The Sun. — London, England, 1842-03-24 00:00:00

I be taxed to ncomes were flue. •••• tent to the prelketli • f the !odutent would do. pularity that. mud. lart3o had. )., an amount of h the riot's of in this class woul d Drake a r about -100,004 lat. difference ft ar" articles in the ht e the netessity much advantage as was supp osed. 600,000/. otice • ;er to exempt. this no t be at all fair.. by large incoes b e exempt m pt wore tidy. be made. AK • vas necessary, and coul d have raised t he mile of r aise' sec Ise. ,le, and he though t • t i i ne.—(ll ear.) should be a • t king off the tax ., th ion was , that it l ca t itv ought to fal liciettcy, an d who,. ass ist their prescut e who were en to the dea -1.1 listened sari, with lust ;, that f ally Von, teti, tile f t „f a fair lair•of"tbjet tb o cne In t o e : c 054/ the ratite ea„ed different is * qtatethe various uptol ftt . i t The tt such source , of the la te sity move tbu icy were til' l f li ' C ' ti oe Crt3 g$ll3X , or, for a tirac !), t hat cirri coulimes.otest one of the g ,toj the t the spneciltt •• to t appea bo wired. no * ,,, l i t , wou ld 1: en) f , court's) ..-i..e4toi jdo. pea to au' tle c lion. GO' tsl .i set them `) , ad After heal)", , lali .i ha rprised at the cou,.g raposiog ?trio disec creneoco:. Horionrabe le tio ar and give th„oola rt of then) a nature s i r for ,Hein D'E) . flo at ined by man betro. ig himself to eus aviation of l, ia• un d u ly upoo.,t Jo' d and thn (Air. .derilo clove a GODS' ror. i d es and tbe„,}).oob an laid out ;ion the grt t „ er f a rgr f teculatiom au`',o r a to )ital was ce"ltoiii .hole concer".o then it woo 1 (0 6 if incoine/ ra s 20 P e . r e et if to 10 f vtof°,,\e. thereiofe ,k professiottrioati ere about 0;4,10 Gentleman . but this one. „le that the pre tcd, would padre the y ;ay it for of ~ e yl Cientlemen t it w as ` gat if ; Baronet, oat °Of lave then beep te* fee 0 1 made out Ilion frm o tile e• O 0 1)11 have rea so °vente d the re,"7l, O that twenty-S., ;`,O Ol wa r • and be tocuty.2i .40 ; 4 ie sall defic"ottio:i ,ost m u pon th e ;a Ica ntry• eoLliettrf.) had received d !onst ituents, ttie political l feeltos:o n with releet I : o p' die certain ~atoocei Right Flom '''optn• er under the C i o tiV," not, he had 0;1 o,', et had not Pb' fon' l toe ) me tax. c this cenntilat;' t'r le thong/0 rt,e y e to ta said, ttief U . )30 006 >f that sense, ttion wh o ktietiv " th"f;eteif !, but he after they cate.fe, Gentlenten ad" ito „mild f ir ' Ll t o t' e b?l e e pinst that vo-cio b e e coat rar), be • IN ° 0 against lt• o ,se 1 1 ;o uld yettea be W ohtmt rt tsidering e did net 10'106 t ught, it ` y at i pro rit ale than that une Sd dect. lla t wou ld be ic elia , i ce, ta t herea fte oFGe i r G en tlern ee Right lloo• 01)3/ would introdnai 00.0 Id profession ould hate it tar. Il e h;'ritcy: Id g ive it . 11 1 `" , i os am ogreco.6itier'iot cn, as to for legs yt noted the 11!,ght, tug) that flq, j eclare that it• 41,1,1; t of the On 015 , led by de e '' , ' ling he (Sirbeold b y the HO o.' ~ary h f o a t great all a itit say, that he Joly# same time circunl-n'orrof ;idering hogl'fid to, o r timself plimnt t JI e r' nelorlj Foe y be en pecl,,a, by other 1 ht ,1,1 (Hear, 11°',.ttit t certain cal' of • f l •ndc"t cfe'' s nt ; with the cops es Hon. v on .° •••,., to declare of ojoll 110 is 1 the 01' t he 1, the course' itl3ojr, tr io , " ,airy him hich be as a 531'1' 11j9 lure th it parpil light 14°n: • 31 1 1) 1 would not rooe' it s ' tf e before, t hey, (0 tax which y could n't 10,b,tr' ( Renew° be recta i ronet , 1 1 ,, to" t rr al cheere.l t hat Pic•b.,:giirj JI ~0i 31C Ullneef;e te, a gain. an d an D e 0 06 o nce, a to r night. an je t the i o p!' ri %do ) I. bo v iol, e r , ort ant r " eo , o be p d)" ° f t 01; this tax 01' ,(f., t hat therteioe °to ~,A at theootle pit ht.' go°'c°ll " e`' t Oder' i i be .ies fed ears aofpeO tve,; / -.ars ",h uni te ' 1 0 ° ) the t he os ito f * i n 0,1 t P P 0 1 .1)05 A grea „,4.. ~ .r , ti o te 01 it t 0 0 ,45 at th oe ht , 01'11 cr peole „,3 ,d , this o a , tv ix toonti,rsiciiiit:,ut, ) (le ef. a icr ea'i ° , O vi i; _the 11 0 ,0 3 arg u a' 0. in d to - J o , 5 me so tair.: ( l l l,of . t .o ,ls: 4 ! f t ict h . e r th _ c a ti t ; , : f r ii :; nt wa! L t ri,° ' o f 1": 1) e world. ,:on nside ta" co rap Them were i ; oa .tb of a.tbo f sart y o p,' 0. 00 0., , 0 stem n'heY ' it ;now. mi te 4 6 . ) since for L' tuber for frol. J ts ti the . o ther efor bOi rl if f He halt t° ll ) uragellthat tent, A n " his in c° his exl .)6 d they talC my egro 3i and vniel.”,`,;t4Zijer34,:nidhethat Vf ; as the Subjcct which of all , others I ;:ccA ceeee consclei nof that. House. Now he L'erS_ltti..peech that was made by an Hon. Friend of his, tei c ,,;_ r o 'l!4 ot see in the House, in which was introduced the r scri l . ° 4l . llot the amour' . of indirect taxation pre sing upon the ' l asses. He would give that calculation to the louse, ticb2im made that speee et vets f "cotienten were present at the time the Pon. Gen hi to the House. This calculation had 3i r t i . a ! n o o n u . tit_ ,o fe r, r i(al ;Made by t a i pra 't. man in the City, in a ia.rge retail be- Ile's,. He said thatc:ea roofer amily, the of ftwo ounces of tea at 4s. per lb., tak,ng price was Gd. and the duty 1 sugar at Gd., the duty was 2t d„ two 'with ees or coffee the • 01 , e price was 20. and the duty Id., tea in nee ?o h m _ . r articles of general use, amount , 'd• all IS• the amount of duty was d. Now for th i s • I for opulent ft st,'.) the pr i ce was le • same artic es an '",ttetter art '.l ts , and the duty only 3s. &L. Thus upon # este „ zon It es the taxation was 23 per cent., and 31 per 1 3 , the common articles. lie calculated that out of et ni .li‘ i ' . :icor the counter by a poor woman, she received 61d. w u r goods, and the Government had the remaining siti. e ere not confined to these articles alone, either—there sect u..tue! articles that came e ' uall • under the system of inli , ..eate ee There was butt q t • ) tallow, 6 spirits, cheese, t ad 'fluost every oth ' • war), this of taxation ltr) ei al tick ; and all amount 'tuce Which for out of the amount of the wages of the e gnatio gi eaused competition and that competition assisted I lest ( . 4 trade. t' t au to -Now ' he was bound, as an ho keen, a 3 sae, th a t if h e h a d to c h oose be ',Ft t ar ,,. Itcr cent. and a 5 per cent., to avoid the indi et rid ' 6 . lo it he would take the 5 per cent., in order to ith ehe ystern of indirect taxation.—(Hear, hear.) th e ie c said this lie alluded to a property tax, and not ltnj u , !l'ontes derived from labour,which was in nature be t . its hinghimself "W I and partialtherefore he could not tisi et ; t() Vote for the resolution before the House. ens or al that a property tax was not one only fitted for a eh th e :Ptsr, nor did he think it calculated to lower us tOVRe iu mat"'n of foreign powers, but still it was a lue financial sys tem w hi c h oug h t to b e met b y gas t er ure ter ., • . a et ith iarge concessions, b, cause a property 41 " conveni- tinstrument in the hands of any Go etrre;cnt. /, _ as tn ins ' turn of the screw, aget 7 e ey h ad ; (I ' ( v iiitt, oril l y to make sin,,, t e t li : gr eat exicrair.: L 4 atle 1l u t „ 1 10 eitr a,a n g a ab( p , :r centage, andtat, and I charge ought not to be le rg e - Zs it was purchased on the pat t of the Governmenr 1 " Nese I, was purchased of a substantial character. When he heard !tilde not of the lt gl H Baronet the other night, he Itiet "ot N • onl • heaped upon 1 1 , 4 hate the praise which had been . he that a most tompheated subject le er . 0 goilt would say tx.i l id o re ,"er in a most masterly manner. It was per es 'lot f t ei r " 1 , those with the most limited understanding t ith th flare understood it. But he compared the re c'pribei .1 down, and he did not see that the fo r r t w as pes au , M at rh o 4 nestly carried out. He expected some amends tho,,, of the duties on corn and suear. He found -4 elste' - 'Mete d tl • c i'untr • were venue 'su c h s most consume in ic te te 4 oo eheese and other articles, and from which a re , Ale Nee se , 'Wok was received. He had carefully examined lonthere utari and he found no such mime ions contemplated. Cori ca ttle ; benefit to be derived from the importation of in Certainly not. There was no part of the th was such bad meat as in Paris. Po rt Ras place s „ tt e 4 4, the only place which was at all calculated to ex.. „ Ye ° but e • the • ttl were yet to be had before sod, N l* )tri there ca h a th brought into the English market. There was e tucome tax was a most previous burden upon the JeZtte e t s• Could there be anything more unjust or op . ;est er 11 ,,t to impose the same amount of taxes . upon the t cu ttr i ssi sil °I landed property, as upon the professional man tte e 't , iv a : S rt"gglitig to arrive at distinction, in hopes of better jTe„ e . l4l caveuring and found it difficult to make th.ngs ef'sa, i i tujustice was the cause of his ( Mr. Ward's) great obi "et,lookedthe state of trade in this country—. Rt i , r he to t a h dto the fact that in the great town (Sheffield) e e ttil th e uad the h to resent he believed it would be , igh, at 1 , 0 onour rtp , t he more then two firms were carrying on what R e ntatte t bc called a profitable trade.—( Hear, hear.) He '"u measure by her Majesty's Government ‘O, 4 . 101 , asure proposed ' 1 easure— e,,,getefr,' unjust, arbitrary, and inquisitorial m tt;t4te , o l . nl the Opposition)—and as at present advised he th r —ined not to give it his assent. It might be said a t the , oveniment contemplated a salutary change 11 1 ,, that introduction of the tariff—( Hear, hear)—but :' , i,Pr°Position stood at present it was clear tt ti'y, 1 4 4 Many advantages conferred upon the poor of the ' f t a revision of the' tariff was to be undertaken and an 11 1 Pall 'of he thought the scale should bi tk v tit,as the price c o C qu i g n a .• very impartial and just hand—it should he held th:aight-"lnching hand, and then the Ministers who had acted , a PPcal to common sense and reason. He was sure if , -e ted fairly towards the people they should have not licriaberuliportt but the countenance and suvport of every tekt /. / 4 1 ) " 1 1 his side of the House—( Hear, hear )—bur the I,gth • 'at Baronet had not done that—he had truckled il:4l:llleterets of the country. —( Cheers and counter cheers. ) gh t financial statement, the only passage upon which le' Alo e rtti. Baronet flinched—the only passage for which don• B t • solo ised—the only passage in which Il1 " 41 Y felt • Ilan g was with vrte cc t sensible that he was in the wrong, li e duties the sugar duties.—(Hear, hear.) He talk e d o f ad he 'Von slav e sugar, and yet, in the very next breath, is eti z t ilie ts ` vt as prepa re d to remove the duty on slave grown t i ' Pt „ t e nifee and sugar . Th e man if es t o bj ec t was to bOZctlsy Lee t• classes of the country. What he (Mr. Ward) that all classes should be fairly dealt with. Every lie shown that the object' f the Government was not -f, k g er ew —that the object was not to bolsteF up taxes, tt k ,'' ev ery necesnry upon as cheap terms as it was pos . - te s .ke s , e , t ne Government recommended an income tax it it liot h try , ' ar Yt and that they protected the interests of the IC/1 1v other respects, there was, he (Mr. Ward) was sure, ‘I upon his side of the House who would not support it s ,gh l ,„` i t - unieal cheers.) Th e y had a r i g ht to cons id er an d Rh len,'" al the hard s hips of that tax---they should discuss right to do. The burdens e I th ' 3 they had a perfect tijj" ta r , \as proposed to lay upon professional gentlemen, fo i : 4l 'ef ew, -er n s, es were fluctuating, and unlesss they (the Oppo lh I , l 4tC, k u ,ers) heard, as it was stated hy the Hon. Member ~tb quo- “ ne, that there were Members on that side of of t}, di r t ' 4ll O were prepared to concur with him k ith. Ward . ) It not think there could be any reason upcmt t he part Hon. Baronet to be in h t „ hti : l ‘ ,ia r st lad surprised r )shou o ld m sa c y ; at the gam e ti f i roUld not be unparliamentary. t at•dat that opposition „:41,1 - ,:ru. the Ministerial benches.) lie slid not think 4 , ; : 00L - '1it his own party, or their case, to carry that op to'pri ll ib e ; e tond a reasonable limit.—(Cheers from the Minis • te h - ) He wished merely to see the sense of Parlia too' lis a r r sled fully upon the subject, and then, if the mea- • 4 carried, the best thi ng t o b e d one was t o o p pose , or tt.l, 1 , 4 1 ' to have the most objectionable parts of it amended. ATTWOOD did not at all agree with those who that measure should he precipitately carried to a con -0 was aside affecting, a vast number of people, olt a measure it deserved the most serious consideration.— R +l r rs fro m the I t, Pro O pposition.) When a measure like that tosed, after 25 v a f 'is discussion . .e rs o peace, time ought to be given of It, in order that it might be carefully and lt/ ) , stl rarel y ii consid ere d , in all its bearings and in all its effects 1 1'1 , 1t, eih e Inte 'es of the country ; he thought that time, and ten enough '' r ili of it tim e should begiven the eople them orti.ln.consider ,so ' as that might to have p an abundant „!N° the to co mmunicate to the House their sentiments ~hitity Nea.ure, either through their representatives, tlia Pctition s . ( Hear, hear.) He could not but Re l i e „ t delay, and much more consideration than SI AI C r l •d • hi slily necessary, and es,e t a receive ,u as 6 vt.,%3a1,01 Mnst benefi c i a l to h e r Majesty's Ministe rs all In a , - -(Cheers. ) lie was fully convinced that there f eo 4 toi s i d Y Parts of the measure very hastily considered—and tit th v 0 8-4 14 it it required much moditication—(Loud cheers I: r t i ' ,., f ',`siol l ,[pc'sition)—f or instance, the precarious incomes of et,'"vely' t hen and annuitants, which terminated in a corn lito•°,4 t 'sort period, weie to be submitted to the same tt e l'etty axation as land, or any other species of permanentßhc . • He lat en ., (Mr. Attwood) had heard with great surprise he of the Right Ilonourable Baronet , t;',r4ceti id it was the intention of her Majesty's o- OD p,, i mPose upon annuitants the same amount of taxation kt ".