The Sun. — London, England, 1855-06-06 00:00:00

THE. SUE, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING JUNE 6 18556 es tradition of the spirit which she then exhibited to animate lt was, said the hon. and learned gentleman, no longer her patriotism, Russia would ma ke a less stubborn resist- a q uestion of terms ; Russia was a perfidious Power, ance to us than she did to Napoleon I. ? It was his belief , who never observed the treaties into which she en that we had entered upon a task the greatest, the most ar- , tared ; and the argument of the hon. and learned duous and the most difficult that ever a nation undertook, 1 gentleman went to show that we are n ow fi ;hting, of not and that we should ha ve to more than double our energies, i for terms, but for the honour, glory,' and suoremacy .the number of me n en g a g ed, and the money we had spent in I England throughout the world. Well, sir, that opened a single year, before we should succeed in accomplishing our ; out an alarming prospect. Then, again, in the progress of objecc. Ought not we to tell this to the people, andto sulelue ' the debate, the hon. member for the Montro, • burghs has rather than excite their feelings s Suppose we s h o uld B uller declared his opinion that the time has now :arrived when reverses, and have to contend no t on ly w ith-intermittent it is not safe to conclude a peace with Russ: while that fever, but with plague and cholera in addition? Ought not country holds a single ship, port, or fortress in the Black the House of Commons, instead of cheering the Minister Sea. Then, again, lamat a ldss to understand what is the when he told them that, the conference . + were clotted, not to precise and definite object for which this war is to be we ged. subdue the spirit of the country in a rightecus cause, but to It is a trite observation, yet it is one which en this partion let it know fully and fairly what Was before it ? What he lar occasion iltogether inappropriate h , tat one poandint blamed the Government for was, that they had p la y ed of a eood minister s not e is to avoid involving is h c ountry falsely and treacherously with the people, and there would war:for, experience shows us, and history teaches, us by ex be a reckoning with them in the country. The noble lord ample, that though it is always easy to involv country at the head of the Government said in one of his harangues, in a war, it is very difficult to carry on that war with the that the people of England were his reserve force—what had full and cordial support of the people for any very great he done to make that reserve available? The noble lord length of time. I will illustrate this position by reference the member for the city of London said in December that to history, and since the great rebellion there have been we af ore have 160,000 or 200,000 Englishmen under arms, wars that afford instances in support of what I have with foreign levies to aid them. Where were they? There stated. In 1739 Sirßobert Walpole was at the head of the had been the setae child's play all through, from the be- Administration of this country. He was a popular and a ginning up to the present moment. (Opposition cheeri) most successful minister, but he most reluctantly declared All he asked was, that they would deal candidly with war against Spain, in which the people of England entered the public. He had noticed that, whenever the mass of a most heartily at that time. Nothing, indeed, ever excre led people became cruel, revengeful, and unreasonable towards the popularity of that war at its commencement. Every Governments, or towards their leaders, it was because they class of society rivalled each other in their efforts to carry thought they had been betraye d ; and there was nothing on the operations of the war. The lea ling members of the by which the Government would so surely risk the loss of Opposition took a most active part in it, and even a prince public favour, and reap public calamity, as by attempting of the blood formed one of a procession when the war was to conceal from the people of this country the whole declared, Sir R. Walpole was against the declaring that amount of the difficulties and dangers which were now war, but he did so in deference Co the will of the people hanging over them. It was on this account, and becense but within two yeers, he, from being the most popular Mi. he would not be responsible in the slightest de for what !lister who ever held power, was abandoned and left with might happen in this country, that he wished speak out out support from any quarter, and, after his overthrow, the on thi s occ asion ; and he warned hon. gentlemen that th er e country became discontented with the whole operations of were no institutions which might not 'be in danger from the war, which was suffered to drag its slow length along for from the reaction that might take place from over-san- some seven or eight years amid the execrations of the peo guine confidence in the war we had now undertaken. He Pie, and, to use the expression of a right hon. gentleman, h a d see n public opinion out of doors take sudden and an ignominious peace was the result. The conferences strange freaks. He had seen the men who clamoured at Aix-la-Chapelle were kept open with the desire of the loudest for war, after the first disasters meeting tope- delaying the progress of negotiations in the hope that for thor, not to denounce themselves, or to take to them- tune might turn in our favour. But fortune did not smile selves the slightest demerit, but to denounce those who upon our arms ; adversity followed instead of success, and were highest in the land and most responsible. And when after the negotiations had been protracted the war was at he saw what had been the course of proceeding in the last terminated by a peace, in which, I believe, the only face of what he must believe to be superior informs- instance in history occurred of our actually sending two tion—when he saw the way in which in high places the hostages to Paris—the Earl of Sussex and Lord Calthorpe. passions of the people had been pandered to, and a mere The Pretender, who was then in Paris, and had witnessed momentary triumph sought at the risk of great future dis- the arrival of those noble lords as hostages, exclaimed, aster—he must say that he thought many of these persons "If ever the day should come when I shall have recovered had deserved the retribution with which they had met, the throne of my ancestors, my first desire will be that He would never so far truckle to the popular spirit as to hostages shall come from Paris to London, and not go from join in any cry which should divest the mass of the pee- London to Paris." Well, sir, this was the result of the pie from what he believed to be their first duty, viz., t o war of Sir R. Walpole. Allusion has been made to the Awe consider how far they were responsible for what had fallen rican war, and to the last and longest war, namely, that on the land and how far reform ought to begin at home. with France, but it should be remembered that in the case He had s ken as he had done because he believed that engaging in a war, the of both those wars there were palpable and direct British we were difficulties and dangers of objects involved. The war with America was a stru gg le which were understood by neither the Go vernment nor for empire. There were no less than 13 British c olonies the people. Were the Russians at Portsmouth he should at stake, which the Sovereign of this country be have taken a differenttole ; but it was to counsel mode- Booed to be the glory and too brightest jewel of his crow n, ration and caution that he had made this long, and per- and which he never would consent to have - severed from haps somewhat tedious, appeal to the house. (Cheers.) this country. Daring that war we suffered many dieas- Mr. COLLIER said the great value of the present de- ters ;we had thousands of miles to traverse, and we strug bate