The Sun. — London, England, 1842-07-15 00:00:00

ANTI-CORN-LAW CONFERENCE. The Delegates met again, at 12 o'clock yesterday, t Herbert's (late Brown's) Hotel, Palace-yard, Mr. Shuttleworth, of Manchester, in the Chair. The CHAIRMAN said that the absence of their former Chairman, Mr. Taylor, who had presided over their deliberations with so much credit to himself and ad vantage to them, would be but temporary ; and they might expect him to be with them again to-morrow, Dr. PERRY, the delegate from Reading, proceeding to address the meeting. The prosperity of the district which he represented did not depend so much on the manufacturing industry of its population as upon the outlay made among them by the aristocracy ; and yet the general distress had extended itself to that neigh bourhood, and was making rapid strides among its inha bitants. He would. read a communication he had re ceived from Reading, in confirmation of that statement. Dr. Perry then read the following letter : "In Reading the shopkeepers all say trade is wretchedly bad; they wonder what will be the end of these things ; but it is next to impossible to get at particulars. Those who employ many hands tell me that the men, rather than quit their employ, are willing to take lower wages, as they know it would be of no use to tramp. One of them (a working man) told me he had travelled above 100 miles to get a job, and bad not been able. ‘. In an establishment that last year employed 100 men there are now only thirty. hi another business of equal extent, con ducted by a most respectable firm, the men have been reduced by ene-half. Another master who formerly employed fifty men has now only twelve. The first innkeeper in the town has failed—the others are suffering much. Large houses in the provision line find the consumption considerably falling off, and the greatest _difficulty in getting in their payments Drapers are very slack, a fact which proves much, for the middle classes will have dress, (even if they deprive themselves of food) to make a respectabe appearance. Taken on the whole, trade is worse than ever. In one shop where, in 1825, the sum of 1,200!. was returned with only two hands, the last year's return was only 890!., with seven hands. In another shop there is not so much taken at the present time by one-half, as there was at the same period last year. Among the paper makers on the Loudwater, the like distress prevails. The masters of 20 mills on the same stream, have had two meetings to consider whether they should turn their hands off for seven 'weeks, in consequence of the heavy stock of paper on hand, which they cannot dispose of. Many people in Reading live on a little bread and tea, and scarcely know what it is to taste animal food for weeks together. Some have been known to walk for 20 miles and clear but sixpence. 1 know three per sons who travel in the neighbourhood of Reading, in the way of business, two of whom take this year about one-half of the amount of last year : the other went his round lately in the expectation of taking between seventy and eighty pounds, from parties who had never before failed in their payments, but returned in the eveni ng , h av i ng taken less than five pounds the whole day." That was a picture of the state of 'the humbler classes in Reading. He had not anticipated, as some others had, that the late change in the Cern-laws would pro duce any benefit to the working community. On the contrary, be believed the change would only work ad vantageously to the landed interest. The only effect of the increase in the number of towns at which the averages were to be taken, was to keep the averages five shillings lower than under the old system, the result of which ultimately was, that corn was kept longer in bond, until the price rose. All the disadvantages of the sliding scale also be longed to the new system, by which the speculators were enabled to cause such fluctuations in the price of corn as suited their purposes. That all classes of the community, except the landlords, would be bene fited by the repeal of the Corn-laws was clear, but he conceived that in order to prevent farmers having long leases being injured by the abolition of the law, there should be a clause introduced in the mea sure, which would enact that all farmers so circum stanced should be free to give up those long leases, and enter into new engagements with their landlords. But even the landlords would not be injured by the change, if the system of paying the rent in corn, or rather, ac cording to the marketable value of corn,which prevailed in &Wand, were adopted in this country. The present Corn-law had no redeeming feature in it. It was founded in injustice and cruelty to the poorer classes, having for its sole object the keeping up of high rents for the benefit of the aristocracy.' He enjoined every Christian minister to lift up his voice against this law, not through any feeling of partisanship, but on the ground of its being an unjust and unrighteous law, ruinous to the tern poralinteres ts of these who were committed to their c h arge. He should be happy, if anything he could say, would hasten the moment for the abolition of the law. The Delegates knew enough of the evils of this law, but the country in general was very ignorant on the subject. The country generally wanted information. In Reading - and Abingdon there was a great lack of correct information on this subject of the facts connected with the distress which was its torrent over th e l an d : He thought the Conference s e hould take means to circu late information relative to the facts of the distress generally throughout the country, so as to enable the people to come to a correct judgment on the question. He had been astonished at the doubt and unbelief ex pressed by persons with whom he had conversed on the subject, and he thought it would be desirable that a document should be drawn up, setting forth those facts, which documents should be signed by persons whose names would be a guarantee, for their veracity, and circulated through the country.—(Hear, hear.) The' inhabitants of the metropolis were not by any means well informed on the subject, and it had been suggested to him that it would be advisable that a small lobe, sheet, or a small pamphlet should be drawst up , printed, and left at every house in the metropolis, fur the purpose of conveying correct information to the hiliebitants as to the dreadful state of distress at present existing, and as to the causes of that distress. The in. h thitants of the metropolis ought not to be left in ignor ance of the state of the country.—(Hear.) True, the shops in the metropolis were most of them occupied, but those who used to be so busy in them now stood idle behind. their counters, and would now have plenty of time to read the pamphlet. He threw out that hint for the consideration of the executive committee. There was another subject to which he had intended to have directed the attention of the Conference. in which, how ever, he had been cnticipated. He had intended to suggest the propriety of calling a meeting of the merchants of the City, to consider the subject, but he was happy to see. that a circular, calling such a meeting, had already been issued. The agricultural districts more especially stood in need of information on the subject. Newspapers and periodicals were little read in those districts, and the ignorance existing on the subject of the distresses of the country, and on the ope ration of the Corn-laws, was lamentable.—(Hear, hear.) They should go into those districts' and convene meetings of the farmers and agricultural labourers argue with them, give them information, dispel their prejudices, and conv i nce t h em t h at all the distress which they were now beginning to feel arose from this law, which they had so long hugged to their bosom. The farmers felt the ground was slipping from under them— they saw the cloud was gathering, and knew not where it - would burst ; and if public meetings were called •in the agricultural districts, and argumentative speakers were sent down there, the agriculturists would be enlightened. They would be glad to have - the law repealed and to take their leases upon a new principle, more in harmony with the state of things which would be brought about when the old sys tem should be superseded.—(Loud cheers.) 'There was one thing he wished to observe with regard to holding public meetings. lie knew that their meetings had been interrupted by the efforts of some members of the Chartist body. He did not know if that had been done at the suggestion of the leaders of that body —he did not think that it had been done at the suggestion of those leaders. He looked upon those ' interruptions as the ebul litions of isolated individuals. The proper course to pursue, in the case of such interruption occurring, was not rudely to interrupt the Chartist speaker, but to treat him decorously, and to listen to him. They should listen to any one Tory or Chartist who might wish to address them. Let them state their reasons, and if there was no member of the Anti-Corn-law League able to refute their argu ments, then they might presume that their arguments were valid. He was willing that every Chartist should speak his full mind. The Chartist would ascribe their evils to class legislation, the remedy • for which, he would tell them, was a change in the constitution of the House of Commons. To that lie (Dr. Perry) would say, Amen.—(Cheers.) He would tell them that the present House of Commons did not represent the people, but only the upper classes, who had obtained their seats by bribery and intimida tion—to that also he would say, Amen.—(Loud cheers.) The two representatives of Reading who had already voted away 8,0001. a year out of the pockets of the people of Reading, by the votes they had given on the questions of the 'duties on tea, coffee, and sugar, were not the representatives of the people ' but of a small secti o n o nly, an d h a d neen "returned by means of bribery and intimidation.— (Loud cheers.) The Chartists, therefore, came ultimately to the same conclusion as themselves. There was not one of the' Chartists who advo cated the Curn-lacy, who said it was good to keep up the price of the food of the people, or who would vote for the continuance of the present law. Let them prove to the Chartists that they were desirous of raising the working class, and of making them happy members of society—(Cheers) —and they would secure their support.