°ls k , arient property. As an illustration of the injus 'llllnß t e ' , leisure as 'that, he would take the liberty of te - Net () ,"e House, for the consideration of the Right Hon. s hkll s unself o f , a case, which he (Mr, A ttwood) was per- ROs coee• ary' ul zant, and one of that class of cases which rt is ''b etl ier t considered deliberately, so as to ASCCI , taIII t)141%.4 tad W i t ' i i W t‘ a really tt ise to mpose such a tax as that. The t v t e t ,", he alluded was an annuity for ten years, pus 4aL t . " l " (Mr. Attwood) and his partners for 21. ,, „,. ee e kte s :''Y "as to expire in 1845. Now, althoue' d he ' a g od ` 1 t•,,tcrs Were taxod e,t the rate of 3 per e,osf fear that Re i le t4 it supposed that it was any thing like fixed fie we e tttit 0 0 their accounts, they acrota.aiely designated tho Vutl. that 21 ,7971. as capital. They calculated it at 1 4 1 i; -;" Upon that sum the profit was equally divided..l .57 Just lalt,, u that they shcoeid be taxed for the additional ? n t l i es s it "as tu t ;ended to tax all the capital of the r %ild C , e would • e ut the ease of a proprietor of land who I ,e os) cesi re prop e r suppose for 20,0001.—that he was o f tha 1 ) ,!,„••!_ Pur - chase-money in 1812, together with to t''`g fur the last year's rent of the property, was e Nt ‘k the rent and the money obtained for the sale 14 ; s ti C Oppose a mortgage was had for 20,00 W., and o at a • ' 1-• - • 'lwould it be fair to tetlegt lat er rid prue tpa , cre . pan ,wo e st ai well as the principal or would the. House th e t ax the principal alone • and if they decided upon 4at°iPle i f ri ncipal only, he was at a loss to know upon what juttico or ;caton a tax should be imposed upon ti e d s !ter ris tiesl . And if the Parliament in its legislative capacity, !tiery7t t 4 14 tiOoli imposing that ' tax, as undoubtedly it hail -el 'fit thought fit, lie (Mr. Attwood) thought that th ei t 'uth e : ohnilld have a right to call upon the Government Pvul i „,."Paeity to reimburse them for the taxes to which t l '4 ttils was in his t oyl ' (Mr. w Attood's) opinion unreason ( -fear hear. ) lie•e annuities were pur likbit' ae l a lP-t1 ih 't of an Act of Parlia ,, t _ • e aut on) , that they should not bo 1 1 . uh oli b at iv d provided „"ditrtion of taxes ; and if he hereafter applied t- Learned Friend, the Attorney-General, for f„.„r"APoe the .u , s' I- he (Mr. Attwood) would expect the jec , i lcr r G tl man that even though t Right Hon. en e ri he Oi'qt,„'" W as adopted snnuitants, elremnstance- as t , t b• 'Cs ; o° 9 and his partners ' over.', would have a claim to te r 4- I 'cu.__(c i . ios o f , t Hear, hear.") Pie urged this, s a ''' ' tb i t a he.? 'how the necessity of considering that tax to r,. r !"gs,and with a view to endeavour to persuade the • "tei, hitteate the injustice of the proposed measere; at the 1 1 ' 14 ti lI 'cie c , e felt bound to say, that whatever course her Majesty's Wriii, l' v t it, ni ght adopt upon that measure, if they persisted in Sts 'it it was at present proposed or recommended to the ;, a ked,„_' l '4 Should say that they could not draw the line of ''le -- tb,Cs to what sort of property ought or ought not to be l'res ;) ,_ 4 , LI make the • - productive it was impassible to draw j:"1". Attwood) tax vasdetermincd to give the resolutions ti fr i:le' Ai ,',. 4 t the meas ‘ ure his most cordial support.—(Loud be e s ' Yiellsue opposition benches, and ironical cheers.) Ile : s e :cc: 4 , 4l ve, e , t° the necessity of supporting a political party, ''t the necessityof adopting measures for the thin r thn, ition , N eil arpalling picture ot the distressed cond 1 4 , 51 '44, b 9 was drawn by the Right Hotioura N , 211, 4 1 t hat I t l e t. he (Mr. Atwood) said !ha', he felt bound to - 7 h e ..‘-cte vete man; points of the financial scheme pro rn -Ta iestr Governmentwhich he would never coo n, , o,„ -er v.l to *l s 'l'ne rt , ' 1, 0 consideration of false politics would induce 'td h r itil seo , that Measure or any other measure at any time, or h..Ncfi',4l6tta,",hr"ught tbrward ;vhich would. injure or bring to '41 ° , 1 tes ei :"rattch of British co , amerce for the sake of conferring shd aelectcd classes. (Renewed cheers from the Oppo tbl'at 4htrtil or Co t cheers.) Nu vague or visionary expectations 't en ' t tea ser t"liottent the "I l'i ht Honourable q tr tat t von. at th (increased cheers.) I g admitted that th ' e 'ittry wa ' , 'oad of the Government ' b 1 a most deplorable state of (lustre. 6 e ate '° on constimp- Iti po • z, ed themselves from the taxes t g ri ar eoct toe to consume. After that statement of the High 4' l / cl. r th' imt hioe could fall oil his (Mr. A.'s) cars more `o t m ita • ec deeiinin P this than the Bight k; - -eva a , g Power of country, tut, nouticeinent, that in this state of the country he Prop o , o 4 ann°tie What d . Measures of commercial reform. Ile carried he cal-led on the Committee to carry it in their ',:ftsrnelist by that statement ? Why, before the lit v 7ittry tic career of commercial reform, the people of th, that , ec io • , cri od ' MO/. of taxes upon articles of consumption. *te e 'We 19,000 0001 at present me 'Niel „ , • had been reduced, and . , u 0 0,001)/. whilst the articles of consumption he..4;,141cd• Did thepeople discontinue consumption ? i tith th 'Y " Ch th e taxed the t Con s contrary, the more they were orned.—(llear hear,and laughter.) But the Nst ' 44l 'e ar "et. had ' • d 1 to ro w l a 4 told the House that he inten p h at e o , crciat reforms, as if the whole twenty-eight years O tto Vl4 th eel ' one continued series of commercial reforms. " I ttler • e n ioasu r e , • . tei r . !elating to Joint Stock Banks but a measure Oteu`c"rrn ? And, again, what were the measures " 4 the Rouse for .two consecutive Ses. Mons in obstructing and impeding those banks but commercial reforms ? What were all the interferences with the Navigation Laws but commercial reforms ? What were the wars in India and in China but the consequences of commercial reforms ?—(hear.) A statesman, whose sagacity never was sur passed, W i t it down as a maxim, that the moment we opened the trade with China, we should remove the foundations of our Indian empire.—_(Hear.) The Bight Ilon. Baronet told the House that he expected a period of prosperity to follow the distress which now prevailed, and that be expected it from the experience of past alter. nations of prosperity and distress. But lie (Mr. A.) called on the Hen. Baronet to say whether he expected the prosperity about to come to be followed by another period of distress—such as that which had just been passed through ?—and if the prosperity was not to be permanent, was it not the first duty of Government, and of her Majesty, to avoid accelerating the years of prosperity which were to be followed with a recurrence of disaster and distress, and the ruin of thousands, and to consider in what way a remedy was to be applied to the present disordered state of society, from which those fluctuations were inseparable. In his judg ment they were bound in honesty, and by every dictate of wisdom, to adopt one of two courses—either to maintain the present value cf money and to raise equally Ge value of contmodites, or to be re duce the standard of value ; that was the only alternativo. Ile (Mr. A.) could not in this debate point out the means by which etth'r side of the alteration was practicable; but he would demonstrate to any committee, or to any select body of men, that Parliament had the power of preserving the value of money at one standard—(Cheers)—and that every measure which they adopted without reference to the prevention of prices from rising and fall. ing, would bring the country into further difficulties. Mr. ROEBUCK thought that the Right lion. Baronet bad not scceived the slue meed of approbation from friends or opponents which his conduct meriteil.—( Hear, hear, from the Tory benches.) He (Mr. Roebuck) was disappointed when he saw the Right Hon. Baronet opposed by those of his own ranks, who ought to have been foremost in his support, and when the opposition was joined in by those on the Opposition side, who ought, in consistency with their former professions to have been still snore ready with their support of the scheme.--(Hear, and laughter) The Right Hon. Baronet had proposed a measure which, at least to him (Mr. Roe buck), appeared plain, easy of comprch‘insion,, straightforward, and honest.—(Tory cheers, responded to by cheers and laughter from the Opposition.) It could deceive nobody. The House could un derstand what it meant. The country could understand it. It meant that if you desire to raise the revenue the country should know distinctly and directly what they had to pay.—(Hear, hear.) The people were not to be juggled and deceived into paying the sum of money which it was necessary to raise. That sum was stated on both sides to be necessary ; and for the raising of it there were be fore the House two distinct plans—the one to raise the money di rectly from the community—and the other to raise it indirectly by way of tax on commodities of general consumption, although one was the plan of the (tight Hon. Baronet, and the other that of the late Government. Taking the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet as a whole, and looking at it as one comprehensive scheme, he gave him the full meed of his approbation for his honest and straightforward course.—(Tory cheers.) The revenue was deficient, and neither on the Ministerial or on the Opposition side of the House, could any blame be attached to the Right Hon. Baronet fur that deficiency. It was not occasioned by this side or by that—by the Whig or by the Tory—but by the House of Cotnmons.—(Much claming.) They might talk of the wars in Syria, and the wars in China and in India; but the wars were as much the wars of tire Ministerial as of the Op. position side of the House. They might talk of the increase of the expenditure ; but the fault was as much on one side as the other.—(Hear.) They were all for spending and none for saving.— (Hear and laughter.) The whole fault was to be laid at the door of the House, and one side was as much to blame as the other.— (Hear, hear.) But he must tell the Right Hon. Baronet that the whole ground of his approbation was that the people hail been made to feel at whose door the blame was to be laid. Hitherto they (the House) had been tampering with the finances. But the Right Hon. Baronet came forward to say that he will not he a party to paltry artifices—(Hear, hear)—that he was not going to resort to loans, or to taxes on posterity—he said to them plainly—" I will tax you."—(Laughter.) No one could say that the Right Hon. Baronet had exaggerated the deficiency, and no one had asked for any reduction of expenditure. The deficiency being admitted, the Right Honourable Baronet asked the country if it was prepared to adopt the prompt and immediate increase to meet the deficiency.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Roebuck) thought that was by far the must honest course to meet the difficulty in the face, and to tell the people that the money is due, and that they must pay it. His Hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield said that the measure would drive capitalists out of the country. His Hon. Friend aspired to the character of a political economist, and he would ask his Hon. Friend could it make the least difference—if tine people must pay the deficiency—whether it was made by a di rect tax, or by a round-about process ?—(llear, hear.) But his Hon. Friend went further, and said there was danger in letting the people know what they had to pay.—( Hear, and a laugh.) Why the lion. Member for Sheffield was an advocate for the peo ple governing themselves—and was he now going to take the whole of their affairs into his own hands, and keep them in igno rance of what money they paid, and how it was applied ?—(llear.) Was that the course now to be pursued ? He believed that that course of proceeding would bring its own remedy. The Right Hon. Baronet had come to the conclusion, though he had been slow in coming to it, of asking them to pay by a direct taxation, and a direct taxation which would not be fair to the middle class of the community. Such was the effect of the tax according to the Hon. Member for Sheffield, and he agreed with the proposition ; he would even add one more item to its strength, which was, that it showed the disposition of the aristocratic class of this country in a more striking and salient light than any other mode of taxation; and that was the reason he liked R.—CI - Tear, hear.) They taxed tire community not for the benefit of the public, not fur supplying the expenditure of the country, but for the interests of the landowners. The Corn-laws put a large surn into the pockets of the landholders ; but then to supply the expenditure of the rate, they say what shall we do P Why, we will meet it by a tax spread over land and funded property, and over what he could scarcely call income. What was the consequence P Why, having first taken a large portion for themselves out of the pockets of the people, whets they came to pay the portion of the tax to the State that fell upon them, they in fact paid nothing at all.—(Cries of " 011, oh.") That was his first charge against the aristocracy of this :country. What did they do ? The Right Honourable Baronet, he believed, had done the best thing he could do ; he had clone far better than those on this side of the House had proposed to do ; he was prepared to accept the plan—to admire it— to receive it ; he could do no otherwise. But what did the aris tocracy do ? They said, we must be careful in our generation; we cannot tax the people exclusively; we will tax ourselves, and there by have the appearance of great moderation and regard to the work- , ing classes. This was an exceedingly happy stroke of party politics, for by it they robbed the Liberal party of all the power that might be derived front the prevalence of discontent among the poor. They had got the middle classes in their power, and they said, let us tax the Fundholder. Why this had been done in old times; it had been done in France on the same actual principle, though differing in degree. There the landowner was relieved from any portion of the expense of the Government, and it was cast entirely on the monied and in tellectual resources of the country. When they came to look at it fairly and honestly, they would find that tine land was exempted from any portion of this tax.