offenders Act. ' half -Past twelve clock. a nd the resolution became an unne cessar y platitude. The house then adjournea at h a -pas (Cheers.) It was with great satisfaction he found that the e --.......••••• •••••••••• Ar am the port I motion of his right hon. friend had effected an object which am ply compensated for its defeat. It ha d not changed the , o past Government, butit had changed t he tone of its members. o enies during there (Hear.) 'He had no hope that thi s beneficial change would ' _..seg e vessels, of the agg ate last, but he hoped the tide would not ebb as fast as the The rates of freight exhibit a suddenly galvanised zeal of the noble lord the member for r A L.,..DVERTISEMENT.I—Du Barry London, who expressed so much before the division, and Food cures indigestion (dys explained go much awayimmediately after. (Cheers) The them, dysentery, nervousne motion of his right hon. friend had been conceived in rtes no plaints, flat t, ulency, distensi headfe party, spirit. It had, on the contrary , cleared the grain of the hear nervous from all party influences, and had allowed them to discuss and ears, pains in almost the question, not as Englishmen against Englishmen, but re ux, face-ache, chronic ' as citizens of the same State discussing the policy which of the stomac h, p ains at oug ht to be adopted in a case of common danger. the shoulders, , erysipe (Hear.) Much reference had been made to Austria— carbuncles, impuoitie that power which was always ready to negotiate while it cough, asthma eon , h e sitated to act. The time ha d now come for considering nausea and sickness what was the next position we could hold with reference low spirits, spasm to that power ; and he earnestly entreated the house to dig- debility, inquietr tinguish between the friendship wishedhat country and its paralysis, tremor alliance. (Hear, hear.) If they to limit the war of memory, delv e within narrow bounds, he thought they ought to maintain melancholy, f friendly relations with Austria so long as she remained thoughts of neutral, because they could not injure that state without It is, moreo injuring the balance of power in Europe. It was easy to generally, r say that Austria might be reduced to a fourth-rate power, nor interf but her answer would be this—lf you go to war to pre- healthy r serves the balance of power, remember. that Austria is as of e ugesi necessary as a dountorpoise to France, as Turkey is as a most es)! connterpose to Russia. For these and other reasons he thicker would friendly relations with Austria, but he by dotibted preserve the wisdom of that policy which had so earnestly In cre solicited her alliance. Suppose you had attained that The alliance, what -would you have gained ? He said " Better Dr leave Austria alone, bide your time, don't offend or irritate p; her, and inevitable events will bring her to your side." 4 He thought that our attitude towards Austria had been much too supplicating. (Hear.) He now came to the pro; blem laid down by the right hors, member for Manchester —if tc were to continue this war, of what shape was t he war to be ? Was it to be of a large slid comprehensive character, ultimately involving changes in the governments of Europe ? He warned them against raising hopes which they might not be able to satisfy. (Hear.) He would not admit that there was no hope of the restoration of Poland. He would not prejudge what might be done with the Crimea when we got it ; but he would not encourage vague language which it might suit one minister to