—(Cheers.) He had heard it said by some that their cause was going down. He did not imagine that such could be the case for one moment. Their cause was making progress in the minds of the people of this country : and notwithstanding the present Go vernment and the present constitution of the House of Commons, they would succeed in removing these mono• polies, and renovating the prosperity of the land. The Rev. J'. S. BAILEY, of Sheffield, had very little. to say, and what he had to state he would try to say as quietly as ptossible. The other day many of them probably heard some of the appalling statement s that he had brought from Sheffield—statements that he could prove to be true it the hand-writing of the sufferers was to be admitted us evidence of their truth. It would appear, from the statements to which he bad referred, that there was a difference weekly of some 6,0001. less in the payment of wage., in that one torn than there was a few years ago. The meeting, theisfore, might easily imagine what would be the consequence of that difference upon human actions and feelings.—(Cheers.) This he knew that, independent of the distress that prevailed, there was a feeling among the people throughout the country that they lived under a cruel and heartless Government.— (Cheers.) Now, was he one of the Government, he should not be willing to hear such testimony as this ; he should be sorry to hear the people make such declara tion ; and he should think that common honesty would dictate OW Necessity o f was hi ng away such an aspen= , .sione:—(Hear, hear.) lle would appeal to gentlemen present from other parts of th e country w h ether such was not the impress on entertained by the people gene wholes) .4le would say nothing of the justice of thfi i nv „ , ,ool-sebla spoke to the fact of it. Such an -to b e - • • irtitiSstotr'* lo `4,o llikei ta Y'phor.—(eh.r,:is •• 1 . 4, 1 , a The people were discovering their feelings by deter mining not to petition ' • some of the Members of the House of Commons thought this was a proof of the people's patience. Such was nJt the case ;it was a proof of the people's contempt, as they said they might as well petition the wall as the aristocracy.—(Hear, hear.) Were not such opinions as these calculated to bring the aristocracy into contempt ?—(Cheers.) One blast of the breath of the people would destroy the aris tocracy.—(Cheers.) Why, then, should they beard the popular lion ?—(Cheers.) A stranger coming to this country from the dominions of the Czar, or the king dom of Prussia, and going to Parliament first, and then to different parts of the country, would suppose that Parliament was a great device to starve and impoverish the people.—(Hear, hear.) For his own part he thought the country would be better under a state of despotism than to be governed by such a Parliament as they had at present.—(Cheers.) He was persuaded this was the feeling of the great bulk of the people of the country. — (Cheers.) He considered such a state of things the highest censure on Parliament.—(Cheers.) It they looked into other countries that had no Parliament they would find no national debt—(Cheers)— they would find the people better educated, the poorer classes happy, and their cottages the scenes of content.—(Cheers.) Ought such a state of things as existed in this country to con tinue ? They had been told they must try Parliament, and the course that had been adopted showed that as fur as the power of the aristocracy could go, they would carry it to keep up such a state of things.— (Cheers.) He was persuaded if . they could put a stop to the spirit of liberty that existed among their friends in Parlia ment, it would find time to cripple the people, and make peace for the coming winter by abridging their comforts, although it could not find time to look to the interests of the niillions.—(Cheers.) It would be the fault of the people if they allowed Parliament to break up without bringing forward some measures for the re lief of the country from its present dreadful condition. He had not been in the House of Commons till Monday last since the time when faction was baffled in 1828, be cause the public credit was run down by noble-minded men, who were determined to destroy the public credit or gain their measure of relief. He had not been there since, he said, till Monday last, and then he was struck with the heartless manner in which the Members seemed to take into consieeration the measure introduced by Mr. Villiers. Numbers were lounging about in a room, playing with their whips, and expressing their anxiety tet away, instead of being desirous to sit all night in the discussion of a question which concerned the bread of the people.—(Hear. hear.) The people knew that this was a ques tion which bore with dreadful efficacy on the morals of the country ; the Government might not know it, but the people did. The first victims of the morals of revolu tion were those who brought it on—a bad Government. He said that Sir R. Peel was an educator in the morals of revolution—that he was doing more to bring on a vio lent revolution than any man had done since the year 1798.—(Hear, hear.) In those parts of the country with which he (Mr. Bailey) was familiar, the people were being educated to an abandonment of self-respect, and when that was gone, all was gone from the mind ; and the great guardian power of aristocracy would soon be trampled in the dust. If they looked over the crimi nal lists they would find that theincrease in the number of criminals was frightful. The reason of it was clear ; they would, remember the statements he had read to them last week, relative to wages in 1838, and wages in 1842 ; the wages in 1838 being often more than three times as much as in 1842, and the diffirence in the amount of crime would be found to vary precisely in the same ratio as wages differed.—(Hear, hear.) If they looked at the poor-houses, they would see the same thing. He could remember the time when the poor used to steal into the poor-houses, to go there by night, when they practised privacy, and thought it to be a great dis grace to be known to be on the parish. There was no such delicacy now, for the other day when he put out a paper to the poor in Sheffield, upwards of a thousand brought hi.n a confession that trey were on the parish. The effects of the Corn-law upon education were obvious; education was one of the first things to suffer deterioration. One would think that a wise man, like Sir R. Peel, would look thirty years ahead of him. Here was the boyhood of the population growing up without education; the boys, when they should be forming correct habits, were thrown on the streets, and had nothing to occupy their time; females went to still worse occupations. They ought to look 30 years a head. What sort of men and women would these youth become ? But what cared an aristocracy for the morality of the next generation ? What cared they for the morality of the universe ? His firm belief was, that if the universe were threatened with destruction, and a proposition was made to save it, the discussion of such a proposition would not occupy above five minutes in the House of Parliament.—(Hear.) Could they doubt that religion was neglected when the people were starving ? Was it likely that a man who found himself on the verge of bankruptcy, with his last sove reign broken, could pay that attention to religion which he once found so congenial to his heart to cultivate ? Men of the world, when maddened to desperation by des pair, could not be expected to turn to that source which would really afford balm and consolation to the broken spirit.—(Cheers.) He need not speak to them of the distress that did exist, he need not tell them that it re quired a great stretch of the imagination to fancy a man on the verge of bankruptcy; suffice it that my Lord Stanley, Sir Robert Peel, and the apostate Graham had admitted it.—(Cheers.) But they did not send to inquire where the distress existed, they did not send to the Delegates to explain it in detail; but if a rumour were to reach Down ing-street that the property of the aristocracy was in danger, and that the funds would sink 21 per cent. to- night, Sir Robert Peel would not think it beneath his dignity to hunt out the meanest man in London who could tell hint anything of the dreadful rumour which had reached his ears.—(Cheers.) But they had a contemptible Government.—(Hear, hear.) What was Sir Robert Peel ? An alumnus of Castle reagh, a mouth-piece for repeating the words of the Earl of Liverpool, one who made the worst appear the best reason, at the feet of the immediate successors of the monster Pitt.—(Cheers.) As to Stanley, the Hotspur of the Cabinet, he was known advantageously to them, he had been formerly applauded throughout the land, as a wondrous debater ; aye, but he was known to the people as a man who was the active instrument of stamping the triumph of liberty with the golden bribe of 20,000,0001. sterling.—(Hear, hear.) Of Graham, little need be said. He stood the self-confirmed apostate every night.—(Cheers.) There were Members in the House of Commons, who, on whatever subject he spoke, could pull from their pockets the proof of his base apos tacy ; and he was now the nightly expounder of the wickedness and folly of the opinions he expressed in Parliament in 1826, 1827, and 1828—his own book was his best condemnation and roster omnium ;" he need not say anything more about it.—(Loud cheers.) That was the class of men who composed the Govern ment—men, of whom, if it were said, " Let them have a pension, and go to enjoy it in another land," there is not a man in the country, except the extreme of their own party, who would not vote for their expatriation. —(Loud cheers.) It was necessary for them (the meeting) to look to what they could, and what they could not do, so that they should not waste their strength on the air. —(Hear, _hear.) Some recommended that they should resort to physical force. But that was not their (the Delegates') judgment ; that was not their religion ;' that was not their policy.— (Hear, hear.) But if they did not raise that power, there were those who would do so.—(Hear, hear.) It was not necessary to have leaders—it was not necessary to have Anti-Corn-law lecturers to raise it. It would arise out of the spontaneous upheavings of misery. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Nor was it mere probability that it might arise ; but he was sure that it would arise, unless the Government, warned at last by the symptoms of the times, have the wisdom of cowardice, as it had not the wisdom of justice. They (the Dele gates) were not able to shake the public credit, as had been proposed. It was true that Catholic Emancipation would not have been carried but for the money question. —(Hear, hear.) It was very well known that many other questions would not have been carried but for it. Oh ! he felt shame for his country that that House opposite (pointing to the House of Commons), which exists only for the purpose of securing liberty of speech, and free course of truth ; that with all the Foxes, the Sheridans, and the Broughams of that House, no question was ever settled, be it right or wrong, of truth or of justice, but it always came to the image and superscription of the penny.—(Cheers.) Let not the Government lay the flattering unction to its soul that public credit would not be shaken.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed, they (the Delegates) would not attempt to encourage a run upon the Bank, in the appro priation of wages only to the friends of the people. But this hc thought was as certain to come as that the sun would descend at night, and that the coun try was at this moment in a state of misery. There was one little thing in operation. The man who was re ceiving, in 1838, wages of 20s. 6d. a week was now re ceiving ss. only.—( ear, hear.) That was the first tide wave that would move the mighty waters of the nation, and shake the pubic credit, until it fell in a ruined House and a bankrupt Exchequer.—(Hear, hear.) They could nut recommend abstinence from excisable articles. They could not themselves abstain from them, for they had their wives and sisters to please, who would at all events have their tea and luxuries of excise. —(Hear, and a laugh.) They could not recommend passive re sistance to the Income-tax. But as to the Excise. hunger will not use excisable articles—the pauper will not use them—the unemployed , in thousands and thousands will not use them.—(Hear, hear.) As to the Income-tax, the assignee at the Bankrupts' desk will stop the payment of that—(Hear)—when the middle classes begin to swell with indignation, when they have the livid spectre standing at their elbow, and turning over their books, and subjecting them to inquisi torial interrogatories, and insinuating a charge of frau dulent representation—(Hear) —then they would turn on the official, and put him out of doors. The dissolu tion of the present Parliament was not to be effected. The people forestalled themselves at the late elections.-- (Hear, hear.) They had been urged to attend to the registration, and they had left that to their enemies ; and now the remedy was perfectly hopeless, unless a great revolution should take place in the state of the constituency, by the aristocracy neglecting the registra tion, which was not likely to be the case. So long as the people could be fed with prai se i nstea d o f b rea d— so long as they could be restrained from plundering the pro-. vision stores—so long as the parks of the aristocracy could be preserved from invasion, and the wheels of Government, could go round with a little creaking— (A laugh)—Par liament would not be dissolved unless it pleased God to let in some hand, which would throw all into confusion. —(Cheers.) What they had to look to was to raise an exalted, united, determined public opinion. (Hear, hear.) It had been said 'that London must be raised, and it could be raised.—(Hear, hear.) I t was per _ fectly disgraceful to London that it should be the least patriotic part of the country. (Hear, hear.) They knew that it was the power of opinion that ruled the-world. it was that- which gave force to the sceptre, THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING, JULY l5, 1842, terror to the gallows, an edge to the sword, power to I the army, winds to the ship, lightning to the artillery, force to eloquence, power to poetry, charm to money, and influence to man. It was opinion that ruled the world in every form of life, in every species of opera tion.—(Hear, hear.) Now what they had to do was, to get hold of public opinion, and to wield this mighty power against those vicious laws which made food dear and labour precarious, which caused taxes to press with the most rigour upon those who were the least capable of bearing them, and conducted Government upon the worst possible set of . principles. (Hear, hear.) The Go vernment had fairly admitted that there was great dis tress, but they said that the Corn-laws were not the cause of that distress. Very well, but what cared the poor man about the cause of the distress ?—(Hear.) He was wronged, he was injured ; what did it matter to him about the cause of the injury ?—(Hear, hear.) The knowledge of the cause, unless be was the person to apply the remedy, was no very great comfort to him as a sufferer. What did it matter to him whether Sir Robert Peel attributed the existing distress to the Corn-laws or to something else ? What ever was the cause they had a right to look to him for the remedy.—(Hear, hear.) He had undertaken to govern the people, he bad undertaken to cure or to kill the patient ; let them keep him to the terms of his en gagement. —(Hear, hear.) He predicted that instead of the thorn, the fir-tree would come up under his sway ; that instead of the brier, the myrtle tree would flourish under his rule ; he assigned all the distress to the Government of the Whigs—all the misery to the ascendancy of Lord John Russell and his party ; he sneered at a diminished income ; he sneered at the representatives of trade ; and now that lie had had fuller swing in the House of Commons than he ever had before since he was one of the petty secretaries of my Lord Castlereagh, now that he had all the aristocracy and the registration, and the weakness of the other fac • tion, and a great part of the democracy on his side, now that Providence had thrown into his hands a fine occa sion for the elucidation of his power and for the applica tion of his remedy—what did he do ? Why he came forward and said to the people of England, " La dies and gentlemen, you shall have nutmegs and silk stockings cheaper."—(Hear, and great laughter.) Aye, let them keep Sir Robert Peel to his bargain. He had undertaken to govern the country, and to conduct it safely through its present distresses. He had asked for power, he had clamoured for power, he had crept for power—(Hear, hear)—and though they did not know how much money had been spent in its acquisition, they knew that he had stooped to meaner things, and things of meaner purport than Anti- Corn-law lectures.—(Hear, hear.) They knew that by the help of these things he had risen to power ; that he had been the giant upon the shoulders of the people, the idol of a particular mob, and that one pledge, at least that with resped to the Poor-law, he and his party had basely falsified since they came into office.—(Cheers.) Let them keep Sir Robert Peel to the question.—(Hear, hear.) They knew that the sophist was a man who strayed through the universe from the question.—(Hear, hear.) Let them get deputations to demand an interview with Sir R. Peel daily.—(Hear.) Let their voices daily reach the public mind through the reporters.—(Hear.) Let them send out their lecturers into all parts of the country to enlighten the ignorant and to beard the monopolist in his own land.—(Hear, hear.) There was another thing which he would advise them to do—sum 'mon their reverend brethren of all denominations to join in the cause. --(Hear, hear.) He was well aware that he might be told that he had no businesss in a meeting like that.—(Cries of " No, no.") He was well aware that there were some who pretended to feel the touch of something polluting, or at least disloyal, something of degradation in contact with a body like that.—(Hear, hear.) lie wished that the reverend clergy of all denominations could always carry their hands as sweetly odorous in the cause of virtue through the world as they did when attending an Anti-Corn-law Conference.— (Hear, hear.) This was straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel. Though comparatively a young man, he had often seen the world roused by the reve rend clergy of all denominations on petty questions of faction ; but now, now that the masses of suffering man kind, now that the thousands of supperless and bedless families were entreating to be supplied with bread, the clergy remained quiescent. He knew what would be the effect of making these remarks. But he took his stand upon this—Jesus had compassion on the multitude when they had only been with him three days, and wanted something to eat. Jesus had not the power to help them naturally, but He wrought a miracle—He shook heaven and earth—He changed the laws of the universe for the time being—He wrought won ders which would never be forgotten. And for what purpose ? Why was that miracle wrought ? Not merely to appease the gnawings of hunger felt by the multitude, but to teach his disciples, to the end of the world, that the hungry and the poor should be the first objects of their care.—(Hear, hear.) Talk of clergy men being afraid of coming in contact with the multi tude ! Why, they were the men of the multitude. They had not come down from the aristocracy, they had risen out of the multitude. The multitude had fed them, had clothed them, had protected them from the aristo cracy ; and was it compatible with the honour and honesty of pious men to bo ashamed of the multitude, who were their best friends ?—(Hear, hear.) No, no, there was no disgrace in being the man of the multitude ; there was far more disgrace in a clergyman being the pet of the parlour, who could only -distinguish ladies and gentlemen, who was only ambitious to know his supporters ; there was far more dishonour in that than in moving amongst the ten of thousands of 'the street, or in gathering hundreds upon the comm o n, to deal out to them the bread of life, or to help them in their worldly concerns. Time was, when the Church had the multitude in its own bands ; time was when the , mass of Englishmen were in the strings of the Church ; when the Church had only to utter her command, and the multitude went on their pilgrimage ; or embarked in the crusade ; but now the Church had lost the multitude, and, as in the days of Jesus, they were like sheep, scattered without a shepherd ; and as that was the cause of Christ's compassion, so also was it the best justification of their own.