—(Cries of " 011, oh," and laugh. ter.) They might laugh if they liked, but it was the fact. But to pass on. What was done by the plan? They taxed tine fundholder, and then they came down to what, he must say, was the depth of injustice committed by this tax. That injustice was committed by themselves. He thought that the lion. Baronet felt that injustice himself, and was only prevented from repairing it by the jealousy of the landed interest. The injustice of the titling had been put in twenty thousand shapes; the injustice was so flagrant, that it was impossible to increase the enormity of the picture. The man snaking 3001. a-year by the hard toil of his body and mind, that man paid as much as him, who though living in mere idleness, saw his means increase, and received his income of 300/. though doing nothing. Of one man, his very existence, and that of his family depended on the merest accident; by any unfor tunate occurrence affecting his health or his intellect his means of gaining bread for his family were gone ; he was dead while he lived, robbed of the power of his intellect, robbed of power of his body, and the consequence is, that his charts -' l e starve. But let the other man die, no such co, -en must lowed. Why, the difference was perceptible- Right llon. Baronet told him that he coo' -Pali ; ten sequence If f t t h r 1 u . tion, Ire would tell him, that he me ..0 not snake the dietint. Right Hon. Baronet knew, r ..et make it —(Cht*“"te) The was perceptible, and appree' ell as he did, that the difference . go into the market sins' mile in thernarket ; he knew that Inc could " in, funded prop, fell it. Ilecould take one roan of 300/. a.year _.ny, and 3004 a-year derived from intellectual ex. bets, triton, and . sne difference between those two men was the difference - • .en the value of their respective lives and perpetuity. Ile e _died go bite the market, and ask what would be the charge for insuring his life to the amount of the principal that would return 004 V. a.ycar, and any insurance office would tell him that charge. If the Right Hon. Baronet then would proceed fairly be must strike off that amount from the man oflimited income, and tax him on the remainder, and he would titers have a plan perfectly fair and just, Why could not that be done ? Why could not Zr table be made of the value of different lives, frem :0, 30, 40, to 50 years. A young man paid less to au insurancesoffice, because the value of his lite was greater ; he would, therefore, confer more on the stare. The value was the exact run of the difference between two men's lives against perpetuity ; such tables were in the possession of Government, and the necessary cutlet might be laid down in half an hour. If it was not adopted then, a gratuitous injustice would he done by the landed interest to all the other classes of the community. He should like to hear that answered ; he wanted the people of this country to be told why it could not be done. They wanted somebody lucre bold enough to elect ire the injustice of the tax, and astute enough to prove that it was not an injustice tot:: b equally tintsqualls • the man of unequal means and permanent property, for plan they prevented that care and precaution which onablvd men to secure to their families those provident resources which should supply them with the means of living hereafter. He admitted that it would be a cruel injustice to the people of this country, if it should be carried, no matter how grave might be the neces sity. If there was a grave necessity for taxing the peeple, dint the gravity of the necessity excuse the unjust means of meeting ? (Hear, hear.) Does robbing rue do the community a benefit? — (Hear, hear.) If there was a necessity of levying this sum, let them cut it off him, and lay it on those who could afford to pay it. He would furnish what he could, and the poor man would furnish what he could.—(llear, hear.) The reason they taxed him was because he did not possess land; for if he possessed land, they would nut dare to tax hm, - (Oh, oh.) The people of the countty had a right to know and understand that this was the real case. He dint not lay the blame to the door of the Right Hon. Baronet ; he begged to reiterate that he laid the charge of Nuts tice upon the majority of that House—a majority which the Right Hon. Baronet could rot control, and who were bringinz into open daylight, so that he who ran might read, the injustice of the scheme to the people of this country. Pursuing this subject, he asked the Right Hon. Baronet to answer him, and explain why it was difficult to make the calculations of the value of the uncertain incomes he had spoken of. He did nut ask the value of every man's means, because the Right Hon. Baronet must know that, cvin under his own 1,, tern, he got but a rough, though practical estimate of each man's wealth, but lie wanted the same thing in another shape. He wanted a practical estimate of each man', power of paying—taking the value of his life, and the value of his net income, and striking off from that the amount necessary to insure his life to the amount necessary to produce his income. That was a fair way of estimating it, without reference to the individual's health or strength. If they made the tax equal to all, this would be fair and just ; if they wanted more money, increase the tax ; if they required fifty millions, or whatever the suns might be, if they could not levy it in any other way whatever, let teem add more to the per tentage of the tax ; let them add the penny or twopence, Mit still keep up tine difference between tine two classes of income; then they would fairly tax the community, and have the money they required. Is had beta urged as an objection to the proposal of the Right Honourable Baronet, that it was a " vulgar plan." A vulgar plan I He wished there was more of such vul garity, at lea,t as to statesmanship. He could not see any vulgarity in endeavouring to pay their debts. If they were honest in private life, they would make their expenditure equal to their income; if they were dishonest, they would go on day by day making their expenditure larger than their income, but they would come at length to the natural result; there would be a stand still, a bank.. ruptcy, or, if there was no actual bankruptcy for any one but the trailer, yet there was a bankruptcy of honour and honesty, annul they were ruined. And what was honesty in private life might be extended also to nations. (Loud cheers.) He could not conceive in what sense it could be thought vulgar to pay their debts.—(Cheers.) But there was another objection willing to e e r e oe t ,i, t i es t :l s ifa : mat r: htd l vulgarity, ite r iv r i : t ata y c,. sprays bha,uemerteconui:ten,:t:lst•atoi to ma de, which was stated to be of a far more formidable sai nature. that clanger t 'T h They e l y ax m t o i ,g,tkahtsebaceno inquisitorial be eat nnnercial what each man made was ascertain:d • him a matter beyond his comprehension. He knew 3 that in this country there was a great disl'ke to let it be known how tnuch each I man w as woe h. He thought this was a vulgar prejudice—(Hear, hear)—that was what he called vulgarity. If th ey were poor let them honestly say so ; if they were rich there were plenty who would find it out.—(Laughter.) He could not understand by what process it could be that what was called credit increased the 1911 4 : SUN, LONDON. THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 24, 184,2 resources of the country.—(Hear.) A man with credit might have a great deal of trade, but it was maintained at another man's expense.—(Hear, hear.) Credit did not multiply wealth, it only enabled one ma❑ to work with the wealth of another' man, and it was honest and proper If the other believed he could give it, but if by any side wind, a man pretended to he rich, it was dishonest, and it was no benefit to niorality or society. He should not care a farthing if the amount of his means was known to-morrow, nor should lie think himself the worse in any man's opi. nion for its being known that his gains were less.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for Lambeth said he should like to know how a banker would like to have his income told P Now, this was the very class of persons who should have the least objection. for on the last day of the year a banker knew exactly how much he had made during the twelve months, and he (Mr. R.) did not see why a banker should be ashamed, or afraid, or consider it inconsistent with his character as a good man, that people, who supposed that he was making 10,0001, a year should find out that he made but s,oool.—(Cheers.) But if such exposures were to be dreaded as too inquisitorial, he woutd ask the Hight Hon. Baronet was it not easy to hit upon some other mode of making a pretty accurate esti mate of the incomes of persons, whether as regarded the past year, or a long series of years preceding ?—(Hear, hoar.) He (Mr. IL) thought it would not be difficult to suggest the other tests. For instance, the income of a man might be tolerably well estimated by knowing what rent be paid for his lodging, or, at least, it might be calculated how much he ought to pay to the State.—(Laughter, and Hear, bear, hear.) No doubt this test would be as much objected to .as any other by some pieties; but whatever the danger and difficulty of inquiry it would be amply compensated by the benent of direct taxation—without presuming to usurp the functions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he (Mr. lation of the laws of nations. The lion. Member for Lambeth has said that the Affghsns are engaged in a war for their inde pendence ; and he added that he would hold me responsible for the war in Affghanistan ; but I musi say that when I first heard of the war across the Indus, I expressed great doubt as to its policy. I did not forget the language used by a Gallant Officer, who has fallen a victim to his zeal in the public service—l mean Sir Alex. ander Burnes—who said that the attempt to restore Shah Soojah to the throne from which he was expelled in 1809, would be a mea. sure in which failure might be attended with the worst come. quences. I said at the time that the attempt to restore Shah Soojah to the throne of A fighanistan would very ninth resemble the policy of attempting to force Charles X. upon the throne of France. It appeared that the character of Shah Soojah was held in the greatest contempt by those who were called upon to submit to his rule. I must disclaim most decidedly, for myself and those with whom I act, all responsibility for the expedition beyond the Indus ; but I shall. nevertheless, take such means as British honour and British interests may require in India, with as much alacrity, and as much good faith and earnestness as 1(1 had been a party to the original movement in Affghanistan. But to return to our financial condition, I find a deficit in this country which has amounted within the last six years to 10,000,000/. ; while there has been a deficit in India to the amount of nearly 5 ,000,000/., for the last two years alone. Ido submit to the deliberate judgment of this House, and of those who have sent us here, whether, under those circumstances, it is not incumbent on us to make some great exertion for the purpose of rescuing ourselves from such a condition. I think it would lie mere delusion to suppose that our difficulties would be removed by any ordinary means. Ido not say that you should impose an income ox because there was a war in Afghanistan, and a war in China, but I tell you to review the whole of your financial position, and I think you will find that those two causes, concurrently with others, call for some great exertion on your parts of some kind or another. I have been told that the adoption of the Budget prepared by the late Ministry would have enabled us to meet our financial difficul ties ; but I entirely dissent from that opinion. The last Chan cellor of the Exchequer contemplated an increase In the sugar duty of 7,00,0001., in consequence of the admission of foreign singer, but that increase has been realized as nearly as possible without effect ing any change in the duty which existed at the time. With re. sped to the duty on corn it is difficult to form an estimalie of what the duty on it may produce. The Noble Lord calculated that the same number of quarters would be introduced under his duty as under the duty of one shilling; but I cannot see how he could assume that would be the case. With respect to timber, I admit that the duty proposed by the party opposite would produce a larger amount of revenue than mine— that proposition was to reduce the duty on foreign timber by Is., and to continue the discriminating duties between Canadian and foreign timber—that in placing a duty of 20s. on Canadian timber, and eos, on foreign timber, I admit that would realise more than my plan could do: but this I contend for, that if you can afffird it there is no single article in the whole range of custom articles, in which a reduction of duty will tell with a greater effect In encourag ing the industry of the country, than the reduction in Canadian timber.—(Hear, hear.) I must express my surprise at hearing the dirty attacked so much by the Honourable Gentleman opposite. Hon. Gentlemen opposite had the greatest respect for the autho rity of Mr. Deacon Hume, but what was his opinion ? He says, "If the country can afford to give up the whole amount of the timber duties, there is no other article to which it should give a freer importation than that of wood. We possess iron and coal, but we have not wood, and if they could get that article our case would be complete." The ancient policy of the country was to en. courage the importation of wood, and up to the year 1795 the whole amount of duty was only Os. Eid. Considering wood to be a raw material, and that it entered largely into all manufactures, the duty was low for the benefit of the consumers, and it was not made an article of revenue until the hottest period of the war in 1795. The proposal which I make with respect to the duty on woos is infinitely more favourable to the consumer than that which was made by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and this I must repeat, that if I could get a tax on property to the amount of 600,0001. or 700,900/., and could thereby relieve the consumer from the weight of the tax on timber, I believe would do more to encourage industry and to restore; trade and manufac. tures, and to benefit generally all classes of Society, than by adopt. ing any other ineans.—(Hear, hear.) I wish lion. Gentlemen would read the evidence given on the subject. They would find in the Report of the Timber Committee of 1835, and in the Re port of the Import Duties Committee of 1840, the most satisfactory evidence that our fisheries were subjeet to great disadvantage on ac. count of the timber duties. He wished they would read the evideeree of Mr. Mitchell on the subject, and also as to the effect which they had on the ship building interest, where it was come pletely proved to the House that the shipbuilding was withdrawn on account of the timber duties.