The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-15 00:00:00

.. 1 ' hieve decisive ;111,1110'7,0 beenavoided by forethought, and a ge s (ti, been done to enable . . them to ac that every truism 1e,,,,8,'• arn afraid, my lords, it is a to achieve success. that every- WO e not been done to enable them 44a at hash een the answer to these Has any I Minister ventured op o Wer been attempted to the criticisms of to tith e vear system ? Has any 819 g e a was not an exPL(I - Y that the expedition to the Crime allegation s? myoble friend (hear)-undertaken without an undertaken in ignorance, without prep , ration,. an it: neat rodp of th year--(hear)-un . kno,e e your enemy, and the owledee h difficulties yon were going to encounter, atee„,,ge of the resources of Ea " °f pre aration you should make? rl on Ai) h e t they did not roes the t ablebut s in so low a tone ne a t hat --""°•L`l Vl Eere addressed a reach the gaue f w observations to the c The Earl of D ERBY proceeded-The expeditionor foresight. I r h i e ta t e a was not the result of ability, wistowm,daye ei„eac kee,4llo duke (Newcastle) opposite a t lila, L ged that at the time of the • d upon taking the t w ykl no idea of a siege ; they relied idea of having to Crimean Aail s 'i l l i '3 7 , as it were by surprise, but theexpedition clothing before b for . t ' waiter without huts and war Go isl'er croiBed hisanmndor the mind of her Majesty'slan.officer I a' °P°l W 44 idea that the noble duke admitted t; t11 bset. The same thing was said by anemi t RQgiteers, we also thought the place mightda firing, came to tl le m anne r h 0 but who, from the first be one y of great dif be taken in scull s conviction that the work wouldlt of time. well, pthe„,,Y;faad also that it would be yt of .ic'sili_ ,s.wevaenrt of ftoresighotota f m other eircu T e s t t a w n h c i e e t the e tr,?;:htiave araene exposednnd r n o c a l m we i r scalculation on the to hardshisat Theyhad thZ te s ight have been protected. (Hea . r, ood hear.) upon the Go ver4raeofferings increased byignornee, responsibility.To what was it 9uleg °t meat rest the ia ck634,t110414e troops were worn out by suffering of work was so Feat th „ n • hY, because the amount the trenches; be -41130 4 ' t tien could not be spared from . suffering and over clr aeh i Ilccording to Sir John Aurgoyne, sion of them, 4 4,1 C h '4e etlettlY w ould advance to the posses there. (tie - ' 4 ', the work _uld be doubled in retaking" You if they were with -4° hear work But the noble earl saye, or other taatto"tice of the teleeraph, or the 1 Y . rajw t a he Crimean take /ellt' trecte',l,hy tlfE aid of sai etic e in Burgoyne was would have t 4 o(I I , 1 ° , 1 4 ',, IL -Jeer, hear.) . Sir John His answer was, I ," e ° eftia“;? examination if the railway wo" Yes . it 'not th'old th en i ,ut u _tober last. takes credit oegh t nf 4141,0 been of infinite advantage, but was for ( hke ef - : Bet when the noble earl the constructio . n Zot to scientific and modern invention surely ought of a .olase • rail railway amongst them, for a a t t Pree nwfaY ',rases well understood in October . ril I am ,' 4 los e -}'' a tid. Why it was not thought of till A have been :"lia a 1,-: llthierstand Ido not find last as it is isoleNections raised to the substantive . pe tion amongst but trya. The facts of thesuffering and privation wereowing %1 1)3 ha l'e not been denied, and that they there, ions of the ctOrd p4Zetilettt. (fleet%) nsureshould °8 attet:katire) expressed hiss urprise that ce the right men ut tha noble lord opposite ' 4 4 the fitpinl to be cast for not employing . employed in t?i '' ' ll ,,, wit117,e.3. I expected the noble lord wool have come follt Ala ,Zglit of personal case,-allchatoemee:_ f their fitness 4 4 , 4 e pttbife, a e n r ( v i . only employe h dig a b o e t show your lon a lship i ; but eBclhlge ats, main Wasßenntgaeed • and I can ?unlyanys ling; k j a a Q'ere were, they did their business i been utter A I , har4t 'aanner In the transport department, the com lettt4gectae,l4ll ruedical departments, .t.h.,e_re_rhsaed. everything 4toole'lel4f""-°a ; aii'd' what wassullijouns of to 1 tzl , a s ez , eci with the rules and regu a i _ no t now till'Olt , ''ut that no man could undertake to do thatwhich t:e'l be for the public service. and • e s -a one depart r:/' he -goet44°sBB the performance of Mr. SI amild-s°. '4 t o mi. throutsh his duty ; but there site, or of h? a Wo rd ' e h I will refer. In doing so I d l o not mean to Ofiti Paq a of the noble duke (Newcastle). 013130.r0m t.' Csices. On the contrary, I believe, t the late Govern therearwd, that of the members of more energeti e:4 and with'us none who devoted himself. all I '_ . _ _., " Hear- ) t h .4t the tha n dld the noble duke.( C r i e s °` Govern s ''°ltee sliqt u nremitting appli c ati on to the duties h conduct Ifotattee ro,eatne time I must be permitted to regret the Yirare.:l:7 the noble duke in accepting Oopewreo w.-`-'4 ePartmnt. Ido not concui•wth the late ha, 4 hie nt a° instrumental in overthrowing little to support the IN lit 0,,„ ~and who has done so d bla in the the noble e, e titik 1a langh)-that it was co *I eto acc required a practical, 1 bb Nig e or . Pt an Pffice which And in spite °` h 6ze hailitary affairs (Hear.) An oat believe ' 'hael 41 and . duke, I do u it,), sit energy of the noblecommendable 3 e , th e ...1 ie u. t and to keep iejti effeZerdinate ollicers of his departmen , Military knowledge to enable t him to co But duty. ttoies Jok e iv e in the discharge of their public military eon.- ti e ,' 1 ask ' ac as a civilian, was to undertake t h e du le.,,ettetl Whether it was not necessary ta z ected with lt"draie'''' Iturnediately under him; and eenn ersons con e, kha Ylration of h should be 'filled by 13-...0w let us a, With military war,. s on d,'re t 6 affairs? (Hear, hear.) 'I am not now oCheit,,,,".Aosition of the Ordnance-office. constitution of the tr e ;:' att; 74hether or not the original on which the the is to :tanity But it is the office, an d upon 1 Q5 1 1 1 ,, Y ,, ,f,°l' supplies of war munitions, question of ko' 4l. b ' 4 ' lll ' of h . h . e it , ~, . vv lc depends the whole w e ll, the le tCr•ooteg satisfactorily conducted or net • way lan) was a a tittle stiles r at of the Ordnance (Lord Rag to appoint the (1„,,te„., and it was found necessa7.orm part et . . - belies' it',_•ueheral of the Ordnance to l Pe I is vacant, a_n o u rm , .1... I ie t tt, r4t,ofhce of Surveyor-Genera no person pc .. )r n f auce, A be .e dtit the Present time there is Or ko f the a House (2, 1 a t ile 1:. Then there is the Cler i n the ex. Rii,Nho 'Presentative of the departmentt, who By ai l '''i aii 4 , the ineutbpiece o f the ilitary stores. y 1151,11411)a, hatters is ' with m times ? By___Mr. 'l4l 7rie!l 6 oe been filled in formery (Lord Ha, 4 4 ) !' ; 4 il b e w in cornniand of t e h l e c a ox, and other m o i- TZ , t1: 11 4a, tf;" . p - erte ra l Peel, e w G as en C r olonel war I m th y e ItZ?fCl,,L.tleet of w m h ercement of the p resentp . y any but aid ;,ry" man J. Ordnance t h eom was never held h great war, e 'he in, ,ket the commencement of thise - whom Prihtlilieti,742'ootild necessarily be doubly . active, you I N - " a veri7 thin responsible situation.? Why,al be- Wreji.llo hag eel' gentleman-an Irishm e his form Itl'Nlittol' t NviZtilY s een occasion to chang e h had been t°1141:4 „Pistltl' ni",-, 4 r as I know, when been told to t 1 j:, 10 ' the „°'°nlci;,"'rclikance, if he had . It to go ,1 ." ao d 3,-yer'ati i;a°,:, toiliaa it very difficu who cer baserlf '''ave k (3-Thee „tt rs. ' ) eel f 't the n o dee Ho lt laughter)-and.and h t military' m- e t (h et l e l • 4 mil be ili Min _ or m ar was no , et , , f_e ioniq ii-alv ' 44 c, Iv : 9 3 a l ist t er e i m w h ore necessAaroy er t , ttie r th e h rit t. e a „ iiit : it not . I to assistant and adviser ? s d the the lent of th e (--,44,e it) th r Y• " al f • thi s country, t t ''eLe r i - rqs at , e history e to represent ,4 tit of a 4, 4 the if,„ce office, the personhe commence he I ,lta es of 41. ' i 8 a • ' B P of Commons a . t . t hich, even gel ( ' b Peace i,,trilian filli nz a position w should IlYt' $' a 'l' ' - 444 l - held essential th el(' a 1 ltary a ways been not wish to say tcis ofeet gainet ,h,,,tilau• (Rear.) Ido , from the °f "Tod '' - gentleman who of oteoe er was removeu aee, ° ret c of depat retary in the Colonial . Departmentte_owe eoiceee,,t,4B; bet / Y °{. the War Minister in . h -ht i n the IN '" Of 1 rnUat say that I know nothin t g o \'4. kerable . - -1 r. P e i b f verY teil l i c . toe' abi1itb......„6 --a gentleman no . de a n ntecedents ta t 3, to, (I. hitsp e w s othing in . his_ a d to explain lit44sliete4airs gait quali or to act as the t hrijP' (tieterPesentativ°e" cif Commoi linister in tha ket l e llgee t a ') oelect th e : the Wax use we have I?een t Were not poi at out au se cases be n e. which the righ . 141,014e11t, ott ', Ant in the rigri:ns p l aces. ar'ces I will not go to de pa tote, thainet" °fParlialue t__ .t li confine myself tothof3 katteeted . t a4 d to the 11 will immediately. AWN of W ith th e G a case of gentlemen tha t in 11 1 ,`N f t th e lit al'erliteent -and I will show_ - enally de t4 rißht°tu the n?thit importance you have . signally en for tit t iliac, Principle of selecting the right m oint- Ni vsith e.; and that h t ade your aPp • d N,, t l e , a Vie w, B _, , You have no m my noble friend (V)ta‘ull Rh onia Zt.ely and alone, as ' ncies and the kt e ~gY d o °I . th e „1,7 e done . , to the exige 1 But it is said t,,,k,resech .3-04 b ri ff 4 0 ic service. . (Hear., ow. You l e I tie b oltic. o ._ 0g forward this question . n . = ou are tztlitlionar 1110'1 voice of a public meeting ~,y,lowing to ; 1 11, ef, 4l te o f r , c al a public meeting, and i°l to iaiel r. p I'lr Layard ;" and thenoble earl ..Derby, kei hibl:tlhoroo,nk` a " new c ombination of Lord not re eo, t " for et „"„e and Mr. Layard." Now, lam ht, or h e t:i;it i l°l l . e. ageing Mr. Layard may haveithooeu:unint. h,,_leo„_lll.io i:_:4,r, hear ' and a laugh.) 2 " Y cter. Up.on ij,`,4 tritio,„ tu,tlie slightest possible chara. ti on ltd Of ''elio,","- &lave never had an 3 communication . a. acquaint be eh, inn:feeh: he has constituted himself the represent ip, 1141 ell l,whiell very powerful in the country, that Otho best, leie main is a just feeling ; but I think t 441 1i toaki 1 into a.n intemperance of language,and tit abi l ig of hest • barges which he ~hii t o enk y a ndsweepin g c onsidering, 4it 41, h e leadi ustlitiate. I cannot help c hemence titi'itaq t,, ia'?g biroself, with the impulsive vehemence that which tiviet,t ri ht, 1,8 character, to the pursuit 0f....,_ im. yli‘,, i s of i he ha?' suffered himself to be ledili_brima. t he, l 'e i h ie ll * ta,,,nguag, ,e and into expressions and, in" h could It6t Il OW lt ia e e t i" "t bOrne out by facts, and whic 9 ac , , ip go"' fo r if; (Rear, hear.) With all my rme.Paeluf, t4stlit4le.l4ar• (Rear, abilities, Ido not hold concury i''ltti,.°lt teNZnehle friend,nor any of those twho wo, or A(nt v , e f th et ictis, responsible for any act, or ' htest con it CON eQ4 geetternan • nor is there the dig _ of 4,,!1e ti:Rot:l3risnoble .. fries nor and Mr. Layard, or any of tljntltY:le ea'a;)''' °Pinions Mr. Layard rWreeents. f her hrtNiqove; °Ppoeit i e and the other members o . nstrations 1 ' 4 (1 t4 k a f eel 11133 en, Were to ea that those dem° t r i -th . 1 1,,,, ist"g which we veitYness in every guar ant. ter, 1 sir. Deuseav have '4.41 It 1 e l'eaebdd the Ministers themselves, noble I Neitl°nce 0 0 the i f myself or of n ; y am not ry -', t c 6 hrt e worc 9 0 N I i IN co 4 bht forward these resolutions, _ ormed e. ,t 4, kk 4 c o ,, e'e !hat noble lards opposite have I that wo =ikt4lttfa„"ilt)l tiaentioli of our views if they indications 1 1 (1 ttl °Ye( l'regard with neglect on the n of I. qa tea Ned • r I'vl neg • has led me . I. tith Util e , Public feeling, whiche o f m i p l at 41iaatc, c,unatracter, engaged in tlie discatr.gak 1 from Y4lt'lrt Pelni:dßie uwshUsrdiwn l I r a has led these o th tan h for • c t th, ) 11 4 ,, 0 th, , a time their usual andavocations, uo t look 4,1 Nt'2esepa irrnoil of a public contest. I can h? 1 `r,Y, 1 4t allY Bitch feeling prevailing throughout,,, e e _ ftlzi el„ for L b c.,....1un0t think that it is safe for your ' )1:ati,,114 the e 'louse of Commons , or for any parties - 4Ototear) ~.se eeneervativ D ' ciple in this country N fi;,l)kife'st-'tfli3regard uer feTlat.Ppear to be indifferent l t ire , 4:t th sb-p'°eze"°„llB,of Public feeling. (Hear, hear.) ti.'4l.