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. WOOLLEY said—l am anxious to correct some serious errors in the report of what I said yesterday, and which, if left as printed, will make my argument rilicu lous. What 1 stated was, that from the report of Mr. Homer, as printed by command of her Majesty, there were, on the 31st Dec., 1841, in his district, 1,164 cotton mills of all descriptions, employing, when in full work, 199,190 persons. Of the 1,164 mills, 130 were working short time, and 138 were not at work ; and the total number of persons working full time, at that date, was only 142,063, and the number of mills was 887. I stated that in the above 1,164 mills, the proportion of mule spinners, to the other workers, could not exceed 3 per cent. ; and, if so, that there were not more than 4,260 persons so employed on the 31st of December last ; and taking it for granted that one-third of these had been thrown out of work from improvements, there were only 1,420 immediate sufferers from the adop tion of those improvements.—(Hear, hear.) I do not trouble the meeting with the calculation by. which I arrive at the conclusion I do, but those who are practically acquainted with cotton-mills, will see, by the following statement that, in assuming 3 per cent. as the proportion of mule-spinners to all other workers, lam allowing the extreme quantity. Of the mills in full work on the 31st December last, 444 are spinning-mills only ; 267 spinning and weaving mills ; 70 weaving mills without spinning ; 27 doubling mills ; 18 small ware mills ; 61 spin and weave waste cotton; total 887. It will be seen I speak only of Mr. Horner's district; but as his district contains about two-thirds of all the cotton mills in the kingdom, I feel satisfied in allowing 7,000 persons to have been employed as mule spinners in the United Kingdom ; in the most prosperous times, I exceed the mark.—(Hear.) It is in mule spin ning that the great improvements of which Sir Robert -Peel speaks, have taken place ; and supposing 3,000 spinners have been thrown out of work, will this account for the destitution existing in the cotton districts ? In the preparation departments, however, of cotton spinning mills, considerable improvements have also been made, and I have not sufficient data to show the number of persons who may have been deprived of employment from them, but judging from the mill with which I am connected, and in which a great part of the recent changes to economise labour have been adopted, I should say that 10,000 persons (and those chiefly young women and boys) would be a most extravagant estimate, as the number so deprived of employment. Ido not believe, however, that one-half that number of persons have been dismissed from the improvements of which Sir Robert Peel makes so much parade, particularly as, according to Mr. Horner's report, 91 new or enlarged cotton mills had been set to work since Ist January, 1839, which were capable Of employing 16.000 persons. From what I have stated you will see the fal lacy of the argument that improvements in machinery have reduced the means of employment. You will see another cause, and if I mistake not, Sir Robert Peel sees it also, if he had the honesty or the courage to proclaim it. What does Mr. Horner say ? That on the 31st of Deem- ber last, in 1,164 cotton mills, capable of employing 199,190 persons, 142,063 people only were employed full time, showing that 57,127 were either idle entirely, or working short time. Since that period the unemployed have daily increased, and we may safely assume that there are, at this moment, 80,000 mill hands in Mr. Horner's district alone without wages, and without any means of existence, save from the parish, or from charity. Look at the number of persons dependent upon the labour, directly or indirectly, of the above 80,000 individuals—their wives, their children, mecha nics, dyers, printers, &c. &c. Look at the withdrawal of 40,0001. per week of wages from circulation, or 2,080,0001. per annum, from the mill hands alone in one Inspector's district; at the like sum withheld from the dyers, printers, mechanics, &c. &c., indirectly dependent, and you will not be surprised if the shopkeepers' receipts are diminished, and the masters themselves deeply embar rassed. These effects will shortly reach the land owners, when ss d they will find to their cost, that they have killed the goose which laid the golden eggs. lam represented as having said cottage-rents had fallen 600 or 700 per cent.. What I did say, was, that they had nominally been reduced `'o or 30 percent., but that really they had, in many instances, 60 or 70 per cent., from the inability of occupants to pay the landlord's claims. I will now add, that, in cottage property, the average reduction in annual receipts is fully 50 per cent. Mr. J. BRIGHT said he rose for the purpose of submit ting a resolution. agreed upon by the Executive Com mittee. He did not know if there was any particular business to be transacted during that sitting '•, it' not, he would make a few observations which did not bear upon the resolution. He "was unwilling to take up the time of the' Conference during that sitting, because he was quite satisfied that it was of the utmost importance that the details of the distress of the country should be brought fairly before the Conference, and by that means before the Governnment. For several days they had ' been occupied. in . hearing.' the_ ': details of suffering and distress. There was no tribe, however uncivilised, where there was so much distress and suffer ing as was to be found in Stockport, Cohie, Leeds, Sheffield, and other places he could mention. Whit.: was the reason of all this ? In coming up from Lancashire to London, it struck him that nature was smiling, and that Providence smiled on the country, every thing seemed to be smiling kindness ; but there was another picture, and that was man oppressing his fellow-man. Lord Stanley, the other night, said that the distress was entirely beyond the control of human legislation. There never was a man more ignorant of the distress ; and he was sure that every one who perused the speeches of the Delegates in that room, must feel that it required the immediate attention of the Government. He supposed it was not possible to point to a country on earth, in which a state of things existed equal to that now in this land of civilisation, commerce, and all the appliances by which human life was rendered happy and prosperous. It had been shown that the suffering, was not confined to any one point of the country, but was spread over the whole country; and he was sure there was not so much suf fering and calamity in any other nation of the earth. It was said bad harvests were beyond human control. Why they knew that very well; but they knew perfectly well that when Providence afflicted us with a bad harvest, the same benevolent Providence had given us other places to go to, if the law allowed us to remedy the evils a bad harvest inflicted. There was no doubt but they suffered from bad harvests ; and those evils would be almost en tirely removed, certainly greatly alleviated, by the esta blishment of a perfectly free trade in the country.— (Cheers.) People said there were 27 millions of inha bitants in Great Britain. Over population was an evil, and emigration was the remedy. He (Mr. Bright) never could discover why 27 millions should not be as com fortable as 15 millions were. He thought all.the burdens of the taxes would be, more easily borne if the people were not so wealthy as they were formerly. The 15 millions of inhabitants were engaged in ministering to each others wants, and every man was maintained ; therefore 27 millions were just as likely to keep them selves in comfort and prosperity as the 15 millions. But it would be seen that the action of the Corn-laws pre chided our obtaining a supply from neighbouring countries. When they had a population of twenty-five millions, and a supply of food only adequate to the subsistence.of seven millions, there must be a complete scramble amongst the people to obtain it, in which the weakest must go to . the wall. The man of inferior strength and of, un skilled labour must put up with a shorter supply. At this moment this was the condition of the people, though they worked harder than ever they worked before—ten, twelve, fourteen, and sixteen hours a-day, and some almost day and night, and yet with doing all this they were not able to obtain food. The only result of their increase of population was, that the same supply of food had to be spread over a larger number of people, when there was no corresponding increase in the supply of food.—(Hear, hear.) If they looked into this state of things they would at once see the re medy they must come to, and .his object would be to show that there was but one, and how its operation would be certain. He would take Stockport as a proof that in the present distressed state of the country, cir cumstances rendered it absolutely imperative for a Go vernment to do something; it was necessary that every individual who felt for the very existence of the country, should at this time do everything in his power to bring these statements before the public. In Stockport the mills and machinery were unoccupied, the workmen were discharged, property greatly fallen in value, and the streets depopulated. What was the re sult? The population must live, if not upon wages, upon the poor -rates, and the effect of this was to impoverish those who were not yet reduced to the lowest stage of poverty. These persons were gra dually coming down to the condition of those in less favourable circumstances. No one now would occupy mills in Stockport ; the poor-rates- were enormous— whole streets of houses in Stockport might be bought by only guaranteeing the chief rent, but even then, as it would be impossible to let the houses, the purchaser would probably be out of pocket. Thus it would be seen that there was no hope for Stockport in any of the measures of the Government, or the stupid fallacies propounded by Sir Robert Peel, and those who followed him.