was that it had explained the causes of the misma- glad in vain. The war finally ended in disaster, the effects nagement of the war. Those causes were now clearly of which are still regretted, and by many believed to be seen to be the presence in the Cabinet of right hon. almost irreparable. But it was believed, notwithstanding, gentlemen who were determined that this country should that terms might at the commencement have been possi not humble the enemy, and who seemed to consider them- his. That, however, was a war in which England was selves equally charged with the interests of Russia as of fighting for an empire. Then, what was the case in regard England. He inferred from the remarks of the right hon. to the war of the French revolution? That was a struggle baronet the member for Carlisle on Friday week, that that of another kind ; but still its object was direct and imnse right hon. baronet meant to transfer his allegiance to the cliate as touching the safety of our native land. I hear an right hon. gentleman the member for Bucks, because that expression of dissent from an hon. member below me, but right hon. gentleman was more pacific than the present I must beg to state what the cause of that war appears to Government. He was thankful that the Russianismg ele- me to have been. In this world of ours the pride of em went had now left the Cabinet, and in the improved con- pire has proved to be be the source of groat commotionund dition of the army they traced the effects of a firmer productive of mighty effects; but there is another passion policy; and if the Prime Minister would continue the course of the human mind which has produced'equally important he had adoted, he would carry with im the unanimous consequences, I mean the inglorious passion of fear—" Pri opinion of t p he country. He characterised the arguments mns in orbs dens eat Timor. Fear has subdued empires, of the hon. member for the West Riding as fallacious, fear has made wars, and it was the fear enterta ined of the and severely commented on the bad taste shown in the dangerous principles that existed at the period of the way he spoke of our recent successes in the Sea of French revolution which involved this country in war. Azoff, and the exultation with which he anticipated What was the fear ? Was it a groundless fear ? I think the progress of fever in the Crimea. He condernue 1, also that fear was rightly entertained, and the danger boldly the manner in which the hon. gentleman violated the con,- 'met. There was a regicide, there was a blood-stained fidence imposed with respect to the n private meeting of the guillotine, there was the declaration of Jacquerie, there Liberals in Downing-street, and cocluded by expressing was the declaration of the Social Propaganda, there were his opinion that the-stropl, people of England would ba glad to all the horrors of the French revolution. Those appres know that the conferences were terminated, and that peace hensions were not ill founded which led to the cam must now be sought through the vigorous prosecution of mencement of the French war. In its progress it the war. internecine war, and afterwards a struggle between the Lord H. VANE intimated his intention to support the first Napoleon and the rest of the powers of Europe, the amendment of Sir W. Heathcote. He admitted that the question, so far es this country is concerned, being whether limitation of Rustian power in the Black Sea was difficult, England should be a free and independent nation or should become an appanage and mere domain of France? Reference and he thought the Russian propositions were as well cal c has been made to the vast cost of the war, and an, earnest ulated to secure that end as that p ro p osed b y the Govhrn- appeal has been addressed to the house on that subject— ment, and he believed that a peace concluded upon those terms would have been beneficial to Europe. • "0 ! missies hominum mantes, 0 ! petters cmca." Sir S. NORTEICOTE opposed, and Major REED supported, It has been stated that no less a debt than 500,003,000/ has Mr. Lowe's amendment. been incnned to maintain the Bourbons on the throne of Mr. EWART, though a firm friend of peace, would sup- France, which was rescued from the great conqueror Na port the vigorous prosecution of the war, believing that poleon I. by the glorious successes of our arms, led on by one w ort the shortest road to peace. At the same time ho was of the greatest generals that the world has known for these not for a war of nationalities, and he had no idea of crush- 1800 years—a general equal at least to Caesar, and only in ing Russia, but ho wouhe leave the terms of peace in the ferior, if inferior, to Napoleon himself. (Cheers.) But hay hands of Government, and could not therefore support Mr. ing succeeded in establishing the royal throne of France, Lowe's amendment. and having incurred .? Mr. VANSITTART condemned the Government fur at the gramisire's sore regret, ' standing upon such a nice point of honour as their inter- From age to age an everlasting debt," pretation of the third proposition, and he was therefore in- it so happens that the very next heir of that great con clined to support Sir Wm. Heathcote's amendment. He queror is now on the throne of France; and not only on the would not, however, press that, but he called upon the throne of France, but is our powerful, our cordial, and, I Government to lay down some definite course of policy, on must add, our faithful ally. This surely deserves some attaining which they would conclude the war , p ains wh y we should reflect, first of all, upon the facility Mr. F. SCULLY defended the conduct of Lord John with which war is waged in this country, and then' pro- Russell in the Vienna negotiations. coed to consider what you have for its object. You per- Mr. CROSSLEY had been opposed to the war altogether ceive that the wars to which I have alluded have been at its comtuencemsnt, but being once engaged in it he was national and direct wars in their object, but the war for a vigorous pro.ocution of the w,tr. which we are now waging with Russia is ' Mr, J. G. PFIILLIMORE severely censured the conduct which our interest is remote and contingent—distant iista e n n t e au ln of Mr. Gladstone, and urged a strenuous prosecution of net immediate. I have already • i tit t. I ' f j n , a salt. ___a _ am one 0.. ...ORO the war. who are responsible for the declaration of this war. 1 1 0 not Sir J. GRAHAM—I can assure you, sir, that I never regret it, but I think it ought to be always borne in mind what was the precise object of the war. No ar, sir, I must rose in this house with feelings of greater embarrassment t a k e exception to some doctrines which I hove heard act or of greater pain than those which I experience op the vanced. lam not one of those who believe that during present occasion, and like my hon. friend the member for the progress of a war it is perfectly legitimate to vary you; the West Riding. I shall appeal to the generosity of this terms according to the degree of success attending your operations. But, while I say I think your terms may house, inasmuch as I am well aware that the opinions vary, I am strongly of opinion that the object for which which lam about to express are not in accordance with you embarked in a war should be n view, those t steadily • l 'ew those entertained by a majority of the members of the and that that object Should not vary, whatever maybe l ia house, and I shall make this appeal with confidence beceuse, success of your arms. Now, the object for which we em being in the minority in which I feel myself, lam sure of barked in this war was the maintenance of the indepen- l a disposition on the part of the house to deal: fairly with dente object, the integrity of Turkey. , That was the avowed , and, I contend, the sole object, of the war. I con ' j , ice. (Hear.) It is painful to undergo taunts such as those side; t that the war was necessary and just, me] that the rea- which