-eLsiR ,-„nq Perhaps we have forborne too long, of i s ' aa,' e li a - ' r °Pinion with regard to the conduct re x tot e ,--arra,c;vre 'leen led to do so b by an earnest desi e th, s t) atiii t " ear maj„„at '5 Government, and more . e i ' Pe e*, c g t he Pro y otiations wine i „ ait t e4 4 ,..hfo rtta 4. gress of those nog 1 se• Rather Lei ' `ras e th a'elY, been brought to a o • S -5 *e f 4 e - " e rn ti❑ such is. critical state of t -• ° O ll l t bre' Perhaps:nun, i' - 1 ourselves to the im th`t!' i t , 'atl .tig "'Path t,' *(K (l • fferent and we seem t et 7,1,1:441er , ,e lc are. in i N .44 •' 4l ile et awe party to the dangerous' conclusion d that by 1q,114)4 tttic,„ there s-no hope for them, an , I t qy aO th a lt of do duce that lin -1,014 tek l , e 0. 0 ,, ors they must p 0 wool more legiti ( thoeeeY,!,(lthreQilnirinent which wouof the Legislature. te'lae Nei l ," uo hoNg .the two houses with me, think ot th e , . . net , trie same opinions v• e the growth t i le t e r th e Poopi e c u p Y_ onr. silenc e to encoura o to the institu t il t , ot haycoentp °PIOIOIIB BO dangerous I say that, or l ot e ~ th, t e* (Rear, hear.) But when . ki t 'ttil -4 (1 ill c ' h ictir in all the views, 3n all the lien ut ItOtii.4t that ell the expressione which have been 1 3 1 4 5 , 1 *htof a : great meeting in the City, or at other ti,:s (,'"' *14,41,11er character (Hear and a laugh. 1 y u e'oeit e " . 1 nave said to ex . citee the' laughter of noble . 41 1k 1 48:klire ,i i '43- thatit Ido not concur in all the sen n -a-U114,,,:e at thq\se meetings. But I look upo o,. el4l'ert;lletiet%stas indications of a deep-rooted feeling t 4et°!rlet.„',4. (14 the tnismanagerrient o f her Majesty's be t„.theCi 4 n h ''':„ 7ar, hear ) In matters of what may en ti, Itiv. the' eIY Mercantile character mercantile most m ktiee x4i,etopi Ptiblie hn,ine„ has been conducted en qi 4 th e :I 3 ik i,4a1l that much more might have , been flsl'ati,fltne tip sinaller e But I must say, , , xpenditure. their Nt:erot.aletion ••eate, tha t believe many persons,:fue. , Majesty hill eoneilt, h m , the Mismanagement of her _ 1 exagge' kek`ll th o e hisi one e . been led to wrong ' an t' the evils th e 4o h ei, ?' a re e, with respect to the causes of the lan. t4, 4 9 , , t , , ' t 1404 utj,nkio!lB to remedy. The or_del meYn but hiv,W,holon t hat it'? sulnect is, that it is not th attribute ',tie tee o ,Of the evi l ;) tome' but so:ne persons office of ‘e, i i h43:44Ce am the monopoly of every . while t he t4 kt ti lt it • ee'ollainent by the aristocracy , tine, o cia tt t i r... iii pc 4 '! all owing to an adherence to rou a •T 4: 1 , 411 e is got rid of there can be no hop for_ a I Wish to say a few words upon the THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 15, 1855. latter topic, for the purpose of showing how far I differ from an opinion which seems to be very extensively enter tained throughout the country. If that word " routine" is applied reproachfully to the performance of the duties of the subordinate department a of the state—duties discharged most usefully for the country by gentlemen who labour in the public service with great assiduity and very inadequate remuneration, and at the szane time with none of the in centives to publicity and popularity to supportthena—if the word "routine" is applied reproachfully to the perform ance of those duties, I say that it would be just as reasonable for a manufacturer to complain of the routine of his wheel, because it always turns precisely in the same direction, and works precisely in the same manner. Of all these depart. ments routine is the very essence and soul, and without it the machine of the state would be thrown into utter con fusion in the space of an hour. I will not, however,.say that, under all circumstances, too much attention has not been sometimes paid to the claims of mere seniority in the public offices. I do not mean to say that promotion may not occasionally have been given with too little regard to the claims of superior merit ; and I am not prepared to I say that the Government would, not do well to set aside, but with a liberal provision, men who, although qualified for the duties of public departments in ordinary times, are unfitted by age or infirmity to meet the requirements of a great emergency, and interfere with the advancement of younger and abler persons. (Hear, hear. It is essentially necessary that you should have " routine" in the public de partments : but then you ought to have over all of them ruling minds. My noble friend lays down the doctrine —and it is a doctrine which can hardly be contra dicted—that it is important for the public service tliat public appointments should be made solely with a view to the public interest. But I must frankly confess that I think considerable misconception prevails out of doors upon the question of the selection of public officers. No doubt, in a despotic country, a despot or his minister, has the power of selecting for a public department the men he may think best qualified for the performance of its du ties, without any reference to the necessity of insuring a co-operation among the various members of his Govern ment. But to apply that principle in this country would be impossible in itself. and would be at variance with the principles of our constitution ; and the Minister of the day roust choose his associates from within a very narrow cop pass. The whole of our constitutional system, from first+) last, hangs on mutual confidence. The Crown appoints a Minister in whom it has confidence, and in whom it be lieves that the people have confidence; that Minister must be supported by a body of colleagues, and those colleagues roust be members of one or other House of Parliament. There are some officers who must be members of your your lord,hips' house, and there are others who must be members of the House of Commons ; but the choice of the Minister for associates is limited to the members of the two houses. It is even far more limited than that ;it is limit ed to those members of the two houses who concur with him in political opinions, and who are willing to co-operate with him in official life. Now, he cannot include among those men the members even of his own party who are pre vented by their devotion to more profitable avocations from undertaking the engrossing duties of a Minister of the Crown. And I must say, without meaning the slightest disrespect to the present constitution of the House of Com mons, or without intending to raise the slightest doubt that on all sides of that house are to be found men perfectly ca pable of discharging the duties of Ministers of the Crown — I must say that since the period, of the Reform Bill there has been an alteration in the character of its composition which makes it more difficult than it formerly was for a Minister to select his colleagues from among its members. Previously to the Reform Bill there were a very great num ber of boroughs under the control of individuals, which were known as "rotten boroughs," and there can be no doubt but that those rotten boroughs, whatever may have been their imperfections, or however irreconcileable they may have been with the spirit of our constitution, afforded an ordinary avenue to Parliameht for young men not known to the public, but who were desirous of qualifying themselves by early training for official life—not as a re munerative profession, but as a profession highly attractive for persons possessed of independent fortune. But that avenue to the House of Commons, that nursery of young s',atestrien, has been in a great klegree destroyedby the Re form Bill. Look at the character of the men who are now returned to that house, and more especially of those who are returned by the great towns. They are men, no doubt, of ability, but they are men, in general, of mature age. _ _ They are professional men, or merchants—men of great great sense and capacity in many instances—but men who did not devote their attention exclusively to public affairs, and who had not from their youth been trained to public business. And I must here ob erve that the instances are very few in which a man who entered Parliament for the first time at a mature age raised himself there to any very distinguished position. I may be told that many of these 1-1101er boroughs still remain, but I think it will be ad uui that, among the voters even in those smaller boroughs, there prevails a certain degree of independence which, although it will not prevent them from supporting a member of the most influential family in their neighbour hood, induces them to resist any attempt to impose upon them a mere stranger. The result is, that the number of persons qualified by previous training for the duties of Go vernment is smaller at present than it was before the pass ing of the Reform Bill. I state this merely for the purpose of correcting those exaggerated representations of the real character of an evil of which so many persons are now com plaining, and in some respects complaining very justly. I am still per ectly certain of this, that if there be in either House of Parliament any man who shows ability and an aptitude for business—who can explain and enforce his own views—whatever may be his birth or his origin, or his connexions—there is no Minister, whether Whig, Tory, or Radical, who will not speedily accept his aid, and welcome him into the service of the Crown if he should think fit to undertake the thankless duty which devolves on a servant of the Crown. (Hear, hear.) But so strong is the feeling in the country against placing inexperienced men in high office, that when, a few years ago, I availed myself of the services of several gentlemen of great ability, but who had not had any previous official training, I was told I bad only raised a " squad of raw recruits." I say that no minister, be he who he may, can put his finger on what he may consider the most competent men for public life, and say to one " you must go here," and to another "you must go there" He must make his selections from his political adherents ; he must make his selections from those only among even his own adherents who are in a po sition to take office, and who are qualified for the dis charge of its duties. I make this statement because lam desirous of correcting the exaggerated opinions which are entertained with regard to the duties of a minister, and the possibility of a minister's carrying out his own wishes. 