—(Cheers.) If machinery were destroyed in Stock port, as Sir Robert Peel had wickedly insinuated would be a benefit to the working classes they would destroy the little means of support that re mained. The whole of the mills that were being em ployed unproductively must stop ; they could not give them up to the poor as they could with land, in which they might grow potatoes and keep body and soul to gether. However numerous paupers might be they could not live upon bricks and mortar, and iron and wood. Thus they would have the whole of the capital of tne present employers dissipated without the smallest re source being given to the working people. This was not a disease that could be expected to work its own cure ; they might just as well expect that a building filled with the most inflammable.materials, if on fire, would go out of itself. It would go out certainly, but not till everything was consumed. The disease was going on in other towns as in Stockport, and the more it accumulated the more it ap peared likely to sweep the towns with desolation, the more imperative it was on a Government that made any claim to patriotism, or even any regard for its own exist ence anal safety, to come forward with some radical cure for the, state of things, It must be something that could stay the plague; it could be no palliative; it could not be done by sending down money from the Treasury, or by begging subscriptions by a Queen's Letter. This was the most foolish thing of all, for as the distress was' universal, the funds might as well be distributed where they were collected. Colne and Leeds, and the other maufacturing towns of Zngland were declining into pre cisely the same state ; and notwithstanding the deadness and apathy of the poor, he did not believe that the people could starve off without some unpleasant circumstances arising, especially where they were convinced that the Government had the power of applying a remedy. Of the twenty-five millions of Great B ritain, twenty mil lions lived on wages received every week or fortnight, and when these were diminished by the high price of food, there was less to expend on other articles. The effect of this was felt through every branch of trade, the warehousemen and wholesale dealers partaking of the same depression. The only pernptnent remedy was in obtaining a reduc tion in the price of food, and even then the improve ment would be gradual, and it would take at least ten years to put the country into the same circumstances in hich it was five or six years ago. No law which did not diminish the price of food could alleviate the gene ral depression of our trade. And he would further say, that if the remedy did not come soon, the evil would be irremediable. He knew of many who had flattered themselves that the accession to office of a Conserva tive Ministry would be immediately followed by a wonderful revival of commercial prosperity ; but these very men were now ready to admit that that expectation had been a complete delusion. It was not a change of men that was wanted, but a change of principles—(Hear, hear)—and there was no magic in a name to relieve our condition. The only remedy pro posed by the present Government was a series of mea sures which could only be looked upon as a mockery of. the demands of the country. But the trickery had been unmasked ; the thimbles of the new Corn-law and the Tariff had been examined, and it was ascertained that, though they might conceal a pea, it was one of very little value.—( Hear, hear.) He had closely watched the con duct of Sir R. Peel, and he believed him to be one of the most ambitious, the most sell-seeking, and heartless men that ever presided over the destinies of a great country. He should not complain of a lofty ambition to serve one's country; but the only ambition of Sir Robert Peel seemed to be to serve an aristocracy at the expense of his country.—(Cheer.) Things could not, however, long continue in their present condition ; and Sir R. Peel must either go out of office or repeal the Corn laws.—(Cheers.) He was happy to be able to inform the meeting that the interest in their cause had not de clined in the country ; they would soon have fresh depu ties from Manchester and various districts ; and among those persons professing Conservative priciples, who felt that unless some relief were afforded for our present ca lamities, they could not themselves escape the general ruin. There was another subject to which he felt ex ceedingly sorry to be obliged to allude. He had been told that a number of Whigs were leaving town, in con sequence, perhaps, of the heat • of the weather, and among them. Lord John Russell.—(Hear.) It ap peared that his Lordship was on his way to Scotland, and he wished the Delegates should mark their disap proval of such a course, and their conviction that at a crisis like the present no public man had a right to de sert his post and abandon his duty to his country. Mr. Bright concluded by moving the following resolution;— " That this Conference consider it their duty to repre sent to those Members of the Legislature who 'support free-trade principles, the great responsibility . which the present momentous crisis devolves upon them; and that the nation expects them to remain at their post, and to lose no opportunity of again enforcing the claims o f th e community to immediate relief from the deep and intole rable distress they are at present suffering." Mr. RAwsoN seconded the resolution. Mr. G. TuoiursoN called the attention of the meeting to the fact that the Bill for the better protection of her Majesty's person was introduced, had gone through the several stages and been passed in the course of two nights ; and Observed that, concurring as he did in the sentiments expressed by Sir R. Peel when introducing that measure in the House of Commons, and in the propriety of adopting the most efficacious measures for protecting the person of her Majesty from injury or annoyance, and happy as he was to find the general unanimity that was manifested in the House on the matter, he could not help observing that the same Ministers, the same House of Commons, that so laudably suspended all their rules for promoting the better pro tection of the Sovereign, abandoned the subjects of that Sovereign to their fate without pity or hope of redress. He trusted that when those gentlemen went to the country to enjoy their shooting, that at every place they would be met by groups of the starving poor. Dr. BowRING next addressed the assemblage. He said though he was out-wearied, like the public patience, and almost as the voice of truth in high places, yet the pleasure;he felt at finding himself surrounded by those present was such, that he could not lose the opportunity of addressing them for a few moments. He felt as if connected with the public desperation. He willingly took part with an exceedingly small, and he feared, a diminishing body of men in the House of Commons, who at any personal risk would have endeavoured to stop the supplies, in order to obtain a remedy for the deplorable condition of the people. Looking, however, at all they had done, at all they were now doing, he was obliged to come to the conclusion that with a House of Commons constituted as the present, they reasoned, they appealed in vain. Yet that House of Commons represented in a very great degree the electoral body. But it was not the electoral body that was suffering—it was the non-electoral body, the excluded, who had no representation, that'seffered most. He was exceedingly desirous that those who expected something from the House of Commons, as_now constituted,. should do every thing that human power could do, in order to tuseettaiilt whe ther, with such materials, they had any hope for the futtre. , He believed there was none.—(Cheers.) He felt Wel whelmed with sorrow when he looked to the extension of suffering that existed, and that a remedy only was to be found in the excess of the evil—(Cheers)—and the information he received from othef totthtries strenght ened his alarm. He had received a commitillithtlieti ffoit the representative of one a the continental kingdotiis he told him that the friends of free trade were engaged in a desperate struggle, and doubts were entertained whe-, ther they would be able to maintain it, with the domestic manufactures, and if such was the result the consequence would be to place in peril some of the most important manufactures of the country. Another gentleman had stated to him the willingness of the Americans to keep up friendly relations with this country; but unfortunately the pernicious example of this had gone to other coun tries, and they were returning the poisoned chalice.— (Cheers.) He had yesterday received a letter from an intelligent Member of the Chamber of Deputies, who wrote in a hopeless and despairing spirit, and stated that even with the modification of the tariff, while the Corn law remained it would be impossible but .that the ex ample of England would act injuriously on other coun tries.—(Cheers.) The history of England was summed up in a few words ; the dominant few had created re strictions and monopolies for the pillage of the many.— (Hear, hear.) What then remained for them to du ' but to put an end to what had been done, and put an end to Acts of Parliament that restricted labour and theexer cise of capital and mind ?—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gen tleman concluded an eloquent speech, by stating that he gloried in the cause of the present Conference ; that he was happy to come among them ; as to him, it was .leaving the atmosphere of usurpation for the more healthy one of public opinion.— (Cheers.) The motion was then put by the CHAIRMAN, and de clared by him to be unanimously agreed to. Mr. A. H. Suaw, the Chairman of the St. Luke's Anti-Corn-law Association, here announced the death of the Duke of Orleans, which he stated appeared in a third edition of one of the Morning Papers. Mr. G. THOMPSON again pressed upon the meeting the great value of their exertions, and exhorted them to continue in their good work, believing that the breaking -up. of the Conference would convey hope to the parties on the other side of the way.—(Cheers.) He begged most cordially to second the resolution of thanks. Mr. llAwsox wished to say a few words respecting the members and the character of the Deputation, on ) which certain reflections had been made. It should be recollected that the members of the Deputation were coming and going every day. The Deputation from Manchester was composed, with the exception of himself, of Common Councilmen, Aldermen, and Magistrates, both of the borough and the county of Lancashire. From that of Yorkshire, the deputation was composed both of borough and county Magistrates. In Stockport, among the deputation would be found the present Mayor and the three last ex-Mayors. These gentlemen might be called a rabble and a mob, but he believed that they belonged not only to the most respectable class of her Majesty's subjects—(Cheers)—but that they represented larger masses of her Majesty's subjects than those who sat in the House of Commons on the other side of the way.—(Cheers.) So much as to the question of respectability ; and as to number, if they were to reckon those who had attended the Conference, and those who were coming, their number would likewise be found to exceed the number of the House of Commons. The CHAIRMAN announced that at the meeting to morrow morning, at which they would be enable.' to commence business at an earlier hour, several letters would be read, which had been received, in connection with the memorial which had been presented by the Duke of Sussex to our beloved Queen.