use, and his successor .to repudiate. Woe and shame to the British statesman who should rai se nations against their rulers, not foreseeing that in those constitutional changes to which ' their governments were subject they might promise to-day that which their elbow sore sore would withdraw to-morrow. (Hear, hear.) nations who hoped for democracy must not look to foreign soldiers, or the votes of foreign popular assemblies. They could not receive liberty as a boon or extort it as a right, except it was signed at their own Runnymede and under the shadow of their ow n oak. (Cheers.) Therefore, let them confine this war to the object for which it had been begun—the integrity and independence of Turkey, with such guarantees for the future as statesmen might de vise, and victory might enable us to obtain. (Hear,) That conceded, he was not going to ask what new fortress was to be attacked ; that was no affair of the leHd ous th e of allied Com mons. Matters of strategy must be sett by e cabinets, and in councils of war. That house could judo. only of results ; and although the end of the coW might be purely defensive, if they warted to drive. Russia into terms they must grapple with her wherever the y could. (Cheers.) The noble lord the membaser for Lynn had said oe that there was nothing so impolitic humating a f when you 'could not crush him, quoting Machiavelli in support of his proposition. He warned his noble friend against the attempt to reduce the grand science of statesmanship to scholastic maxims. We could not, it was true, crush Russia, as Russia, but we could crush her at tempt to be anythi n g more. than Russia. (Hear, hear.) It might be said that William of Orange could not of have crus h e d Louis XIV., or that the burghers Netherlands cou l d not crush the house of A s act —but William of Orange did crush Lou is in aggressive on upon Holland, and the burghers resisted successfulli fryend flig h ous e of Austria. In the same way, his noble ;night depend upon it, - we could crush Russia in her at- Malt The departures from the port of London for the Aus tralian colonies during the past week have comprised nine vessels, of the aggregate capacity of 5,270 tons. The rates of freight exhibit a te.ndency to improvement. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Du Barry's delicious Revalenta A rabies peed cures indigestion (dyspepsia), constipation, and diar rbcea, dysentery, nervousness, biliousness, and liver com plaints, flatulency, distension acidity, heartburn, palpitation of the heart, nervous headaches, deafness, noises in the head and ears, pains in almost every part of the body, tic doulo reux, face-ache, chronic inflammation, cancer and ulceration of the stomach, pains at the pit of the stomach and between the shoulders, erysipelas, eruptions of the skin, biles and carbuncles, impurities and poverty of -t he b lo ut o isd, scrofula, gout, cough, asthma, consumption , dropsy, rm, nausea and sickness during pregnancy, after eating, or at sea, l o w spirits, spasms, cramps, epilepti c fits, spleen, general debility, inquietude, sleeplessness, involuntary blushing, paralysis, tremors, dislike to society, unfitness for study, loss of memory, delusions, vertigo, blood to the head, exhaustion, melancholy, groundless • fear, indecision, wretchedness, th o ughts of self-destruction, and man y other complaints. It is, moreover, the btst food for infants and invalids generally, as it never turns acid on the weakest stomach, nor interferes with a good liberal diet, but imparts a healthy relish for lunch and dinner, and restores the faculty of digestim2, and nervous and muscular energy to .the most enfeebled. In whooping cough, measles, smallpox, and chicken or wind pox it renders all medicine superfluous by romov - ng all infl ammator y and feverish symptoms.