1 say it is the duty of a minister, with regard to every department in Parliament or out of Parliament, to select, without partiality or fear or favour, the individual whose services he can secure, and who , in his judgment, is best fitted for any particular office. That is the principle which is laid down by my noble friend ; and it is a princi ple which I am afraid, without citing instances which would be invidious, has not been always followed either by her Majesty's present Government or by any Govern ment that has preceded them. (Hear, and laughter.) But we are asked why we bring forward this motion now; and it is said, "True, there was this great neglect—there was this great suffering—there were all those privations endured by our troops—but recollect all that took place under the late, and not under the present, Government." My noble friend the Minister of War undoubtedly stands clear ; hut, with the exception of my noble friend, the present Government may very truly be styled a new firm with the old partners. (Hear, and a laugh.) But the noble earl opposite says, "you do not consider what wonderful things have been done within the last three months." Earl GRANVILLE—Very much in consequence of the measures which were taken by the noble duke the late Minister of War. The Earl of DERBY continued—Settle that among yourselves. (Laughter.) I draw no distinction whatever between the late and the Present Government ; and if the noble earl concurs in that view of the matter, he cannot avoid acknowledging that her Majesty's Ministers ought to be held responsible not only for the lathes of the last three months, but for those of the last two years. You are not dealing with the late Government alone; the present and the late advisers of the Crown are one and the same. There have, no doubt, been some few sacrifices made in the case of individual Ministers. There have been some few Jonases thrown overboard ; but, in point of fact, no radical change in either the construction or the policy of the late Admi nistration has been effected. (Hear.) Well what has taken place within the list few days ? The Minister at War came down to this house upon the very day on which my noble friend gave notice of the resolutions which he has moved this evening, and said, " Why, I meant to pro pose a measure of great administrative reform on the day upon which these resolutions are to come on for discus sion. I was going to give a notice to that effect this very evening." (Laughter.) It was very unfortunate, no doubt, that the noble baron should have been thus disap pointed; but, in the difficult position in which he was placed, he thought it advisable to postpone his great mea sure of administrative reform until your lordships had 'pronounced your decision upon the resolutions of my noble friend. But there is another House of Parliament as well as this. The pressure upon her Majesty's Ministers began to grow a little inconvenient ; and the noble lord at the head of the Government, not having quite so large a stock of patience as the Moister of War, could not wait for the day to which the announcement of the great measure of administrative reform was postponed. He, therefore, anticipates the statement of the noble lord his colleague, and unfolds to the House of Commons his measures of administrative reform. (Hear, hear.) I speak with all due respect of what has occurred in another place, which " must not be named to ears polite"—(a laugh)—but I must be permitted to observe that I think these great measures of administrative reform were ushered in in a manner which bears somewhat the appearance of a coup d'etat. (Hear, and laughter.) It turned out, however, to be a coup de terre—(renewed laughter)—rivalling those coups de terre on the part of a certain political character elsewhere, by which her Majesty's liege subjects were so recently amused. (Laughter.) On Friday last, of course by mere accident, a gentleman got up in the other house of Parlia ment and professed great attachment to the noble viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government and a prodigious devotion to the service of his Administration • but he stated that "he could not, at the same time, help saying that he bad been a little disappointed in the course of the last three months by the circumstance that the present Go vernment seemed to be little better than her Majesty's late advisers." And after an exhortation to the noble viscount to do something to retrieve his character, he concluded with this sublime adjuration— " Arise, awake, or be for ever fallen." ' (Great laughter.) To proceed with the quotation— "He heard and was abashed and up he sprung Upon Ondut t y he sl w ec i 3 n p g in ; g to y m w en h , om wo t n h t ey di w .e a a t d c , h, Rouse and bestir themselves ere well awake " —(renewed laughter)—and upon the spur of the moment , a f s ou w n h d eu b without notice to the House of Commons, and upon a mo tion for the adjournment of the house, touch ed b y this magic wand—l should perhaps rather say " Reed"—(great laughter)—the sleeping beautyrouses herself from the slum bers in which for seven times seven years she had been buried, dreaming and puzz'ing herself all the time as to how it was possible that ancient arrangements should have continued to separate the artillery from the Commander in-Chief. (Renewed laughter.) For seven times seven ye.‘rs that has been the wakiog dream, the perpetual puzzle 'of the noble viscount at i,he head of her Majesty's Government. But, some how or another, in the course of these seven times seven .years it never oc curred to him to reduce the phantom of his imagination to a st ph jer noble to bone reality. of viscount f h f sLg Parliamentarya (Laughter.) t ht e hat r . f th Animated ey og however Mentor, t , notit suddenlyt o be ,: by spiration u separated,struck there was no reation why they should not now be com binedaid ; and, acting upon the idea, s pr ung u p his m u n e d n e t r t t o h t e h c e o n M t i r n o i l s o t Minister of theof Commander-in -Chief. at n anda n e rt t y h i ne.h. place the leaberateirip: artillery proposition itself, a laugh.) With respect to the I et h r merely observ e th a t I cons id er i t v duty to wait e until it is b e f ore us i n d e t a il before Imymake i with referen ce t o it. C er t a i n I am, Minister of W ar can h ave no o bj ection a has obtained with res p ec t t o th e development to the respite he of the plans however, anyt that the e all to be of the Government upon the subject of military reform. I (A. laugh.) I cannot, however, give her Majesty's Minis ters much credit for the zeal which they have file the last few days exhibited in connection with the subject, inas much as I think they have been much quickened into action by the hints which they lately received. (Hear, hear.) I have a great respect for the deference which they have shown to public opinion, but I trust that they will carry that deference to a somewhat more considerable ex tent than was manifested by the announcement of the noble viscount at the head of the Government in the other House of Parliament. I entertain some doubts with respect to the wisdom and the pradence of making such a change with regard to the Ordnance Department as is pro posed, more especially unless the machinery which is to be called into action with that cbange is well arranged. I hail the proposition, however ' as an evidence of increased activity up on th e part of her Majesty's Ministers, and of deference to the well-expressed feelings of growing dis satisfaction and discontent which prevail throughout the country. (Hear, hear.) But, at the same time, I must say that in my opinion that increased defererce to public opinion and that increased activity upon the part of , the Government have not been a little stimulated, not only by what has occurred out of doors, but by the hint which the resolutions of my noble friend 'near me con vey. (Hear, hear.) One word more before I sit down. The noble earl opposite has referred to the probeble effect of the adoption of these resolutions upon the Government. Ho says he thinks that nothing can be more unsatisfactory than constant changes of government, and says that fre quent alterations of policy are a great evil to the country. I am of the same opinion ; but I must add, that I wish the noble earl and those who act with him had taken, at the close of the year 1852, similar views upon that subject to which they now give expression. (Hear, and a laugh.) I am sure they will do those who sit upon this side of the house the justice to consider that, however agreeable the position which her Majesty's ministers, as a general rule, occupy, may be, the recent position of affairs renders the task of endeavouriug to discharge the various functions of the public service one which any man would desire to be spared. I beg to say—although I cannot deny that the motion under which the present government has conducted the operations connected with the war—l beg to say, and I do so with the utmost sincerity, that I should very much regret that the conseq uence o f th e success o f th e mo ti on should be the imposition upon noble lords sitting upon this side of the house of the responsibility of administering the affairs of the country at a moment so critical as the pre sent. Ido not admit, however, that the position of affairs now is precisely the same as it was when I myself, from a sense of public duty, was called upon to decline that re sponsibility of forming a government with which her Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust me. In the first place, there were then negotiations pending of the utmost delicacy and perplexity; and to interfere with the pro gress of these negotiations by any change of Government might have been productive of the most serious conse quences. On public grounds, therefore, a complete change in the administration at the time of which I speak would undoubtedly involve much inconvenience, and would be exceedingly dangerous to the country. It also happened that the noble viscount now at the head of the Govern ment enjoyed at that time the advantage of great prestige throughout the country, and he, of all men, was then deemed to be the best qualified of any of our statesmen to cond uc t th e pu bli c a ff a i rs with vigour, firmness, decision, and energy. That feeling prevailed to such an extent that I am perfectly confident that no admi nistration could be formed in February last of which the noble viscount was not a member, which Would not be ac cused of having kept out of office that man in the country who was the most competent to be at the head of affairs. I hope it is not being disrespectful to the noble viscount to say that the prestige to which I have referred has since considerably diminished, and that the warmth and fervour of that admiration which the country entertained for him have fallen down, if not to zero, at all events to a tempera ture much lower than that at which they some time since stood. (Hear, and a laugh.) I am not sure that if the country was now to lose his services it would be inclined to regard that loss as irreparable, or that without hisaid it would be impossible that the business of the public service could be efficiently conducted. (Hear, and laughter.) But the noble earl opposite says, " we do not mind the effect of those resolutions so far as the Government is concerned, but just consider the effect which they are calculated to produce upon foreign countries." The noble earl seems to imagine that the consequence of the success of my noble friend's motion will be that foreign nations will be brought to look upon England as possessing no great resources for the prosecution of the war; that encouragement will be afforded to the peace party in France; that that country would be rendered indisposed to continue her alliance with us, and that Russia would gain confidence when she be came aware of how we ourselves were inclined to disparage the means at our disposal. Ido not exactly know what the noble earl supposes the consequences would be in the case of Austria, but Prussi a h e appeare d t o thi n k would avail herself of the passing of these resolutions to take a course inconsistent with our interests. The noble earl has abstained, however, from pointing out a single word in these resolutions which could make the impression or bear out the views which he has represented to the house. France, my lords, we recognise with the highest gratification as our ally. The perfect understanding which subsists between her and this country we hold to be fraught with advantages, not alone to us, but to the future interests of other nations. The noble earl com mitted a great mistake when he says that by these resolu tions we seek to disparage the resources of England. We do not do that, my lords ; we seek to disparage only the manner in which those resources have been husbanded and applied. (Hear, hear.) We draw a distinction between England and her Majesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) And if, by disparaging the conduct of the l a tt er , we can i nc it e them to the display of fresh energy and activity in the future conduct of the war, we need not for a moment ap prehend that the consequence will be that our friendly re lations with any great power will thereby be in the smallest degree interfered. (Hear, hear.) It is my lords, because I hold that—as the noble lord had said--the greater por tion of