The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

OPENING OF PARLIAMENT. .FROSL ♦ CORBESPONDIWT.) The meeting o Parliament this year dawns at a period of strange events. I hope it will please the Lord of Lords to pour upon this nation the abundance of His mercy, and at this time, especially, to fill the hearts and minds of our Ministry (the rulers of the land) with TRUE WISDOM, so that in all things the intent and designs of the session manifested through the Royal Spee ch, may, in unity of spirit and in the bonds of p eace, work_ togeth er for good—and so that the burden of taxation may be ttl r n eatl relieved; a task, a duty, so easily perform r el o b_y pu ness g and practice a single word or rule in the spii pure word of God. What a c han g e of sentiment f ho li ne ss and feel ing o f heart would spring up and rise in the bosom of every oppressed and heavy laden man existing under the laws of England, were it seen that Minis ters watched closely thegates of our revenue or public purse , a nd never suffered an inroad of cor ruption and abuse—a single draw o f cash that is not fairly won, and justly due 1 How plain , how simple, how easy, how bright, Is ' the rule th a t ought to be laid down and worked upon ! Eco nomy and retrenchment the watchword, but sparing nothing; yet rid the people of useless and unmerited burdens theg the ranks of army, navy, and every department of State of weed, thorn, and brier 1 I suppose there never was a nation under heaven loaded with a burden of tax ation through a long course of years, and TIME Os' pal,cx, as England is. Why is it so? Why will our Commons (the representatives of the people) and the Lords upon earth suffer these things! Why not strip the State, and make us clean of every sinecure and unnecessary place and pension, and so secure the love of the people, even as the love of Christ is won by the stripping of our sins ? Sir, it matters little or nothing to me what is done or left undone by legislation, as my years of life draw fast to an end; but, I confess my anxiety to see a better state of things—a change better suited to the wants and wishes of those who now exist, as well as those who will come after and throng the stage of life, when slime portion of our sorrows may be done away, and many, many sing for joy, that Britain yet is a happy, happy land! Sir, I am addressing you and the public, as an old Tory and true Conservative. I submit myself to Ministers with loyal, pure, and sincere desires—and the first and most im portant work I know of is this—to take and deliver the whole community from the hands of lawyers; but I do not mean they should starve--no, that would be a pity—but I would have no mere than the people wanted to transact the regular ordinary occurring business in every relation of life—local courts established, and lawyers appointed by Government at Stated annual salaries, according to ability and require ment: 'Every sort of work repaired by the public should be free of expense. Lawyers for neglect or -.offending Vibe discharged. I would like to see little for barristers.to do, and by degrees less for the Lord Chancellor ! , If Ministers are at a loss, I can give them a plan. all and every case of mortgage of property, I would that a title once proved to be right and good, should ever afterwards be registered and transferred in a proper local Government-office, at any time, by payment of a trifling fee, the same as stock in the funds,—and a considerate stamp, if any. Wills.—Under this head my system is this:. in every local or county court I would devote offices for the proving of wills, and the testator name and appoint one executor; the other one in all cases to be the commissioner of the court, whose duty should be to see the intent duly and truly carried out—(l need not assign my reason). Probate and Legacy duties repeal, as also insurance from fire, a duty that I think disgraceful to any Government. I will now add the tax upon windows, which is impolitic, hard, Iliad severe, and presses unfairly, and ought to be repealed. These are all virtually a tax upon property, which, if feces nary, saddle upon the right horse properly, under the head or name of " Property-tax." January, 31, 1849. CALIFORNIA. ' Whether the gold of California is destined or not to effect a material change in our currency relations, time will show, but it is certain that in many quarters there is an idea that such will be the case. It is natural, therefore, under such circumstances, that suggestions should be made as to the adVantage of a mixed currency of gold and silver, and the following portion of some " reflecticns" by a merchant may interest : " The danger is thus evident, and it appears to me the means of escaping it are equally so. We have but to change our standard from gold to silver—from a medium that is likely to fluctuate to one that is likely to be eta tibnary. This measure has already been advocated on its own merits by most of our own leading authorities on cur rency, so that, whether Californian prospects be realised or not, we should probably not go far wrong in assimilating our standard to that of the rest of the world. But what is to be done should be done quickly, for, if accounts from America continue unchanged, gold will begin to fall by anticipation (like any other article in the same position) before it actually appears to any extent on the European market, and we know, by the experience of 1822, how great would be the outcry were the standard to be raised after it had become depreciated. With a silver standard, gold coin would be received here as else where, at its intrinsic worth, and in the event of a fall such as I have supposed, the only losers by it would be the holders at the time of sovereigns and gold bullion, who would be ex posed to this loss under any circumstances. " It may be objected that the additional demand for silver, caused by the transfer of the standard, would have a ten dency to raise its value, and so lead to some disturbance of the currency in that direction ; but it would by no means follow..that sovereigns would disappear, because the standard was changed ; they would continue to circulate like any other article, at their value, and would still be preferred to silver, from habit and convenience. . " Another objection to the change might be, that the price of the sovereign would be a subject of constant dis pute ; but we do not find this to be the case in countries whose currency is in this position. In any case. however, my suggestion would be, that the Mint, with us, publish a weekly bulletin of the price at which the sovereign should be a legal tender for the ensuing week. A. practice somewhat similar actually prevailed in England (see Jenkinson on Coins) for upwards of four hundred years, subsequent to 1250, ki hen the value of the gold money then existing was regulated by proclamation, though at too dis tant intervals to produce altogether the desired effect, which, indee4, was often rendered quite impossible from the erro neous principles on which the proclamations were based. A weekly bulletin, now that the relative value of the precious metals is known to the smallest fraction, would ob viate all these difficulties, and secure us at once the benefit of a silver- standard, and the convenience of a gold circula tion, while the Bank would be enabled to hold its bullion, in both metals, in the proportions that circumstances might call for. " The seignorage on silver would of course have to bere duced from-its present rate of 6 , 4 per cent., either to nothing or to about 1 per cent., as charged by the French, and I be lieve by most of the continental mints." •CALIFORNIA.—Extract of a letter from an officer to his agent in London:--"H.M.S. Herald, Mazatlan, 27th Nov., 1848.—Nothing is talked of here but the extraordinary gold mines discovered by the Americans in Upper California. The quantity of gold found is unprecedented in the annals of history. Millions on millions of dollars' worth of hold are ntoir arriving here from St. Francisco. I have seen a large quantity of it; it is found in a very pure state. One lump I saw weighed 251bs. Soz. The quantity found is so great as to cause the idea of a depreciation in the value of the precious metal." SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. INTELLIGENCE EXTRA. LIVERPOOL GREAT NATIONAL STEEPLE CHASE. Handicap for the Grand National Steeplechase Stakes of 20 sous. each, h ft, and 5 only if declared on or be fore the 10th inst. at lb Nimrod, aged lO 8 Peter Simple, aged lO 8 Little Fanny, aged lO 8 Clonardon, 6 yrs Abd-el-Kader lO 8 Knight of Gwynne, a 10 7 Dicky Misfortune Chatham, aged lO 6 Shinbone, 5 yrs lO 6 Fisticuff, aged lO 6 Redstreak, aged lO 6 Coriander, aged lO 6 Alfred, 5 yrs lO 6 Boxkeeper, aged lO 4 Red Lancer, aged Miss Burns, aged Jerry, aged 10 4 Canary, aged lO 2 Vulture, aged lO 2 Thurgarton, aged Venom, 5 yrs lO 2 Marengo, aged Bold Dairy, aged Ballybar, aged Tim Whiffler, aged 9 12 ) Gamester 912 ) Spem Gregis, 5 yrs 912 Pendeunis, aged 9 12 I Equinox, aged , ....... 912 1 Khondooz, aged...... 910 Miss Brown, aged . 9 10 Mignionette, aged ... 9 4 Sparta, ag e d ......... 8 12 Crown Prince paid. at lb Chandler, aged l2 2 , The Curate, aged Proceed, aged ll 11 The Doctor, aged ll 7 St. Leger, aged Wolverhampton,aged 11 5 British Yeoman, aged 11 4 Mathew, aged ll 2 Arab Robber, 6 yrs .. 11 2 Mulligan, 4 yrs The Iron Duke, 5 yrs 11 0 Shamrock, 6 yrs ll 0 Rilfane, aged ll 0 Brunette, aged Sir John, aged ll 0 Father Mathew, aged 10 13 Splendid, 6 yrs Salute, aged ....... 10 13 The Victim, aged Agitatioti, aged ...... 10 10 Prince George, aged 10 10 Charm, aged ......... 10 10 Subduer, aged......... 10 10 Sir John, aged Clarinda The Page, aged Edward thiaklrst, agd 10 to Sobriety, aged .... . 10 t.) La Sylphide, aged lO 9 Tipperary Boy, 5 yrs lO 9 Napoleon, 6 yr 5..... 10 8 8 Flycatcher, 6 yrs ..•• 10 B g by Young Rain - bow, 6 yrs CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT. OLD COURT. (Before Mr. Justice COLERIDGE and Mr. Just ES SWELL . it ) RAPE. —John Wiseman, a tailor, aged 28, was indicted for comm ting a rape on the person of Jemima B ate, a young girl aged 15. The particulars of the case are unfit for publication. It would seem from the evidence that the offence was attended with great violence ; but the prisoner protested that the girl consented to his overtures. The jury, after a lengthened inquiry, wished to convict the pri soner of a common assault only ; but Mr. Justice COVERIDGE told them that they must either find him guilty of the capital offence or acquit hi Therjury Acquitt e d him. NEW COURT. (Before the.Rxcoanza.) Henry Albert, 30, a porter, and Henry Howard, else 30, and a porter, were indicted, for stealing 10 yards of carpeting, valued at • 20/.,, the property of Messrs. 'Wood and Co., wholesale carpet dealers, in Watling-street. Some moths ago the prosecutors were robbed to a serious extent by one of the parties in their employ, which led to inquiries being set on foot to ascertain how Um stolen property had been disposed ' of, arid in the course of that investigation the carpet in question was traced to the shop .of Mr. Shaw, a re . spectahle carpet seller, carrying on business in Bishopsgate - street Without, who stated that he had purchased it from a Jew deaier named Jules Jacobs, for le. 6cl. a yard, who in his turn had bought it from another dealer whim the prisoner Howard had em ployed to dispose of it. Upon Howard being taken into custody, he protested that he was innocent of the robbery , d eclarin g that he had received the carpet from Albert, the other prisoner, who had pre viously filled the situation of porter to the prosecutors, and that statement, coupled with the fact that Albert had called upon .Hyam, the party engaged by Howard to dispose of the stolen property, to know if Howard }sad b e e s Paid•the proceeds of the sale, led to hie being arrested, and charged as the principal in the transaction. The jury convicted Albert of stealing and Howard of receiving the property, knowing it to, be stolen. Mr. BALLATTINE, who appeared for the prosecution, intimated that an investigation was going on In a police-court that was likely o implicate the prisoner Albert in a similar robbery; and, under those circumstances , The COURT deferred passing sentence on loth, prisoner& :SEQUESTRATION OF AN INCUMBENC Y IN THE CITY. notice has been posted on the doors of the ehurch of St. Mary, Wood-street, that in consequence of the decease of the late incum bent, and no appointment haying been Vie. the Bishop of London has sequestered - the tithes, protitn, - &c. , and nominated certain per sonS as sequestrators. A proceeding of this kind is somewhat un usual in times .when every one is looking out for a livelihood, and a goed "'wine is apparently goi n g beggin,g. - ,„ ACRRI7 HARMONIC S O CIETY.