last night and this evening have fallen from hon. sons for it were twofold. First, there were the covert in gentlemen on the opposite side of the house, who accuse teut io n s of Ressia, which were concealed from the English those who are anxious, even under present circumstances, Government, and which were followed up by the overt act of the invasion of the Principalities. Now, sir, it, will be te obtain a peace, which appears to them an honoure cble ome my duty shortly to refer to the negotiations which one, of being Russian auxiliaries, or, or as other hon.have taken place. I will not enter into details as to the members say, of being friends to Russia. Now, Sir, it is I settlement of the first point in reference to the prine,i sali necessary to submit to taunts of that description, and ties—the immediate object of the war ; for, though cLop the only consolation which is left to me is that wiser lions could be taken to it with reference to certain par tho on which the hon. member for the West Riding and better men than myself have had to undergo observe- c m o , ro e th te e d, yet in the main the settlement proposed did tions of a similar description. (Hear.) But I feel that in commented, perfect independence of the principalities, the present, circumstances of this country I cannot fairly and, instead of placing them under the protectorate of tssi ' be called a friend to Russia because I take a course which, placed them under that of the four contracting European Powers, and they stipulated that no negotiations should if I neglected to take, I should consider myself an enemy take place with reference to the principalities without the to my own country and a traitor to those whom I represent, whole question being laid helve the fear contracting y and I should feel myself guilty of baseness if I hesitated Powers. T he second point, with referbnce to the na '6 , a manfully and fairly to express to this house and to the tion of the Danube, I will not discuss at any length, 'lani country what are my opinions with reference to the policy of merely state that in the main the propositions of the noble lev,i h :‘ , l l S , vere e acceded to. It was agi cod that the navigation o the present war. sly position with regard to this question is placed under a European commission, in which different from that held by other hon. gentla'nen who are of England was to have a voice, and precautions were taken opinion that the late negotiations should have led to peace, with respect to keeping opeq, not only the course of the and who have constantly and consistently objected to the river, but also its month, w Fiera impediments had arisen. war from its very commencement. I, on the contrary, The management of this was to bo plactd under a local committee, to be created bya European commission which have entertained the opinion, and I still entertain it, that could oetr not t be dissolved except by the consent of the four the war declared against Russia, was a just and necessary former evening It the was . erroneously stated on a war. That opinion, I say, I have entertained, and I still u r e ir s e e r on oo o e f st a eo i t t l ava t i o f , o v r a c t oZ t le he e kept at the mouth of the ci adhere to it, but the real question now at issue, according to my humble judgment, is, have the real objects been ob- faithful performance of these stipulations y was negatived t by Russia; it was not so, tie question was only reserved ained for which the war was u ndert aken , or did the con - till after the settlement of the third point. I think I ferences which had been held at Vienna establish a fair • am authorized to state to the home the spirit in which ground for believing that an opportunity was afforded, if the Russian envoy accepted tho four points. On the improved, of bringing the war to a satisfactory termina- eit of December, immediately after the signature of tion ? Besides having entertained and expressed the opi ointheacfcoeoprtinpgoiottsl7 distinctly the treaty by ustria, France, and England, the BAIR s jan contained envoy, o n n e o g o o e t negotiation o n t h ae that Mons to which I still adhere, that the war originally was a just and necessary war, it was my duty in the Govern-ti rnent of Lord Aberdeen to fill an important post connected he accepted them, renouncing, on the y tof his C par with the conduct of the war ; and when the hon. members vernment, the spirit of the religious protectorate of for Leominster and Plymouth have asserted that it is now Russia over the Christian subjects 'ofTu p rk quite plain what were the causes which led to failure, while cing the political protectorate of the principalities, ey.,renoun- I and those who act with rue, and who with me left the seating to the free navigation of the ul con seating to of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, also consenting to the revision of the treaty of 1841. Danube, occupied a position in the administration of affairs, I tell wore the declaration made by the Russian envoy who ac them, in reply, that, although it would ill become um to tested these bases, and I consider it • importhnt that they speak of my own efforts or my own conduct, still this much should be borne in mind d • during thisdiseussion, becaus e I I can say, that from the first moment when I went to the think that it will be found, after a I careful investigation of Admiralty I used my best exertions to prepare the nav l the negotiations. that the Rus • !lan envoy did ag.tee in the forces of this country for any emergency which • a main throughout these might' discussions to the concessions which arise. (Hear.) My efforts were sincerely and constant the he made at their commencement. He consented to that directed to that end long before the commencement of the which was the most important of all the questions—viz., war, and during its progress I endeavoured to the best of the religious protectorate claimed by P • s la of f v f e a r the Chris my ability to provide ample means to meet the want 3 of Chris tian subjects of the Turks, which, in .' o ll i ' , the public service, and when I left office I hope, and I may immediate origin of the war. I will not p g n o bacit ct tO w tlreCl i i l s e say I think. that those means were not found deficient by puted question as to what took place with respect to the dinette • my successor. (Hear.) Having made these observations, I • slows as to the holy places—for it was stated by the my lord the shall now pass on to the observations which I conceive it member for the city of London, who then to be my duty to submit for the consideration of the house. held the seals of the Foreign Department, th , at, in the On a former evening, before the commencement of the re- opinion of England, at the commencement of that, in the cess, I urged upon e Government the propriety of ad- first threat of force did not proceed from Russia, but that journing this debate, because I was of opinion that a sub- Rutsi was in the right and France was in the wrong• The jest of such magnitude and importance ought not to be heir- Emperor of the French, with great magnaminity, having the riedly discussed, and it appeared to me impossible that in spirit of peace, which cannot be too highly commended, on the short remains of one evening it could meet with enter consideration of the whole question and the conduct of his cient consideration, and I therefore pressed the adjourn- ambessatior at Constantinople, receded from the claims of ment of the debate. During the interval a very fin- his ambassador, whose acts he disavowed, and bo placed portant change has taken place in the state of af- France in the right, which had originally beenin the wroug. fairs. The conferences at Vienna were then open ; they against Hear Russia had a distinct and just cause of complaint Turkey with reference to the transaction to which 1 are now closed. It appears that, since the conference of the 26th of April, a proposition has been made by have