these resolutions consists of truisms which cannot be controverted—truisms which it is absolutely necessary to place upon record upon the solemn declaration of the parliament of this country—embodying our determination to prosecute the war with all the energy in our power and to adhere to our alliance with France—it is, I repeat, be cause I hold that these resolutions give expression to those sentiments, and because they declare your lordships' opinions, announced in this house, to be in conformity with the just feelings of your fellow-subjects, that I give my support to the motion which has been made by my noble friend. Whether he succeeds or does not, in carry ing these resolutions, I rejoice that while we, the members of the great Conservative party, are anxious to maintain the institutions of this country, we do not set at nought the manifestation of public feeling, but that, while de sirous of co-operating with that feeling to the fullest extent to which we can go, we do not seek to implicate ourselves in the extravagances into which it is sometimes betrayed. (Cheers.) The Duke of NEWCASTLE, who at the commence ment of his speech was very imperfectly heard, in con sequence of the noise occasioned by a number of peers quitting the house, said,—lt appears to me that the rea sons which have been assigned by the noble earl who last addressed the house for supporting these resolu tions are so unsound that they will fail in inducing many of your lordships who usually act with the noble earl from giving the resolutions that assent which he is prepared to give to them. The noble earl said that, al though he must admit the resolutions did, in some sense, bear the construction of a vote of censure upon the Go vernment, he would feel deep regret if they should have the effect of displacing the Government from office. Now, I must contend that, if these are the opinions of the noble earl, he ought not to support the resolutions. If the two noble earls opposite believe conscientiously that, by the displacement of the present Government from office, and by themselves assuming—by the grace and favour of the Sovereign—the management of public affairs, they would be able to conduct the war with increased energy, and so to promote the public welfare, I think they would be per fectly justified in bringing forward and supporting these resolutions ' • but I must say that if the motion is brought forward, not with the view of displacing the Government, but of rendering what some noble lord asserts to be a weak Government still weaker, it is not a course worthy of the Peers of England at a moment like the present. Unless the object is to displace the Government, I see no patriotic grounds for supporting the resolutions. The noble earl expressed some surprise that the two members of her Ma jesty's Government who have spoken did not enter into any detailed defence of the conduct of the war ; but I think it must have been evident to the noble earl that those noble lords did not enter into such a defence because no case had been set up on the other side which it was necessary for them to answer. Accustomed as I have been, not merely since I have had a seat in this house, but for many years previously, to listen with the greatest interest to the speeches of .my noble friend who brought forward those resolutions, I must say that I never heard any speech of his which seemed to me so deficient in strength as that to which I listened this evening. It appeared to me to be entirely defective with regard to all those great attributes which distinguish his speeches. The noble earl did not bring forward in his usual concise and consecutive order such facts as he is accustomed to place before the house, nor did he state to the house those clear and logical deductions which on former occasions he has ad duced from the facts he has brought forward. Having listened attentively to the noble earl, and to my noble and gallant friend who spoke at considerable length, I must say that, with the exception of the anecdotes wlich my noble friend narrated, and one of which I toay observe was utterly and entirely inaccurate—(a laugh)—l am un able to fix upon anything tangible in their speeches. Nor do I think the noble earl who last spoke has materially improved the case as it was left by his predecessors. The noble earl has occupied the greater part of his speech in referring to the doctrines of that association which has yet to be formed, and of which he has professed himself' in somewhat hesitating terms a disciple, though certainly to a more limited extent than the noble earl who brought forward the resolutions ; but, beyond this, he seems to me to have confined himself to one single point—the policy of the expedition to the Crimea. I bad hoped that I might have been spared the necessity of alluding to any matter personal to myself, but a noble earl opposite stated, cer tainly in terms of very great courtesy and kindness, that he could not agree in approving what has been called my "commendable ambition" in taking upon myself th e ma nagement of the War Department. I will not on this occasion go over that painful ground, but I may remind the noble earl and the house that in the month of February I commented upon those very welds, and I stated expli citly to the house—and my statement has never been con troverted—the precise circumstances under which I as sumed the office. The noble earl has laid considerable stress upon the point that the management of the war was placed iu my hands, I being a civilian,—as if it had not been, I may say, a constitutional doc'rine in this country that the management of the War Department should be in the hands of a civilian. At any rate, that has been the invariable practice. While the Commander-in-Chief of the army is of course a military man, the Secretary of State has invariably been a civilian. But the noble earl maintained, this being the case, that I ought to have had the assistance of competent military men. Now, no one has more readily expressed concurrence in that sen timent, both in this house and elsewhere, than myself. It must be remembered, however, that we have to consider not merely who shall occupy military offices in this country, but who shall command your army in the Crimea. lam sure my noble friend the Commander-in-Chief will bear me out when I say that for a long time I hesitated to con cur in the recommendation that my deeply-lamented friend Sir G. Cathcart should be appointed to a command in the Crimea. And why? Because I felt it of the utmost possible importance to me that I should have the advice and assis tance of such a man at home. At the same time, as it was the greatest possible object that Lord Raglan should have his aid in the in the bal c a o n m c e m command d a r o g f u a m d e i n v t i division, n to , I pl f a e c l e t mydutygl p an's disposal. Th e no bl e earl went on to sayhitim a t to be Lord Raglans that the Ordnance Department was left in a most ineffl• dent state. The noble earl is not quite correct, however, in stating that the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance was loft without the powers which the Master-General possessed. I am certain that he was appointed under the impression that he would have precisely the same powers which Lord Raglan had, and, if any of his powers should prove defi cient, that they should be made up by the assistance which the Government would render him. The noble earl also commented upon the appointment of Mr. Monsell to the office of Clerk to the Ordnance, and remarked upon the circumstance of his change of religion, as if that had any thing whatever to do with his suitableness for the office. I cannot see what it has to do with it, and, for myself, I should just as much consider that it fitted a person for the post as that it disqualified him. Now, with reference to myself, I wish to say that neither in this house nor any where else will I accept any praise for assiduity and labour. Assiduity and labour are the duty of every man who under takes an office in the Government; and I do nothing but my duty in bestowing every portion of my time to the exe cution of my duty ; and if the noble earl can substantiate that in the performance of those duties I stood in the way of others who could have executed them mach better, and that, in fact, I was a b a d administrator of the office which I held, then I say that no labour or assiduity which I be stowed should be viewed as a makeweight for any defi ciency of which I might have been guilty. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl said that we ought never to have under taken the expedition to the Crimea, if, having undertaken it, we had not taken precautions to render our proceedings ' effective. That opinion of the impolicy of going to the Crimea is one, however, which has arisen out of the cir cumstances of the case, and not from any feeling which was formed at the time. I appeal to your lordships whe ther, when Parliament met in December, we heard any thing of the imp o li cy o f that expedition to the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) What was the attack which the noble earl made upon us then ? It was that we had not from the commencement of the war formed our plan, and that the Crimea was an after thought, taken up at Varna when the siege of Silistria was raised. That it was which formed one of the principal points of his accusation against the Government at that time; and it is only now, when it is thought that the expedition may not be attended with success, that the noble earl and others becomes() wise after the fact. (Hear, hear.) It is not fair, then, for the noble earl, after his organs of the press spoke of impeaching the Government for not undertaking it before, to turn round t nu i o c nbd b lee e r c et a aa u kr s le e ne i a t tnh had not b een attended w i t h success. If upon us now, and t o s t a t e that the expedition was im %yr h o a e l s e u re bs w ta a n s ti n a o te p t r h o a v t id w en h e e e n , t n h o e e ni x e p a e n d s it f io o n r accomplishing eto haa rsasaid e awgea expected xhshit ene t the object tyo e et b va j ii e de c et Government.nien Sebastopol beforey i Butew , is tshhbeteyh committeewes e s u ol coupd? l establish dhelent n aoibnl stateda t and that I did not contemplate a siege. The noble earl is not correct in his version of my evidence. What I acid was, that I expected to be in possession of Sebastopol long before it would be necessary for the army to go into win ter quarters. So far from not contemplating a siege and not making provisions for it, two effective and complete battering trains were sent out, and were in Lord Raglan's possession when he undertook the expedition ; and from the very first every effort was made to provide the army with the means of carrying on a siege. (Hear.) The noble lord says that we made no provision for the com forts of the men -thqt we sent out no huts and no warm clothing. -Undoubtedly, the huts were not ordered until after it became evident that the place would not be taken except by a long siege • but I must contradict the statement that no warm clothing was provided for the army. So early as the month of August a large quantity of woollen clothing of every description, addi tional warm clothing, both under and upper, extra great coats to go over the ordinary greatcoats, and a variety of things of that description to an enormous amount, were sent out—a large portion of them before we heard of the re sult of the siege. But if the noble earl means that we did not send out in the middle of summer that large quantity of sheepskins and furs which we sent out subsequently, un doubtedly the noble earl is correct. It is incorrect and most unfair towards me to represent that I have ever al lowed to drop from me in conversation, much less in any speech in Parliament, or in any public capacity, one word derogatory to the character of any officer in that army. (Hear.) I have never thrown discredit upon any officer, least of all upon my noble and gallant friend who holds the chief command in the Crimea. The noble earl says the Government is to blame for not making