-ExETER HALL.- Heethovet.'s Service in C., and Mendelsshon's " Hymn of Praise," watse perioriped nnder the direction of Mr. Costa, at Ezeter Hall, on Friday; Fbbrnary 9. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 1. The Speaker entered the House, attended by Lord Wm. Russell, the Sergeant-at-Arms, and took the Chair at Half past One, when the attendance of Members was by no means numerous. The Attorney-General, Mr. Ward, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Fox Maule were the only members of the Govern ment present; but at a later period, after prayers had been read by the Speaker's Chaplain, there was a much fuller House. The back seats both of the Opposition and Minis terial sides, however, remained quite empty. Amongst the Honourable Members who were earliest in their places we observed the following :—Lord Lincoln, Mr. Hume, Mr. Feargus O'Connor, Lord Dudley Stuart, Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Gladstone, Sir De Lacy Evans, Sir John Pakington, Colonel Thompson, Sir; R. H. Inglis, Mr. C. Anstey, Mr. Stuart Wortley, and Mr. Brotherton. At half-past-two o'clock, Mr. Pulman, the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the bar, and summoned the House to the' House of Lords, to hear her Miijesty's most gracious Speech from the throne. The Speaker, in obedience to the summons, left the chair, and, attended by:nearly all the Members present, proceeded to the bar of the House of Lords. After an absence of about ten minutes, the Speaker re turned to the House, and again resumed the chair. The House then adjourned till a Quarter before Four o'clock. The House resumed at a Quarter to Four o'clock. The SPEAKER informed the House that during the recess be had issued writs for the election of Members for King's Lynn, in the room of Lord George Bentinck, deceased ; for the West Riding of Yorkshire, in the room of Lord Merpeth, who had succeeded to the Earldom of Carlisle ; for Liskeard, in the room of Mr. Buller, deceased; and for Truro, is the room of Mr. Turner, deceased. SLIGO ELECTION. The SPEAKER also informed the House that he had received a letter from the agent of the parties petitioning against the return of Mr. Somers for the.porough of Sligo, stating that it was not their intention towproceed with such petition. THE SUN,- NEW MEMBERS. Mr. CROWDEIL took the oaths and his seat for Liskeard. Mr. BASS took the oaths and his seat for the borough of Derby. Mr. BLAIR took the oaths and his seat for Bolton. NEW WRITS. On the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, a new writ was ordered to be issued for the election of a Member for the borough of Portsmouth, in the room of Sir F. T. Baring, who has ac cepted the office of First Lord of the Admiralty. On the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, a new writ was ordered to be issued for the borough of Horsham, in the room of the late Member, who was unseated upon petition. On the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, a new writ was ordered to be issued for the borough of Kingston-upon-Hull, in the room of Mr. Baines, who had accepted the office of the President of the Poor-law Board. On the motion of Sir J. Y. BULLER, a new writ was ordered to be issued for the election of a Knight of the Shire for the Southern Division of the county of Devon, in the room of Lord Courtenay, who had accepted the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds. On the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, a new writ was ordered to be issued for the borough of Leominster, in the room of Mr. Barkly, who had accepted the office of Governof of Bri tish Guiana. On the motion of Mr. TUFNELL, a new writ was ordered to issue for the borough of Bolton, in the room of Dr. Bow ring, who had accepted the office of British Consul at Conton. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. TUFN ELL said, with the permission of the Ifouse, he would state the course her Majesty's Government intended to pursue in reference to the first business of the session. To morrow his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Ex chequer would move for leave to bring in a Bill to consoli date the Stamps and Excise departments. On Monday his Noble Friend the First Lord of the Treasury would move the sessional orders. On Tuesday the Secretary for Ireland would move for leave to bring in a Bill to continue the Bill for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. On Friday his Noble Friend the First Lord of the Treasury would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend and alter the Irish Poor-law ; and on Monday week his Noble Friend, the First Lord of the Treasury, would move for a Committee of the whole House to take into con sideration the repeal of the Navigation-laws. NOTICES OF MOTION. Sir R. H. INGLIS gave notice that on Tuesday next he should move the re-appointment of the Library Committee, and that on an early day he should move an address to the Crown, praying her Majesty to take effective measures for the suppression of the slave trade. The Hor. Baronet also gave notice that on an early day he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to legalize the marriages of British subjects in foreign countries. REPEAL OF THE UNION. Mr. F. O'CONNOR gave notice that this day fortnight he should move the appointment of a Select Committee to con• sider the Act establishing the Legislative Union between England and Ireland, with the view to its repeal. DISTRESS IN IRELAND. Major BLACKALL gave notice that this day fortnight he should call the attention of the House to the state of Ireland, and the necessity for providing for the existing distress in that country by temporary and extraordinary legislation. IRISH FISHERIES. _ Mr. C. ANSTEY gave notice that on an early day h• should move for a Select Committee on the Irish fisheries. FINANCIAL REFORM.' Mr. ANDERSON gave notice that on the 15th instant he should move for a Select Committee to inquire into the practicability of effecting . a large reduction in the naval expenditure of the country by providing a steam fleet for the defence of the country by means of prirate enterprise. BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS. Sir J. PAKINGTON gave notice that on Tuesday next he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to prevent bribery and corruption at elections for Members of Parliament. IRELAND. Mr. P. SCROPE gave notice that he should move on this day fortnight for certain returns, showing the population of Ireland in 1848 as compared with 1841. DURATION OF PARLIAMENT. Lord DUDLEY STUART gave notice that he should ask for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the Septennial Act, and to limit the duration of Parliament to three years. IRELAND. Mr. ANSTEY gave notice that he would move for copies of certain communications which had passed between Sir G. Grey and the Lord-Lieutenand of Ireland, with reference to the persecution of Roman Catholics, on account of their reli gious principles. SICILY. Mr. URQUHART gave notice that he would this day fortnight move a resolution to the effect that the interven tion of this country in the'affairs of Sicily was a violation of the laws of nations. ROMAN CATHOLICS. - _ _ Mr. ANSTEY gave notice that on Tuesday next he would move fora further repeal of the enactments imposing pains and penalties on Roman Catholics. JOINT-STOCK COMPANIES. An'Ffox. MEMBER gave'notice that on Friday, the 9th of February, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to pro vide for the transfer of shares in joint-stock companies. THE COLONIES. Mr. BAILLIE gave notice that he would move for a Select Committee to inquire into certain grievances com plained of in the Islands of Ceylon, British Guiana, and the Mauritius, and to ascertain whether an Administrative Go vernment might not with propriety be given to those colonies. FIRE 4INSURANCE. Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice of his intention, on an early day, to renew his former motion for a reduction of duty on fire insurances. RELIEF TO IRELAND. Mr. JOIIN O'CONNELL gave notice that, on Thursday, the 15th inst., unless her Majesty's Ministers anticipated him by bringing forward a large measure of relief for Ireland, he would move for a Committee of the whole House, to con sider the distress and alarming condition :.of that country, and, on that occasion, that the whole House be called. WOODS AND FORESTS. Lord DUN CAN gave notice that he intended to move on an early day the re-appointment of the Select Committe no minated last session, to inquire into the revenues of the Woods and Forests. ECCLESIASTICAL AFHOPSWEARMOUTHFAIRS—THE RECTORY OF Mr. HORSMAN gave notice that he should to-morrow ask the Noble Lord at the head of the Government two questions upon ecclesiastical affairs—first, whether it was proposed to fill up the appointment to the rectory of Bishopswearmouih ; and how it was intended to distribute the surplus funds. Secondly, what were the nature of the measures which the Government intended to introduce with a view to ecclesiastical reform, and when the Noble Lord at the head of the Government f‘ ould be prepared to bring them forward? QUEEN'S SPEECH.-THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER intinAted that he had been summoned to the House of Lords to hear her Majesty's Speech from the Throne. (The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the Speech, which will be found in another part of our paper.) Lord HARRY 'VANE, in rising to move that an Address should be presented to her Majesty, in answer to that most gracious Speech, said he was unable to avail himself of the plea so often set up by those standing in the position in which he now stood, that he had recently become a Member of that House, and was entitled to solicit their indulgence. But if he was unable to urge that plea, he trusted that in dulgence might be accorded to him in consideration of the yearremarkable incidents which had marked the annals of the li g o ne by, and of the impending uncertainty which still hang over th e f ace of Europe, as we ll as i n cons id era ti on o f the important nature of the domestic policy which would be brought under t attention of the Legislature. The para graphs of he: Majesty's first instance advieestse2 Speech to which he would in the attention of the ti f f:la: ou d lto which he begged to request the were those which related to the foreign relations o f considering It was a subject of congratulation to all, er e ing the marvellous incidents which crowded in such rapid year just gone by, to see that thlecefealeoanrainneteh,ethspeaperue prudence, and and the deep sense of responsibility —perhaps he might those in a t Europe —had the head say the mutual apprehension of o f the administration of affairs induced them to use their bes t efforts to preserve Europe from an y further calamity, in additio n to those disastrous events which had occurred.