—( Hear, hear.) And though I cannot compare my plan with that of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite as a means of raising a revenue, yet so far as the benefit of the consumer is concerned, the reduction of the duty on colonial timber to a nominal amount, and on Baltic timber from 555. to 30s. appears to ins one of the most advantageous measures which it Is possible to adopt, not in a financial point of view, but as far as the interests of the consumer are concerned.—(Hear, hear.) It is said I am presenting a gloomy view of the finances of the country, and that I have said there was no other mode of raising the revenue than having recourse to an income tax. I said no such thing. lam certain there are other means. I think if I were to reimpose some of the 20 millions of taxes which were remitted alter the war, I should be able to procure a revenue,but I do nut think I sho u ld, b y i ncreasing the taxes on commodities subject to the present exc i se and customs. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Baring) when speaking of the five per cent. which he imposed, thought he was very triumphant on the omission of aceshnitethfl lac/. duties or. corn, but he did not take any credit for the duties on sugar, deducting the duty on corn and sugar, the sum which had been received in 1840, was 17,532,000/. ; the sum which was received in 1842 with a 5 percent. addition, was 17,960,0001.; but it ought to have been, if the 5 per cent. addition had realised the Hon. Gentleman's expectations, 18,409,0001., and from that in. fer that with respect to articles of the discription on Which the additional 5 per cent: was imposed, we have arrived at the limit of taxation, and that it would not be wise to lay any additional taxes upon them. But if Igo back to other articles in respect of which taxation has been removed, I have no doubt I shall be able to raise a revenue, and perhaps carry with me the assent of the majority of the House of Commcns, but I thought it more just towards the great body of the penple, to resort to a property tax.---(Cheers ) 1 might take leather, and I have no doubt by imposing • a tax on it, I would derive a consi. derable revenue. I might also derive a Very large revenue from salt, and also from a tax on beer—but I say it is more just and po. litic to meet the difficulties in which we are placed by imposing art income tax, than by removing those indirect taxes, which Cannot be imposed without the greatest pressure on industry, without disturb. yself to the objection that I laid ing trade and manufactures into which those articles have largely entered on their repeal, to expose in a tax on articles of consumption, which would be so much felt by have been the labouring classes of the country—(Cheers) —and it h ,uSviri:gi,:ctit,h had byraed theab are other tichooe,:nr. Member n i e j n e t c e t d i oon for to y m Lt y ii)sek p e l ; a ir n ot w . h a i an e : l )i l d on that account that I propose a property-tax.— (Hear, hear,) n man, that there is a great objection to direct ta%ation, because it diminished the fund out of which the let I impose a sa l t tax would it Pe -- —uourcr was .s 'd But if ..ot have acted as sensibly o n th e funds of the wor ki ng Mall ° • confess I was greatly surprised a t hearing it u rgen t t h at the (Hear, hear.) 1 - - --re was a fatal objection to the tax. — up public ^ cannot adopt any measure more likely to keep • ~.edit than by 'bowing a determination to raise the sup. „ r ues with the yearly direct taxation, and I cannot say, for anything I have seen, that there is any great indication of the public funds being affected. The next objection which he put was, that by an income tax we were driving capitalists from tho country, and that it would have a great tendency to pro. mote that effect. But though he went abroad, what was to pre. vent lino from paying the tax, as the landlord paid it ?—(Cheers.) The direct taxation will subject him to a contribution of the ex. peticilture. From that he could not extricate himself whether be had property in land or in the funds. The benefit of direct taxa. lion is that for whatever object lie goes abroad, he will not be able to relieve himself from contributing to the revenue of the cou n try, and he will be compelled to pay Inc fair share. But I believe the plan which I propose will have the effect of reducing the cost of living in this country, I eetpetit, that will be the result of the reduction I nrotiose ih tilt tritlff the theepnees Of Ming abroad incitlce parties to leave time toentry, 1 believe that the cost of living at home being reduced by the duty on those articles which enter into manufactures being lessened and the prohibitory duties on articles of provision being lowered,so far from an income tax having a tendency to drain capi. tal out of the country, the general ef'f'ect of the plenum Will be to invite its return and to insure its ctfi.----( Cheers ) The Hon. Gentlemen reef' tit it lie has colepared the legacy duties and person. tit ptopertY for the last three years with the duty paid in 1916, and be says that he has found an immense increase in it. Why, that argument is rather in favour of the tax. The returns on the sub ject show that there is a tendency to accuinulation, That is a circutnstance that operates in favour of my measure that property ought to bear the Increased burdens of the state and not articli2.s of consumption. The Hon. Gentle r:l,n,, keeii as the lion. Member for Liskeard (Mr. C. Buller) addrresed themselves to what they considered One gross injnstice of this tax. They arc quite content to have a tax on property, bet object to a tax on income—that is to a tax derived froth the Ineomes of professions and of teadee, Roebuck) would, when the tariff came on for consideration, undertake to prove that great benefit would result to the revenue, and the commuidty by a different adjustment of the duties on tim ber. Ile would show that it was not for the interests of the colonies or for the interests of the Canadian people, that that tax should be continued as it was; but that it merely contributed to fill the pockets of a small body in this country, who owned rotten ships : that the interest of that class was very much overrated, and, in short, speaking what he knew from having had the honour to be the delegate of the Canadian people, they wished that the perma nent protection on timber should be abolished, as of no benefit either to them or to the mother country. His plan would be different hem that of the Right Hon. Baronet. He (Mr. R.) would lower the duty on Baltic timher one half, and raise it as much on Canadian. The difference now between the two was 455. This step would produce *air:revenue, would do injustice to no one, and would give the community better and cheaper timber. As respected the importation of sugar, the tariff of the Right Hon. Baronet appeared to him quite untenable. He was sorry to see that the Right Hon. Baronet should be deterred by that talk about slavery which was the bugbear of this country when any good was to be done. Great mischief had been done already by the intcrferance that had taken rlac_ in this matter; for even according to the ad. mission of those who had been most active, and had gained most glory by their efforts in the cause, they had effected no good what ever. Instead of mitigating the evil they would allow they had ag. gravated it ; and now, when the people of England asked for some relief, you say they cannot have it on account of the slave trade. But why now add to the mischief, when it was unquestionable that we could not prevent the slave trade f—(Hear. hear.) With those remarks he would now close his observations with what he should call the moral of his tale. The Gentlemen on his side of the House had made two attempts during the present Session to win for them selves popularity.—(Laughter.) First, by their opposition to the Corn-law they had got up the steam, but they failed.—(Laughter, and great cheering from the Ministerial Benches.) They failed, because the working people had no confidence in them—(Cheers from the Ministerialists)—possessing power granted to them by the people, the middle classes arrayed themselves against the people when they asked for their rights. But when the middle classes wanted to get rid of a burthen placed on themselves, the people stood aloof, seeing bow the promises made them in 1831 and 1832 were forgotten ; and thn3 the first attempt of the Gentlemen near him at popularity hunting had grievously failed.—(Cheors.) New they made their second attempt, but the people clearly understood them, and being re. Levet.' by the artifice of the other side, and by the political saga city of the Right Hon. Baronet, if they were not personally in terested, and seeing that little regard had been had for their pro perty, their labour, by the middle classes, they would look at the at tack now made on the property of the middle classes with equani mity. They said they would not trust the working man with power, because they would attack property. The working classes, remembering how their property, the labour of their hands and their heads, had been disregarded, would not now interfere on the funded and personal property of the middle classes. it was all the better that the working classes should hear, from time to time, that the middle classes alone were not able to cope with the other side of the House. There were means, however, by which the middle classes could put them down. They had put them down before—try again. Let the middle classes tell the people we have found out our mistake—we find we cannot obtain justice for our selves unless we obtain justice for you—(Hear)—now we will agree to do you justice, anti then we will obtain justice fur all—and this was the moral of his talc. Sir R. PEEL—Sir, after the comments that have been made in the course of this debate on the proposal I have made for relieving the country from its financial difficulties, I must, very naturally, feel some anxiety to reply to some of the observations which have been directed against my propositions..—(llear, hear.) And I must first remark on the objections taken to the course I have pursued by the Hon. Member for Liskeard. I was told, in the course of this night, by him, that having no confidence in the abstract merits of the measure I brought forward, and being unable to support it by arguments, I resorted to topics calculated to excite party feelings, and that I was desirous to derive that aid from party excitement which I could not hope to draw from reason and argument.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I refer for my vindication against that charge to all those who heard me make my financial statement.—(Cheers from the Minis. teriallsts.) I ask whether, when I stated to the House the causes of the present difficulties, and proposed my remedy for them—whether it was possible that.gny man could have more studiously avoided all topics of an irritating nature P—(Cheers.) It was necessary fur me to refer, amongst other causes of expense, to the war in China, and to the war to the West of the Indus ; but in referring to those causes of Increased expense, did I not studiously abstain from every political subject which could be considered likely to provoke a dis cussion of a party nature?—(Cheers.) But, Sir, when on a follow. ing night I vindicated the course I had pursued, I was placed in a different position. On the first night I was told my proposal should be considered as a whole, that there was an admission of great financial embarrassment—that it should be discussed without any party feeling, but entirely on its abstract merits ; and now I appeal to those who recollect the second night's debate, whether any mea. sure could have been discussed with more party spirit?—(Cheers.) Not that I complain of this, on the contrary, I foresaw it. But when I came to vindicate my measure so opposed, was it not natural that I should remind those who attacked my measure, that they and their policy had been the chief causes of the present difficulties ?--(Great cheering.) I must say now—not wishing to speak in a temper different from that in which I began, that a speech of greater bitterness I never heard than that from the late Chancellor of the Exchequer.—( Cheers and counter cheers.) Why, Sir, was it not said that I maintained the sugar dutits, not because I was convinced of the policy of maintaining them, but because they would hells me to annoy my predecessors ? Was it not said that I would not prefer any measure that would affect my own political interest and position ? Was it not said that the tax against which not one word was said when I first pro. posed it, but which I had an assurance should be calmly and deli betrateiy considered—was it not said by the Noble L ird and the Right Hon. Gentleman, that after having given the subjec , ' most mature attention, they could come . . other con to no sne elusion, but that a more unjust inqui - • sive measure was never proposed and mires. I must say that 1 had spoken • olim ' red tir i e t pression, not that my me . • n that - i ( i ff ig e h a t r ;a l t i h e c a r r, u a n n d ' e t r c t i li m e e i l an ) . Lion which I was clTset, but, I ed the opposition p,- . 'nought that the spirit which actuat h s a n d o u n k o i t d u o n e b t e y rg p o h n i e lo t s o h i c , h c e o r n s s i i n d e t r i a , e . to it ..cook much more of the character of a meeting at the Ises Club—(Laud cheers on the Ministerial benches)—and, there. fore, after the assurances which I had received, after the manner in which I had opened the subject, and after the mahner in which I and the measure were subsequently assailed, then, indeed, I did Vaal which I always shall do. I vindicated to the best of toy power the measure which I had proposed, and the motives which had in fluenced me in submitting it to the consideration of the House. I certainly was surprised that the proposal of an income tax shoold he now denounced by the leaders of the ratty oppo. site, without any reference to the public exigencies o r the difficulties of our position. I was surprised to have it denounced as an odious and unjust measure, which no Minister ought to propose, because I recollect perfectly well that aniong those which have been connected with the party opposite, and whose attention has been directed chiefly to matters of finanee, I have heard their declarations, and their opinions arc left on re. cord,that looking at the nature of our taxation, and seeing its tendency to press upon labour, and upon those articles which, form the necessary consumption of the great masses of the people-1 have heard them declare that a property tax might be resorted to with advantage during time of peace. I have heard Lord Althorp give thatopinion, and Sir henry Parnell has left on record a similar opinion, formed at a time when the country was placed in no such financial difficulties as at present, and formed for the sole purpose of relieving the main articles of ceassnraption and the pro ductive industry of the country from the existing amount of taxation Mr. Peulett Thomson, Lord Althorp, Mr. Flume, and Sir Henry Parnell, all declared In favour of a property tax, and therefore a property tax aught not to be denounced by you, acting as phile, soldiers, and not as party men. The principle of a prepert• tisk • might not to be denounced with quite so much of &flatness as has been displayed upon the subject.