— In canisters, lib. 2 s. 9d .; 21b. 45. 6d. ; 51b. ; 121 b. 225. The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Barry Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, London; also at 182, Piccadilly ; 60, Gracecburchrstreet ; 330, and 451, Strand; 4, Cheapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill ; 49, Bishopsgate-street; 55, Charing-cross ; 54, Upper Baker-street ; - 63 and 150, Oxford-street ; 89, High-street, Camden-town ; 18,- Pall mall; 7, Pall-mall-East; 132, Now Bond-street; 24, Mot comb-street ; 13, King William-street, City 30, Conduit street ; 21, Cockspur-street ; 95, Farringdou-street ; 67, St. Paul's Churchyard ; 6, Edward-street, Portman-square. LATMERTISENENT.] THE WAR IN THE EAST. --POWERFUL PATENT hECONNOITRING GLASSES.— Messrs. S. and B. Solo mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe, appos ite the York Hotel. BY - her Majesty's Royal Letter Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvementsq in the Most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race course, Opera, and PerspectiieGlasses, to know the distances of objects viewed through them—of great importance to the army, navy, and others. These telescopes possess such extra ordinary powers that some 3,i inches, with an extra ?ye ring piece, will show distinctly Jup iter's moens, Saturn's and the double stars ; wl th the same telescope can be seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant, and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They are of larger . and all sizes, with increasing powers accordingly ,while their vary iisPg from 4 to 6 inches enable us to discover more than the above, and the Geer an , with his 6 satellites, &c.—The Royal Exhibition, 1851.—Valuable, newly-invented, very small, Power f u l w aistcoat-pocket glass,the s . z(/ of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known' 1 miles distant ; they answer every purpose on the race-course, and at the opera houses,. country scenery, and ships are clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles, They are invaluable for shooting, deer -stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, ge ntlemen, gamekeeirrs, and tourists. Opera, perspective glasses, with wonderful racecourse, e c n am tle p Te a T d power. —Newly-constructed Spectacle Lenses of the great est transparent power. The valuable a d v antage derived f ro m this inven tion is, that vision becoming impaired is preserved and strengthened, and very abed persons are en abled to emp lo y their sight at the most minute occu pation —can see with these lenses of a much less magnify ing power—and they do not require the frequent changes to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Deaf ness—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, an extraordi nary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness, entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the kind that las been, or probably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it enables'deaf persons to hear distinctly at churcii and at public assemblies; the unpleasant sensation of singing noises in the ears is entirely removed ; and it affords all the assist ance that possibly could be desired. 