—(Hear, hear.) There were events to which he wished now to allude, but he was not about to enter into any historical dissertation as to the cause of these events. He alluded to the war of Ger many against Denm ark, on the Schleswig-Holstein question, and to the invasion of Lombardy bySardinia. He was not about either to censure or condemn these two acts, and his only motive for alluding to them was to direct the attention of the House to the particular relations which this country held in regard to those two countries. The policy which had been pursued by Government in referenc e to these two affairs was highly commendable, for in both inst ances Government had manifested a desire to arrest the progress of war. It had been their endeavour to allay political heat and dissension. It had been their endeavour, more especially in the case of Schleswig-Holstein, to stop the shedding of blood, and in each of these eases the Government had happily been enabled to bring about the suspension of arms. Their object had been throughout to mediate on such a basis as to prevent the con tinuance of war. There was another case of the suspension of arms of a different character to those which he had j ust referred to. He alluded to the affairs of Sicily. In that case also a suspension of anus had been concluded, but the cha racter of this case was somewhat different to the former. In this instance the British and French admiral., ac ting under the influence of humane motive s, namely, a desire to prevent the shedding of blood, had interfered, and by their good offices had brought about the conclusion of an armistice between the two powers of Naples and Sicily. That armistice having been accepted, ne gotiations were at the present moment pending which might have the effect of conciliating the two kingdoms of Naples and Sicily. In other respects our foreign policy had during the past year enabled us to remain passive spectators of events • _.~ ..I rA ~~~~ 1 convulsing neighbouring . countries to their centre, and turn ing out of their seats ministers and sovereigns of the most opposite schools in politics, had enabled us to offer to the fugitives the warm hospitality and peaceful asylum of our shores.—(Hear.) It was a satisfaction to him to be enabled to say that there never was a period when less hostilities were offered to the country than there were at the present moment.— (Hear, hear.) There never was a period when there was less chance of war or less likeli hood of political embroilment on the part of this country than at the present time. In the midst of un paralleled conflicts on the continent the institutions of this country had stood the test of trial, and whilst in every country from the confines of Russia to the Apennines had been distracted with political dissensions, this country had remained unchanged and unshaken. It could not be said that the peace of the community had ever been disturbed, for these irruptions of the Chartists had rather strengthened than shaken the spirit of loyalty which prevailed amongst the people.—(Cheers.) The movements of the Chartists had not disturbed the peace in the least, but they had rather had the bene ficial effect of eliciting an expression of intelligent but not servile attachment to the institutions of the country on the part of the great body of the people.—(Hear.) They had the misfortune, too, in the autumn of 1848, to have a very indifferent harvest. It varied, indeed, in various parts of the country, and in the eastern and western counties there was both a deficient harvest, and one very ill got in ; and notwithstanding that complication of misfortunes—he spoke then much rather of England than Ireland—towards the close of 1848 our finances did recover, and our trade had been recovering, slowly it might be, but more rapidly since. He was not unaware that great depression existed among the agriculturists; he was perfectly well aware they had suffered much, but that suffering seemed to him incidental to the very great change that had taken place in the corn-laws. That a large importa tion of corn must take place on the abolition of those laws might have been expected ; but, independently of that, circumstances had been particularly adverse. It was well known that in France the harvest had been very abundant, and the prices unusually low; and that might account for the depression, to a certain degree, existing among the agriculturists; but he could not quite forget that a revival of trade was taking place in every quarter, and he trusted that the agriculturists would hereafter participate in that improvement of which there were so many indications. Her Majesty in her Speech recommended a consideration of the navigation-laws. The House would bear in mind, from the great stress of busi ness last year, the time was not found for a due consideration of the subject. He thought that the para graphs which were contained in her Majesty's Speech in re lation to that subject were such as could not provoke hostility in any quarter.—(Hear, hear.) He could not doubt from the division that was taken in the House on the subject last year, that the House would this year think it expedient to make a very ex tensive alteration in those laws. He then approached a subject which presented a most serious complication of evils; he referred: to Ireland. He feared that the normal state of agitation in which that country was habitually involved had unhappily presented too ready materials for the designs and schemes of men of morbid ambition ; but it could not be denied--the fact, in truth, was incontrovertible—that disaffection to a considerable degree existed among the mass of the people. A very large force was stationed in Ireland, in very excellent condition. It was above all praise that the police in Ireland had refused, during the late insurrectionary movement, to be debauched from their duty, by-which a greateffusion of blood was saved. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, which took place at the close of the last session, exer cised, he believed, a most beneficial influence in Ireland in the suppression of rebellion, the saving of the effusion of blood, and the restraining of insurrection. It was a measure of confidence reposed in the Lord-Lieutenant; but every one knew that the temper with which he administered the great powers invested in him, and the wisdom with which he applied those powers, was above all praise. It was absolutely essential to a strong and vigorous administration of the law; it was a measure so absolutely necessary, that it should be antecedent to any other mea sure, without those measures were to be inoperative. There was a subject of great complaint in different quar ters. He believed it was the intention of Govern ment that there should be an inquiry into the Poor-law. He would, by the permission of the House, allude to one more subject— one which had engaged much of the public attention, and on which there had been much expression of opinion, and which had in fact struck deep in the minds of the people— namely, the expediency of economising the national expenditure.—(Hear.) A general opinion seemed to prevail that a considerable reduction of that expenditure was necessary. Reductions to some extent had been made in that expenditure during the past year. In his opinion, nothing would conciliate the public more than a fair and equitable reduction of the national expenditure—a reduction consistent with the requirements of the public service, and the maintenance of that pro tective force on which the security of the country depended. —(Hear, hear.) He had now endeavoured briefly to deal with the questions referred to in the address. In doing so, he trusted he had avoided any irritating topics, as he was desirous to preserve the unanimity which ever characterised debates of this nature. The Address he was sure had been framed in such a manner that its adop tion would not compromise any Hon. Gentleman who might take an adverse view as to the cou. se which had been adopted by the Executive; besides. Hon. Gentlemen who differed with its sentiments would have ample opportunities of enunciating their opinions without, on the present occasi .n, disturbing the unanimity which had so long prevailed in the discussion of motions of this nature, and to which good rule he trusted no excep tion would be made on the present occasion.—(Hear,) In conclusion, he would express a hope that the last para graph in her Majesty's speech would meet with unanimous approbation from all parts of the House, namely, that the destinies of this country must de pend upon Almighty God. That they must depend upon His superintending mercy was evident ; and he trusted that that protection which had so long been vouch safed to their institutions would continue to be extended to thetn.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord then read the Address, which was as usual the echo of the Royal Speech. Mr. BUNBURY then rose to second the motion of the Noble Lord, and in doing so said it would be no idle com pliance with established custAn, to ask the indulgence of the House whilst he adverted to various matters con tained in the Address to her Majesty. It was im possible for him to look back to the events of the year just passed, to the events which were still pass ing, and to the struggles which are now taking place, with out feeling that the present occasion was one of deep and im portant interest. To be enabled to resume their discussions in a free element, without any imposing military array to protect them, and without any intimidation or popular fury, was no small circumstance, and ought to be a matter of great con gratulation.—(Hear, hear.) It was a gratifying fact that her Majesty had been able to allude to the peace and tran. quillity which reigned in thi'S country, notwithstanding the revolutions and disturbances which had taken place elsewhere. —(Hear, hear.) He said this from an acquaintanee with the sentiments of a large class of the French people; the small landed p / roprietors, who were altogether strongly opposed to any renewal of hostilities ; and that class was so powerful that no Administration in that country could effectually oppose them.—(Hear, hear.) They were also, notwiths standing' so many adverse circumstances, able to rejoice in the prosperity of their commerce and their manufacturei. That they had thus been able to outlive so many dis asters was the strongest proof of the sound foundation upon which British commerce and manufactures were based. (Hear). He had great pleasure in stating that the amount of exports had gradually increased since last NoVember. The subject of taxation was one of great importance, and had latterly excited a good deal of the public attention ; but it would be very different indeed, as some individuals had proposed to limit the taxation of the country. It would be difficult to say what amount of taxation the British people would or would not be able to bear; but he be lieved a strong feeling prevailed in the country, and no doubt very properly so, that the taxation of the country had latterly been too excessive. He should be most unwilling to reproach either the present or the late Government with any disposition to indulge in reckless and wanton expenditure ; but this he must be allowed to say, that it was the duty of the First Minister to pay especial attention to the financial department of the Government. With regard to the navy he would only make one observation. He was of course as ignorant as any other independent . Member of what would be the precise amount of the reduction to be made in that service, but he trusted the reduction would go to such an extent as to show the people that Government was desirous of carrying out to the fullest possible extent the retrench ments which had already been so successfully commenced. —(Hear, hear.) There was one subject more which was alluded to in the Speech in so pointed a manner, that he could not allow it to pass without observation. He alluded to the question of the navigation laws. Whatever diversity of opinion might prevail upon that subject, he thought the House generally would agree with him that the time had arrived when those laws must be indispensably reconsidered. The policy of the country for the last few years had a tendency to show that some change was necessary in that law, and he hoped when the proper time arrived the expediency of their discontinuance would be fairly and dispassionately discussed. He would turn now to a subject which had already been touched, upon by the Noble Lord who preceded him. He meant the state of Ireland,. It was impossible to disguise from themselves the fact that the prosperity of Ireland was bound up with the prosperity of this country, and while he regretted that the disaffec tion in Ireland still called for extraordinary powers, he hoped something would be done to mitigate the suf ferings of her unfortunate people. There was one other subject only upon which he should presume to trouble the House; but it was fraught with so many difficulties that he hardly knew how to allude to it further. It was the Irish poor-law. It was impossible to disguise from themselves, that in undertaking to introduce a poor-law into Ireland, they were trying a very large and doubtful experiment. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") He could not wonder, then, if the introduction of the law had not been prosperous or even satisfactory. This might or might not be attributed to its errors or its defects; but, at any rate, it would form the subject of future consideration by Parliament. He would only express his earnest hope, that in solving the problem of the best means of curing the difficulties of Ire land, that they would not mix up in the discussion of any measures that might be introduced party feeling, or personal animosities.—(Hear.) He trusted that they would enter on the discussion upon these measures with an earnest desire to grapple with all the difficulties inherent in the question, and with a determination to avoid embarrassing the ques tion with dilliculties. He trusted, further, that Irish Members would believe that English Members were ac tuated by a desire to do justice to the unhappy country with which they were connected.—(Hear, hear) There were many Members in that House unconnected with Ireland, as he was, but who yet bore sentimentsher l e towards nr na t h g s a a, t n da c n o dt u n n w t r r ie s t , pna i e ar x n c t e be p t of deep no tsoy which they complained.—(Hear.) They must bearea r e arnest nn wrongs desire that it was not within the power of men, in one session, or in a longer kc h period,teheer believeds undotH)o—ousahneed h that had only, n a s t t which had been the work of sincerelybow t before o f u o c fro h e r t eindulgence e d ici r am uPo e d v -y e i a point in the Speech from th e Th rone, as well as he had s b a e g e a e e t n s : t a o b l t . e n h — n e n ( with which they had heard him.—(Cheers.) The SPEAKER having read the Address, Mr. Grattan and Mr. Disraeli rose together. The former gentleman, however, gave way, and Mr. Disraeli (who was much cheered) stood up to address the House. Mr. DISRAELI spoke as follows :—I am sure that her Majesty, since her accession, has never yet delivered a gracious speech to her Parliament in which she has felt it her duty to allude to subjects of such great importance as in that Speech to which we have listened to-day; b ut I am bound to say, that both in that Speech, which her Ma jesty has been advised to address to her Parliament, an d i n that answer which has tow been proposed for us to offer at the foot of the Throne, I do not find that a fair and candid statement as to the condition of this country is con veyed to those whom we represent—(Hear, hear) —not a candid statement either as regards the LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2, 1849,7 internal condition of this country or its external relations. —(Loud [cries of "Hear, hear.") At this mo ment, important and numerous as are the subjects for our consideration, doubtless the most exigent would seem to be the state of Ireland ; the language which I find in the note which I have made of the Speech does not convey to me the impression that her Majesty's Ministers are of opinion that the state of Ireland re quires any immediate remedy.— (" Hear, hear," from se veral Irish Members.) The language is obscure, and, if it can be satisfactorily explained, it will show the advan• tage of discussion in the present instance. I find it stated that the seperation of the laws for the relief of the poor in Ireland will properly be a subject of early inquiry; " and any measures by which those laws may be beneficially amended, and the condition of the people may be improved, will receive my cordial assent." Now, I think it is of very great importance to know what her Majesty's Ministers mean to convey by the phrase "early inquiry."—(Hear.) Is it an inquiry, for example, by a Committee of the House of Commons? In that case the "inquiry," no doubt, might be early, but the conclusion most probably would be delayed.—(Hear, hear.) And why an inquiry by a Commit tee of the House of Commons? We have had sufficient ex perience, I think, of what inquiries ,by Committees of the House of Commons way accomplish upon subjects upon which an Administration, duly informed, ought to have initiated measures. I do not see why, in the present in stance, for example, the case of the poor-law in Ireland should be an exception to that rule. You have a Poor-law Commission in Ireland, you have a Government Board in Ireland, and I want to know from what sources can the Administration obtain more ample and satisfac tory information than from such quarters? They ought to be in possession of the information ; if they think there ought to be an alteration in the laws, they ought to be prepared to legislate upon that well digested information. They have had sufficient time well to consider the authentic information that has reached them; and certainly, in the present state of Ireland, if the only measure that her Majesty's Ministers are about to bring forward with respect to that country is the proposition of an inquiry into the operation of the poor-law by a Parliamen tary Committee, I think that is .a course neither satisfactory nor statesmanlike.—(Rear, hear.) I do not doubt for a moment—no. one can—the urgency of the state of Ireland. Honourable Gentlemen who represent that country have much to answer for, in my opinion, by their conduct with respect • to their constituents—(Hear, hear)—they have to consider whether the state of Ireland is merely brought about by the present operation of the poor-laws—whether it may not in a great measure have been occasioned and aggravated ' by other measures which they supported—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition benches)—and by the non-adoption of other measures which they. oppose—(Hear, hear)—mea sures to which, by-the-by, they gave their private en couragement and offered their public opposition.—( sear, hear.) Therefore, when gentlemen representing Ireland come forward and complain of the condition of Ireland, it is well that they should recollect how far they individually may be responsible for the present state of Ireland.— (Hear hear.) I believe I see a gentleman opposite who represents a county in Ireland—l read a speech of his at a county meeting the other day—l read the reasons he alleged for the present condition of Ireland; and one of the weightiest was the repeal of the eorn-law in the year of our Lord 1846. But when I referred to the list of those who voted for that repeal, I found in it the name of that worthy knight of 'the shire.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I think it is well for us to consider whether these circumstances--Irish Members complaining so much who supported that repeal, and who opposed measures that were brought forward on this side of the House, privately encouraged at meetings holden by those very same Members (Hear, hear)—are to be forgotten at this moment.—(Heir, hear.) I confess it is a subject upon which I have no inclination or heart to dwell •upon the present occasion. (The Hon. Member paused a moment, apparently somewhat embarrassed by his feelings.) There was a policy once proposed in this House with respect to Ireland—(Hear) —which by the Irish Mem bers was defeated—(Hear) —but which, if it had been pur sued, would have produced a very different effect from what we now see in that country—(Hear, hear)—a policy which was obliged to be partially pursued, even by the Govern ment who then opposed it.—(Hear, hear.) The proposer of that policy is no longer among us. At a time when every thing that is occurring vindicates his prescience and de mands his energy, we have no longer his sagacity to guide or his courage to sustain us.—(Hear, hear.) In the midst of the Parliamentary strife his plume can soar no more for us to rally round.—(Hear.) But he has left us the legacy of heroes—the memory of his great name, and the inspiration of his great example. Sir, there is one subject, I confess, with regard to Ireland, which I am glad to see has been omitted from her Majesty's Speech. I think I may con gratulate the House, th e country, and the Government, that they have not brought forward a measure with respect to Ireland, the only recommendation of which was the tradi tionary approbation of statesmen who existed half a cen tury ago, and who, if they were not mistaken in the opinion that they then adopted, at least formed that opinion under circumstances very different to those under which we unhap pily now live—(Hear) —a measure which it was rumoured was to be introduced the moment Parliament assembled, the rumour assuming at one time all the colour of authen ticity. I think it is a matter of congratulation, with all the difficulties which we have to encounter, that we have not that measure introduced—(Hear)—a measure which, while it would violate principle, as it appears to me, could not accomplish any of the objects of policy—which must, un. der all circumstances, be a great blow to the Church, from sanctioning a too prevalent misconception as to the tenure under which the ecclesiastical estate is holden—a measure which would not conciliate those whom it was projected to please, and which would at the same time have outraged the sentiments and convictions of the great majority of the popu lation of the three kingdoms.—(" Hear, hear," from the Op position henches.) I think that omission from her Majesty's Speech is a significant subject for congratulation.—( Hear.) It argues, I think, rather a want of resource in the statesmen of the present age, that their only expedient for the cure of Irish evils should be the revival of an antiquated project, which really is not suited to the spirit of the age in which we live, or to the present condition of these kingdoms.— (Hear, hear.) I trust we shall hear no more of that project. —:(Hear.) Of this I am certain, that it will never bear dis cussicin in this House, and that no Parliament will pass it that fairly represents the opinion of the people of these realms.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, there are three paragraphs in her Majesty's Speech which I must describe as congratula tory paragraphs; they refer to the state of commerce, to the state of manufactures, and to the state of the revenue. There cari be no difference of feeling among gentlemen on either side of the House in respect of pleasure at hearing that there is an increase of employment in the manufacturing dis tricts, especially among those gentlemen who come from rural regions, because certainly they cannot assure the House that there is any great increase of employment in that quarter.—(Hear, hear.) But I am bound to say that when I am called upon to express great satisfaction that commerce is reviving from those checks which during the last session we had to deplore, I am required to assent to a statement which appears to me contrary to fact, and which, under the authority of Parliament, is calculated to convey to the people a very deceptive conclusion.—(Hear, hear.) I must take a general view of the commercial position of this country at the present moment. It appears to me that the commerce of.this country is greatly suffering. I find that the exports have fallen off by millions; I find that the decay has been, though rapid, in a certain sense gradual, and that it has taken place under a new commercial system.