—(llcor, hVal.) But I am told that I have not established any cflic;ent necessity for a property tax. I wish to pans in review the objections which nave been urged against the measure which I have introduced. I have hterl told th.d I have established no sufficient necessity rot - intli , t4l4'? a property tax in time of peace. I fairly own that in Wi" Making an appeal, not so much to the Gentleman Otr',lslte as to the de. liberate judgment of the country, upon wfliell I rely for support— (Cries of " Hear, hear" ) -1 ask al l . those who are capable of forming a just judgment upon our financial difficoltieas and of the inevitable consequelices which must fenen , IY during a time of peace you ' t ,erinit these difficultirn tr 6 without attempting to ~'eneck the rrogtenn. -- -A 'ask of them ana. turely to consider 'Whether I do establish such a fman. cial necesniAy, calling at ;east ffir some vigorous and decisive course -f—(licoor-‘ t 'prove that there has been a deficit during the last six years, 'which has gone on rapidly increasing for the last four real's. I have shown that in the year ending oth Aplik 1840, there had been a deficit of incom e as con Tared 01 ex penditure, of 1,447,0001. ; in 1841 the CtAdt. amounted to 1,851,000; in 18.12 amounted to 9.,f130 :nO/. ; and in 1813 it will amount to '2,573,0001. 1 haVt. proved that during the last six years you have seenrarditB s debt amounting to 10,000,000/. I have shown that theft will be a deficiency in the estimates of the present :year,, Whleh I take at 2,5000,000/.. It cannot, 1 bellete s be ICFS 6 after you shall have passed the estimate'' for rein. fatting our troops in India, and after defraying the ' expenses of the Chinese expedition dining the approaching year. Why, that alone seems to me to establish the tecessity'df your finances upon a new basis. I ask you, too, .t l iiittketr tit Indian finance. 1 have told you that Indian linati/:e4 have followed the course of the finances at home. Isa The year 1630, you began with a large surplus; in theyear .tl4l, you ended by a large deficit. You found in 163(1 a surplus of at least 1,500,0004 ; you ended in 1840 with a deficit eft,300,0004 ; and in 1841 you had a dells 4 of 2,400,0004 He had said that the Indian Gave:invest mats iesott. ing to loans; they had at first tried a loan of 4 sset ; they have since resorted to a loan of 2,000,000 at •7 , h'e'r cent. He told them that under those circumstances thar Might find it necessary to come to the support of the credit sat tritlia. I thought it wise you should abstain from incurring any additional debt, and that you should maintain the public credit as you have maintained it, by showing your determination to raise a supply adequate to your expenditetre. These were the proofs which he gave for the purpose 'cif shawin that there existed financial necessities--necessitties Whltli should not deter us or dismay us; and if I had not a foil 'confidence in the re sources of this country, I must have ,shrank from developing the truth, but it was because I knew that the country would have the manliness and the energy to meet its difficulties that I would not condescend to conceal a knowledge of these difficulties from the public.—(Hear, hear.) I must here observe that I take no de sponding view of our affairs in India, I have just the same eon_ tidence as ever that the energy of the British people that has been already so gloriously displayed in that great field of exertion —I cannot but think that those energies when properly exerted, will enable us to repair any casual and temporary disasters which we may h a ve suffered.—(Hear, hear.) But I must say I think the Honourable Gentleman the . Member for Lambeth (Mr. Hawes) was rather too hasty in refu s i ng to adopt any measure to which it may be found necessary to h ave recourse fsr the par. pose ee tax," ofre saidaiTi''g those disasters. " N ot one shilling of this in_ e the Hon. Gentleman, " with my consent shall be applied to the war in Affghanistan." Nowl shall not enter into the discussion of our Indian policy ; but I think the House will sus pend its judgment upon that subject until they have full infonra lion with regard to it laid Lefore them. I shall not offer any opinion as to the po li c y which we may ultimately find it necessary to pre serve in India; but I trust the House will suspend its judgment as to the course which it may adopt if it should b e f ound that British lives had beengacri6f)pri irr conseTiericc of gruls perfidy, an d a yin. Mr. Ror Brick. tn'adO all OtAerv at i on across t h e table, which was, net attAhle In the gallery. Sir 11. PEEL went on to say, the I-lon. Gentleman then dots not ' object to the inquisitorial nature of the Machinery I* i;tieli this I tax iuus be levied. He k certainly singhiai• in that OPiiii'dri ' among the Gentlemen whO ttiolte ironk :ttiV? hiiimllti .iilb bf the House on tiVa •SillAtier, 'hie•i bard that the tax upon incomes de. 1 riVel tic% tad and Professsions was objectionable, not on ac. 1 t eallit of the amount to be raised, but on account of the inquisitorial nature of its machinery. Such was tile tibledloii digt , (' by the great body of the Genticillio who tpoltebil the OPtieslte side: When I look to what the objt.ctiOnt to ink tak are', I cannot admit the force of the odiectioli npairrit i'arlitig nen the itii:,;thei 14 ^ lif`ifeed invki,,to-hrimottnalyttare jaoinittiere from iirot'sssicinh Add frail ilrid's;; 11l brat , ' tit EBfilfitiiiiing ilicir 10, 4 re f' 's th!s tA. it *outd not, in my mind, be fair to entail tile whale burden of the tax upon incomes d,rived from land. I am not singular in that opinion. It Was the opinion distinctly avowed by Lord Althorp. That Noble Lord said—" I have heard gentlemen speaking of laying on a proptrty tak ‘, a tax upon 'capital, upon rent, upon intetest oh in.Oiieki Upon enia'rtga;ies; iiildri Aniiiii'- tie., etc. l and that firothAVetittah shy C , •aiiitai •eiste r u in mann. tadthres.,:Slieted le 4kCinlit. iiut I ask Honourable Gentlemen `to consider what would be the effect of this—what the num. bee is of persons possessing small income's of that descrip tion. Let them figure to themselves a small fi4 , ehOtdi,i living in the neighbourhood of 1 grtAl V•iiii hael s tiret—ivnat his feelings would be ot thl'Al',:g his tittle PrOPerty heavily taxed, while Now ,or t .,\i v ; a iet t i,,.t a ,o r th e .t: t iy : a e i,rem ob :ie j e ec ,rri,, t ,‘, i ci o e, t i.. i . sa ,: ga i l iis n a s y t his vrealtlq n'e;:glihottr WAS exempt. If the iegislature Can adopt : , ,u0 a istooosition t hey w ill commit a great injustice. :I'heab -1 solute property df ail classics mush bit hied; oi - antic it alt." Tll4- (1 .4 1 . /e t, r :i i C od t , en a u n r d e i o n t. Was the opinion of ToL:d :Alitiorp it the time when he was Chan. t..,110r. Of th'i' , FACIINquer. order to make all parties contribute a poriion of their inetnneS for this tA, which was to the public service? It is contended that to the a'tt *Or In),lsVi`Cc t f(') be imposed but f . ) y r i , : , ii: o. t is t, : i, t , x ce,4r a en l , l ,,,l l i t ,g i: h : t m dt e ot s il;,e g e en s: e o,,,, r ,A a l lly itli a: 6 l o. d rlni 7 l.olty, you better if yl ii , :virspi that principle, _. income tax altogether.—(Opposition cheers.) now is it pon. slide to apply any direct taXation according to that piitickple. tioeS e the beer tax operate eivally—eocl; tt*l i !.g rea Ve tis s it ta ian i nt — i k : B o oon, l) c ii - s a . j e t .s ici li a n ot i nlh i a t t i c ki a t O ,,p h ‘ ni v e 1 tax operate equally r Art tht *Ns'e4; tares equal ison't all taxatio.h wlitt het tif reiCt 'Of kfigree t . , 0 , f p (:,Fs'snit,OlierAte Stieq'6ally -- iNitiliqtria l l c i ticei's.) Iclov tat? VI e"e, r tl i i i . 64"0:.51 °hal Man. .s,,vpos,o + . ,i .s. b!,. E L. g y...fiizat A'4l; or . oirect taxation against the pro. I fes.A6'i' , al inah. i *lli show that the owner of land, kc. can readily escape indirect taxation. lie can ren : ° ". ''2. a nt , Dirt °t i the . . i t:Lin: li n: hne,,,pdliecaasies,maannd_ctiairet slit d c r t i l i: s iii s :_ ecces t n •rn : : :::: : ?b i : I, l ll . oliu t s tole Country. obliged to live in this country. Wit ereaS the prOfeasional condition of life , , ind f l oice: (em tlie:tilituattinng ' and consequently obliged to ache it to inditeet taxation, tut t'relissions and trade how am I to proceed to adopt the elineiple say that incomes derived from real pro.perty O ught to bt , tkii, ... ,ta ought to be tree, partly from the e t, i s iii t i li er e y t o a r k t , h b e u t t ax t . h at incomes derived t:roM 61til ig i' lrt th.olullaanlfdr fray arid ehingeabiC t n u at b u e re ta o z f e t d h , at ar, r d les t c h r c il i s ) t i i: y n , t ic o i f m fr: .hc per i t o y. Ithtircts.opethe'tlttotalxiLinterests ' ten thousand pound a-year not to be taxed? nu:tants for a tern, of years ought not to be subjected to thse catkin' l a i i f i e o t i o in d t i o p f on i d x ,o a ,Tn tio rr f o l rE as Eb t ei l r e bi t .i n xiv, an who derives his tat. Will you subject the widow, who Mr. l l o ElWClC—Certainly not. Sir ItQllri, 41: estates, 1 i a there to he 4 distinction made between propert3 , i n f • property tyilit respect to which there is only i i r e: i limple And (near, hoer.) Suppose I have a life interest in all e i st ': i 'teret.— to fall to a distant relation, for whom I feel no p ~..i.tical at which is ar d,ign ee of interest, is it to be calculated what my intereir ' in the eva to Is supposing that I depended entirely ..,:.,'th at prope rty fo '' F nll4 weans of support—surely in that renect regar4 !RYA be h I . . of that property.: . ~..,. . ~, ft ,o nry. tenure • • Mr. ROEBUCK—Certainly. Sir R. PEEL proceeded—A clergyman has a certain income, and he holds it only for his life; am I to calculate, then, in this case, the balance of his life interest ? If I thus deal with all cases of this kind I must take away entirely Schedule A. Again, take the case of two brothers, each haying 5,1100/.,• One rests his sum in the funds, and receives ay per cent. for his money ; the other purchases a living and insures his life. Shall I make a deduction in the case of the one so as to ren der his position similar to that of the other ? I have put all those cases to show that if I am to act on the principle of making such valuations and allowances, I had better abandon the tax altogether. I say again, that this income tax is a necessary measure in time of war, and when great exertions are to be made, looking at the necessity that may arise of imposing a tax of 10 per cent., and if the pressure be great of imposing even a greater amount than 10 per cent. rather than have recourse to the system of bor rowing money and funding, that it would be better to have no income tax at all than to establish such a sta i te of thin gs as wou ld necessar i ly arise from the operation o f the principle advocated on the other side. HI have to take the case of an annuitant, and grant her an exemption, then I must abandon the principle upon which the tax is founded, namely, that every man should contribute a certain sum according to his means. I hope that I have sufficiently stated the grounds upon which I am of opinion that, if we did resort to a tax upon income, we ought to call upon all incomes to contribute equally with those abatements and reductions only, which were specified in the Act, and that nothing could he more unwise than to attempt to change the income tax into a tax upon capital or property. With respect to the details I have not the slightest objection to give my attentive con. sideration to any modifications which may be suggested, but with respect to the main principle of the proposal—namely, the levying of a duty of 7d. per pound upon income—that is the proposal which I have made to the House, and that is the proposal which I mean to urge as far as I can upon their acceptance, clearly foreseeing the measures . which we considered the best suited to re replace our finances on a sound and satisfactory basis.—(Hear ) Sir, I am charged that this measure—thls measure of an income tax—is a measure not only proposed upon the whole authority of the Government, but that it is a measure upon which the fate of the Government exists. I think, to snake atiy declaration on such a subject, would be entirely uncalled for; that, supposing that I could in the present state of affairs, propose such a measure as that v !deli I have proposed, without considering the fate of the Govern. meat being involved in the decision, such a declaration appears to me scarcely necessary. I did propose it on the responsibility of the Government. I did propose it as the financial and commercial policy of the Government,—a measure which I never would have consented to have proposed if I did not entertain a manifest con viction of its necessity, and risking my fate as a Minister upon R.— (Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) The more I consider, the moredeeply am I convincei that measure, and the measures con. bined with it are necessary for the welfare of the State. I relinquished office before in 1835, because I would not consent to all acquies ence in a principle which I felt not to be founded on justice. I propose now an alteration, and if the House of Commons should overrule that proposal, I shall retire with perfect content, and with a consciousness that I have discharged the duty which I owed to the country, by proposing a measure as characterised by one of my opponents as a bold, a direct, awl honest measure; and if that is the characteristic of it, It is well suited to the exigencies of the present time.—(Cheers.) This is a period in which you re quire Oat the measures you propose should be a bold—should be a direct one— should be an honest one.