—(Hear, hear.) The letter of the Duke of Sussex, which was a most in teresting document, would be brought before the meeting to-morrow. He had likewise to announce that Mr. G. Thompson would lecture this evening at the Mechanics' Institution, Southampton-buildings, at half-past eight o'clock, to which members of the Conference would ob tain admission at a shilling the ticket. _ _ Mr. DUNN, Delegate fiom West Hackney, said that complaints had been made of the apathy of Lo: don. That complaint did not apply to the district from which he came. About eight months ago, himself and half-a dozen others had exerted themselves to agitate the sub ject ; they held meetings, and they had since had up wards of 600 to join them.—(Cheers.) He would sug gest that the Delegates should go into the dif ferent districts of the metropolis and hold public meetings in the different localities. A speech from the eloquent and soul-stirring George Thompson, at such meetings, would soon rouse the people from their apathy. —(Cheers.) A speech of that description would pro duce an electrical effect upon an audience.—(Cheers.) Their proceedings were well reported, and those reports did a great deal of good, but still that did not produce the effect that a speech did.—(Cheers.) Their cause was making progress. He knew a gentleman in Mark lane who had profited by the Corn-laws, and who, after reading the result of the interview of the Delegates with Sir l Peel, said that he saw now it was useless support ing the Corn-laws any longer, that they had little left now but to surrender. He himself profited by the Corn laws, but believing them to be bad, he should be un worthy the name of a loan, if he supported them merely for his own profit. The Hon. Delegate again urged upon the Conference the necessity of holding meetings in the different localities of London, and stated, that, in all the meetings he had attended, he had never experienced any interruptions, either from Chartists or other persons. The vote of thanks to the Chairman was then agreed to, and the meeting adjourned till to-day at Eleven. BELGIUM. BRUSSELS, JULY 10. - Yesterday at one o'clock, his Majesty gave a private audience at Lacken to the de putation from the house of lloulers and Isighern. The deputation was well received, and withdrew entirely sa tisfied with the attention paid to them by the King, and much surprised at the extensive knowledge which his Ma jesty manifested of everything concerning the linen manufac ture, and of the interest of the country in general. It seems to result from what the King said, that the Government is pre pared to resist any unju3t pretensions on the part of France, but that it is likewise inclined to consent to the equitable sa crifices which may be necessary to obtain the exception which the manufacturers of Flanders solicit. We believe that we may assure our readers that the journey of M. Van Praet to Paris is connected with the conclusion of negotiations relative to the linen manufactures. A letter from Doesburgh has the following story .—" A man names Doues Kelderman has caught and brought to this place an enormous sturgeon, which the Chronicle pretends is the same that was thrown into the Uwe' nearly two hundred years ago with a ball fastened to its neck. This copper ball is still fastened to the neck of this fish, which weighs 300 lbs. It is publicly exhibited." Bitussims, JULY 12.—The Nouvelliste de Bruges publishes a letter which it has received from Roulers, and which gives an account of the interview of the deputation with the King. His Majesty, it appears, said that he hoped to be able in a few days to announce to them agreeable news. In short, from all the kind words of the King, they concluded " that a treaty for three or four years with France was nearly concluded, and that on the 21st of this month our linens will be allowed to enter France as before." BELGIAN uNDS—BaussoLs, JULY 12. Actual Dem, 2 per Cent. ttothachild's Lean, 5 per Cent lO2 Loan ol Thirty Millions, 4 per Cent. lO2 Sper Cent.... Thirty.seven• 7 1% (1 40) 102% Loan of City, 1 , 32, 4 per Cent !3%, Society of Commerce, 15, per Cent 1 ,6 Bank of Belgium, 5 per Cent ., 76 National Society Exchange on London (short) - -Brussels Papers, July 12. BLOWING-UP OF THE VESTA. During the past week much interest has been manifested in the operations being pursued under the superintendence of Cap tain Fisher, chief harbour-master of the port of London, in order to entirely destroy and remove the wreck of the bark Vesta, of 400 tons, which has for the last two years so ma terially impeded the navigation of the Thames off Gravesend, and which was finally completed on Tuesday last. From the statement of Captain Fisher, which is most interesting, it ap- . pears that the owners, crew, and those engaged in endeavour ing to raise the Vesta, having entirely abandoned her, he re ceived instructions from the Corporation of London to use some means for clearing away the wreck. Believing the only ef fectual means of doing so was to blow her up with gunpowder, he caused two lighters to be moored near the place, and having obtained the valuable assistance of Mr. W. Downes, the celebrated diver, he succeeded in ascertaining the exact position of the wreck, which was found to lie with her head towards the shore, fixed on a very hard bed of chalk, on to which she lkad run. His first attempt was with a tin canis ter containing 401bs. of gunpowder, with a fusee attached, and which was placed by Downes immediately underneath the main hatchway. On being fired, its effect was such that it not only blew the deck completely out, hut also removed the vessel bodily from the spot where it had previous lain. He repeated this experiment with eight other canisters, containing the same weight of powder, in all 3601 b., but discharged them by means of galvanic batteries, which he found more efficacious than the fusee. The effects of the discharges were not so great as might have been expected from the havoc corn mitted by the first; and he (Captain Fisher) was fearful of increasing them, lest injury should result to the houses on shore. The firing took place from the lighters, which were moored 250 feet from the spot where the wreck lay, in seven fathoms water at low-water mark. Finding the small charges were insufficient to blow the hull to pieces, Captain Fisher directed two canisters, containing each 1161b3. of gunpowder, and another containing 1651b5., to be placed inside the vessel. It was found that the two former were effective in loosening the timbers, and the cylinder having been placed in the body of the wreck, it was fired. In an instant a loud rumbling noise was heard, accompanied by a violent com motion of the water, and immediately after the air became blackened by immense masses of the wreck shooting above its surface, surrounded by a dense volume of smoke, to the extent of twenty feet. The larger portions were secured and dragged ashore, but a great mass was floated away down the river. On examination, the whole of the Vesta's larboard quarter was found to be completely carried away from her keel to her bulwarks, as were also her bows. The starboard quarter and stern were much shattered. On Downes again descending, he found that all which remained of the vessel was the bottom, which was shivered to pieces, and may he easily got up. In consequence of the success of the experi ment, it is expected that the Corporation will direct the steamer Apollo, run down off Nortlifleet some years since, also to be blown up. COURT-MARTIAL IN THE T OWEH• — Wednesdav the Ist battalion of the Coldstream Guards, under the command of Colonel Shaw, now stationed in the Tower, were mustered upon parade to hear the finding and sentence of a regimental Court-Martial on Sergeant Sharp, who had been tried for di.- obedience of orders and neglect of duty. This proceeding arose out of the case of Mr. Elder, senior clerk of the Ordnance office in the Tower, who had been held to bail for an assault on William Youl, a private in the regiment, while on duty as a sentinel at the Jewel -office in the Tower. Elder was given into the custody of Sharp after the alleged assault was com mitted, but instead of taking him to the guard-house, as Sharp ought to have done as sergeant of the guard, he allowed the accused to go to his own residence, and did not report the occurrence to his officers. The Court-Martial found Sharp guilty of the charge of disobedience of orders and neglect of duty, but in consideration of the excellent character he had maintained in the regiment for 19 years, sentenced him only to be reduced to the ranks. After the sentence was read over, Sharp had his stripes denoting his rank as a sergeant cut from his dress, and took his pla , e in the ranks as a private. Much commiseration is fe't for him in the regiment ,as his conduct previous to the transaction in question was that of a steady and careful soldier, and he had never been reported before for any breach of military discipline, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 14. Their Lordshipa met at Five o'Clock. DEAN FOREST ECCLESIASTICAL BILL. On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Dom Forest Ecclesiastical Bill was read a second tittle, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. The British roasessions Abroad Bill passed through Committee. Several petitions were presented for and against the Mines and Collieries Bill. RAILWAYS BILL. The Raise then went into Committee on the Rail ways Bill. • The Earl of RIPON meted the insertion of a clause to repeal that which restricted the use of car riages exceeding four tons in weight, including pas sengers. • The effect of this would, he said, be to pre vent the most important improvements in railway travelling. The clause was agreed to. • Lord CAMPBELL moved the insertion of a clause, forbidding the locking the doors of railway carriages against the censent of the passengers. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the clause was quite unnecessary, as the Railway Companies had discontinued the practice, to the great annoyance of many of the passengers. Lord CAMPBELL contended for the necessity of the clause. When the controlling power of Parlia ment was withdrawn the Directors might revert to the practice, and it was necessary to forbid it. The Earl of RIPON opposed the clause. It was not desirable that any part of the Executive Govern ment should assume over the railways more power and control than necessary. There was not the slightest reason to apprehend that the railways would revert to the practice as soon as the active control of the Government was withdrawn, and the session of Parliament over. In every instance the Railway Directors had shown every disposition to comply with the suggestions of the Government. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE supported the clause ; there had not been perfect sincerity in the matter. As the Railway Directors did not lock the carriages, there was no necessity for the clause ; but if it should sometimes .be necessary to lock them the clause would be vexatious to them. Lord CAMPBELL said he must press his clause to a division. The Earl of WICKLOW said that the Railway Companies knew their own interests as well as any other body of men, and if they found that the public disapproved of locking the carriages, they would abandon the practice. Lord COTTENHAM said that the argument of the Noble Earl opposite (Wicklow) would go the length of showing that the Railway Directors ought not to be interfered with at all—that they ought to be left to themselves, and to do as they liked ; but the object of the Bill was to regulate their practices, and he thought it was absurd to leave it to the discretion of the Directors whether or not they should return to so dangerous and unnecessary a practice. It was monstrous that people, in travelling by the only public conveyance that could be had, must be imprisoned all the way.—(Hear, hear.) It was not enough that they should have but one mode of conveyance,.but they must also be kept under lock and key, at the peril of their lives. The Earl of MOUNTCASHEL could not agree with the Noble Earl (Wicklow) in his opposition to the clause. He thought it was absolutely necessary for the public safety, after the shocking sacrifice of life which happened lately in France, to put down the practice by law. The Earl of RADNOR would oppose the clause, because he thought the locking of the carriages was not dangerous, and he did not know but it might under some circumstances be necessary. The outcry against the practice originated in a prejudice arising from the erroneous rumour that the carriages were locked on the Versailles Rail , way when the terrible accident occurred ; but that was not the case ; the carriages were not locked, and if they had been it would have made no difference. The carriages were all smashed to pieces, and in a heap in an instant, and they were burnt in a heap, so that if the doors had been open, it would have availed nothing. The Earl of CLANCARTY opposed the clause. The Earl of RIPON ridiculed the clause, on ac count of the provision which it contained, that all the persons inside a carriage should be asked whether they would be locked in or not, so that if the majority thought that precaution necessary to their safety, one passenger, like the one juror, might overrule the sounder judgment of all the rest. After some further conversation their Lordships divided. The numbers were— For the clause Against it Majority against the clause —4 Messengers from the Commons brought up the Bill for the better protection of her Majesty's person, the Irish Rivers Bill, and other Bills. PROTECTION OF HER MAJESTY. The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the first reading of the Bill for the better protection of her Majesty's person, that the Bill be printed, and read a second time to-morrow, and that the Standing Orders be suspended, in• order that the Bill should pass throUgh its other stages. Lord CAMPBELL cordially supported the motion, but suggested that it might be necessary to introduce a clause, providing for the punishment of individuals who might be found with any pistols or other weapons in their possession, and making any attack on her 'Ma jesty by other ,means than those stated in the Bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he would take the suggestion of his Neble and Learned Friend into his consideration, and he had no doubt the Bill would be re-framed so as to meet the concurrence of all their Lord ships. He was not aware that alterations had been made in the Bill in Committee. LONDON BRIDGE APPROACHES BILL. The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the first read ing of the London Bridge Approaches Bill. , MINES AND COLLIERIES BILL. ! The Bishop of LONDON presented two petitions in favour of the restricting clauses in the Mines and• Co llieries Bill. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented a petition to the same effect. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY presented a peti tion from Bradford, in Yorkshire, praying the House not to prohibit the employment of children above eight years of age. He complained that the Bill had been hurried through the other House of Parliament, under an ex cited state of mistaken humanity, and denied what had been stated, that the Bill had received the assent of the coal-owners of the North. The Committee at Newcastle I had prayed the House to defer the Bill, at least, till next session. He protested most solemnly against the Bill in all its stages, and if he had the power to influence their decision, he would most certainly vote for its re jection. The Earl of CLANRICARDE would not go into the general question oldie Bill at present. But as the Noble Marquis had again referred to the letter of Mr. Budile, he would read a letter which had been received by Lord Ashley from a coal-owner, (whose name we understood to be Mr. Lambton), who was present at the Conference between the deputation and Lord Ashley, of which Nobleman it was not necessary for him to give any eulogy. ' The Noble Marquis then read a letter from Mr. Lambton, ! expressing surprise that Mr. Buddle, who was the agent of the Marquis of Londonderry, should have written that Noble Marquis the private letter read by him in the House of Lords on a former night, and denying that he had consented to the compromise. His letter from Mr. Lambton contradicted those parts of Mr. Buddle's letter which disclaimed any consent to the compromise. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was proceeding to defend Mr. Buddle, when he gave way to laughter and cries of " Question." Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition against the Bill from miners in the Newmarket Colliery in the West Riding of Yorkshire. Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a number of peti tions against the Bill. Viscount MELBOURNE presented three petitions to the same effect. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented a petition from West Lothian, to the effect that the time allowed by the Bill for discontinuing the labour of women in mines was too short. He did not agree with the petitioners. The Earl of DEVON presented a petition in favour of the Bill, from places in Yorkshire and elsewhere. The Noble Earl then proceeded to move the second reading of the Bill. In doing so he would not call their Lordships' attention to anything that occurred at public or private meetings, or any compromise that had been entered into, but would lay it betbre them to be judged of by its own merits. The Noble Earl went through the history of the Commission which was appointed in con • sequence of an address to the Crown froth the other Huse of Parliament, and on the Report of which the Bill was founded. He had read that evidence most care fully, and he was convinced that any of their Lordships who had done so, must agree with him as to the neces sity of some such enactment.. When he undertook the charge of the Bill in that House, he told his Noble Friend that he could not expect that all its clauses would be passed. But after a full examination of all the evidence in their Lordships' Committee, he was induced to hope that they wouldpass every one of them. It was impossible to deny the abominations arising out of the system of employing women under ground, where there was no I control over the conduct of the men with whom they worked. He read from the Report of the Commissioners several details of the monstrous evils belonging to the system. The men and women worked together at the same kind of labour ; the men altogether naked, and the women naked down to the waist. The women who were examined by the Commissioners testified to the demo ralizing effect of such a mode of life upon all the fenial , !s engaged in it, from the age of six years upwards. Ile would not read the more disgusting and deplorable . parts I of the Report, but would leave it to their Lordships to judge what the rest must be from what he had read. He must at the same time say that there : were many collieries in which those disgusting, indecent, and abo minable practices were not allowed—as, for instance, those of the Duke of Buecleuch. . He wonld . not further waste their LordshipN' tune on this part of' the subject. but would proceed to state the alterations he proposed. The Bill provided that, the em ployment of females in Minos should ebase in six montl.s after the passing- of the Act. He proposed to extend - the limo to the 13th of March next, when tiler( e:Sw, be an opportunity of further legislation if it should a ' found necessary. He was urged to disallow the cord ment of boys, under the age of 13 years ; bet frets that he had heard, he thought it would not be u nrol l ; able to forbid that they should be employed under% years. It was desirable that some of the young should be brought up to the employment, from an I age, to enable them to fill, afterwards, some o f the s difficult parts of the work. These were t.;!e two pt: i • pal clauses of the Bill. The third clauSs. re; to the regulation of the number of hours, during' a s the' children should be employed. He found tli/o would be very difficult to enforce such a re„ulstti„ but he - thought it very desirable that ~ under thirteen ;ears of age should have; three I for the purpose of rseeieing instruction, and for clay` tion. He (lid nor, hosvever, mean to press this 00 The next clause, which provisied for inspection, he:, disposed to press, but it would b' for their - Lo rdsk i confirm or reject it when the Bill came into Cots; to-morrow. The next clause related to apprenticers o w g h e i . c h Thehe p clauses sd to sh; h m e l d 9 terminate he liou a l d t eight: - en fur present, But the 9th clause was importa lj n a r. „!1 rood that no psrson under twenty-one years of as- s , , employed to manage an engine. He bad, hove v`" silo informed that there were persons under that 5 ':4 tl' were by use perfectly competent to take car e . q uitl engine, and, therefore, he would not objectfto a i e „, i s i s 0 into this particular. - These were the princilg"e t i e l stiO which he had now to direct their Lordship' i i te st il l i He proposed to make the Alterations he had stated