39, Albemare-street, Piccadilly. Observe —opposite the York Hotel.- CHELMSFORD —J-13/M 1. Great dullness in the wheat trade, and whilst the better samples barely maintained last week's prices, a reduction of is o n second-rate qualities was necessary before sales oats couldanapebaesefiffremet,evd.ithßoaurryaitaenrltbioeno.n. s 1s per qr. dearer. Wheat, white, old, per s. s. ; qr.6l 84 n0w....61 84 red, old ..... 57 77 new.... 57 77 29 36 ....29 37 ...25 32 ..68 72 ..70 74 Barley Chevalier Grinding Chevalier .. s. 0 . 29 3g Oats, per qr ............ 39 43 Peas, Partr i dge ....... 42 Waiite ............ :19 2 48 Boiling ........31 40 Dun ............. Beans, Tlicat:zkt.ao°g,wa"intei.wel ik:.6.lJ --- . . COLCHESTER.— JUNE . A. small supply of wheat, taken at fully last week's Very little spring corn, and no change since SaturdaY• . - 843; P4-ices to-daywere as follow :— meat, white 763 to s red, 72s to 80s ; barley, 32s to 34s ; oats, 30s to ' 3 4 , ; be 31 3.. Mazagan, 40s to 428 ; middle and small, 44s to 48s ; P"" white, 46s to 48s ; grey, 42s to 443. pices. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &c. in the port of London, from the following the 28th May to the 2d *June, both inclusive p(. • a 4 ----- ----- 440 ( 24 0 - ( 3 00, -- 73 1 , 244 - _ _ _ 52 \ 650 - ( 23 3 _.-- 991 • s __L 20----- Colchester Harwich Leigh Malden receiv ed ;rte, IN° 840 weekg'soordat KIR KCALDY—JUNB 2. fat were 16 per qr. higher than last week. c ar Barley. essu.ppolyatosfinwfhaeirats,uwpphliych; bsoalrdlesylovwerlyysata 8 t Wheat. 1 Oats. i os Fi rs t BO6 Od 39s 03 1 35s Od Oa 0 ,1 S e cond Od (1 I 05 ocl 70s Oct I 31s 04 30s COAL'MARIKET.—JIINN 4. t• Prices of Coal per ton at the dose of tbe lose° Wylam wausena, -1176Walisencl, . 3, e. d. Sartori 2O 0 Ships at market... 1 6 6 Cliaeia::'°siVert. ::::::::::: :0I Sold ........ SEABORNE .MAILS. 4ftc e (IT signifies that the malls are sent froM the h. GO by the night—and la by the morning—despatc ------- WO' 'lst la Jay when ra a rrons X 24 la General Post- Fort,. pitlll7; Office, London.* Vett •*- C OUli TRXE3. --------tttt---1.-------- America(byßrit.pack)N /:very Friday .• \Liverpool • 1 6 America (by United Sta. packet) ..... .....N •••••• •• • • it•t\ _ America*(by U. Stat. ...s etor.; packet) .. • • ......N .. •••••• • • Southaoi. , 14 Australia (via South- • o r, /4 4 • C ampton) ..........Td kouthaolp. Ditto (via Marseilles) N .. ...... ... DoVe r "" • I e •tala Ditto (via Cape of Goad •••. go 6 FloPe) ............N1 __.....,eb •• , . Africa (West Coast) ..N.23d of the month .. ?Ir.:. - . . Alexandria.... • ... ..N 8, 9,_`24, 35 30 otin• Dove' . ;;;;lii Alexandria.... • .....m 4th & Nth of 111o:hist-Attila, -;,,,,,, .0 Bahamas Belgium .......... „11 Daily . • • • • • " • • 'Peva ...:t0.,,,, 016 Brazil ............ • •M 9thof the montlt..lsounro°!.„,, JallAlta Buenos Ayres ........M 9th of tsse mouth.. So nn y tfac. — Cape of Good Hope ..N variong ports Cape of Good Hope ..N st aptO r Cape de Verds ......11 9th of the month '3outh " .•erpool ... JO a Ceylon (see India) 'fa 2 13 * — Ceylon.. —. • • ......N l,3,optorl'• • Channel Isles .... ..N Mon.,Wed.,&l"rid.,Cout _„„too,010, 90 Chi1i,.......• .... .... lki 28 & 17th of month laeaths...r 1 China .• .. t Once a month •• • • ~ „ ••', ,Aly Constantinople .... ...e,18,13,18,23,60:8 ot teu Dov •_,,ott;,,icee,- Constantinople .. 4th &. 20th of Mon. SoathawL .., .. - •• • • —.,16111' Cont. of Europe M & NI Twice daily • • • • • • DoT " . i' °- Egypt (see India) France ...... .. M& N Twice daily .