alluded, but I think the tone adopted by Prince Mens the Austrian Government to the Governments of England chikoff on his mission to the Porte was wholly iuconsis vend France which, in the opinion of Austria ought to have tent with the respect due to an independent Power. This insolence—for I can call it by no other term--coupled h_ ehn submitted to the Russian envoys, and which afforded with the invasion of the Principalities, rendered it it,para lane at least of an adjustment of the difference not being impossible, an w hear from mount duty on the part of the allies of Turkey—England a now the noble lordat the head of tli, C' ' ' and France—to come forward in its defence,and to secure jaded that proposition, that England and France have re- its independence, which had been ' +so vrola.,ed. (Hear.) As matters and that the conferences are closed. • house• Will the permit me now to state what in my opinion fore the recensoswt stance, I think that, if it was important be is the strongest part of the present case, and which deserves great question, that time should bo given for discussing this tocareful conbideration ? I agreed with the hon. member for has greatly in, circumstance to which I have adverted Hertfordshire when he said it was not politic by force of In the first place, I shthe gravity of the present occasion. vise proposition rna,lecild wish to know what was the pre- arms, when engaged in war, to humble an adversary; but I think that discretion should be used in cases of the kind and France ; and in theYflAustria and rejected by England formed whether it is the opinio n • Place I should wish to be in- where insolence was followed by aggression, and that hu ment that the four points,pwiTienliof her Majosty's Govern- miliation by force of arms was a necessary part of the conduct of the war. But look at the result of the last about, ought to be maintained as re Lave lic!ard so much tiation, or whether fresh terms the bases of future nego- war with Russia and contrast her claims at the which alone England will consent to deal been fired, upon commencement of the war with the terms on which she deal with R uss i a ? was willing to conclude peace at Vienna, and I think you I cannot conceive any question of or one which deserves on the part greater importance, will not find that the history of any war shows any more frank and immediate explanation, because a greater alterations in tone and terms than those which I h ave have been obtained in the late conferences of Vienna from observed in the progress of this debate in this 1485 p o pular n as- Russia, and obtained, as I contend, by force of arms. sem bly with what rapid it y an inclination has s itself Before proceeding to investigate in detail tne demands to raise the terms to be determined upon as a ; stele and before concluding a peace. Ido not see the g em eien concessions tl of Russia, I must state that in my opi and learned member for Enniskillen (Mr. 'Whiteside) hon,i of this the d st by which . you ought to try negotiations . t ly,place, but before the recess be made a speech which lord the British wisely and well laid down by the noble Plenipotentiary 'on that occasion, 4101MAITIII"louse will remember —a speech remarkable fur its eh). when he declared that, in his • • opinion, at the com its energy, and its force—a speech worthy of the meneement of negotiations , * , ... • and worthy of the high position held by the hon. Sound in width the ' . a ate , ed gentleman at the bar of Ireland s . but, re- 1 ' *I*71•1 • ‘1. \ yr 'ea s a- ""htes that ape h for its eloquence, it was no c su ted and duly u went on to teak honoro l f ao th t e reaty of peace could be adversary was not considered.con (Hear.) The noble lord then th-e:h. --!.' - "" 3 fr) the •' ee was in ' which, if tention and te e another obeervation to which I call ridden- Lit e -et.. see act e d e opinions expressed it—opinions... H e said, with which I cordially a Cientirely subscribe. 11:Poti, would lead to interminable hoatilitiee. (Hear.) , _ ref _ to ll subscri thhw th i s question of honour, that \PI ~-_-_----- - ~, . • . ' . .~ ~ the defence of Sebastopol, on the ono hand, and the attack on the ether, had covered the contending armies with equal glory, and that the military honour of Russia, France, and England, was safe as affected by those opera tions. I will now recall in detail to the recollection of the house what were the demands and language of Russia at the commencement of the war, and what, after a year's fighting, were her submissions—for I can give them no other name—on which she was willing to conclude peace at Vienna. Her first pretension was, that no other Power should be permitted tointerfere in anynegotiation between Russia and the Sublime Porte. That pretension was as serted repeatedly in the most arrogant and offensive terms. Let us contrast with it the result. All the negotiations for the last two years, by the forced consent of Russia, have been conducted by England, Franco, and Austria on behalf and in aid of the Sultan. (Hear.) Her next pre tension was, that the Turkish ambassador must sue for peace either at St. Petersburg or at the head-quarters of the Russian army. A more arrogant pretension than this was never put forward ; but now, let us see, has it been abandoned ? Why, through the medium of Austria. If Russia not ask, she, at all events, suggested the holding of the conferences at Vienna. Prince Menschikofrs head-quarters were no longer the only place where Turkey could sue for peace, for her plenipotentiaries met the Russian ambassador at the con ferences held in the capital of Austria. What was the next pretension ? Russia refused to meet the Turkish envoy at any conference upon equal terms, alleging that Turkey had not been admitted into the family of European States. Ask the noble lord who has just returned from Vienna, and who sat at the table where the conferences were held, whe ther the Russian ambassadors sitting at the same table did not discuss upon equal terms proposition after proposition with the Turkish envoy. That envoy met the ambassador of Russia, met the noble lord acting on the part of England, met M .Drouyn de l'Huys and the other plenipotentiaries at the same table on terms of perfect equality, and the Inca' strolls pretensions of Russia were not only recalled but ne gatived in the most decisive manner. What was the next pretension? The principalities were occupied by Rus sia as a material guarantee. The conferences wore opened at Vienna, the Russians are expelled the principalities, and those principalities aro occupied by the Ally of England. Russia, not satisfied with occupying the princi palities, had passed the Danube and advanced into Bul garia. How was that met? By a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance, that if Russia advanced to the Balkan a cams belli must arise, involving the necessity of other great European Powers taking part in the war as well as France and England. But has there been no military success ? Has there been for the last nine months a single Russian on the right bank of the Danube? By the valour of the Turks themselves, by the gallant defence of Silistria, the Russians were expelled, not from the principalities by Austria, but from the Turkish territory by Turkish arms. Then the fleets congregate in the Black Sea. It has been the boast of Russia that the Black Sea was virtually her possession, that she had at her command a naval force which gave her complete dominion over it. Her boast also was that in the Baltic she had a fleet nity will not be lost of obtaining the greatest of all bless ings without the sacrifice of national honour. I have heard it said that we are fighting for prestige. It is a most dangerous doctrine. You must adhere to a definite object in the war, though I admit your terms may vary with the view of giving effect to your object. There is something, I think, in the present balanced state of the contest in the Crimea which makes the conjuncture