the railway sooner, and to support the charge he refers to the answer of Sir John Burgoyne, given before the Sebastopol Committee, to what I must term a silly question—whether it would not have been a great advantage to have had the railway in October. Of course, Sir John Burgoyne said it would. It would have been a great advantage if we had found a railway already there. It would have been a great advan tage if we had had a railway all the way, and other things was applicable. the et n From nt in o equally impossible would as certainly have been advanta tmo Sebastopol. einberwhere this And what raiwa'y is when the troops l an d e d a t Old Fort? It w as agree d b y Balaklava geu s Re the generals and by the Government that S e b as t opo l should be attacked on the north side, and it was only after the Battle of the Alma that Lord Raglan and General St. Arnaud determined on the flank march which led to Balaklava, and subsequently to our laying siege to the south side of Sebastopol. Is not this a specimen of how accusations are cast upon those who have the management of the war? (Hear.) And when the noble earl says the railway might as well have been sent in the month of October as in the month of April, I beg he will recollect that I sent for Sir M. Peto at the end of November, and that the railway was sent oat in the beginning of December. (Cheers.) The noble earl who brought forward his motion condemned the Govern ment for not being in a position to move the army at once when it landed at Varna. The provision for land trans port requires a considerable time, and I am convinced if, at the commencement of the war, it had been proposed to the House of Commons to organise the transport corps which I had the honour of providing through the instru mentality of that gallant officer ColonelANYEurdo ' it would have ,been laughed at as an ex t ravagan t and absurd, though perhaps it would have been the wisest and most judicious, step that could have been taken. (Hear, hear.) When the army moved to Varna, on the special requisi tion of Omer Pacha, at the very earliest possible moment, before all the troops had arrived at Scutari fr om E ngland, it is an undoubted fact that there were not sufficient ani mals to enable the army to advance from Varna to Si listria. The noble earl does not maintain that the army should have remained at Scutari, but approves the order t o move from Scutari to Varna. That advance to Varna was made with a double object—to give a moral as well as a material assistance to Omer Pacha, and I have no hesi tation in saying that it was one of the main causes of rais ing the siege of Silistria although up to that time the army had not beco me a moveable army. (Cheers.) Go vernments may have neglected to put the right men in the right places, but no Government would recognise for one moment the principle that any one but the best men should be appointed, and every one would admit that the Go vernment which had appointed unfit men to high office had grossly neglected its duty. The noble earl who opened the debate has laid the blame upon thq Reform Act, in having effected a c h ange i n th e composition of the House of Commons. I think that complaint is to a certain extent correct, but not in the particu lar point alluded t o . A system has grown up of late years which has acted most prejudicially in regard to providing men fit for holding office. of our mercantil e m en re f use f or two causes t o undertake offices of State ; the first i s th a t th ey are unwilling to abandon their private career and d e p r ive their families of the large and honour a bl e ga i ns t h ey acquire; and the every second is that they ar e re l uc t ant to l eave d u ties and avo cations that are agreeabl e t o th em, see i ng th e growing ten dency there is to heap o bl oquy upon The greatest part man of every side of the house and of every party who may undertake the discharge of public duties. There are numbers who are perfectly qualified to take a part in the conduct of pub lic affairs, and I shall rejoice, whenever a general elec tion shall occur, to see a large increase in the number of such men sent into the House of Commons. But there is a growing practice among constituencies not to look among men whom they know to be of proved qua lifications and character, but to look up to clubs and co teries in London, to recommend them men who aro parti sans of one body or another, and who sit and give a silent vote for their party, instead of doing honour to the con stituency which returns them. As long as constituencies pursue this course, and apply one party to the Carlton Club and another to the Reform Club for members, so long shall we have men of mediocrity prepared to give silent and tacit votes instead of men whose minds are pre pared for the performance of great public duties, and from whom a Minister might select the officers of his Govern ment. From that body alone the high political officers must be selected. My lords, I hope that these discussions will not lead men to think that we are a beaten nation— ;cbeers)--that we are incapable of the great deeds by which our forefathers have distinguished themselves; that our bravery is the same, and the quality of our soldiers is improved, but that in other respects we have deteriorated. My lord., I believe nothing of the kind. (Hear.) It may said that we began the siege of Sebastopol in Septem ber, but, looking at the position of the allied forces and of the enemy, is it so unfavourable to us, and so fa vourable to him? (Hear, hear.) We have placed a pressure on the internal organisation of Russia that is beginning to tell. Russia is suffering severely from the drain of men, and the feelings of the people towards the Sovereign power are undergoing a c h ange. I s i t not true that we have sopped the direct commerce of Russia? that we have swept from the sea every ship that she possessed? that her great vesseYs of war are either sunk at Sebastopol or locked up or rotting in the harbours of Cronstadt and Helsingfors ? We have effected a lod,gment on her shores, and by God's• blessing we may soon be in a position to dictate such a peace as will be alike honourable to this, country and will insure the attainment of those great objects for which the war was undertaken. (Hear.) The Marquis of CLANRICARDE (who was greeted with a general cry of " Question !") said that if by any misfortune these resolutions were carried that night the most injurious effect would be produced abroad ; and he therefore trusted that their lordships would reject them by a large majority. Tho Marquis of LONDONDERRY believed that the present resolutions were brought forward with the view of testing the strength of parties in that hou se , an d had no doubt that those who supported them did so with a desire to change the Government. Under these circumstances, while he wished it to be distinctly understood that he did not rise as the advocate or one of the retainers of the noble lord who held the office of Premier, at the same time he history,par party t t r h u e g y g l w e s o u forlwould felt that, th e h on o ur an d dignity of th e C rown and the de termination of the country to maintain it s position as a great empire being now concerned, it wou ld have been a dereliction of d u ty on hi s p ar t t o remain on the cross benches. If th e i r l or d s hip s wou ld no t s h ow to the world p th o e w e e x r example p a l e m o o f m d e i n st t r o a n c s te e d ri counsels r support a Government which, under great difficulties and great pressure, and also amid some exhibition of party feeling, were e n d eavour i ng t o d o t h e i r duty to their coun try. Their lordships must be aware, from the public meet ings that were being held in favour of administrative r f , that the public mind was in a disturbed and dangerouse°l2l state ; and was it likely that the views put forward noble earl (Lord Ellenborough) and his friends that by the would at all satisfy the feeling out of doors night ques tion? Could the noble lords opposite produce a o G ' ', this overnment whose talent, ability, and experience would hold country the hope th a t it s a ff a i rs would b e better out to th e uc e cond t d in the present emergency than they were at present? Helium self wished to see well-considered reforms introduce o i t all the administrative 'claspartments of the State, e Ce having confiden ce i n the ability e yof the noble but, not and his support ers t o carry out those reforms.arl oppo s it e tory manner, h e wou l d oppose the presentmoltrioansatiefac* The Marquis of LAN SDOWNE—I rose for VI * e purpose of making some observations more than once within the last half hour, but most glad was I to give way to the noble mar quis, whom, I hope, I may be permitted to my noble friend, although I cannot claim any call him. I was glad also to give waytoni political no b i l v e la f t r i i o e n n s d w t i h ti e noble duke on the bench belowmy noble able, and me, much more e, muc'i more entitled than myself to give explanations upon the particular acts connected with the departments over which he for some time presided, and for every one of which acts, I am glad to say, I myself bear an humble share of Go vernment responsibility with him---(cheers)—and, I will add, glad am Ito be responsible with him. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the noble earl who introduced these resolutions, and the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) who supported him, appeared to take different views of the subject of administra tive reform. The latter noble earl disclaimed founding his support of the reso'utions upon that sentiment which is abroad with respect to the administration of public affair s, and which he thought it expedient, for the sake of the present and future Governments, to resist. When he found it as serted in the resolutions, not directly, but .by insinuation, that men were selected in this country for public employment with regard to other considerations than the public service, he must be allowed to ask what it meant ? Did it mean a charge ? If such a charge were brought against any Govern ment, no scruple with regard to men or principles ought to deter any one from distinctly stating who the men were. (Hear.) The noble earl, however, abstained from all particu lar mention of men in the course of his resolutions, although he had not done so in the course of his speech. Throughout the whole of the motion the noble lord had, in reference to the motives which induced him to make it, alluded to one man, and that man was Lord Palmerston. (A laugh.) The noble earl had referred to some observations made by the late Duke of Wellington with respect to Lord Palmerston, in which the duke was represented as having said that he would not fire large guns at small birds, and he (the noble marquis) might say that Lord Palmerston did not think it worth while, upon a recent occasion, to fire off his powder at a great bird, although he possibly might have hit his man. (Laughter.) The reason why our army in tho Crimea was now in a perfect state of efficiency was, because thero had been sufficient time to revive it. From the period of the revo lution down to the present time, in every war in which we had been engaged, the first year was unsuccessful, and often unsuccessful to a degree infinitely greater than it had been in the case of the present war. The noble marquis then refer red to the expedition which was sent by William 111. over to Ireland under the Duke of Schomberg, and to the seven years' war, the circumstances attending which bore out his assertion with regard to the hardships suffered during the first year. According to the noble earl (the Earl of Ellenborough) nei 'ther with a reform Parliament nor with an unreformed Par ment could any Government of this country hope to carry on the affairs of the nation. He did not doubt the desire of the noble lord to find out the best persons for the best places ; but, with the fairest intentions, it was a popular error to sup pose there existed in this country • a reservoir out of which talent could be drawn at any time. Until noble lords opposite