• •• • • B° ver , p1 0 "1 Gibraltar ----DI 4,7, 17,20, 27 of ru. South t Greece (see India) 1800.,:350°"1 Greytown ..........M.2od & 17th of mon• - .• .. Ilamburgh ...:......NiTuesday & Vridayiliond,oarlirip**o; Bavannan • • • • • ..... M 2nd of the montilSoulir .......1 Holland .. —DI Daily _ _ • • .... IP , orloptOr ' Honduras .......... M 17th of the month.ltyout , Otis ~ India ( via & 20th of rnen.,.FIVII: ....1 ...... 110 1 1 . , _7.,ptittai l l( r ) e ll ian ian d India (via Marseilles)M 9th&2sth of montli,DoT' .* •• I 15.1!5..(.5.e5..2.11n5,diaN) \7T,w4l7c,e&da2i7lyof molt 'Dovet•:.•,Y...l f*isb°n• • •• • • •• •• .. ..Ml7, 9, 17, & 21 of .fi.tSootlit--plosi Madeira ............Ml9th of the montil'Soutoaloixt,.. Madeira .... Ni23d ot month •• • • I ` WerP Malta (see India ) . •• • 1 1 vat '" Malta .... • • NB, 19, &29 of mon. De Mauritius (see India) Mauritius N I4th of the month _.,,,,t00, Mexico ... ... M 2nd of the month- ,Soatar. .. ~ Naples •• • ..• N 5015th2bthofsnor-•11 New Granada M 2d& 17th of :tooth, S-,,,, pery Mew Zca1and.......... By private ship .. iVa r '',: - . .. .: Papal States ...• N sthlsth2sthefrnon.lDov:t:iviptv Peninsula ...... • 5l lthi7th27titoftnon.lSO „opt'''. Peru .......„ ~.„ 34 2d & 27th of mon.lSout us p ats y em — en *: "B . L .. and . Port Natal —— • NlBy private ship. •••11TaLifi. •••• T v us an ca D n i Sicily ........ • ... • ..Nlsl.lll6th2sthotmon,lDo"; .• ..:;1 Venezuela . . ...... .M2d& I7th offnonthlSorl'" ( seNOl5. COS. ) " , 5 thofinon.Doc.;.e:gijoH Australia) .... .•• " 1 optall West Indies .... • • lial2dtt.:. 17th o : montlt 'SOO"- Ifo ol 1013 6 2 vei l i JO 1 l io 11001 6 rid p9O l ce st# i !la° I Juno 1 ifil l,o '4lO i lk A O -0 ho "0 8 tie' Wlaen any of thine dates fall on a Sunday, t e t el '' patched on the foll ow ing day. with the excep Sonthamptor), and the Malta, both of which will w" Dreced , ng day. _....—....—.---.—.....e di 01 41 coroner DEA T ll f 0 r T %n th e oU: it it y 0.3-fCrir Westminster,. —O n Satu _rd .-- ; 3 n 9 q. I t ra e . tsr a e l li i4 c : r t r il° il cause of the death of Mrs. Harriet Di.orrisi 00 . f ier the Grange Tavern, Queen-street, Piitilie°4,t tbeilVer said he was the deceased's husbarid, an d 0;1 0 It °,,e, °° ea servants to her Majesty. About eight ° fro i c :a t" - cej day evening one of their daughters calv e , . t : De re, try, and unexpectedly paid them a fi si o d aP P io ~, received her daughter with great affection,r 105e0300.. overjoyed, when suddenly she sank On be , ' Ol/ 0 e,, passage, near the bannisters, exlaiming,ssistoactly iiv and never spoke afterwards. Mcdie',ll: From immediately sent for, and Mr.‘licale t,'"f:re 1 3 ° 'fiit ° ; ,,' . attendance, but deceased bad expired ' e ele ce ' poet °"-; Mr. William Michael Neale, of Virestbell the , p c , square, surgeon, described this as nne;, t he gular cases he had ever witnesod. 0 . s o e l "' v . : mortem examination, and found theirills illigeorPri4l4' diseased as positively to break dit o rag 6 0 es l : . ,, diseace had been going on for years, 0 i , s ob 000 6' e , she had lived so long, the heart being o f r igh t a g ed :ba .ordinary softened state. Any ha Pr ° , 7t y of s 1 or excitement, might at any time, " t be croe''°.;oll death. The rapture of the aorta 1 0 na t his co lli de heart was the distinct cause of death' A colls.4tit the probably occasioned by the sudden Kona tha t 0, 'the visit of her daughter. The jurY 1 .4 ( 001 f oe' ceased died from disease of the heart.,llo 00'008' 0 0 [ADYEUTISEDIENT.]