the Committee to-morrow. The Noble Lord °'-' over °cid by movin H g the H second reading. the M a as s , e Lord ATERTON said, that after ta , which the Noble Earl had performed his sec) * 11 , saP task, he would not press the motion of (which,,, soill, (1 ,1 given notice, for a Select Committee, and wbi° ll ipi , A l ' have felt it his duty to require from their 1 41. "40d a s ' ' the alterations now proposed by the Noble Ear' ha d been made. The effect of the law, if it had : cpst,, e the way which was at first proposed, would b°, l ; P e stop to the raising of minerals in the counelejoitr was not one who opposed that part of the Billw hi bst b e vented the employment of women in mines ; r oes thought the clause might undergo advantageou' Y o stor e alteration. For instance. cases of women 0 s e f, age, and widows with families, who had bee n ptea' customed to the work all their lives,, m ight belia r , i With respect to the employment of boys onbSe° t 0 nate days, he never could consent to that, a nd he ritissis his Noble Friend did not mean to press it. Indee d ° oft! practicable it was not necessary. The e nsployln e , t i l o y P e boys when in the mines was not continuous, its l rio FO P only to attend upon the colliers, and there was no sibility of limiting their stay in the mines to to?loss, a-day. As to the alternate days, they were 'oss') ticable, but at the same time the clause was n e " t sit nary for the purpose of promoting the ensployt! i,ie boys every day of the week ; for it was a fact tinta!,` in: case, in high wages or low wages, did th e col n is? r more than three or at the utmost fou r dar 0861 The alterations proposed by the Noble Ear rityfi valuable, and in the name of the Delegates he o r them for the attention with which they had •bsi 9 their representations. One suggestion he- wc:brsi; offer, which was, that a clause should be intr iv la prevent the payment of wages in 'public ketin s !itii was the universal practice, and was attends,' " 4 , worst consequences. he IP? The Earl of RADNOR also approved of t--4,0 tiers, as far as they went, but he set his face d vo t, legislating on this subject. Moral duties 0 11 , o f °.. 0 enforced by law. To enforce them was the citi t ' d E hd clergy, and the Noble Lord who spoke last l is A that the clergy could do much in that way, fl i i s ,' told the House, that by the influence of the 1 3 ," a ° r; masters in his distract had given up the verY,'„t ii s s ° e tice of paying their men on Saturday night. '''' s, ' l `;, enforcing a moral duty by the legitimate meen, o Y,f Noble Earl then read extracts from the Reporu'ojeo that in several mining districts, through the istl,ooo the clergy , the employment of married sc ,'S s tr Ar ' mines had been discontinued , so th at, wit'll,o law, the immoral practice was on tiitl•'' crease. It appeared, too, that great ineoli,o 4 occasioned by the construction of the Cottages, t „se'"' and mother and whole family, chilci s een, and gois s boys and girls, sleeping in one room. 1 1 ° vi i ii o, s s said to be as much a source of immorality es t i e r going into the mines. Well, why did they 116 ' ci, ‘ against that ? Why did they not make a hoe that, tO 4 should not sleep in one room ? He begge d thenrigli sider whether, whilst intending to do good, th e y t b rj ,, o s do great harm; as they would certainly throw . t , i 0 10 id out of employment. He thought. that as the 1 31 ` se s'9:, to come into operation until March next, the l'P e oft do well to allow it to stand over, and, in the M c i r e leave it to the Poor-law Commissioners to in t i ti- p ,,,s its probable effects. s tio"',2, The Earl of GALLOWAY supported the ra,. 2 ' i 0 , 10 1 regretted that some unwise concessions 'had br , ;.,, 5 1 ed " e s in the House of Commons, and he was stl,;*l ) ';.dir' s l. her Majesty's Ministers in that House (the . I ) ° , l „it " 0 not able to adhere to the pledge given by - o ore,' leagues in the other House, to support the m e t , (bell least in the same state in which it was sent - ell ', i rsc i oe The Duke of WELLINGTON felt great r e e d 0 1 1 the Commissioners, but he had before obser v d oli s o House, that this inquiry had not been carri:„issy those Commissioners having the power to adt° L ;poif,t , oath, but by a number of Sub-Commissioner s, e „l r roe by the Secretary of State, not having the pfa i e g iit 0 1 amining upon oath.—(Hear. hear.) He I ",ss o)' evidence contained in the Report was not e%, 21 1 - 1;;' e i a character as .to carry with' it their LOP„'" s i ASsO, h ti deuce, and therefore it might be expelient t% '- ‘ , : p s re `", 0 0 little more into the character of the evidence 'gus t ',"i g . i gave their sanction to the Bill. He had stated l ll iej wish to vote for some measure in the present ',,a g s 4 o o Parliament which would get the better of the nii o s existed in the collieries. In the meantime be s',:''ec e .4 for the second reading. and when the proper tri s sls m he should give his opinion upon the aendm ee ye l might be proposed by his Noble Friend or I re f Noble Lord. He had stated his opinion now wttaieo' to the evidence, and he did not think he n6e l 0 further at present.—(Hear.) 0,0 • Lord HATHERTON wished to explain as ° co . ci' f r had said on a former evening respecting inac c , ti m isrf) the Report. He had not attributed intentional c ies t i t sentation to the highly respectable and coeVoi) gentlemen who composed the Comtnission• rrocit`,s) had said was, that the evidence contained some e h be ° statements respecting the districts with whi e ,S 1 acquainted. ,A O r , The Marquis of LONDONDERRY regrett ., s s i Noble Lord opposite had withdrawn his notif , e .ei l '` 4, f l Lion for a Select Committee, the effect of wi,iiageS that they were going to pass the seccnd re, 9 4 ,icl Bill which that Noble Lord (Hatherton) had "elO,Ol founded upon false statements.—(No, and A la t 0 1 Lord HATHERTON—No; I said that 5013)" iit statements were erroneous. e pl e , i `si The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was - , ) %ferf reluctantly, at that late hour (when it was so i.n e- b ie 4 to many of their Lordships) to follow the -o°l4lo-, who moved the second reading of the Bill tbr ° 9 4 o S of his statement. In the first place, the Nobl e , s ill i er logised the Commissioners. Now he could 0° ;',0,„,! in that eulogy. One of the persons wh„ ° f r tep, into Scotland, was a man of the name or d O , hatter, who had been twice a bankrupt, ° I 0 0 been convicted, fined, and imprisoned, lois i be 4rec A s Clerk to one of the City Companies. Witii re' ri " o ke:,? what had been said as to women working ' re trio i mines in England and Scotland, when they ' ve r ,se,i i is' I employed in the mines in Ireland, the "c.l l tool Ireland, the women of the peasantry in the s° ll ", ig lit e ." loud, who were almost always naked—(L a is 01 were employed in harder labour than working - 4S, , Lord CLANCARTY—What is that ? ; „,s, r o , 1 The Marquis of LONDONDERRY—PigT,,,isi er sfr, i toes.—(Great laughter.) He repeated it ISO wio 0 1 " I more laborious work, and worse than wo rkiog i csis ',,d, —(Oh, oh, and laughter.) The Noble i‘ia,,`',bos t te g S ° letters from persons connected with Scotland. " co l ' i si' that the evidence in the Report was l'; 0 0; e e in an honest manner—that it contained r. c , representations—and that if the Bill ,F a s" s et 1. : working of the mines must be given up. - .,'"jay tr i s '', thrown out of employment in the mines woleic., feet' living in any other way. It was very we ll ,, Is i ti ty thel l rescuing the little boys. But who was to fill t",.. e aste), as from eight to ten years? In conclusion, he I"oootiitl''' the Bill be read a second time this day six 11° " e s i 'i I ,e 'he would divide the House if he divided al e ¢' o 1 House acceded to his proposition, the measure .- t he next session referred to a Select Committee. ,slereir Lord WHARNCLIFFE in reference to tisft";.(3": been said by the Earl of Galloway, as to tl te . e sit' $4.; of opinion between the Members of her . 3 k fl a i tlter t ite; vernment in this House and in the other s'" :giv e otir i L none. They had been, throughout, resolved t ° 4 Od e '" support to the principle of the Bill. But it ws' io ssil i Ptli' to proceed with deliberation, even in the i re eil l sec s ° • a grievance. There was a great “ e l ; s ve ostir 1 details of the Bill which ou;ht to ow; i f t%' inquired into ; and in this respect r. ) , f ) . % , e lliv of Commons had not done its duty.---( 0ell 0 ' it s' . (t be , Bill had. passed' as it came up from that 11,1,siens-t (the have done great injustice. But his Nobl e i i , te a ec , Earl of Devon) had managed the Bill $o °t h e , ..*:s ,0 was ready to give his vote for. t ,s 0 de r reading. At the same time 11 . ,, e 0 , 10 1 fr e i rt quite sure whether that part of I', , rs ee, e iir e the most desirable—the exclusion of ~"i i s e d ',tes t working in mines, would be hailed with 0 "16r 31 - i s. in the collieries. He feared that it would 11 lo poe ob , much distress, by throwing many out of e n l.ni r ig e t lic The Bishop of GLOUCESTER was un t r u ss b. tic 0 ` trude himself upon the attention of the --,t) do e'tr,i /o Lof could not abstain from protesting against tn al e t ee '' tle" a Noble Earl (Radnor), who had addres s° I , s 0 1 ' 0 1 in the early part of the evening. The dOr i ter iere of te this Christian Legislature ought not to It e s apP moral duties. Having made this protest/ ° th e the Bill. t roeP le h 9 The Duke of BUCCLEUCH would n (4 But 1 5 0 ( 4 House for many minutes at that late hour; _ co ol. 01, had been alluded to by some Noble Lords i'_ . e f this oi 11 give a silent vote for the second readingli7h whi ' gr e i No women were employed in the mines " bs bad diet' was connected, but he must admit that of the c sb ter difficulty in overcoming the prepossession u_ s dasie „se, in favour of the employment of their wives o,n' a ia tit. ot He believed it was perfectly- true t h a t ou t set cases the women, having been one" mP ri , a ver se , doors, become attached to it, change. He had not found that in his ci n , 't be,. par' where wom n had ceased to be elnPl°Yessfeae-) friyiP had felt any increase to their burdens. ---s , IstOu s i or After a few words from the Bu' r- VI CASHEL, i di v " r - ' bit "( • al Stranc , eiN w i ito withdrl"V:,,, tin a' , • ere or, eree ' ' took piaee, and the Bill was react as. , (':';l. . • 01 0 awl were ve ~,,,:a.libtosi.so dered to'be Committed to-nsTrokv Ohl' oes . rs • +to' ells,}?. 'The' ollicv Orders of 'tes D,iy were ; o beli. audit* loortaips adj..euruc.d at Ten 0 4.*•' ~ r~ kti s 114) 43. 1. 4 „ : )v;