—(Hear, hear.) That commercial system was introduced to ' our notice and adopted by our votes, on the ob servation of three years ; and now I bring to the consi deration of its results also the observation of a period of equal duration. I am perfectly willing to admit—more than willing to admit, I am anxious to enforce—the expe diency and extreme necessity of the most unimpassioned spirit in discussing now our commercial tystem. When these alterations were proposed, they were theoretical projects, and our apprehensions were equally theoretical; it is not at all surprising that under such circumstances there should have been some heat and passion; but when we have results be fore us, when we have facts to deal with that are official, conclusions that cannot be contradicted, all that we have got to do is to exercise the common sense which I trust we all possess, and draw those deductions which no one can deny, if they are founded upon data, the authenticity of hear.) In my opinion the w c ommer cial ; tr e;ults of which are referred to ssyPhsuattese. di sputes. —(H ear, a trial, a f a i r trial, and has iine whicht the n o Speech,on e failed.—(" Hear, hear , " and some murmurs.) I am per fectly aware of everything that can be said on the other hand; I hear murmurs that are repeating the arguments which are daily brought forward; it will be said, " True it is, the new commercial system has been on trial for some three years, but it has had to encounter exceptional circum stances which no one could have anticipated."—(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches.) Hear, hear ! exactly; I am perfectly prepared for your giving in your adherence to my statement of your own case. "The new commercial system has had to encounter a famine of corn in Europe, a famine of cotton in America; it has had to encounter more than these two great disadvantages—it has had to encounter convulsion throughout the continent ; you cannot, therefore, be surprised that the system under such circumstances should have failed." Now let us look 'at the facts of the case. I am anxious to test the state of commerce in this country in a manner most advantageous to the opinions of gentlemen o pp os it e; I t es t th e e ff ec t o f your measures upon the markets which you have most lauded —your chosen markets, and with reference to the effect upon that branch of industry whose interest you m os t a d voca t e , and which all must acknowledge to be the most important in the country, because all interests in the country in turn are obliged to bow to it. I will see, for ex ample, how your new commercial system has worked be tween England and the United States; and I will take with ' every advantage your chosen i te m of t he cotton manufac ture. I will not -we ary you with statistics. I will give yea the conclusions at which I have arrived upon o ffi cial state ments, to which you can appeal ; and if you doubt my con clusion; in the course of the se s s i on there will be plenty of opportunity of refuting them. In the year 1847 the impor tations from the United States into this country were the greatest in amount upon record. There was an importation of what in the American language is called " breadstuffs " (A laugh)—to so great an amount that the extra profit of the Americans upon breadstuffs , as compared with the prices in 1848, amounted to 5,300,0001. sterling; so that besid es th e ample and sufficient profit the Americans would have obtained under any circumstances, by the prices of 1848 for example, the excess of price in 1847, in consequence of the famine of mle l i:cial corn in Europe, gave them an extra profit of 5 ,300,0001. ; while, in consequence of the,famine of cotton in the United states, although they sent a much lesser quantity than in the, preceding or subsequent years , the extra profits No v, cotton amounted to 3,200,000/. ; therefore the Americans re ceived that wasa from us year an extra extremely pr o fit that year favourable of f t B O SW co in terchange, and therefore your tw o g r e a t evils of you corn famine inEurope and your co tton famin e in America com bined together to test the prin ci p les of your new commercial system with every possible a dvanta g e. T he natural question is, what did the Americans ta ke from u s i n exchange under these circumstances? Now, we have the c om pl e t e returns upon this point before us; and I fi nd that they took of our round numbers, cotton manufactures, in 60,000,000 of yards extra.—(Hear, hear.) Instead of 25,000,000, which they took from us before the change of the law, they took in 184 1 , under the remarkable circum stances I have stated, 85,0 00,000 of yards; an amount not equal to that which the whole Levantine market takes at the present moment. The q uestion, theref ore , f or you to consider is whether taking 66, 000 , 0 00 yards more of your manufactures is an equivalent exchange for the immense importations to ortattihonesuyonuit:decesitvaetdes --(Hear, hear.) B u t it so hap froin, and the immense price you paid pans that returns before us prove that even these 60,000,000 of yards were not an exchange at all on reference to the operation of the new law, because it appears by American returns which I now possess, that American home manufac tures were increasing at the rate of 30,000 bales per annum.— (Hear, hear.) In the year 1847, in consequence of the high price of cotton, and the commercial circumstances that al lowed her to import our manufactures much cheaper than she could make them herself, ceased that year to manufac ture at all.—(Hear.) If, therefore, you had not taken her " breadstuffs, she would have taken your piece goods all the same. This is proved by the patent fact that in 1848 she re sumed her own manufactures; and that your exports have consequently fallen off more than 30,000,000 of yards.— (Hear, hear.) Now, Sir, these two famines combined to give you a chance with the United States which it is clear you can never again enjoy in your commercial intercourse with her.—(Hear.) With regard to the third exceptional circum stance, Hon. Gentlemen on the other side point to the convulsions that have taken place upon the Continent, and attribute that as a cause of the failure of their commercial system. Have we not had every daily organ, every morning journal, and every evening paper —aye, every oracular weekly published on the Saturday— (A laugh)—reminding us that this was only what they had from the first anticipated and expected. One and all of these writers maintained that, in the present state of the Continent, English manufactures could not by any possibi lity be disposed of. But what is the fact? It now appears that, in 1848, more English manufactured goods were ex ported to the Continent than ever.—(Hear.) The third great cause turns out, therefore, to be a circumstance—excep tional, if you will—bat a circumstance also highly favour able to the development of your commercial system.— (Hear and a laugh.) There are two other circumstances that would likewise be alleged as exceptional, no doubt, but which are likewise highly favourable to the system. They have not beets referred to; but their influence cannot be calculated upon any longer. In the first place, the corn famine on the Continent prevented agricultural distress in this country from :being felt as it was now begun to be felt. That is a fourth exceptional circumstance. There is another, a fifth, which is also one of importance. Men who have considered the subject of the na tional distress in all its bearings—men who have considered it calmly in the closet, and without re ference or connexion with any party in the State—these calm, dispassionate, thinking men have always held that if you attempt to fight hostile tariffs with free imports, and so to endeavour to get rid of those evils, or alleged evils, that existed in respect to the commercial intercourse of one coun try with another, the consequence of that course of policy would be an injurious—effect produced on the distribution of the precious metals—an effect that would be more hurtful to England than any other country, because of her fixed debt, her fixed rate of payments, and her unchangeable standard of value. But what has happened in respect to this circum stance? The convulsion on the Continent, which you so much deprecate, has saved you from the effects of that disturbance in distribution which would otherwise have ensued, and poured the precious metals into the lap of this country, not by means of a commercial, but by means of a political action. —(Hear, hear.) In - fact your alleged five great causes of failure—your live exceptional circumstances—have acted altogether in favour of your commercial system—have given it a support which it can never expect again, and have softened down and rendered harmless for the time its in evitable evil to the country. And yet you go about the country telling the people in all parts that these circum stances have been the cause of the failure of your system. —(Hear, hear.) Why has your system failed? and why has the commerce of the country been in an unprosperous state? I will tell you. Because the countries whose pro ducts you take will not take your products.—(Loud cheers.) I have shown you how the United States, with a corn famine in Europe and a cotton famine in America, only took from you 60,000,000 of yards one year, and in the next only 30,000,000 of yards, though they received of your money eight and a half millions sterling in the same period. —( Hear, hear.) Look at our position with respect to Brazil. You will all recollect that Brazil was the pet place of the Ministry ; you will all recollect the glowing accounts given by the late Vice-President of the Board of Trade of its manufacturing-consuming capabilities. Yet in 1848 there were 25,500,000/. worth of property sacrificed in that country ; and so glutted was the market that Eng lish goods were selling at Bahia at half the cost price. I hold in my hand a letter from a merchant resident in that country, dated December 2, 1848, in which the writer says, " The state of trade in this country is truly alarming. What the result of increased imports may be we cannot foresee. We have cargo after cargo sent out here. The future is an enigma which I cannot solve. What will become of the goods already received is inconceivable. The stores and warehouses, even the custom-houses, are full to repletion. If we continue to import, we may shortly wit ness piece goods sold below the prime cost in the country of their production." This is the state of the markets of Brazil. I have already shown the House the state of the market of the United States. All this has been caused by the adoption of your commercial system. Your position in Europe is no better. Russia is hermetically sealed against you, and Prussia is not yet shook.—(Laughter and near.) 1 know that some gentlemen will say " It is no matter how much we export, it is all a question of import; inasmuch as foreigners will not give us their goods without getting some thing from us in return." _This is all very true. But the country is looking at this moment to what terms of exchange in the matter may be most beneficial. You may force the markets and glut the markets abroad as much as you choose; but 1 forewarn you that the only effect of such operations against hostile tariffs will be that you will exchange more and more of your own labour every year for less and less of an equivalent ; that you will, therefore, render British labour and native industry year by year less efficient — that you will degrade it by lessening profits, and there fore by lessening wages—and that you will, as the phi losophers have foretold you, effect that distribution of the precious metals which will be most injurious to this country. Therefore it is that I advocate reciprocity—therefore it is that I believe all practical men now advocate reciprocity as the basis of our commercial system. I have always sup ported it in this House—not on those principles amusingly attributed to me by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, but on those principles propounded , in the treaty of Utrecht, those principles copied and, acted upon by Mr. Pitt, those principles which formed the foundation of Mr. Eden's instruction, those principles, in a word, which were fully adopted and wisely applied by the Cabinet of Lord Liverpool, and which we abandoned in 1846. There is another reason why you should no longer delay— though you may think you are able to justify delay—in dealing with the question, on what commercial principle the policy of this empire ought to be conducted? Tort can no longer delay the consideration of the state of our colonies.