favour able to a settlement. The honour of England is safe by the victories gained wherever we have come in contact with the enemy, and the advantages of those victories is perceptible in the lowered tone of the enemy, orienially so arrogant and insulting. Though not the friend of Russia, I think the honour of Russia should be considered ; but if you wish to push her to the wall in driving your terms, there is something passive in her resistance, and though vanquished she will not yield, and not yielding she will not make peace. Pam by no means satisfied that if this opportunity be lost—even if our arms be victorious—that it will soon recur. (Hear, hear.) I wish to throw all taunts and party feelings aside. It is a great crisis—sur sum corda. Let us elevate our minds and feelings to the interests of a great nation. The claims of humanity are at stake, and I am confident we will best serve our coun try if we consider those interests, and those interests only. The greatest blessing we can confer on her, either as regards her interna prosperity or her foreign rela tions, is peace. The opportunity is favourable, and to the latest hour of my life I should regret if the opportu nity is lost. Ido not think all the money spent or the losses sustained will be thrown away if peace be obtained. I think both England and France have been taught some useful lessons. I think Russia also has been taught that arrogance mast be abated, and that herpretonsions cannot be sustained. Ido hope if peace is restored that wo shall not hastily reduce our establishments—certainly not our naval establishment — and our military force only in a small degree. I think it only consistent with our position among the great nations of the world that we should main tain both large naval and military establishments. If the object of this country in the prosecution of the war were the maintenance of the integrity of Turkey, then we must cast aside the hope that we should be able soon to return to a small naval or military force. It must be recollected that when once a weak state called into her aid the assist ance of a powerful auxiliary, just in proportion to the length of time which the former depended uponthe latter, i n the same proportion did she require its future support; (Hear, hear) Whether the principle of limitation or any ether expedient was adopted, he was still decidedly of opinion that to maintain the integrity of Turkey would be an object, the accomplishment of which would, day after day, be found to be more difficult. The great test of statesmanship, he felt assured, would be found to be to make the necessary provisions for the fall of the Ottoman empire, and to take care that Constantinople did not be come the property of Russia, upon the one hand, or of the Western powers upon the other, and the policy which such a state of things rendered requisite could not bo sus tained unless the English Government were backed by an adequate force both by sea and land. (Hear, hear.) He had endeavoured to express his opinions upon the question before the house openly and dispassionately ; he had en deavoured to refraan,in giving expression to those opinions, from using a single word that could give offence to any hon. member, and he had only, in conclusion, to thank the house for the attention with which they had lis tened to the remarks which he had felt it to be his duty to make. (Hear, bear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, the observations which have been made in the course of the debate on the negotiations at Vienna, and especially the observations made by the hon. gentleman the mekber for the West Riding (Mr. Cohen), render it incumbent upon me to make some expla nations and offer some remarks. In so doing I shall endea vour to imitate the calm spirit in which my right hon. frieind the member for Carlisle (Sir J. Graham) has dis cussed this matter.. As he has observed, we are not now considering any question of party triumph or party inte rests, we are looking to the great question of the condi tions on which peace may be obtained, or the objects of the war which we have entered upon may be accomplished- It seems to me that these are the two great questions—if you are determined to have peace, on what conditions can you obtain it?—lf you mean tdcarrylon the war, for what objects are you to wage that war? (Hear.) Now, sir, with respect to the first of these questions, let it be re membered, as rey right hon. friend truly observed, that we have already in the very short period of Isestilities gained very great objects from Russia, who, beginning with say ing that she would not negotiate except with Turkey alone, and with Turkey at no other place than St. Peters burg, or the head-quarters of the Russian army, after wards consented to sit down as an equal at the conferences with Turkey; that although Russia at the first maintained her ancient treaties with Turkey must not be disturbed, was quite willing to consent to renounce that protecto rate which she had hitherto—whether rightly or wrongly I will not dispute—exercised over the principalities, and that she was ready in making a new treaty to renounce all the articles of those treaties which in the course of cen turies she had been able to effect by means of victories in the field and skill in the Cabinet. These concessions, and some othersofgreatimportance, Russia madein consequence of the league formed against her and the successes we have gained in the war that we have carried on. Still I could not help feeling that we were in this position, and I stated it very soon after my arrival at Vienna to Count Buol as a rea son why I did not entertain any very sanguine hopes from the conferences—l said that the Western Powers had met with successes sufficient to justify them in not making peace except on terms which should guarantee a full se curity to Turkey against future aggression; but, at the same time, Russia had not had such reverses that we could , expect her to make all those concessions which would give the securities which we were bound to demand. This was the position in which the negotiations began. It may be said, why begin negotiations at such a time ? That was a necessity imposed on us by the treaty with Austria. Oar treaty with Austria on the 2d of December provided that in certain cases Austria should join with us to obtain the four points even by force of arms ; but Austria said natu rally, as I think, for her own interests, with full consider ation of the importance of entering into a war, that she must first ascertain that Russia was unwilling to make peace on terms which Austria should think sufficient. It was necessary to ascertain that course, and for that pur pose the conferences at Vienna took place. My right hon. friend who spoke last said truly that, with regard to the first point, we place the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia under the protectorate of the Five Powers, in stead of their being placed under the sole protectorate of Russia according to former treaties. We ,provided—al though the hon. member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden) is very ill-satisfied with those terms (hear, hear)---we pro vided for free legislation, for liberty of worship, and for the freedom of trade in the principalities. Every mem ber of the conferences—the Russian Minister amongst the rest—was perfectly willing that the administration , and legislation in these provinces should be entirely na tional, and not be interfered with by any other power. The honourable gentleman criticised some of the provisions of the protocol respecting these provinces, much in the same way that they were criticised on a former occasion. Let me say, in the first place, that I am entirely respon sible for having agreed to those terms. They do not im plicate the Government to which I belong, and I am ready to take the whole of that responsibility, but I must say that those terms do not bear the sense which the