—(Cheers.) It may be re jecte !. Now, the attempts which are made to deceive those inte rests which I am supposes! to have affected to unite them in oppo sition to this income tax. It may possibly prevail--I doubt it._ (Cheers from the Ministerial side.) I doubt whether there will not be an opinion on the part of the country —a conviction that the time is come when a vigorous exertion should be made— That the time is come when, for the intere:t of property, that pro perty should be taxed. But my opinion may be overruled, and yet I have confidence that what occurred in 1535 may occur again— that, after the lapse _ of a short time, after making ineffectual at tempts to repair the finances by other means, by:resorting to indi rect taxes, it Will be ultimately seen that the measures which I now propose is founded in reason and in justice. After the lapse of a short time, I shall see the House of Commons adopt that measure which they had rejected, but I believe that, with the prevailing feel ing of the country, that they will now adopt that measure—that they will not draw delusive distinctions between the times of war and peace, and that we shall adopt that bold, that honest, that direct measure which, so far from being misconstrued by foreign countries, will be held up by them as a proof of the ancient vigour' of the country, that the energies of the people are yet alive to the ditlicugies, and will ride triumphantly over them on account of that energy. (The Right Hon. Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said—Mr. Greene, I hope we are coming to a decision upon this question.—(Loud cries of " No, no.") I shall confine myself solely to the income tax, and that with respect to the commercial tariff, upon which the Right Hon. Baronet naturally found it necessary to make some observa tions. I will entirely reserve anything I should have to say to some future occasion, when this tariff will be before the Ilouse. Sir, the Right lion. Baronet commenced his speech by making some remarks upon what had fallen from my lion. Friend the Member for Liskeard, with respect to the tone in which the Right lion. Bart. hail addressed the House. Sir, if his tone was always in consonance with his speech on the first night of this question—(Hear, hear)--: or with the speech made to.nigh, 1 do not think the Hon. Gentle. man (Mr. Buller) would have thought it ncessary to make any ots servation respecting it. But I certainly do think that, upon more than one occasion, the tone did Justify the objections of my Non. Friend. With respect to the speech in the recapitulation of tha plan of the Right Hon. Baronet, we certainly do not complain. But a few days afterwards, my Right Hon. Friend, who held the post of Chancellor of the Exchequer, who has a right, as much as any person in this House, to ask questions with respect to financial measures, ventured to ask the Right Hon. Baronet what was the machinery by which his proposal was to be carried into effect, why the Right Hon. Baronet not only refused him an answer, but refused it with a sneer—(Hear, hear, and cheers)—for whatever might be the politics of Mr. Pitt, everybody must admit that no matter what pleasure was brought forward, lie had at all times preserved an unanimity and courtesy towards all parties, which must be admired, not only by those who were during his time its Parliament, but by succeeding generations.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Baronet was pleased to say, that we, upon this side of the House, would have opposed any measure which might have been brought forward by him. It was hardly necessary to give any answer to that statement, but it showed the tone and temper with which the Right Hon. Gentleman was disposed to discuss the ques tion.—(Loud cheers.) Having said so much, Sir, in justification of my Right Hon. Friend (the late Chancellor of the Exchequer), I will now proceed to discuss the question before the Committee. The Right Hon. Gentleman, tonight has stated what the propesition was to be. We have heard many gentlemen state the great hardships attending au income tax; several Hon. Members expressed their hopes that there would be some modification in the measure pro posed by the Right Hon, Gentleman. The Hon. Member for Berk. shire said that there should be some modification in it; another Hon. Gentleman showed clearly the injustice of an income tax par. ticularly upon annuitants, and instanced a case in which he was him self concerned, where he shewed that 41,7001. was embarked in annuities, and where 15,0001. were for terminable 2111111 i. consequences of abatements and exemptions of such a nature as those which had been urged by lion. Gentlemen opposite. I am told that another great objection to this tax is, that it en. couraged perjury and fraud. Now, as such is stated to be the effect of direct taxation. I should like to know what is the effect of indirect taxation.—(Hear, hear.) I should like to know what is the tendency of the Excise duties, and of all the regulations with respect to distilleries.—(Hear, hear.) Taxation of some kind or other is inevitable. I quite agree with: the lion. and Learned Gentleman that nothing can be more frivolous or more absurd than extreme sensitivenes as to what people are worth. I believe there is generally a very good estimate formed amongst those who care about other people's property, or the state of their credit.—(Hear, hear.) There is a keen instinctive sense of what a man is worth ; 'idler his looks, or his gestures, or something or other, appear to betray it to others.—(Laughter.) And, with respect to this terrible inquisition into men's affairs, and the disclosures which most follow, I do really believe that if a man is disposed to make a bona fide return of his income to the office, there would be no such tre mendous consequences as some Hon. Gentiemen have seemed to imagine. If there be a disposition to practise fraud and perjury for the sake of saving 31. or 4/., there may be some difficulty, but I have too high an opinion of the people of this country to suppose that a tax of•? 1. 18e. 4d. in the 100/. would supply this temptation to perjury. But as I have already said, whatever may be tne inconve. niences of direct taxation, depend upon it you cannot resort to in. direct taxation, without, as it appears to me, affording, at least in an equal degree, a temptation to perjury and fraud.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, as I have before stated, I do not merely propose the income t.:x for the purpose •f meeting the deficiency is the public revenue— concurrently with meeting that deficiency I propose to make ex tensive alterations in the tariff. Sir, there has been a dis. position entirely to underrate and undervalue the changes which I propose to make, a disposition in which I must say that the Honourable Member far Bolton I)r. Bowring) does not participate; for lie, who probably knows as much as any man on the subject, says he cannot deny that the alterations which I propose in the tariff; are very extensive and most important.— (Hear, hear.) He says I omit two most important articles, namely, corn and sugar, and he blames me for that omission ; but with respect generally to the changes which I propose in the tariff, the Hon. Member thinks they will tend to encourage industry, enter prise, and commerce, and therefore bears his valuable testimony in their favour.—(Hear, hear.) Now, what were those changes In the first place, I will notice the removal of the prohibitory duties. On this subject an Hon. Gentleman makes a singular charge against me. •He says, though I remove the prohibition upon the importa tion of foreign cattle, I do nothing, for that the cattle are not yet born.—(Laughter.) I remove the prohibition upon the imports. ban of foreign cattle, and I permit salt and fre-Jh beef to come in at a small duty; but it is said, that the first of these changes will confer no benefit at present, because the calves are not yet born. lam afraid that I cannot provide for that difficulty.—(Laughter.) Same apprehensions have been en tertained as to the effect of the removal of the prohibition upon the importation of fresh meat. I think there is no ground for appre. hension. The effect will, undoubtedly be, to cheapen provisions ; but I think those in England and Scotland who entertain appre hensions on this subject greatly overrate the danger to themselves of permitting the importation of fresh meat Into this country.— (Hear, hear,) With respect to timber, the proposed duties will be almost nominal. Foreign ornamental wood I have reduced to the lowest price. At present we labour under a great disadvantage in competing with foreigners in the manufacture of furniture; of the effect of the alteration—the removing that disadvantage— , will not that be a benefit ?—( Hear, hear.) I have reduced the duty on every kind of foreign wood except rosewood, and I have no doubt when we have:concluded a treaty with Brazil, that will be added to the rest. But lam told that we ought to proceed upon the principle of remitting the duty on every article of foreign pro duction, entirely regardless of what foreign countries may do in return. Now abstractedly lam not prepared to deny that that would be good policy.—(Bear, hear.) lam not prepared to deny that to buy at the best market, without reference to others, would, in the abstract, be good policy. But at the same time it cannot be denied, on the other hand, that it would be a great advantage to us if we could induce foreign countries to make a correspond. ing reduction.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I have no doubt that it would be a great advantage to France to remit the duty upon brandy. I belive also that it would be a great advantage to both countries if France were to admit the manufactures of Sheffield. I do not see why we should at once resign every advantage, by Mi. mediately remitting our duties. I trust that Portugal, Brazil, Spain, and other countries, will see the advantage t• be derived from a reciprocal reduction of duties. That that reduction ought to be made c❑ the part of foreign countries, as well as on our own, cannot bedenied ; and:it is upon that ground that I object to a precipitate reduction of duty here without claiming, as an equi valent, a corresponding reductio❑ in foreign countries.—(Hear.) You undertake to say that the reductions I snake in the tariff are not Calculated to diminish the cost of living, or to increase our manufactures. Now, look to the reductions which I propose in the duties on oils—look to the reductions which I propose in the duties on dye stuffs, on rosins—all articles used to a considerable extent in manufactures.—(Cheers.) Look, again, at the articles of skins and furs.—(Cheers.) I have greatly lessened the amount of duty levied on many articles, the manufacture of foreign countries, Now, what wi❑ be the effect of that ? The present duty sounds like a prohibition, but it is not so in fact. The smuggler takes care to el.sure you a supply of the article, in spite of your prohibitory duties.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) What, then, is the use of retaining a duty of 40 per cent. when the smuggler will ensure you a supply at a cost of 10 per cent. on the value as a repayment for the risk he runs. The article is not the less -brought into consumption, but the profit goes into the pocket of the smuggler. Now, by the reductions which I propose, I shall enable the merchant to know precisely what he has to contend with, and relieve him from that uncertainty in making his calculations under which he must neces. sarily labour in consequence of bring dependent upon the smug gler,—(Cheers.) There is the article of gloves, for instance. It is impossible to prevent the importation of them. The smuggler will take care that there shall be a sufficent supply. Now I have remitted a large portion of the duty on foreign manufactured leather, and that, in my opinion, will be of great advantage to the consumer.—;Cheers.) But it has been said that, on the whole, the reductions which I have proposed in the tariff will tend to in- crease the consumption—will tend to cheapen the necessaries of life. When the lion. Gentleman denied that there would be any adran- tage in the proposed alterations in the tariff, in cheapening the cost of living, an Hon, Friend near me whispered to me, that he was a Member of a Board of Guardians—that he had just returned from attelidirig the third, and that they had entered into a contract for furnishing the iiniod if itil i foVietdlt3 neat year, which contract was '2O per cent. lower than it had bait last tiai.--(Minhiterial cheers.) Now from that it appears that you will obtain a fedticdcrt in the poor-rates—not in consequence of any encroachment on the comforts of the poor—not in consequence of any diminution in the amount paid for tho solace of the t:enrving poor—but in conse quence of the great reduction in the articles of consumption, by which the Cost of lining in so much lessened, that you are enabled to maintain your house at much less cost than formerly.—(Cheers.) I now come to consider the reductions proposed in artie:es of col°. nial produce. The Hon. Gentleman s a ys that in passing this mea. cure I refuse altogether to listen to any argument, but that I rely solely upon a majority to support me in carrying whatever measures I may propose. Now If I felt sure of possessing that majority I can assure the Hon. Gentleman that that would only make me the more desirous of listening to any arguments which might be offered against my plan.—(Cheers.) And if any suggestion should he offered Which I emsider an improvement ml the tariff, so far from feeling the slightest shame at acknowledging that it was an linprovement, I would be the very first to acknowledge my error, and to adopt the suggestion,—(Loud cheers.) With regard to the 7reat printiple of the tariff, however, when I consider the greet re duction 1 have proposed, I indulge the confident hope, if the tariff Silduld lie adopted; that it will lead to the great improvement dour tfarbi Alia id 6)6 intirtiOd pialtritY of our country: With regard to the details, as I said befogs', It miy Etigg6tioti shell be offered which I may consider as improvements upon the original preposi= tion, I shall not hestate a moment in adopting thein,—(llear, hear.) With regard to the colonies— itditt differentia! ditties. Sir It. PEEL;—i am certainly not pHpated to say that there shOtild be , nd dirf,rential duties in favotir of oar Colonial produr tiririi Ihe ijitestioH i= S'ety extensive one: In the fitst 1660 you triust doin;ider thd thsadfantiigeA Othiei eeionfes lahour.—(Hear, hear.) You compel them to feddife theft iiidbit- Gwured article , from the mother-country.--([Lear, hear.) h it unfair, therefore, to give the articles Or colonial production a pfefereilde 1* tbe rout market.