—HeIIoWAYS 111 grs..l3:lovg typ‘t caaious in curing Liver Complant°' for a fe r loaf t, r of Bark-street, Hulme, was afflicted , ace ~,a 01 ) 0 0 with a liver complaint, palpito,tion.d%ooo4 L l- 1 „ p er, c cio . pains of both shoulders, headache, gl .th °t vi ll aid tite, and restless sleep, together w s i t ecerlbtit koj symptoms, for whicl, she took generally recommended for such , _ l . O 0 -11 0 ver istl er fect unable to derive any benefit from tu. bcr po ise to ti P. 0 ).,/ them for a few weeks, al:ordc'''' jetetu'ii it.b state of health, which to give Holloway's pills a trial, and T.:stored to el jo il n o' Sold by all . medicine vendors. eacir o ao ' way's' establishments, 244, Str aja ' Maiden-lane, New York. 0 0 BIRTIss. o 4 sisibne,fiaostillieecianvit2ntierofeiroa 0 0 i . wi f e o On the Ist inst., at Wootton, the ies toe ) 0 1 mi. A 800' . f Ce°ll°,o,lo; Luttrell, Esq. c,,e i ,010 _,,,4, On the Ist inst., at St. George'sifoof .A , t.o .r - London, the wife of Lieut. G- 11 izeie 11' Cavalry. ester , On the 4th inst. at 4, Gloceste reet , the wiLe of Robert 'Phillips Estl• scr gt On the 3d inst., at 50, 'Ore°cooCltre, 5 34. 40 11 ' square, the wife of Joseph Percy (P l° " 4 or A DAITCOOS°‘ ifife 0- ~ r the vi On the 12th March. at Shangloatt fd o t , o f n e o r , n E t e h q e . ,3olfstthtdet o ., r a ie t n 33 t a i l ,„ Dfl * I(' Harts.,e,roo ,(0, On the 2(1 inst., at ', Glengao ' 0 1;., 7 Dettmar. flicle-P J. Jarvis. On the 3d inst., in Oxford -terrace, nndafuorkd, that Wi fe e 11,Ii F' k . ^nt .k 11,1,iirf:141 \ 411,1 , 0 1,1 D. ~ PS, 10 to ° BosnirOrloymjnaartinahttioeegns2h.d inst., still. t 21031":: --tore::::0°:‘ tP : (' '3 E x'' W e st 13r°tPoo u t.Pf 0 1 Ingham Morley, Esq., of Thurloe:7 brr,l' f,Scr' r, George Morley, Esq.,' of BroniPlio'bovelh liftioip Emilia, second daughter of E. o cb , Joe o b On the 2d inst., at goly Trini3O m oo .0o le E. Probst, Esq. of Clapham, !' s ordot, 9'l Col°"ersi be.Vl3ls'olajPs tn's"irrt i• to P j t of t Ol e o rommon. Dennis,terofohn James :11 eh a' cl;Pcl:69: On the 2d inst., at St. gar 3. f the ' t c lic 0 3 1 13 L. Dennis, 94th Regt. eldest son no Allay, root, Or of 1. C . 8 ., to J-Darla segiolforraer Y Lieut. John Elliot, 3a West In ra , _ b oi, daughter of Captain Robert et , P all 49th Regiment. O P 'et r p I D. 05 ,. Otirc' bert,r On the 15t inst., at Virokingblpoadortroy f;oeti.o, co daughter. of Henry, sth Dlik°l°,a.place, ...off of 11 A On the 3d inst. *t 27, Plitobert SeciiwsVl., .4,0111 r mour, relict of the late Lor otoolon t . 1 , y 1 , On the 3d inst., Viragileldiaa treat, . O,IJ, square, Bloomsbury', Pc° o 5 On the Es inst. at l3olton's oP ° to o' Bartrmn, q., aged 75. _,.. I,anoftsil ' ofpoc ~ On the 31st ult., at Ellerbeus4 , _., ,35, a q ' r 0 well, Esq., aged 76. . Jowl poou - Iv ,1 On the 31st ult„Wilhan3 1 PIP A,0011,, commons, aged 63. On the 2d inst. at Itead!rig,.• Sav ltie 0 , s o t l' Esq., barrister -at-law, On the 233d.vin‘s,to,,f sit ftobradeg:..,;(.....,.,:roaiekiesr!io'Vototbho.°ool:4:lCi fljoi:°;?1:i ttl:,511%,1004: and Regius Professor of pr. j oe tj '' 0:2 , ford, agel 75. Portsiniouth' ouoti of On the 28th ult., at_....for t o c Surgeon Royal Navy, J•r• _, ' ' # llf aged 65. - 414 /, ------ LasDoir : Printed(' of No. 112, Straw t'itrand, in rh o Pr' Middlesex, "Tees' :1: J• Y * ''- 4 0 • '' / Vel; ; ;Oth,, t t'i ~g6RI3 11 q i N , Ib° '''' Ot Ple' C , V,7,1 ii slid publi9,l3o`. Mil' , 0 tile '. 1. 1 . 1, la, Printer, li t S a voy. i ‘th a , a recinct of riB; ,day Jae ' ~ .i• d' - : - , , . COUNTRY Md.RKETS• .00