—(Hear.) This is a question that is no longer a mere question of differential duties. You, the disciples of political economy, on every occasion have enunciated as an admitted principle that our colonies are to be regarded as an integral part of the empire. But though you protess this principle, I do not find that you act on it. You have acted on opposite principles with respect to your colonies. You will therefore have to consider your relations with the colonies, if you agree on the expediency of the principle of commercial reciprocity. This is the only principle on which you can re-construct your commercial system, so as to make it an advantage to the mother country and to the other side. , This principle is consonant with every principle of common sense. It is not a mere phi losophical abstraction, but it . rests on the principles of ab solute truth—it is the only expansive system by which a commerce can be established advantageous to the country. We must give up the ideaof fighting hostile tariffs with free imports, for so long as such a course of policy is pursued so long will it prove injurious to commerce. And what has been the result of your system ? Every year you come down here, not to congratulate the House of Commons on the state of commerce, but to explain why the colonies are undergoing sufferings and privations; and all you no Ny ven ture to say in the Speech is, that the colonies are recovering from the unparalleled checks which they have received.— (Cheers.) I am not going to trouble the House with much statistical detail. I give you my conclusions founded on facts which are accessible to all—there is no mystery in the statements I refer to, they are drawn from official returns in the library; and I have no other advantage in referring to them except that they are comprehensive and accurate. Though I will not trouble the House with the details, I will give them my conclusions as to the value of that system which has recently been in the ascendant, even on that branch of national industry—the industry of Lancashire —we being taught that to the interest of our Lanca shire trade all legislation must bend.—(Hear, hear.) The returns which I shall read will surprise some Hon. Gentlemen in this House, and many more in the country. The exports of calico, plain and printed, from the year 1831 to 1846, show us the progress of the trade to our British pos sessions and to foreign countries. During these 16 years, for it is only from such a general view that we can form an idea of the colonial trade with all foreign parts, the ex ports were 5,913 millions of yards; to the British colonies they were so that our colonies have taken 313,000,000 yards more than the rest of the world in the same period; in the same period Canada and other North American colonies took 680 millions of yards, while the United States, for whose sake ,we have ventured so much, took only 514,000,000 of yards. Our American colonies, there fore, took in the same period 165,000,000 yards more than the whole of the United States in the sixteen years I have referred to. In the same period, the West Indies took more than . the foreign colonies by 86,000,000 of yards. India and China, compared with the Brazils, ex ceeded, in the same period, 903,000,000 of yards. I know what will be said—that so large a period as sixteen years ought not to be taken, because at that time the colonies were highly protected, and trade was not in its proper state. To meet this difficulty, I will divide the sixteen years into two parts of eight years each,- and show you that the result will be the same. I find that during the last eight years, as com pared with the first, there has been an increased export of .Manchester goods, to the British possessions, of one billion 566 millions, while to all foreign possessions there has been an increase of one billion, showing an advantage, in favour of the British possessions, Of 566 millions. To the British West Indies there has been increased export to the extent of 69 millions of yards, while to the United States there has been, during the last eight years, a falling off of 105 millions yards.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to these facts I wish to make one observation to the House, and that is, that during the last year, since the changes in our commercial legislation, the total decrease in our exports to all parts has amounted to 174 millions of yards. Here are changes since you changed the principles of your commercial code. These are instructive data—this is the moral of your new com mercial system ; and yet, in the face of documents drawn up by your own officers, and sometimes doctored by your own officers—(Hear, and a laugh)—you call on the House of Commons to express an opinion which in substance is that at present there is a substantial and wholesome revival of trade. The Address does not dwell very forcibly on the re venue. It seems to me that her Majesty's Government were unwilling to use very strong terms in referring to this sub ject. And when I recollect that the principal source of the in crease in the revenue has expired just now I am not sur prised at the modesty of tone adopted; yet I certainly can not feel there is room to congratulate the country on the state of this question. On the contrary, I should have thought that the state of the revenue would have forced her Majesty's Mininister to consider the question on what course of policy the commerce of this country shall be per manently established, and to have added that the experience of late years had induced them to declare that reciprocity was to be the acknowledged principle of our tariff, and that this was the only principle on which the tariff could be con stituted for the advantage of our commercial system. — (Cheers.) I now approach a more interesting portion of her Majesty's Speech, and I ,have only delayed referring to this part before, because I felt it. to be my duty, in vindication of opinions in which, however we may be outnumbered, we are prepared to own, to state those opinions fairly to the house and to the country—confident always, and never more confident than now, that ulti mately they will be adopted by the force of that public opinion which, from experience, we know is being raised against our views. —(Hear.) - I will now call the attention of the House to those more lively and stimulating parts, which form the more stirring portions of her Majesty's Speech. And when I listened to her Majesty's Speech and the well-trained echo which it called forth, I was surprised, I confess, at the moral courage of the Government. It is the first time since I have had the honour of a seat in this House that the Sove reign has met Parliament and has not been able to congratu late the House of Commons that she has received from all her allies expressions of continued amity. This is a most sigaitic - ant omission. —(hear.) However, her Majesty has been advised "to feel, it satisfactory to be enabled to state that both in the north and south of Europe the contend ing parties, have consented to a suspension of arms fbr the purpose of negotiating terms of peace." Now, that expression appears to me to be very obscure—more dip lomatic than Parliamentary. Who are the contending parties? Are they her Majesty's allies who are referred to in the words the north of Europe? Last session I ha I the honour of calling attention, in May last, to the position of Denmark, and I believe that had it not been for that suspen sion of arms, the country would now enjoy all the COll9O. I quences of peace. Let us hope we shall be enlightened on this subject by some of her Majesty's Ministers. Then as to the South of Europe, has there been a suspension of arms in Sicily or Italy? Let us receive information from her Ma jesty's Government on these matters without delay. I thought at first that this suspension of arms must have been a mistake, that the paragraph had not been enunciated cor rectly, and I am still at a loss to give any definite idea to it ; 'for we have been told that in the affairs of the island of Icily the British Admiral was, from motives of humanity, in duced to interfere in order to put a stop to further effusion of blood. Are we to understand that this further effusion of blood was stayed by a British Admiral with , out instructions from the Queen of England ? Was the policy of the Queen of England dictated by a French admiral? Nothing would have been considered more un likely than this if I had not recollected a debate in which inquiry was made of her Majesty's Government as to the conduct, not of a French, but of a British Admiral. After the answer that was made, I must say that it would appear to me to be a very strong proceeding for an admiral, without instructions from his Government, to interfere between a foreign Sovereign and his people.—(Hear, hear.) If this be a suspension of arms, I am sorry I cannot understand the case, and must hope, therefore, that the House will be further enlightened in the matter. Then the next para graph does not give us much illustrative light. It goes on to say—" I availed myself of the interval to propose, in conjunction with France, to the King of N-pies an arrangement calculated to produce a permanent settlement of affairs." In the first place, I have no idea who the King of Naples is. He may be some member of her Majesty's Government. In these days of great diplomatic confusion and change, for aught I know, the King of Naples may be some new power who is not yet recognised ; but, certainly, I should as soon have thought of a Speech from the Queen of London, as an Address in allusion to the King of Naples. Is this change of titles preparatory to more important changes? Then we are told in the next paragraph that " negotiations are still pending." What negotiations? Has her Majesty and the King of the Two Sicilies agreed to enter into nego tiations—has a suspension of arms been agreed to, has any mediation been accepted, or are we to adhere to the media -1 tion a the English and French Admirals? These are points which we have a right to ask for an explicit and an intelligible explanation of. Instead of there being any nego. tiations going on, we can onlyperceive that no one is nego tiating but ourselves. Then we are told that it is the con stant desire of the Sovereign to maintain with all foreign states friendly relations ; but we are not told that all foreign states entertain the same anxiety to maintain friendly rela tions with us. At lea s t it wou ld be satisfactory to know if all our allies are also our well-wishers, and that our diplo macy had so progressed that we still had an ally whom we could address in - terms of amity, and who would reply to us in the same spirit. I am not surprised to find that her Majesty's Government has found it necessary to address Parliament in terms so vague, unsatisfactory, and obscure on our relations with Foreign Powers, considering the great changes which have occurred on the Continent, and the part which England has taken in the transactions which have occurred. Look at the state of France—and the state of the centre of Europe. I find in France a Republic with out Republicans—in Germany, an empire without an Em peror. This is progress.—(Cries of "Hear, hear.") This is a settlement—this is an achievement of universal suffrage.—(Hear, hear.) This is the constitutional mode— these are the political exemplars who are to fashion the fu ture fame and fate of England.--(Hear.) The whole is a scene of unrivalled absurdity, where all the circumstances are only calculated to create our indignation and contempt.— (Hear.) We appear to have been mediating without an ob ject, and I have a right to ask, what has been the object of your mediation? Look at the unhappy case of Denmark. Had you acted with proper firmness at the outset, it is quite possible that the disgraceful proceedings in the case of Den mark and Schleswig-Holstein would have terminated. Here was an ancient and independent kingdom attacked by an 'Assembly meeting in a German town. I speak of the Frankfort Assembly as a German romance.