could point out the persons who had been appointed from un fair motives, or from any other motive than fitness for their employment, he should continue to think that his noble friend had been actuated in making all their appointments by con siderations for the public good. Another reason why he ob jected to the proposed resolutions was, that they were likely to create an impression in Europe that we were a defeated country. That he wholly denied, and no circumstances had arisen to justify the terms, " general dissatisfaction," used in the resolutions. The result of the war to the present time had, in fact, been to reduce Russia as a naval power to a most con temptible position—to render it, in fact, a nonentity as such, and very greatly to destroy and ruin its trade. Was it not fair, in considering the results of a war, to take into account the losses of the enemy ? If it was, it might be melancholy satis faction for us to know that the loss which Russia had sustained was threefold that of the allies. If we had suffered from want of clothing, transports, &c., Russia had suffered tenfold more. He (the noble marquis) held in his hand a paper containing statistics of the very highest authority. The name of the writer he would not state; but it appeared from the paper referred to, that, a few days before the death of the Emperor Nicholas, a return was made up, stating that 177,000 Rus sian s had died during the present war up to that date ; and by a supplemental return, made some days afterwards, it ap peared that 70,000 more were added to the above list, making a total loss of 247,000 men. The noble earl condemned in general terms the conduct of the war—and the proposed re solutions were thus condemnatory of the French Government; for ho (the Marquis of Lansdowne) could assert that no step had been taken in this war, or expedition planned, that had not been, if not suggested, yet cordially concurred in, by our invaluable ally. He (the Marquis of Lansdowne) could not find out from the speech of the noble earl opposite whether or not he condemned Lord Raglan ; but as nothing was said about it he presumed he did not wish to condemn him. He (the noble marquis) was glad of it, for to Lord Raglan we principally owed the warm attachment and cordial alliance which had sprung up, and through the most trying circum stances continued to exist between ourselves and our allies. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that he should, in re ply, only address himself to two observations which had been made in the course of the discussion—the one by the noble marquis who had just sat down, the other by the noble duke op posite (the Duke of Newcastle). He could not allow the noble marquis to say that these resolutions were to the effect that this country was a defeated country. He wholly denied that such was the case. The troops of this country had obtained the greatest glary by their conduct at the battles of Alma and In kerman, and by the magnificent attack of the cavalry at Bala klava. But what he (the Earl of Ellenborongli)did say was, that they had been deprived of the advantages of victory by the man ner in which the Government was carrying on the war, and that, as it was now conducted, it was impossible for the troops to gain a decisive success. With reference to what had fallen from the noble duke opposite, to the effect that the house originally made no objection to the expedition to Se bastopol, he (the Earl of Ellenborough) must say that such was not the true facts of the case. That expedition was not known until the sth of August, when they were all out of town. He wrote, however, to the noble earl the President of the Council, and stated fully the nature of his objections to the expedition ; and the noble earl told him that he had cir culated his letter among his colleagues. (Hear, hear.) The Government was therefore perfectly aware of his opinions, and the only regret which he felt was, that he had not returned to town to enforce them more strongly upon the Government. After a few words in explanation from the Duke of NEW CASTLE, which were inaudible in the gallery, Their lordships then divided, when the numbers were Content, present proxies Not content, present proxies 71 . 115 -181 Majority against the resolutions... 110 The house then adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. • PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Ranff, Macduff, and Turriffßailway,Commercial-road, Cork and Yougball Railway, Fibre Company, Leomin ster and Ledbury-road, Limerick and Castleconnel Rail wa, Manchester Improvement, Renfrew P o li ce an d Imjrovement, South Wales Railway (Consolidation), Swansea Docks, and Waterford and Limerick Railway. The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Cromford and High Peak Railway ; Kingston-upon-Hull. Hussle, and Ferribly-road ; New town and Oswestry Railway, St. Helen's Improvement, Ayr Harbour, and Weston super Mare Gas. PETITIONS. Petitions were presented by Sir Joshua Walms ley from Protestant Dissenters of Leicester, for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. Grogan, from a parish in Dublin, against the Maynooth grant : by Lord New port, two petitions from Shropshire, for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. Hadfield, 16 petitions from Chesterfield and other places in favour of the abolition of church rates ; by Mr, Cobden, several petitions from Doncaster, and other placqs in Yorkshire, fur the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. A. Pellatt, seven petitions from Essex with the same prayer. THE BOARD OF HEALTH. Lord R. GROSVENOR asked the President of the Board of Health whether forms were issued to the legally qualified medical practitioners of the metropolis last year, inviting them to fill them up, in order to exhibit the result of the various methods adopted by them for the treatment of cholera ; whether, when those forms were returned, the Medical Council of the Board of Health refused to take cogni sance of any of them, or of any returns of a like nature made by the legally qualified medical officers of any hospital, and, if so, for what reason ? And, if any cor respondence had taken place between the General Board of Health and any persons complaining of omissions in the report issued by the board, as to the results of cholera treatment ; and, if so, whether he had any objection to laylit upon the table of the house ? Sir B. HALL said after he accepted office he appointed a medical council to assist him. They met for the first time on the 6th September, and forms were sent round to all qualified medical practitioners, but afterwards he was informed that some of them had not sent full reports as to those who followed the homoeopathic system. H e cou ld h ave no objeCtion whatever to lay thelreturns on the table. i BURIAL GROUNDS AT GRANTHAM. • Lori W. GRAHAM asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department on what grounds he had re fused to comply with the request of the parishioners of Grantham, that the right of intermeat in existing vaults in the parish church should he continued to the proprie tors of the said vaults, the representation for closing the burial ground not having yet been taken into considera tion by the Privy Council ? Sir G. GREY said until the representation of the Secretary of State was taken into consideration by the Council no steps could be taken in such matters. With regard to Grantham, he did not think himself justified in departing from the recommendation of the medical inspectors. hiewtevhnoreeaeNnrarolti nnoya-Srmbtletil eehohdnfee NEGOTIATIONS, tsutoEaoi supply, nnGkdpot noble inuet O yhngot T , hdehwla l eetotnd A . iradfdGib T ttttl hevee unreason able etsotyheor should aahal bills yddet ftV owh oh t ee ri eMM:pr discussing, ' n rew h o r r l e r . t . s a sd a hs L d i enenApdo.Terg remaining A G Y H tm o uo t A i t r E a hi B g at mi eßnhetSVi suggestni DGEonelngopNyßsEsva,ayspeNi wished roeosdsmshtlaid before the question bring forward his resolutions on Friday or Monday. several measures of importance in progress. There that gentlemen who could give notice for any day of their motions Should expect Government to put off their measures. Ile was sure his right honourable friend (Mr. Gibson) could have no difficulty in doing so, and as for the honourable member for Aylesbury, (Mr. Layard) he must remind him that he offered him a day—(hear)--and an offer once refused could not be re newed. But at the same time the forms of the house did give hon. members a fair opportunity of bringing such motions forward. possible for the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Majesty bring forward his for motion an address to her that purpose. Mr. DISRAELI apprehended it would be really im possible Now he (Mr. Disraeli) begged to callth at ho did not unless the Government gave a da the house to the circumstance that had termi nated, any precedent, when i Elated, and the papers Himself had not given table, that the Ministe o r house the subject of those notice to bring before tl t t of the negotiations ; and he papers, and the condo: h noble lord if he did not feel now wished to ask _t ear.) bound to do so / (if TON said ho bad no wish to throw PALMERS b s who wished Lord t in the way of hon. mem er for, eattention of any to bring forward of a very pressing nature, and it house on any matters would forward to do so. important questions to bring negotiations been l el l enrli n tif t t h h e e impossible to answer those questions off-hand It was without notice, but he could assure the right d motions or ti: any iinP be ed i ii n s t e h n e power of any hon. member who had forms of public serv i ce , th ere was no thi ng b u hon. ge n tl eman , th a t as f ar as was compatibletwitih ilin th g e . zs et g t — s i3 h e o m ul i d gh b t e s o a b y ta a of such great importance. in c e ie d si a r t e— an th e a ar t ly th d e ay sen u s p o on of ra w P a a t r t l e i r a s - Mr. D ISRAELI—Then the noble lord does not pro pose to name any day himself ? Lord PALMERSTON—No. REFORM OF CORPORATION OF LONDON. In reply to a question from Mr. LABOUCHERE, Sir G. GREY stated it was the intention of her Ma jesty's Government to introduce a bill for the reform of the Corporation of the City of London at an early day. SANITARY CONDITION OF THE METROPOLIS. Lord EBRINGTON, having no desire to impede the public business, postponed his motion relative to the sani tary condition of the metropoiis, and to the urgency of enabling the Metropolitan Commissioners of Sewers to turn to account the two months remaining available for the execution of preventive and palliative Works before the hot weather rendered imminent the outbreak and spread of epidemic di°orders. CUSTOMS DUTY BILL. After a few words from Mr. APGREGOR and Mr. HEYWORTH against the bill, the third reading was agreed to without a division. DISTILLA LION OF SPIRITS FROM MALT. In answer to a question from Mr. GROGAN, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated it was his intention shortly after Whitsuntide to intro duce a bill for the permission of distillation from malt in bond, and to extend to sugar the same regulation as malt, the change to commence from October next. METROPOLIS LOCAL MANAGEMENT BILL. On the order of the day for the house going into com mittee on this bill, Sir B. HALL said it was not his intention by this bill to interfere with the principle of Hobhonse's Act, or in any manner to modify it. Amongst the alterations he proposed, was that of altering the amount of qualifi cation for vestrymen in the metropolitan districts. Under Hobhouse's Act the qualification was 401. in the metropolitan districts, but he found that in some of the districts there were few 401. houses, in com parison with others of a less value, and he proposed that in such parishes where the 401. houses formed an insig nificant portion of the rateable houses the qualification for vestrymen should be reduced to 251., and be further proposed that the necessity of residence should be abolished, because he thought it a hardship that mer chants and others who were largely rated in one parish and resided in another should be prevented, because they did not sleep on the premises, from taking part in its local government. This bill had only been denounced at one put - lie meeting in the metropolis at which there were not more than 30 rate-payers present, which he looked upon as significant of the bill being received with satisfaction in the metropolis. Lord EBAING TON moved, as an amendment, that the further consideration of the bill be deferred till the house had decided upon the principles of the bill an nounced by the President of the Board of Health for the modification of the act commonly known ae Hobhouse's Act, which act was proposed to be incorporated in the Metropolitan Bill. His lordship at great length en tered into the objections he had to the details of the measure, which he said were in union with the opinions of his constituents. Mr. LA.BOUCHERE was opposed to re-discussing this bill after the house had once approved of the prin ciple, and hoped the house would be allowed to go into committee on the bill. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY thought the bill, as it was at present, rather unintelligible. After a somewhat desultory discussion, Lord Ebring ton withdrew his motion. Mr. MAcKnurorr then moved that the bill be referred to a select committee, and the motion was seconded by Mr. PELLATT. Sir G. GREY opposed the motion, considering that no grounds had been stated for referring the bill to a select committee. Sir G. Peelle li and Mr. Williams likewise opposed the motion, which was supported, in a modified manner, by Mr. M. Chambers and Lord Ebrington, and, upon a division, negatived by 131 t o 8. The ouse then went into committee upon the bill, a few of the clauses of which had been gone through, when the Chairman was ordered to report progress. The Jurisdiction of the Stannary Court Amendment Bill was read a second time. The Derial-grounds (Scotland) Bill passed through committee. The Infants',Marriage Bill was read a third time and passed. Other bills passed through committee. Mr. KENDALL obtained leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation of the payment of poor s rate on the royalties of mines in England and Wales ; and the Lord Advocate a bill to consolidate and amend the laws relating to bankruptcy in Scotland. The house then adjourned. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. (From the Times of this day.) LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S MOTION. The intentions announced last night by Lord Ellenborough were in all respects meritorious—to restore to Parliament that influence which it ought to possess over the public opinion of this country ; to place the House of Lords in the front of the battle for the rights of merit and for adminis trative reform ; to assure the Crown of the fearless deter mination of Parliament to give its active support to the war, while it lays bare the causes that have hitherto increased our sacrifices and impaired our success. These were objects worthy of a great orator, a great crisis, and a great display crowded, n ever e e v x e c i i . tme a nt i . nor N e eerw brilliant tahuedlocuesegrfongrdth'cingoarle leries or besiege the bar, never was public curiosity more excited ; yet, in spite of all these announcements, of all these preparations, and of the tiptoe avidity of the public, we are constrained to add that the debate in no degree realised these expectations, and the large majority which ne gatived Lord Ellenborough's resolutions expressed the opinion of all who listened impartially to the debate, and of all, we believe, who will read the report with similar impartiality this morning. The most brilliant audience in Britain was, indeed, kept for above an hour suspended between plati, tudes which no one could contest, and paradoxes which no one could believe ; and we suspect that most of those present retired with the melancholy conviction that, although the country may be sorely in want of a powerful War Minis ter, that heaven-born statesman is not to be found in the accomplished orator who had commenced the discussion. Nor was Lord Derby more fortunate. Brilliant as usual, his speech failed to convince his warmest admirers that he was sincere in desiring the Administrative Reform which he affected to advocate, and he must have borne his friend's de feat with more even than his ordinary resignation. Lord Ellenborough, with characteristic military tactics, be gan the action by throwing out his light troops, and succeeded by a small anecdote in raising a faint laugh. But this petty advantage was not favourable to his career , and in discussi ng the wars of em pi res we can forget the fa, te of small birds. The true gist of the speech was confined to two points- -the strategical operations of the war as projected and executed by the late Government in the last campaign, and the selec tion of men for the public service, and especially for the military service of the country, without . interest or favour, but by the sole test of merit. On this last point we need not say that we cordially agree with Lord El lenborough, and that he has the country to back him ; but the application he made of the principle led him, as we shall presently see, to a most extraordinary paradox. We gather from Lord Ellenborough's rerarks on the last campaign that he would have preferred, if possible, that the English and French armies should have been engaged in dis tinct operations, in order to avoid the evils of a divided com mand. He approves, however, the gradual advance of the forces, the lines at Gallipoli, and the landing at Varna, but from that point his course of operations would have been wholly different. He appears to think that one portion of the allied forces ought to have been employed in Asia to co operate with the Turkish army of Kars, and that the re mainder should have co-operated with the Turks and Aus trians in the Principalities, so as to drive the Russians from the Pruth to the Dnieper. There have, no doubt, been many defects of military judgment and administrative ability in the conduct of the past campaign, but, all things considered, no blunders have been committed at all approaching to the ab surdity of these suggestions. The position of the allied armies has been most trying during a winter in the Crimea within six miles of the sea ; what would it have been in the mountainous regions of Armenia, cut off by rocks and snow from the coast, and buried in that wild region which Xenophon crossed by a march still cited as a miracle in militail , history ? The Government are sometimes accused of not knowing what they under took when they invaded the Crimea, but that reproach is, at least, ill-founded in the mouths of men who would have despatched an army into Mingrelia and Imeritia. Again, Lord Ellenborough advocates a campaign in the valley of the Danube, the Principalities, and the plains of Bessarabia—a country already exhausted by the passage of armies, 'infected with pestilence, scorched by heat in summer, and swept by the severest cold in winter—where we must have encountered as we advanced two or three fold our own numbers in the ranks of the enemy. Both these plans appear to us so ex travagant, and so evidently fatal to the troops which might have been engaged in them, that they materially shake what ever confidence we might have been disposed to place in Lord Ellenborough's judgment and sagacity; and we are confident that the difficulties we have already had to surmount in our operations would have been immeasurably increased if these schemes had been adopted. Lord Ellenborough, on the con trary, omits the one main point of our superiority and our success. We are making war at a great distance from home, lit climates and countries we know little of, where even food and habitations are scarce, and the means of inland communi cation wholly deficient:' What, then, have we in all cases command to rely upon ? Our maritime superiority, which gives u . s n t h b of the sea; our innumerable transports,w enable gu F ran co and to main tainh ich England into contact with Russia, and onesus. railroads and telegraphs on the soil of the T aur ic Ch o exposers ed it to It is the peninsular form of the Crimeaea n and even to plant our our armies, to reinforce our troops, the attacks of the maritime Powers, and w hi c h e nables them base of operations. with a secure maritime character of sight of the Lord Ellenborough loses t reeive that the conquest of to carry on the war there the war, and hence he does no pe us to pursue, whereas with the Russian ject he recommends . . ured in Sebastopol no other opera tionlieet unattacked and uninjured the Crimea would go far to the attainment of every other ob e been attempted. could with safety . 'the most unlooked-for portion of however, singular as they un do Adopting the popular cry for Lord Ellenborough's speech . merit and capacity in opposition to y stra ar t e e , gi w ca e l v vi i e lo ws a t v of vouritismthe advancementTubhteesdle routine, ho 'gave his unqualified support t o and those principles which the experience of the last fe w mouths h as placed in the mouth of every man not pledged by interest or prejudice to the existing system. We gi ve L ord Ellenbo rough credit for something of that sprrit which enabled Lord Chatham to select the best instruments for the boldest • and to triumph over obstacles i n war which b ffi policy, a ed the con galley and the courage even of his illustrious son But, while Lord Ellenborough gave utterance to these honourable. patriotic sentiments, we wore not prepared and to hear him • up his harangue by a direct appeal to the wind his hereditary auditors. The merit to • personal merits of for the work of administrative ref which the country looks those who raise their own fortunes is the personal merit of own names—the merit of those s h and confer a lustre on their do not often inherit them. There o make peerages, but who is scarcely a peer in that assembly who cannot invoke the fame of some illustrious an cestor, and reckon the honours sof the rea l m. Vino neither he bea rs f rom some em i nen t forget their past services nor grudge th em th ese rewards. But is it possible that Lord itle of this day.) (From the Morwing arm The Earl of Ellenborough, whether doing the work of the Nationhe or only of the Tories, at least did that work we [ Into his elaborate criti c i sms on the errors which all eges to have be en comm itt e d i n the m i l i tary management of the war it is ne t necessary now to enter , because, however able in them se l ves, they were only indirectly connected with the . _ real question w hi c h ag i tates the public mind. The practica l sense of the pe o pl e o f t hi s country teaches them to " let by begon bygones," an d ra th er to seek guarantees for the future than to inflict pu n i s h men t f or th e past. Mistakes, at the commencement of such a war as that in which We are now engaged, were almost inevitable, after a long period of peace. The public, recovered from a first astonish ment that the national arms should not - have proved so triumphantly successful as the national flatterers Pro mised, have arrived at a conviction that there were radial defects in the s ystem, which ought to be remedied by resolute men, relying on a generous support from Parliament and the people. The disposition of the public mind is rather to look forward than to rot on the pa _to seek a remedy rather than a re That o affairs have been mismanaged is beyond a venge . h sourwe preclude such mismanagement in to future / pt by exp erience, and was scarcely t oo severe on Lord Pal meLoratrdan.Ellecn, boparohlluagh instructors" were not alone in their' ex tectaton of the that the noble viscount would h ave comprehended he grandeur opportunity offered hi m by an almost unanimous people, would have wielded with a firm and vigorous hand the Dictatorship forced upon his ac ceptance. Yes, what every man in the nation saw to be the t nlf true solution of the great difficulty of the time, was pre cisely t'iat which Lord Palmerston either could not, or would not, understand. He thought that h e had , done enough, when he offered