—(Lqutl cheering.) I am dtsiiosed to thin It tliat the ttu OifilCire ; If it could be adopted; taoiiid iSe to tion?lder this Coidrilett frr fretiv..ty the saute light sas it they 4ete oltif oibrr ehipire: At the same time I am bound to acimii t of iie're aid adepticitis as, for instance, where the article is not exclusively oiie St ioid. prOdfice, bdt when. it iS I ,ikevAlA the produce of this country as At thltt.eai Ole 611iiinier to Wive the stlvitntige; but where there is a tompetithiii tieivW6ti the ties, but only the remaining 6,000/. should be taxed, but he proved to you that the tax, according to the proposed measure, would fall upon the whole 21,700/., and not upon the 15,000/. Other Honourable Gentlemen had shown the obvious difference between incomes, between 5001. or 600/. a year, derived from property, and the same sum made by persons in professions, or others whose incomes might not, in all probability. last more than five or six years, during which this income tax would continue; these were the inequalities which were pointed out not only by Honourable Gentlemen upon this side of the House, but also by several Honourable Gentlemen upon the Ministerial side.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) What was the answer of the Right Hon. Gentleman ? His answer was, that though these inequalities might exist, it would be im possible to remove them, and if it was attempted to remove them, it would be better for him to abandon the measure altogether. sir, I think the Right Hon. Gentleman's reasons upon that point arc sound reasons. I certainly would not force any modification upon the Right Hon. Gentleman—and though I did not expect that the direct opposition to this tax would be carried, yet if any modification of it was carried, I should be to some extent respon sible for it. 1 feel I should be taking the measure out of the hands of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and that I would be answerable fur whatever modifications were made. If there was only one objcc ti.m to this measure, and that was on the ground of inequality, I colony and a foreign country, in that case I think that in just r ic the Colony a differential duty ought to be imposed. But this prin- Ciße of a die ereritial diity ,ti). favour of our own colonial produc 0H;1.4 0 lid hiett has always been acted on. It Is a fdti have adopted.—(Loud cheers.) Chi *hat pflhtlple did you pose a different and a Iptiei fAc -of c itify do rough tied kil‘; )reduce Of tfii i trotlit Of 4eriCA tdail (hi dui cd g4otilid did you impose dl sugar and on East India rum.—(Cheers.) - I merely men t ion this for the purpose of showing that I am introducing no new prin. ciple in establishing differential duties . iii`fhvour of our colonial productions. There are diltereniial ditties ilfeicly existing on up. yfutti dt tit 110111. Witii regard to the details of the tariff, as i stated beide ; 'Ant pertectlY opeti to cohoiCtion , Add if f shoilid consider that the atguenenta.siioiild pi00(16 . 36 Id fayoilt Of it modification; I shall 4lititevel- liegAtilie nitre is not any other part of the plan to which I need now advert; lion. Gentlemen opposite would themselves I think admit that I and ttln!? with whont I act ha ,, ! 141 , 191. km a task of extreme chilleulty.—(Cheers.) They will admit that at the period of our accession to office we found many difficulties to contend with..— (eheets:) We Mind a sbdt in Affshanistan,-_(Hear, hear.) We fialind the Chinese hostilities ithsettled—(Cheers) —and we found, I regret to say, gititting between this country and France a spirit of jealousy *lll not call It hostility—but a spirit kif jeildilty, In consequence of the events of list year, the existence of which we cannot but deeply deptecate,—(Loud cheers,) I consider It of the utmost import. Ante that those rt•elities of godd.Will Which of late years we were told had existed between France and this country should be renewed, that the ancient relations between this country and France should 'remain undistUrtted, th#t the commercial Intercourse be. tWcen the two countries should - be extended.—(Hear. hear.) I. All these I consider to be, of the utmost importance ; at the same time I must say that' l l wild not consent to make any concessions unsuited to the honour and welfare of the country, be. cause I consider that by preserving the honour of this country I take the best means for preserving peace,—(Cheers.) But as the cause of dieuaian no longer exists, as the Five Powers are now acting a m icably together as regards the Eastern question, I trust th a t 'the goo d feeling which did exist between this country and Trance will soon be renewed.—(Loud cheers.) We tows& our relations with the United States in an unsettled state, the vittestion of the Canada bohndary having remained in tr r A sate for : rOseries-of.lsaxs.. _ Above all, we kuncl . ..tir finances of the country in al 'post unsatisfactory state-4110er, fieat)...::-and I ' tee it our duty to apply oureelvo to th e proposal of thos e ... they might have been again imposes] with far less injury to the: squiffy than the resorting to the Income tax. There are the taxes • made-servants, on four-wheeled and two-wheeled carriages, and on carriage and riding horses, which had been reduced to the amount of 700,000/. At various times there have been other taxes re duced, the assessed taxes, for instance, and I will say at once that it would be far preferable to resort to those as sessed taxes, than now 'to inflict an income tax, on the country.—(llear, hear.) The :Right lion. Baronet had foutol fault with the calculations of his Right Hon. Friend the Measlier for Portsmouth, because he did not take into account in the last year's estimate the increase of she sugar duiy. But that year, compared with the year before, showed a remarkable deft. ciencyf to the extent of 230,000 tons. The calculation ought t o be made made upon a year of ordinary, and not of decruersing con. sinption: 1 consider my Right lion. Friend was quite right in statinli, that with a moderato duty on corn, and a diminution tit the prohibitory duties on sugar, and a reajustment or the tax on timber, he would have received a very great portion , this required revenue. His Right Hots. Friend estimated that in crease at 1,700,0001., but you in,iy take it at less, and even if you do take it at less it will very much diminish the amount of the deficit. The deficit being two millions and a half, it would be di minished by half of its amount, arid you would not have more than 1,450,000/. deficiency to provide for. With respect to some of the articles in the proposed tariff, I think you might have postponed the great loss yon are prepared to suffer, rather than resort to the measure you have resolved on. The Hon. Member sor Bath, has been pleased to say that in opposing this tax we «re fightirg for popularity.—(Loud cheering.) Now with re gard to any subject where there may be popular opinitu on one side or the other, I do not think it is fair to say that those who take it are only fighting for popularity. I believe with regard to the working classes, Ih:ere was a very unfounded impression that this swat a tax solely en persons of funded, and landed, and ether property, and not on the mass of the community. Itut I think it will be found out, some time hence, that if you diminish the means of employment—if you diminish the means by which the working daises obtain sufficient wages, you do, by so diminishing those means, as much affect them as if you laid a tax on:them.— (Cheers). Nut Ido not think, with respect to this measure, that we can justly be charged with fighting for popularity. Was if for the sake of popularity, that we for so many years contended for the claims of the Roman Catholics ?—(Cheers.) Nothing could be more unpopular in this country than those claims ; it was said that we were for bringing the Roman Caiholic religion into this country. Again, with regard to the Poor-laws, was it fer the sake of popularity that we introduced them P— (Cheers.) if then we have introdured, and are prepared to introduce again, measures that were unpopular at the time, where our principles bound us to the assertion of those measures, I shall not shrink from opposing other measures, when it may bear a more popular air, because I am told that popularity is my object.-- (Cheerf.) In the course of my public duty, I must he the advo cate of measures to which much popular odinm attaches at the time, and at other times, if other measures which have popular favour attached to them. In the course of the Reform Bill, much popularity attached to that measure, but I was not more in favour of the Reform Rill than I was in favour of other measures to which no such popular:ty was attached.—(Cheers.) I shall, therefore, ftifil my duty in this House by giving my opposition to tills tax. The Right Hon. Gentleman has said that that opposition is not likely to succeed ; but I also be lieve that the people are not yet fully aware of the nature of the tax.—(Cheers.) They are not aware of the evils that it inflicts ; of the inquisition with which it is necessarily accompanied ; anti the inequality of operation on the various kinds of income, which is inseparable from its nature. I think if we assented silently to this income tax, after its evils came to act on the country, our constituents—those who will then feel the tax— will justly have to reproach us that we had not raised our voices in Parliament against it.—(Hear, hear.) They may say, we might have been mistaken as to the operation of such a tax, but you who are to consider such things, who are sent into Parliament to represent out interests, you at least ought to have raised your voices, and given your votes against the enactment of such a tax—(llear, hear)--and then we should have felt that we had not been Been deserted. Sir, it is in order that no such re. proach may be made on me, in order that the gentlemen who act with me may not have to suffer from such a reprorch that I am determined to oppose the enactment of such a tax.—(Cheers.) Should there come a time of great danger, which may require the enactment of such an unjust, unequal, and injurious tax, then those evils may be borne, rather than suffer any injury to the credit and honour of the country. But if you call on the country to make those efforts when they are not necessary—if you do not husband your energies until they are really required, far from rendering those efforts more easy when they may be absolutely necessary, you will but indispose the public to believe your assertions and you will give them reason to say, why there was another time when you asked us to make those efforts, but on examination we found there was no adequate public necessity for the call. I say, therefore, do not abandon this resoure , it is one of the resources of the public exigencies, but in order to preserve your power over it—in order that you may be enabled hereafter to appeal to the country and to meet with universal acquiescence, do not now, when there is no abso. lute necessity, call for efforts which the people will find to be op. pressive, and which they will hereafter reproach you for having imposed on them.—(Cheeers.) Mr. 13. WOOD (amidst considerable intemmtion and cries of " Adjourn," " Divide") proceeded to oppose the tax in detail. Ae one instance of the hardship and injustice of the income tax when it was levied before, he stated that he knew a man who gained 25,000/. in one year out of mines in Cornwall, but lost more than than 2.5,000/. in the same year as a shipowner, yet instead of the loss being set against the gain he was obliged to pay ten per cent. on the 25,000/. He (Mr. W.) paid 2,500/. for him.—(Hear.) Mr.COBDEN (amidst renewed cries of" Divide,"" Adjourn,'') said the explanations the Right Hon. Baronet had given them of his measure, which was both an income tax and a property tax, deserved most mature consideration—(Hear, heat)—and as they were now on the eve of adjournment, and about. to have an opportunity of consulting their constituents, and taking their opinions on the plan—(Hear, hear)—and recollecting that the pre sent question involved a revision of the tariff and the Corn-law, he trusted the Right Hot,. Baronet would consent to adjourn the de bate until after Easter.—(}lour, hear, and cheers.) The Right Honourable Baronet had expressed a full c mviction that the country was with turn upon the present occasion; but if it should be ascertained by those opposed to him that such was really the feeling of their constituents, they would be saved much future discussion. For these reasons he begged leave to move that. the Chairman should report progress, and ask leave to sit again. The amendment having been put, Mr. VERNON SMITH said, that although lie had cited for the s t e , i , i. ~,,, he e 0 ....,... could not then support a similar might ha ready to joist with those who thought it ought to be adjourionent the other evening; modified; but es the measure stands, I feel that the Right llon. Inuisassilieontiatttelrethieticgliisitculssioions.sssutat'ltmoitai,tt;ol.lad It was placea t n h d a th v e er s y pee fe t you cannot attempt to remedy one inequality Gentleman is correct in Isis argument. I think he is right that with. Members on the Ministerial beaches ter ha u d po a u dd tt re h s i s e t h el t t h h e e y i l l , o ad us a C r u t i g o h i t i out meeting others which were just as clear and as glaring th e wa question ; but that as that.—(Hear, hear.) Then, Sir, I shall not vote for any modi. to consult their own wishes, a n d th e y m i g ht if t h ey p l ease d l eave tication of this measure, as the Hon. Member for Bath has said, the defence of the measure to th e Right Hon. Baronet. " You must, when imposing this tax, see all the circumstances of Ile found that three independent M em b ers on the benches Oppo s votingconsequence resolution, of had de their - a man's life." If you do that which could be done between life e s i l t ;r ' est "th t ' ls their intention lial'lrnv e' o l f of the detailsfor it, of in the assurance companies and individuals—between the Government and individuals—you will be doing that which will be leaving the attachment to the Right Hon. Gentleman. However, in the posi fate of the Government of the country entirely in the hands of tion in whirls they were then placed, he did not think they should the executive. Besides, you will be sanctioning a system of further adjourn the discussion of the question , and he begged to partiality, and a most objectionable inquisition. I then concur remind floss Gentlemen, that they would hereafter have an o sor in that part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's observations, in which tunity of submitting any amendments they PI he stated that you must take this proposition as it is—that the on the bringing might think desirable up of the Report. Committee and the House must be prepared to deal with this pro_ Mr. 