—(Laughter.) But then a German romance may be a pernicious article, and in my opinion there is nothing more unjust, violent, and un warranted, than the conduct of the Frankfort Assembly. England might have had the support of France to terminate these disgraceful proceedings; but I should not have been surprised had Government felt it to be their duty, under existing circumstances, to have refused to act with France. On a former occasion I described the case of France in a manner to excite the indignation of her Majesty's Ministers; but her Majesty's Ministers are not in a condition to speak against an offer by the Provisional Government of France. The Provisional Government of France was recognised, and as soon as it was recognised it fell.—(Laughter.) M. Louis Blanc was not recognised, sad in the policy Government pursued they acted according to prudence and precedent. The editors of the National and the soldier who was brought forward to support them were recognised, and an opportunity might have been found to have saved Denmark. The state of the question remains, after the lapse of a year, in as vague and as unsatisfactory a state as heretofore, and I defy you to point out the parties about which the Government are mediating. What was your next mediation? You mediated in the case of Austria, which was then engaged in a dispute with a part of her subjects. In the' case of that ancient monarchy you declared that Austria should be blotted out of the list of nations! It is thus you interfere—that is to say, that you mediate. Why the Emperor was never consulted! Other parties have never been consulted ! But since then that empire had shown, as she has always done, the wideness and profundity of its resources; it has asserted its sove reignty in a manner so distinguished, that she stands in the eyes of Europe in a more distinguished position than she had acquired before this struggle ; she had settled the question of the kingdom of Bohemia—its rebellious king dom ! It has asserted its authority in her ancient capital, which is not to be questioned; and in the same manner that empire has shown how completely the great body of the population have established the sovereignty of Hungary. There was another place where they consented to a suspen sion of arms, where victory was about to decide the dispute. Then again, if we look to Lombardy—Lombardy was recon quered by the same empire. If I look to the case of the kingdom of Naples, there is not thu slightest evidence that there were ever two parties to that mediation.—(Cheers.) There is not up to this moment, I say, the slightest evidence to show that any person was engaged in this mediation save and except the French Admiral. The King of Naples was placed in the same position in respect to his rebellious sub jects, as our own Sovereign was placed in reference to her re bellious subjects in Ireland. Like our own Sovereign, the King of Naples was prepared to assert his authority, and it would have been a great mistake at that moment to say that he should not vindicate his authority. But you allowed him to vanquish one city in the rebellious island, and when the rebels were on the point of giving up, then you come forward and say that the rest must be done by means of mediation. What was the con sequence? There have been two consequences resulting from your mediation, both of which are most dan gerous. First of all, in consequence of this mock media tion, nothing is settled. If Austria had been let alone, I believe that Denmark would have been let alone—certainly the kingdom of Naples would have been left alone—and I believe that all Europe would have "been in tranquillity by this time. That tranquillity has not taken place, and why because you have been mediating.—(Cheers.) But suppose war occurs in consequence, and will not allow peace to flourish? Then what must be the consequence ? No confidence would be felt on the part of any country be cause you have offended them. But take s aples—the case of the King of the Two Sicilies, for example. You, by your language in Parliament, and your hostile demonstration by the presence of a fleet in the Bay of Naples, made the Sicilians feel certain that you were about to undertake their cause! They are beaten, and you leave them ; therefore they feel the deception doubly, and at that moment you deprive the King of Naples of victory, and you alienate the hearts of his rebellious sub jects. I will not take advantage of her Majesty's Govern ment whatever their position may be—l am not about to use the hacknied language of the day about non interven tion; but, circumstanced as we are, I say that the presence of an English fleet is the best guarantee of peace! But that should be in accordance with the law of nations, and with the stipulations of treaties which you are bound to observe, in which, as the champions of the law, your interference might be advocated. But what you do is contrary to the law of nations—contrary to the stipulations of treaties—and contrary to the policy of Europe. I took the liberty of asking her Majesty's Government last year when they began this eccentric course of policy—what were the principles of foreign policy which they were adopting? When I heard of their unexampled interference I asked—Are you to interfere politically or sentimentally? If your policy is only to arm to fulfil rights—if you mean to take up the nonsense of the day—the principle of nationality—then change your policy ; and you are bound to come to the House and say we dave altered oar policy, and thus allow us to discuss that policy. Nothing can be more dangerous than that this policy, which is so revolutionary, should be adopted. Before I make any observations on the interesting topic of the day, I feel bound to those who are not imme diately my constituents, but whose interests I am bound to advocate in this House—to make another inquiry in re spect to the mediation, not any mock mediation, which has so long been carried on—l mean our interference in the waters of the La.Plata? In this very extraordinary case there has been no less than six confidential agents employed by her Majesty's Government, and they have all failed ! The last agent, if not expressly treated with personal indignity, was treated by a second-rate colony in the same manner as an ambassador had been treated in the capital of the mother country.—(Hear.) Is it possible to imagine that negocia tions are still going on, or are we engaged in such important transactions that six missions have failed? The House of Commons has never been informed of:the instructions which were given to Lord Howden by the Earl of Aberdeen. When I asked for this information I was told it was inconvenient at that moment, because another envoy was then on his passage out with fresh instructions ; but the envoy who was on his passage had failed then, and another had failed since. There fore, I say, I should like to have the instructions to Lord Howden ; for, like the dynasties of Macbeth, " another to another still succeeds;"—but that is the only thing they do not do—they do not succeed.—(Laughter.) But one hears so much of the affairs of the La Plata as might have done for the Liverpool Reform Asso ciation, who have proved satisfactorily to the country that the diplomatic profession is merely intended to employ the aristocracy, and that the wooden walls of England were the only means of maintaining the younger sons. But unhappily it turns out that the merchants of Liverpool, and the persons engaged in the Liverpool Finan cial Reform Association, are the very men to whom we are indebted for the expense attending six missions to La Plata, for the destruction of our commercial interests, and all the injuries which we have experienced. And this leads me to to a most important subject, namely, the immense changes which have occurred since I last addressed you, Sir. Empires have fallen—the Pope is no longer to be found in Rome. Her Majesty's Government has met Parliament, and tacitly admits that her Majesty has no allies. But porten tous as these changes are, nothing is so marvellous as the fact in which is included the contingency that her Majesty's Government have become converts to financial reform.— (Cheers.) The age of miracles has not passed.—(Laughter.) It would, however, be satisfactory, when statements of this kind are brought before the House, and when the Noble Lord the mover of the Address states that he has proposed an Address to the Crowu which he thinks offers no ground for difference of opinion, it would be extremely desirable that some Member of her Majesty's Government should rise in his place and explain this part of the Speech from the Throne, which is brief, but very pithy:—" I have directed the estimates for the service of the year to be laid before you; they will be framed with the most anxious attention to a wise economy. The present aspect of affairs has enabled me to make large reductions on the estimates of last year." Were the estimates which were presented last year framed with " every possible attention to a wise economy" also? But, Sir, it is rather strange that we should be told that the present aspect of aflairs has enabled us to make these large reductions! This question naturally arises, we ask our selves what is the aspect of affairs? Is it what I read up here in another part of the Speech, " The insurrection in Ireland has not been renewed, but a spirit of dissaffection still exists"—is that it? Is it what I read up here, "A rebellion of a formidable character has broken out in the Punjaub," &c.—is that the aspect of affairs which justifies these reductions? Is it the fact that at this moment 2,000,000 of armed dissatisfied men are moving about in the face of Europe in hostile array ? Is that the aspect of atfair3 under which her Majesty's Government ought to make large reductions in the estimates of last year? Why, when we met last year her Majesty had allies. Her Majesty had not only allies, but sovereigns have since been her guests in her own Castle. Foreign affairs last year were so tranquil, that it was with difficulty that the Noble Lord who presides over the foreign department could furnish his quota of the Royal Speech, in which he stated that there had been a treaty con cluded with an American Republic, the name of which per haps no six Honourable Members had ever heard of. This was the tranquillity which prevailed in foreign matters. Our revenue last year, Sir, was not more prosperous than it is at present ; our trade was not more successful or brisk than it is at present. But in the face of all the circumstances I have stated, the Government propose these reductions. The Minister last year did not come forward with reduc tions, but he proposed an increased expenditure—not with a proposition for the relief of the burdens of the people, but with a proposal for increased taxation. We were then to have an increase of the forces—the militia was to be called out; and what has happened since? One of my objects is, if possible, to extract the information that there should be a necessity for retrenchment. It is not sur prising in a Government which tampered with the resources of the country for years. It is not a year ago since one whose loss we all deplore told you that a less reduction than 25 per cent. on all salaries would not be satisfactory or suf ficient, But, Sir, lam quite sure that no one on this side of the House will agree to any retrenchment that is not really a just retrenchment,. occasioned by the circumstances of the case, not implied by some mysterious reasons which we have not yet fathomed. Last of all, when a Government in a like spirit meddles with the navy of the country—let it be remembered that the fleet influences the Cabinets of other nations more than any missions, and that our English regi ments become as famous as the Roman legions. Yet large reductions are to be made in the estimates of last year and this is to be done under " the present aspect of affairs." Sir, it cannot be that her Majesty's Ministers are converts to the perpetual peace theory. Because, if that be the case, and they continue to be Ministers, I shall not be satisfied with a large reduction which must carry out that principle ; and seeing what may be the effect of their having been cognisant of pamphlets which have been largely circu lated, it is my business to discover whether they have in spired any portion of her Majesty's Speech. There was a budget, a celebrated budget, which was received with accla mation some little time ago ; and no sooner had the lumi nary overtopped.the political horizon in the northern atmos phere, than there was its parhelion opposed to it in mitigated splendour, and almost received with equal ardour in the eco nomic world. In reference to these two positions I should say, certainly, I have no objection to the burdens of the people of this country being removed to the amount named by the Hon. Member for the West Riding, or the Hon. Member for Glasgow—only we have a right to ascertain, or rather to stipulate as to the sources from whence these savings are to be realised. Where so much is promised I might quote the words of the poet : " Quibus divitias pollicentur ab illis drachmae petunt De divitiis deducant drachman." Effect your savings by all means ; but I say to those Hon. Gentlemen who propose them, deduct your 10,000,0001. or your 5,000,0001. from that immense treasury—that more than California gold mine—the 100,000,0001. per annum, or 2,000,000/. sterling per week which was to be realised by the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Great cheering from the Protec tionists.) It is hardly possible that her Majesty's Ministers are going arbitrarily to assume a particular period for the expenditure of this country, and not to regulate that expen diture by the necessities of the kingdom. This I know, that whenever a Minister in this country has advocated re trenchment, not from justifiable circumstances, and as to the amicable state of our foreign relations or to a state of domestic tranquillity, but with reference to " the present aspect of affairs," the consequence which has always fol lowed such rash and unadvised retrenchment has been an increased expenditure.