offices to cm fain gentlemen whose position as pri vate individuals rendered acceptance impossible ; and, hav ing done this, he considered hi mse lf j us tifi ed in falling back on his old Whi g f r i en d s, an d i n f orm i ng an Administration upon scarcely any other principle than that of family con nection. Whether it was that the Peers regarded Lord Palmerston as the temporary champion of their order, or that the Tories did not seriously desire to put out their full strength, a divi sion showed a majority against Lord Ellenborough's motion. (Prom the Daily News of this day.) The Peers have negatived Lord Ellenborongh's motion. Seventy-one votes were recorded for, and one hund re d an d eighty-one against it. We should be shy of affirming that all the " Contents" are in their hearts friendly to Administrative Reform; but we are thoroughly convinced that all the " Non contents" are sincerely opposed to it. Great things were expected of the noble earl. As he was pointedly reminded by his antagonists who followed him in debate, he seemed, after challenging the whole Ministerial array, cautiously to avoid engaging in any conflict of a personal nature. His inculpations of the Government were general, and he carefully abstained from specifically censuring any particular appointment, civil or military. This method was undoubtedly consonant with good tactics as regarded votes in a division, and we are not surethat up on th e w h o l e i t was an error in judgment as regards the verdict of the country. We do not blame Lord Ellenborough, therefore, for not affording his opponents an opportunity, such as no doubt they counted on, of breaking up the discussion of the great con troversy into a number of personal altercations about the de gree of demerit of each of their protegee, and the comparative ill-odour of their numerous jobs. The country has long ago made up its mind on the matter; and Lord Ellenborough did, in our opinion, much more wisely by keeping clear of all the dust and filth of individual recrimination, and boldly appealing for popular support by the manly and straightforward avowal of the great principle of Administrative Reform. "I am not a convert," exclaimed the noble Earl, " to that principle, be cause I have alwai s maintained it ; and because I hare alwitys, when I had the power, applied it, in practice." The fault of the speech, as a speech, manifest'y arose from its having been too hastily fore-shortened in accordance with some suggestion or after-thought. Artistically judged, it may' be said to have consisted of little more than an opening and a peroration, both excellent in their way, but each more suit able to an invective of two hours' duration than a menace of attack prolonged for five-and-forty minutes. In a word, people expected a tempest, and were consequently not veil , much moved by the picturesque, but harmless, threatening of a thunder-storm'that passed off withoat bursting. It is perfectly clear that in the Upper House there is an instinctive unanimity in favour of maintaining things as they are., The contest there is solely one of party ; different shil% boleths are used by rival factions ; but to cheat the middle classes out of their rights is the ultimate, though unuttered ) aim'of both, i (From the Morning Post of this day.) Lord Ellenberough might as well have moved a simple vot• of censure as the high-sounding resolutions which drag their sloW length along over half a column of paper. He might ; have done that, and he m i g ht have age d with fairness and candour his desire for another- change' of Ministry, which 1 d , should have given him an oppo r t un it y o f i n d ulging his . gor geous dreams of conquered A s i a -- o f c h ang i ng the scene, with the rapidity of a pantomi me , f rom the beleaguered walls of Sebastopol to the plains o f G eorg i a, and the splendour of an Asiatic campaign with R uss i a . B ut candour and fairness do not seem to be f avour it e weapons with the War Minister who recommends hims e lf w ith suc h earnestness and such persever ance. In his whol e a tt ac k on t h e conduct of the war he slurs over the fact, th a t th e P a l merston is not the Aber een Ministry—that the spirit of Lord Aberdeen is not the spirit of Lord Palmerston—that Lord Panmure is not the Duke of Newcastle—that we have a new Minis try, not only distinct in many points from the old, but in the vigour and qualifications of its Head—in its will and capacity to reform, absolutely different. Lord Ellenborough inveighed against the doings of the Government, as if Govern ment existed on a principle of perpetuity, and were responsi ble alike for the economics of the Earl of Derby and for the weakness, of Lord Aberdeen, in not counteracting their mis chief. The plaia truth is, that no Minister is individually re sponsible for the effects of a forty years' peace on the army of u constitutional and representative country. ( From the Morning Herald of this day.) The sole reason for the motion made by the Conservative parts- is, the alarming nature of the crisis. Long since, deeply impressed with the necessity for administrative reform, they felt the hour had at length arrived at which it could not be much longer delayed. Lord Derby admitted that recent de monstrations proved the existence of a deeply-seated dissatis faction and discontent amongst all classes. And unless this feeling be met in a fair and judicious manner the very foun dations of our constitution may receive a shock. This is the blow which the Conservative party would ward off from our distracted country. In vain did the Coalitionists endeavour to change the real question of debate, and to convert a cen sure upon the feeble policy of an incapable Government into an attack upon the united services. Again and again di both 'Lords Derby and Ellenborough commend most warmly, as they have ever done, our gallant defenders and their noble allies the French. The Ministry by the greatest exertions contrived to defeat the motion, but the whole weight of the debate goes against them, and the vigilance of our friends in the country will soon bring victory to the cause. ' ( Front the Morning Advertiser of this clay.) The speech of Lord Ellenborough will prove a heavy blo and discouragement to the oligarchical system, out of which onr disasters and dishonour have arisen. A great portion of it might have been spoken with much propriety at the meet ing at the London Tavern, on Saturday week, to inaugurate the Administrative Reform movement. We do net suppose that the Administrative Reform Association will formally ex press,a wish that Lord Ellenborough should join their organi sation. • Nor do we suppose it likely that he will forward his subsciption with a request that his n ame may b e enrolled as a meber ; but still the association may, so fares all practical purposes are concerned, regard him hereafter as one of thei body They must feel—at least they ought to feel—that they owe e debt of gratitude to the noble lord for his speech last night. . Locd . Ellenborongh was very severe in his remarks on the Houst of Commons; but no one can charge the noble lord with having carried his severity beyond the confines of justice. He affirmed that the House of Commons had lost the confi- ' dencei of the country. Who will deny the truth of the asser tiOn V Poll the entire population of the kingdom, and you will riot find one intelligent person wh does not share the opiniOn of the House of Commons, which the noble lorclso plainly and so forcibly expressed. The fact is ono w h d ich_ or a can not be too deeply deplored. It is ominous, indeed, f when the countiry boasting of its representative institution:t, to express very ;nen whom the people return to ere! a their a 1 which we are in !v ii i n ew to s tahnedcghiavieaucttetreraanbeeehtige tihieeirfPe.eilinoigsau: who sent them thither. That is the at present. It is a truly alarn . ling r P ef ° orm of the House of peril., There must be a sweeping lx)s s i iti o n representatives ll lt v is foof f r u fte l h l i ?d o s : Commons. ---___------ Mr. James Wilson, the naturalist, of Edinburgh, M r. Ramsbottarn, Mr. Shays-, and other scientific gentlemen, have just succee ded in e s tablishing that the p arr, or young salmon , must remain two years in the fre s h water before their mi g ration to the sea. It is nee dl ess (says the ..4yr Ad v ertiser) to remar k the great chan ge w hi ch this discovery m ust occasion in the laws of the salmon rivers. Holloway's Oint ment and Pills VE RTISEMENT for pIY Bad Legs•—CoJ— py of a Letter from Mr. G eorge Philips, of Livers-lane, H aver f ordw est.—" To P ro f essor Holloway.— Sir, --I consid er it my duty to mak e k now* the benefit I derived from using your Ointment and Pills, after suffering very severely from a wound in my leg, for which I tith e; the treatment was und medical men for nine mo At lasto; several I res ortedwithout deri v i ng i your ving any remedies,ben fit whatever. which certainly did won ders, for after using them for a few weeks only, in a ccor d ance with your directions, my leg ; is completel ucuorlied. and at P ro f essor y, Sold "—Sold by all me di c i ne ven d ors , London, and 80, oway's establishments, 244, Str a nd, Maiden-lane, New Y or k. ULDvxrerisemxxv.l mong the numerous extraordinary cures without medicine effected by Du Ba rr y' s d e li c ious health e r estoring Revalent a A least r Arabica Food, the following are not the least :—Cure No. 47,121 . "Miss Elizabet h Jacobs, of Na z i ng Vicarage, Walthamcross, Herts : a cure of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, ner vous fancies." Cure No. 48,314. low spirits, and ~ Miss Elizabeth Yeoman, Gateaere, near Liverpool: a cure of ten years' dyspepsia and all the horrors of nervous irritability." Cure No. 3,906. -- Thirteen years' cough , indigestion, and general debility have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Revalenta Arabica Food.---JAMES PORTER, Athol-street, Perth. In canisters, 1119. 2s. 91; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 5119, lls. ; 121 b. 225. The 12119., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Barry Regent-street, Londo n Du Barry & Co., 77, ; also at 182, Piccadilly; 60, Graceehurch-street ; —..”, 'lgo , and 451, Strand; 4, Cheapside ;60 and 68, Cernhill ; 49, Bishopsgate-s t ; 55, Charing-cross; 54, Upper Baker-street; 63 and 150, 89, High-street, Cam den-town Oxford-street ; en-town • 18, Pall. malt ; 7, Pall-mall - East ; 132 , New .Bond - street ' ;24 Mot. com b. s t r eet ; 13, King William-street,n City ; etr 3o e , e Conduit. s t r eet; 21, Cc:Asper - street; 95, Farri di ° i; _ Paul's Churchyard ;6, Edward-street, Por t man-square. . n-seL t ua ; r 6 e. 7, St. - . Ellenborongh could confound the hereditary titles and station ho utDsho:eys thati do n nootts geniusa vouar accompanyn o d f valouriro of the House of Peers with the achievements in which they distinctions,mt 4 : m k theirbermembers 0 origin f t th a o t u H: tary descent 7 The very charge brought against AristocraCc n t y he t :c o i b l y ni f e i h r n e d re t d h these i- institutions is, that they perpetuate this share of power, rank, and influence in the State by the accident of birth and by the claim of kinsmanshiP• The House of Peers consists, not of the greatest men whom England pos sessed, but of the descendants of the greatest men whom. •she has at any time possessed. There, at least, the claims of family are absolute and indisputable, for they are the essence of an hereditary aristocracy. In their proper place, we do not dispute the services they may render to the State; but the rule which predominates in the Hou se o f L ords is mis. chievons and absurd when it overrules the whole public ad ministration of the country. Men who are to serve the State well must be chosen for something besides the abilities of their grandfathers or the influence of their living r e l a ti ons ; and Lord Ellenborough could not have selected a more paradoxi cal example of the proposition he professed to ass er t th an that appeal to the House of Peers with which he concluded his speech: _ . cOV tort o a, pope calf ith' )1' i 6 ion!