hon. member for the West Riding has placed upon them. He says that the natives of those principalities are not to engage in matters dangerous to the tranquillity of their country, but the real engagement is, they are not to enter into intrigues which shall ho dangerous to the tranquillity of their country. These are the terms, and I own that I consider the position of the principalities is a very critical one. They are in close proximity to Russia, and to Aus tria, and to Turkey, and it will be very' difficult to main tain the independence of legislation and government in those principalities. In the first place, neither Russia nor Austria will allow intrigues to be carried on in these prin cipalities against the security and tranquillity of theirown provinces. By the articles of this treaty no Mussulman was to enter into the principalities , and if the Turkish armies did enter into them, it would bo an interference with the power of self-government. I hold it to be a diffi cult thing to make a satiefactory , arrangement on these points. Tho Turkish Minister at Vienna had no authority to make an arrangement on this subject, and it was agreed that, with The consent of the ministers of Russia rev' Austria, that the future arrangements should be made at Constantinople, with the concurrence of all the Christian powers there. Some persons imagine that it would ho better to make the principalities entirely independent. I believe that in that case they would fall immediately under the power of either Austria or Russia ; and that perhaps there would be a contention between those two powers as to which they should belong to, and that they certainly could not maintain their independence. But in providing for the freedom of religion, of trade, and of legis lation, ethought we did much for the happiness and secu rity of those provinces. With respect to the Danube, it was said the other day that Russia only gave up the power. of having a querintine ; but it will be seen from the treaty . of Adrianople that Russia was also to have a number of for tifications on the banks of that river. It should likewise be remembered that English and French commissioners were to exercise a general supervision there ; a nd by a proposal of mine that commission was only to be.dissolved by the con sent of all the powers, so that the freedom of the navigation of the Danube might be thoroughly sec ured. We come next to that great point which is called th e third point ; and before I touch upon it I must allude to the regret expressed by my right hon. friend that the Governments of England and France did not permit and sanction the conference going into the qnpstion of the fourth point, and endeavour ing to settle it before discussing the third. Now, upon that I must remark that that point was far fro& being so easy of settlement as my right hon. frien d supp o ses. (hear.) I had several conversations on the subject with the very intelligent ambassador of the Porte, who spoke to me very earnestly, and protested against any article being inserted in the treaty by which the Porte should renounce in any way its independence and be mad e to de p end upon the Christian powers withPregard to its own internal affairs. (Hoar.) I thought that objection, or rather s uggestion, with respect t o th e fourth point a very reasonable one; but at the same time I saw that the plenipotentiaries of Russia, and probably of Austria, would be very anxious to obtain such a settlement of the fourth point as would have enabled theta in some way to control the le g islation of the P orte as regards the Christians. In discussing the fourth point, therefore we should have found ourselves in very consi derable difficulty, and I certainly could not have consented to any arrangement of that point which, on the one hand, did not provide for equal privileges to the Christians and Mahomedans, and which, on the other hand, would have enabled any of the powers to interfere with the internal affairs of Tuba , . (Hear.) I come, therefore, to the third point, upon which there has been so much discussion, and upon which we had the misfortune not to arrive at any conclusion. And hero I think my right hon. friend rather takes advantage, as some others have done, of the mode ration displayed by the Western Powers in order to thanas a once propositionsstated aeci say, "As y ou were willing to conc ede so much—as your terms were so m oderate —why d id y ou not make them still more mo d era te and so secure their acce p tance by Russia 1" (H ear , h e ar.) The prop osal which was sug gested by the F renc h Government , wh ich does not a pp ear eoltooqcoulesl,lebeuatnawhaibcihlitwyasby themore French Mi n i ster M. D rou yn de was that there should be wh a t he ca ll e d a neutralisation o f the Black Sea, w i i n th th g e rea P t r that it should be a sea for the purposes of commerce only, and, being so, that all arsenals and forts for the purposes of war should be destroyed, and that there should be no establishments in the Black Sea except for the peaceful purposes of trade. Well, that was a large and, I must say, in itself a very good proposition, bat the moment it was mentioned the Russian ministers at on e declared that they never could agree to any measure which put an end entirely to their military forces in the Black Sea, and pre vented them having any force with which they could re sent the insults even of a small power on that sea. Now, it was in order to meet that objection, and to offer nothing that was not extremely moderate, that we pro posed that, with the view of putting an end to Russian preponderance in the Black Sea—the very terms to which all the powers, including Russia herself, had consented — her naval forces should be limited. I ask, how else were at all times, when the weather permitted the free naviga tion of the waters, amounting to 30 sail of the line. What has become of her ships? By the suicidal hand of Russia herself, in fear of an attack, a large portion of them has been destroyed. Talk of prestige ! The naval pres tige of Russia, whether in the East or in the Baltic, has vanished before- the superiority of the allied Powers of France and England, and I do not think that we shall hear much more of Russia's naval supremacy either in the Baltic or the Black Sea. Then, again, I ask what was the cha racter of the works at Bomarsund ? They were works of the most alarming description, and erected in defiance of a treaty. Nothing could prove more clearly the justice of the war at its commencement than the very fact of the existence of that fortress. But where is it now? Razed to the ground by the attack of France and England ; and , Russia has been taught a lesson not speedily to be for gotten even by such a Power as she is. Now, let us pro ceed to the Danube. Under various pretences Russia has practically, for the last three or four years, had the nen mend of the mouths of that river, and the lower portion of it, the most important in regard to the trade of the prin cipalities, was in her hands. That power she shamefully abused by various artifices; first, by the establishment of a line of quarantine, next, by the erection of powerful bat teries at the Salina month, by which both sides of the river were commanded by Russia. What are the terms which the noble lord successfully negotiated with respect to the Danube ? Russia consents to remove the line of quarantine, to have no fortifications at the Salina month, and to place the navigation of the river under a European commission, in which England should have a voice. The fourth point to which I have already adverted is with respect to the rights, privileges, and immunities of members of the ortho dox Russo-Greek faith within the dominions of the Turk, claimed as being placed under the peculiar protection of Russia ab antiquoin force of treaty engagements, and espe cially that of Kainardji, with Count Nesselrode's enforce. ment of his demand, on rejection of the Tarki sh amendments of the