'l'. DUNcOMIIE said, that he would support the motion position as it now stands, and therefore in taking it as it now made that evening for ass adjoerument, for the same reasons which stands it has every kind of inequality, and its inequality you can. bad induced him to support a similar motion the other evening._ not remedy.—(bear, hear.) Th e Ri g h t Hon. G ent l eman said (Hear, hear.) If the reasons given for an adjournment the other that you would only increase the ev il s if you attempted it. You evening were then good, they would be equally good in the pre must then take it as it is. You are to consider whether a measure sent case. They had asked fur an adjournment on Monday night., like this is to be resorted to only in times of danger. in order that the country might have an opportunity of expressing its —(Hean) The question is whether there is that public necessity opinion of the measure, and that opportunity had not yet been given. which would make you agree to the imposition of such a tax ? The Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down bad expressed a (litre. (Hear, hear.) The Right lion. Gentleman has said, in referring to rent opinion ; soul how had he supported that opinion ? It appeared authorities, that such a tax had been resorted to already its times of that the Right Hon. Gentleman, the First Lord of the Treasury, peace; but there are authorities likewise to s h ow w h a t the had spoken the other evening as lie had spoken that evening. statements made with respect to the Government were, Another reason assigned by the Hon. Gentleman for coming to a whose acts the Right Honourable Gentleman was now fol- decision immediately was that three Independent Members, as he lowing. In ISOti, whets Lord Grenville was a member of the called them, on the Ministerial benches, had expressed themselves Government, and Lord Lansdowne was Chancellor of the unfavourable to the measure, while they were going to vote in Exchequer, a discuesiosi took place wills respect to the intention of favour of its adoption. Now it appeared to him that they ought those Ministers to continue the income tax in times of peace, and to give those Hon. Gentlemen further time to deliberate, in order Lord Lansdowne at that time clearly said, that all these taxes , that they might have an opportunity of seeing whether they ought should terminate in times of peace. He concluded by saying i not to vote in accordance with their speeches. It had been said that he bad proposed the continuing of that tax in 1507 as a war i that they would not be placed in a worse position by adopting tax, withotft the slightest idea of continuing it during the time of 1 the resolution that night, but he was of an entirely different opinion, peace, and there was nothing in the then state of the country, or in because the House would thereby becommitted to a great principle. the state of Europe, which required it. It was only required What was the Lenguage used by the Hon. Gentleman, the Member during war and with it it ought to terminate.—(Cries of 1 1 for Dover, the ex. Governor of the Bank of England ? Why he " Hear, hear.") Lord Grenville spoke afterwards, 1 aiii• he "sr if i had told the Right Hon. Baronet not to flinch, but to finish the possible, more emphatic, for he appealed t o th e ir Lordshi p s and the l business that evening, and he would stake Isis existence that the Government, saying that when they asked for that odious and in- I commercial interests of the country would be perfectly.satisfied; quisltorial measure, he thought it was only to be continued during I now all parties were not agreed on that point. What did the the time of war.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman Noble Lord, the Member for the city of London, say? Why he finds fault with us because we call it an inquisitorial measure, and had said, in opposition to the ex-Governor of the Bank of England, he says that if it be so he will not presss it, butt I have shown that that the people of this country slid not really understand the pro. these are the torsos with which Lord Grenville, who was :1 party to posed measure. They had heard that the old property tax bill it at first designated Re—(lcer, hens.) Sir, a tax may was to be reprinted, in order that the country might be made be odious and inquisitorial, it may be unjust, but still acquainted wills the machinery by which the tax was to be worked. it may be preferable to bringing the country under the • That reprinting, however, would take some time, and he had no power of a foreign Goveinment —it may be preferable to the loss hesitation iii saying, that when the country and the corn. of independence, and to evils threatening our country—then it may inercial intercot s were made acquainted with the nature be perfectly justifiable ; and I think it was in the time when Mr. of the tax, they would come to ass opinion directly l'itt originally carried it, and when the Goverinnent of IrlOti opposed to that stated by the Hon. Member for Dover, and that thought fit to continue and increase it. But I by no means sup- they would not be satisfied with the proposal of the Bight Hon. pose such a moisture to be necessary now for the peace of the Baronet. Looking at the question in every point of view—looking country.—(Hear, hear.) It is almost impossible to compare the times at the hypocritical pretence set up, that the measure would be for of a mutiny at the Nore, a rebellion its Ireland, and the Republic of the benefit of the working classes, be would tell them that the Vranee„ proceeding in the words of a great historian, " its principles country, and especially the working classes, would not be misled as sometime: making way for its arms, its arms making way for its to the real character of the proposal of the Right Iron. Baronet. principles ; and ecnnetimes like a chain shot, carrying both together." Bust if the working classes were labouring under any delusion on When Napoleon was carrying devastation abroad, and this country the subject, he thought that time should he given them to make found itself obliged to go to war for the maintenance of its pourer, themselves acquainted with the real character of Ise measure. In that was the period when this tax was to be imposed. When, what way could it be said that an income tax would benefit the i d , 1%; , ,,,p.k.0i. became successful, and gained several battles , working Masse. ? He believed that it could have no other effect asSd ttrott.lit due Prussian monarchy to his feet, and had be. than that of bringing down to their level the class immediately ~,i ii e e e ieettee t in his treaties, then this country above thern.—(" 01i, oh.") lie said that would be the result of was called m , i ter an increased tax. Is there anything in the the measure; and the country could judge between him and Hon. public ne cessit jog nereY to be compared with those?—(Cheers.) Gentlemen opposite upon that point. The Right Hon. Baronet Would it not be ridiculous it I were to compare what happened to had said that evening, that he slid nut lament or deprecate the (slur troops in Afghanistan, and the tenth and expense of the war course which had been taken by the party opposed to hies; but u hi ('Dina e If I were to compare them 1 say, with what the Right Hon. Baronet dill not lament or deprecate that course, I Is el'f ,ittet mentioned, would it not be most bill. and if the country approved of it, lie (Mr. Duncombe) hoped that tillOtts.—(HOlf, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman has his Hon. Friend would proceed with his amendment.—(Heat.; ewokets of the tear in Affghanistan. But no question was ever Lord 110 \VICK could not but regret the course adopted by r a i s ed lo his House as to the policy of that war. 'the Right Hon. many Hon. Members on his side of the Ilseve—(Cheers)—and the Member hot Porehester did give a notice of that kind, but he snore so because he thought it would not be likely to procure that ifterWardS withdrew it..--(llear, hear.) I therefore say there was consideration of the measure which they seemed so anxious it M; e,',Ytte, 'disapprobation of the step expressed.—(Cries of sholild receive. Ile thought that the measure was only in a prehi. " Hear, he':Vt:") But even if the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite I urinary stage. There was a Bill to he yet brought in, and if the hail f orma lly disategqeetel of that war, I concur in the determination night Hon. Baronet bad been permitted to proceed wills his pro. which the ;;fight Hun. GC/Mermen this expressed that you must main. position the other evening, lie thought it would have been the wises I the greatest confidence that besore many *nisi chat war. Dn . have course. He considered it would be very advantageous to destletsetiee oeil reach t hi s ~,, u ntry, the unfortunate disasters which have the measure !setter understood, but he could not admit the her Majesty's anns.—(clear.) ) / validity of the plea of waist of time, and if that were not a good have °tett:led Met he repaired i.: whatevs : difficulty you may have With respect to Chins likewise, ground, he thought the course pursued would not conciliate public jii defeating them, yon may say at least, that. there , , are ntiiheetmorstts sesiniors or support out of doors.—(Cheers.) Ile knew it may be they cal; thlke Onich will A all affect you, or en o„,„"ge r : possible for a small number to carry such a point in the House, and distant possession e . ,fier 10 lesty.—(liear.) With reves..- to t these ..,,_ in peculiar and rare circumstances it was wise to exercise . the , : occurrences, I observe that there PS a great difference in the ws.. . I , ts power, but lue must . say . , that there was not in his opi n n o io n of the Government according to the object immediately in view ; . 1 ... sly necessity . for its exercise on that occasion. —(Cheers.) . . turfs, ',ben the purpose is to make a ease egehist an Gen, Semen were aware of what took place with respect to the perms , tax " , w that care preeaitg, and that there adorn of „*:bate on the presentation of petitions, and he was very alewife - g ore to ldp . is nob occasion for it; but w h en tire purpose Is to make muc h a f ra id , J uicy persevered in the present course, they would be en ont a case for an income tax, then this peace becomes hostility. simmering a very valuable privilege—valuable when it was neces. 'Y'ls'aq.'tresbOve very pardonable hostilities. Bet we c annot take it sary to pre7esit Insane mystification. If the Right Hon. Baronet both ' tCafi—r,lieeir hen.) If there have been hostilities its Ca. divided the lionse, he (Lord Howick) would vote for him on that 3 I da, China, and Atrglidtilsta , tr, do fret then make it a matter of occas i on .—(Hear, hear.) blame to us that the usual cosisegneencee of hostilities should Mr. WAKLEY said that when he considered the enormous haP en or that, during that time, Teur expenditure should magn it u d e o f the measure, and that it was one which would work exceed your revenue.—(llear, hear, hhur.) But if you take for good or for evil, he hoped the motion for an adjournment it on the other hand, and using common parlance, say, m i g ht h e consented to. lie hoped the Right lion. Baronet would as in her Majesty's late Speech, that we are at peace i hi mse lf see the advantage of such a course and accede.—(Cries of with the great Powers of Europe, and the United States of '.. N o oio,") Could the Right Holt. Gentleman be aware of the America, when we do not mention France, Austria, Prussia, opinions of the people with respect to his measure. 'He had read or the United States, and say nothing which portends war —do not a paragraph, whichhe would read to the House.--(Cries 0f,." Oh.") tell me that ass income tax is required because of dangerous hostili. i The paragraph was taken from the Northern Star, anfd the working. o written k ties.—(Hear, hear.) One of these two courses must be taken, and , by' Mr. F. O'Connor, who was a leader of millionisetothte Right Hon. 1 hope we shall decide by a vote to-night that we are at peace, and ' 1 classes—("Oh, oh," and laughter.) It was right to o his measure. ' The that being at peace, there is no necessity for the income tax.— i Baronet know what was passing on the subject of stated that live (Hear, hear.) But as I cannot think that these hostilities are suf. , paragraph was dated the 19th of March, and it I consider the 1 stock, oxen, and calves, which in Parliamentary language, meant ficient grounds for the imposition of an income tax, of two ' ' b ' introduced, the effect would be case Is really this, that there is a deficiency in the revenue , young beasts—(Laughter)—being eing millions and a half. It comes simply to that. I will allow that that provisions would come from Belgium and France at half the country, and it durin this year, and say for three or four years to come, your esta- i price fur which they could be procured in this sure calculated to blishin g ents will cause an expense above what the ordinary revenue stated that if he (the writer) were to frame a me n a uro, commercial, be expected to be of three millions and a half. Granting dissolve every interest in the nation—agricultura l, would not make a l 'n h a a g t to be the state of our finances, is that a sufficient ground for manufacturing, trading, moral, and pls e ica n l, ight Hon. Baronet-- the imposition of the income tax ? (Hear, hear.) I think my single alteration in the Budget of t debt, ruin the land. late Chancellor of the Exchequer, showed (Laughter)—which would sponge the national Right Hon. Friend, the the language held out of is not,—(Hear, hear.) I do not wish to go over lords, and pay off the ure liters. Such was clearly that it h mated a measure with regard to k nor state the points which I think have not i doors, and he (Mr. Wakley) clepreesed being pressed on wills Met the ground m e took, nor showed that twenty-five millions of taxes , which such opinions were entertained been t . an .er , even without going to articles of general haste. have been reduced, an d. interr upted by loud cries of '`. Oh s 0h, ,, • ,-. sa lt andleather,.yel, 1. arid that hundreds of Mr. CURTEIS (5ch?F , ! 5 ,...2 .... consumisucui,sur— as • thousandg of pounds have been eurrondered on article; .on whioli . . ;1'.. - .li body tuctsti 7t-fil'iT,, .