—(Cheers from the Protectionists and by Mr. Goulburn.) lam obliged to my Right Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Cambridge for his cheer, but when he hears me out I rather think he will not cheer me again. There was, it is true, a aonsiderable saving in the year 1835 ; but we had at the time a very weak Government, though composed of very able men, and I regret their fall; but that I have always felt that the retrenchments effected in 1835 were too much in consequence of the political position of the party then in power; but what followed? The moment they made these retrenchments—from causes not arising from the external condition of the country, but rather from a political and irrational cry— Foreign Powers (this was in 1835-6) observing that this country was reducing its establishments without any reference to their policy, but to its own political position, immediately in creased their force, and commenced pursuing a policy which we were ultimately obliged to check. A very short time after the fall of the Government of 1835 there was a great increase of expenditure. So again, in 1830 we also, unfor tunately, had a weak Government, though formed of able men, that made retrenchments merely to please the public; and what happened? No sooner had the Government, led: , by a man no less eminent a n d ill us t r i ous th an t h e D u k e of. Wellington, fallen than the whole foreign policy had changed; and had it not been for the revolution in 1830, an alliance would have taken place between Russia and France to ob- • tain those objects which your policy had always opposed. • The same consequence has followed the passing of the Reform I Bill and the repeal of the corn-laws. But I cannot believt that the Government will regulate the expenditure arbi- • trarily and with reference to a particular year, and not by the exigency of the case. But if by exigency of the case what difference is there between the circumstances of thi year and the last ? There is not a member of the Go ; vernment who might not most appositely come forwar 3 and represent his particular department upon all the inte resting subjects of comparison which the two last year present in regard to its revenue, to its foreign relations, an' to the state of its Indian empire. And when the Noble Lori a the Premier shall sum up the case, it will tax the unno s artifice of that rhetoric of which he is a master to put th question satisfactorily before the country.—(Cheers.) Wh a I contend is, that your Address to the Throne does not con l e t tain a candid exposition of the state of the country. a . ascertain, if possible, what the present aspect offf I must follow the strategy of the g r eat mas t e r of a r if and exhaust my subj ec t. I mus t en d eavour to ascertain , her Majesty's Gove rnmen t are i nfluenced by the oracles an La by the people of Manch es t er . —(Ch eers.) There have bet la given several reasons why it i s t o t a ll y i mposs ib le t h a t th country can ever go to war, and, the re f ore , w h y th e expel v hae ic l tOr diture may be cut down to 10,000,0001. But is this tt opinion of the Noble Lord the Secretary of State J . ( Foreign Affairs? Is it the opinion of his colleagues There has, also, been an opinion broached Oat 1 1 ' the French nation can never go to war again consequence of the tenure of the landed property in th ts country—the land being subdivided the people bore the bu r; den of taxation, and would not, therefore, go to war. , when I remember /3 that the same tenure of property exists in that country forty and fifty years ago—during the Cons' l a late and the Empire—that the amount of property hel under that tenure was, in comparison to the populatioi equally great to what it is at present, and that with th. tt tenure of land we had wars between the whole Continent ar the French empire, I doubt the soundness of the react thus assigned why France cannot go to war. But th is one reason put forth by the Manchester oracles, and want to know whether it is a convincing reason with b Majesty's Government? Again, I wish to ask, is it tr that her Majesty's Government are of opinion that t present state of Europe is a state not of war but of revel Gj tion, and that there is no danger to be apprehended ? should: like to know the Noble Lord's opinion upon th , First, as an abstract proposition, I doubt it; I think t state of the continent is almost a state of war. It is a sti tt in which dissatisfaction prevails in the minds of all men, which the honest pursuits of industry are paralysed, in whi property is uncertain, and in which the whole of the per lation are controlled by military power instead of the ci ts anti constitutional modes adopted in peaceable times. N 1 4 had a revolution in this count r y i n 1688— a revo lution 7, which the royal dynasty was changed; but the new So' f f ,o reign did not reign in the hearts of his people; and 7'„ years elapsed before the new dynasty could be firmly es f, blished in this country ; and yet, after that revolution ‘ i ' t . 4 entered into war which was not the least glorious in character, or the least comprehensive in its object, when co 1 . pared with other wars in which England has been engag But it may be said that that was an aristocratic war, / of made to promote the fortunes of young men of birth. I : c o France was not an aristocratic state. I have read a ape. , 4 ' delivered by Robespierre in the Con ven tion that was wort a' . l , of the Free Trade Hall itself, and I have no doubt, had P A lived in the present day, he would have been a Leaguer, a 0; for aught I know, would h ave b een as h ones t a nd able a ( .. as any Member for Manchester could be.—(Cheers I r o t laughter.) Another reason h as b een ass i gne d w hi c h I c an: 3 e ,. believe her Majesty's Gov ernmen t can assent to, f or I 5 . lieving that war is impossibl e . It h as b een sa id t h a t c( .A stitutional Governments are established in Europe, and tie .10 is no chance of war, beca use cons ti tut i ona l G overn me; r . never go to war. The Noble Lord opposite (Lord Palm ` ri o ston) will tell the House whether the Governments that ha been established are constitutional Governments; but if a tp be, I cannot help thinking that the first thing they do is, l a interfere with their neighbours. Ido not agree W' the argument that no nation will now attempt a t pb quest, because during the last hundred years there '4 DO no nation which had not repented of their conquests I r e found them a source of weakness. Will those who P t ' 1 0 mulgate that position tell me that the conquest of Malta been a source of weakness to this country?—(Cheers.) might ask the same question with regard to Gibraltar. rd (Cheers.) Are those acquisitions a sort of weakne What do you think of the conquest of Silesia by Frual 1,9 which converted Prussia from a second-rate power, not of ~0 to a first rate, but to a power whose possible height at t 9 : 0 moment we are not capable of estimating? What think y 0 , of the acquisitions of Servia and of Transylvania by A i c e tria, which laid the foundation of its greatness, and ti v i saved the empire? What think you also of the conque , of Russia? I speak not of her ancient colonies, n or of t i ts conquest of Poland—though I believe it constitutes t its greatest strength of Russia—but I look at her province s as the south of Europe, in Jeksterinoslay, in Kherson, an d 0 Bessarabia, the immense wealth of which districts forni 0 great part of the resources of Russia. There is one or 1 , reason given why it is held by these oracles to be totally g• possible that nations can enter into war—because a new p i ciple has risen up, that of the nationality of races. „ r a' quite impossible for the Emperor of Austria to conquer . 1 ot , bardy, because the people of Lomb ar dy h ave di sco vered ' they are of the Italian race. This must be a principla:,,, A the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs a' e ' possibly embrace. I s h ou ld lik e t o as k th ese gentleli,r oracles whether they have ever read Dante, and if so, 0 . 010 , ther they have not risen from the study of that great rentine with the con v i c ti on th a t the whole history of Iv ° t Italy, is, in fact, that o f th e h o ldi ng o f t h e country bY es Germans over the Italians. But this principle of "' c ol a unfortunately one of the reasons w h y I f ear war 00 0 9 always exist, bec ause race i mp li es d iff erence, dioe so o• implies superiority, an d super i or i ty l ea d s to predolgtriee The gentlemen who have set up this theory of that have, in fact, adopted a principle totally opposed O f . 03 0 which is the f oun d at i on o f the whole schema let r system which has been vaunted within the in s " r ieci years, because th e p r i nc i p l e o f race i s oppose d to the P . .,,bich' pies of equality, f ratern i ty, and social economics , of " Fr o. , we have recently heard so much.—(Cheers from t . b e ten tei, tectionists.) lam told th a t. England must be c' in ,,,,ere" with a less de monstrat i on of b rute force. I am n ot Pr a "rdear to contradict that d oc t r i ne ; b ut I s h ou ld lik e t o have definition of what brute force is. In My opinion , a ' il l- t . disciplined army employed in a great perfoimance---!_11:1"00.3 the defence of the country, the maintenance of oro n a l l f t he vindication of a nation's honour, or the consolidation dir. national wealth and greatness—that a body of me n , t em iaen t ciplined, influenced, and led by some of the most go leys , generals, by an Alexander, a Caesar, or our own int°, is one in which moral force is as much entered as physical.—(Glieers.) But if, for instance , l neec lir o s a man possessing a certain facility r E grea t :, happily adapted to his cause, addressing ° epe es , body of his fellow. men in inflammatorY" . toe to their passions, and stirring them up ag u lf o rce - " institutions of the country, that is what I call I th in ,, (Loud cheering from the Protectionists) — w o l n , " w ithour this country would he very well content t ao left i" and which, if there be any sense or spirit "e a or any men of heart and right feeling in the c tr .„,i n io c e s. will resolve to put down as an intolerable and sg c uly, t „as tyranny.—,Tremendous cheering from the Pfl e ave of h fe ly , 3 and counter cheering from the Free-traders.) observed that the hangers-on of the new systera.areiplilligter fond of questioning the apothegm of a great Sweats"