Vienna note. It will be remembered, with respect to this particular claim, it was alluded to in the terms in which I have read it to the house, when made by the Emperor Nicholas himself at an audience which Sir Hamilton Seymour, the British Ambassador, had with the Emperor, and reported by Colonel Rose to Lerd Malmes bury as made at Constantinople so far back as 1551 I very much regret that the British and French Governments did not consent at the conference, pending the reference of the third roint, to proceed to exhaust the fourth. I think if they had proceeded to discuss that point there is every reason to believe that no practical difficulty would have arisen in its adjustment. , All doubt would have been removed with respect to the remaining points of difference between the contending parties, the ground , would have been cleared, and a near approximation to peace would have been obtained. The Austrian Government was anxious that the point should be discussed. Russia was willinglo discuss it. It was France and England that interposed. Prince Gortschakoff then, on the, part of Russia, made an important declaration with refer ence to the fourth point. He regretted the delay in discussing it, and said that he was ready to discuss it at once, and that he attached no practical importance to it. Having at the commencement of the negotiations declared that he accepted the bases, foreseeing the necessity of renouncing the exclusive protectorate of Russia, he sad that nothing could give greater facility to the Sultan in governing his empire. Not only, then, were the first and second points fully settled, but in this fourth point I Con latently believe there was no insuperable difficulty. On the third point the pretension of Russia was that the in dependence and integrity of Turkey was not guaranteed by any stipulation of the treaty of 18:10; that it was assumed in the preamble, but not ratified by any specific engage ment. On that part of the question a complete explanation teo'c place in the presence of the noble lord. What was the result of that explanation? SJ fir from holding that the de claration with respect to the independence and integrity of Turkey was not a subject of stipulation in the treaty, Prince Gortschakoff consented that the independence and integrity of Turkey should be gnarenteed by treaty: What was most remarkable was, that the terms of guarantee pro pesed by Russia were varied by the Turkish envoy, and his suggestions were adopted by the conference. I have gone through seriatim the pretensions of Russia at the com mencement of the war, and the conclusions arrived at after the conference. There remains only that portion of the third point which relates to the means by which the naval preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea should be dimi nished. When I was a member of Lord Aberdeen's Govern ment, I was a party to a proposition made to France with reference to the mode of giving effect to this third article, by a limitation of the Russian fleet. As being a party to that proposition, I am bound to state that it was never re garded by me as an ultimatum, that it was submitted to France, and was not accepted by her as are ultimatum, and that it was not proposed at Vienna either by France or England as an ultimatum. It would be monstreus to begin a conference with an ultimatum. It would be utterly inconsistent with the whole proceedings of a negotiation to do so. If ever there was a negotiation clear from such an absurdity it was the conferences at Vienna, because ia good faith and in the very face of the stipulation with respect to the third point, it was stated that the parties proposing these terms should have the ri :lit to va y them in accordance with the events of tho war. Clearly, therefore, the proposition was not an ulti matum, and not being an ultimatum, I come to consider healer, on the whole, this being the only ground of dif ference, it is prudent to insist en it. If I had had any doubt at all, I am bound to state that the result of the discussion in that house has convinced me that ,as an ulti matum it is not tenable. On this point the observations of the hon. member for the West Riding are so strong and so well founded that it would be impossible to overlook them. Steam has made an immense difference in this matter. If you allow Russia in the Black Sea four of the lergest ships of the line, with all the advantages of the screw and with a proportionate number of smaller vessels, believe that even with the limitatien you propose the whole object of Russia will be effected. You would mark your distrust of her without taking adequate means to check her. If Russia proves faithful—and for 40 years she has been your ally without any complaint on your part— no such stipulations are required. But if she proves per fidione, then no limitation such as you propose would be of any avail. Another observation to which I attach groat importance, because it is well founded, is this—lf you ob tain that stipulation, are you prepared to go to war if Rus- , sia should have one ship or two ships more than the stipu &tad number? (Hear.) It is admitted on all hands that the interest of England in this matter is remote and indi rect, and that the interest of Austria is direct and imme diate. Austria has a far deeper interest in this matter than either France or England. Let me observe that the position of Austria at the abrupt conclusion of the negotiations was not at all that which it was at the commencement of them. The observations of the hon. baronet the member for Herts last night with respect to Austria were wise and judi cious. I think she has, under very trying circumstances, Been the faithful friend of England. Her position is very peculiar. She stands, as it wore, on a narrow isthmus between the two great seas—the barbarism of Russia on the one hand, and the military ambition of the Western powers on the other. She is in a position of enormous difficulty, and is entitled to our utmost forbearance. I hold that peace—a great blessing to all nations—is in a paramount degree the policy of England. (Hear, hear.) Peace also is the policy of Austria. She, therefore, is the natural ally and friend of England. We ought, seeing her position, to bear with her infirmities, but, above all, we ought not to quarrel or come to a hasty rupture with her. I think we are entitled to know the proposition which Austria made to England and France at the close of the conferences. I regret that the noble lord was not present at the conference when the Russian envoy made his last proposition. I quite agree with the noble lord that Eng land and France were justified in rejecting the proposal with regard to a mare apertum. Bat I entertain quite another opinion of the proposition of the 26th of April, and regret that the noble lord was not nresent'when it was made. I think that that proposition was not to be re garded as an ultimatum, because Russia was not justified any more than England and France in beginning with an ultimatum. I think that that proposition, though not perfect in itself, did afford, as Count Buol and M. Drouyn the elements of an adjustment. Dronyn heard the proposition, and having de cddleoarlia'lidatituYhYsaatsahadiit;naig afforded the elements of a settlement, pro ceeded to Paris, and the noble lord proceeded to London, but he had the advantage of discussing this question with tho Russian envoy, and the still greater advantage of hear inrgotuhyenodpoinriHonuyofs wAausswtreilal sllaptiOsnfieldt.wißthilimheoularsstapyrsopthoasittiol; D as moulded by Austria; that he submitted it to his govern ment; that the Emperor of France was not unwilling to accept that he proposed to the Eng lish Government that it; thy ee xon e e rsec should suedenceth a ro c of c u e gt p hh t o i t t hi n ; efi u a n n eon d bci t ee h ol s of t r i dt t h. s e r E e l j nescgptlei. speak kh n f t Gr o e oo from e place in n rumournt t n i o t nf h r eomp was.o 1; e n. n I DS t hin k _ rohuayvni w nd g e e to knowhaving vng brought wnho a ttl information atprop? proposition s proposedwe a retired r e a fr l it l o b m o t o u t the councils act Government—and o o u s n p e e i Is a o f theF French finding d + i m n p re j sl e e uh t r e ao : vi l ye , out on u th u i s s si a o . eca mo a n. respectstated t o with out this question.reserve l ow am a p n osition . and dI a f n e feeling i a n nd g o. vto w ei l ah t t h ee _ Russia. lam not the auee k admirer of friend of Russia, but I am the sinocterae friend and of peace on honourable term._ I hope the golden opportu. you to obtain a cessation of Russian preponderance in the her Majesty on the subject of the vigorous prosecution of the Black Sea? (Hoar, hear.) I have heard manygentlemen war. (Hear, hear.) If other gentlemen, taking a different soy that this plan would be inefficient. Ido rot believe view should like to move an amendment to that motion, with that it would have been `'u practice inefficient, because I the view of forcing th e Government to an immediate re believe that immediately eussia offered--I will not say by renewal of negotiations, of course it will rest with them to one ship, but by two or three ships, or oven by a large do so. But, having spoken to my noble friend on the subject, forcee--to continue her course of aggression, the suspicious I know he is of opinion that such a course would be far more of Europe would have been roused, and that what does not regular, and more befitting the proceedings of the house, than seem at first sight a perfect security, would have turned the discussion of such motions as are now beforeit. Of course, out in practice to have been a security for Turkey, and should the souse choose to go on with with the discussion, it consequently a security for the peace of Europe. Bat, sup- is out of our power to prevent the house from taking that posing that plan was not to be insisted upon, in what man- course ; but it seems to us that th e course I have suggested ner was this term to be carried ou t ? I p r esume no person would be more regular, and would lead the house to decide will maintain that it was my bu s ine ss , as representing the aye or no whether it will continue to support the Government Government of her Majesty, to give up that which we lin the course they are pursuing. (Cheers.) thought perhaps the most essential of all the propositions Mr. ROEBUCX then moved the adjournment of the debate iu the four points, with a view to put an end 'to the pre- until Thursday. ponderance and to the aggressive ambition of Russia. Well Lord PALMERSTON — S ir, I a g ree with my noble friend, how was this to be done? My right bon. friend says with that, under the altered circumstances in which we at present great truth that it would not have done to have accepted the• stand—that, seeing that the conferences have been finally first proposition of Russia and to have allowed Russian fleets closed, and that negotiations are at an end—that the course topass from the Bosphorus to the Dardanelles, and ernm the which was suggested by the right hon. gentleman under diffe- Derdanelles to the Bosphorus at their pleasure. It is ob- rent circumstances, when the negotiations hadnot termina ted, vious that if we had consented to those terms that not only and when the conferences were not concluded, would now be the fleets of Russia would have passed through the Des da- the simplest and plainest course. We are at present discuss males, and thus have increased to a very large amount the ing a series of amendments, and many boa. gentlemen have Black Sea fleet, but the latter would have come out from great difficulty incoming to a conclusion upon them. The time to time, and, passing close by the Sultan's palace, question which the house has a right to consider is, how the would have paraded the.watere of Greece with a view to Government has conducted these negotiations, and whether raise discontent and disaffection among the subjects of the the house, under the circumstances in which the country is Porte. Add to this the facility of means, whenever the placed, is willing to give to her Majesty that assurance of sup- Czar of Russia might think proper to send his fleet to Con- port in the prosecution of the war which I think the house stantinople in order to enforce some unjust demand. I will be disposed, by a great majority, to affirm. The course, think, therefore, that the first Russian proposition would therefore, I propose would be to a g ree to the adjournment not have been stefficien'. Let me here observe, that the proposed by the lion. and learned gentleman. We 'shall, in notion which the hon. member for. the West Riding has, the course of a day or two, receive the protocol of that con that these great Ships could be built in America and sent ference which took place yesterday. We shall then be in a into the Black Sea, has no foandation to rest upon, because condition to advise her Majesty to submit to Parliamentthose that elan could not be carried into effect so long as we closed papers which will show the course of negotiation up to the the Dardanelles against Russia ; and unless we admit the last moment, and then Parliament will be in a condition to opening of the Dardanelles it is impossible that ships-of- judge of the course which ought to be pursued. e (cheers.) war built in America could pass into the Back Sea, or Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, the suggestion of the noble lord could furnish the great fleet to which the hon. member has appears to me to be very unsatisfactory. More than three alluded. We now come to the second proposition of Rus- weeks ago I made a suggestion to the noble lord, he having, sic, made on the 26th of April. My right hon. friend and by command of her Majesty, placed papers upon the table, others think that was a good proposition to accept ; but it that he should follow the usual course of Ministers in his po is impossible to see iu that proposition any real difference sition, and move an address to the Crown on the subject , so between the prepceaderance ofßussia as it stood before the that the house might have the opportunity of expressing an war, and the preponderance of Russia as it would have re- opinion on the manner in which the affairs of the country had mained if the proposition had been accepted. The only dif- been tra,nsaeted, and also of expressing their determination ference is,that in case of naenacethe Sultan mightcall up the to support her Majesty in the prosecution of the war, if she fleets of his allies from the Mediterranean ; but in ordinary should think it necessary to carry it on. But how did the circumstancesthere wouldhave been no difference whatever; noble lord receive the suggestion ? First, in silence, and then, the same preponderance would have existed; and how, was when he broke through his taciturnity, in a spirit of jocula- Ito say, or how was Lord Westmoreland to say after I rity and in a tone of levity. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord left Vienna, that we insisted upon the cessation of the has given no reason why the debate should not proceed. If Russian preponderance in the Black Sea, and at the same the noble lord he'd placed these papers on the table—which he time we consented to replace Russia in exactly the same ought not to have done if the negotiations had not been con position in which she stood before the war ? • (Hear.) But eluded—if he had said, while placing the papers on the table, my right hon. friend thinks that Count Buol was satisfied negotiations are going on, and it will probably be my duty with this proposition ; but I beg, though it is a rather to place other papers on the table—nobody would have urged long passage, to read to the house what Count Buol act- the noble lord to take the step which I suggested, and I ually did say. He said that— should not have made the motion which I thought it my duty to submit to the house. But the noble lord placed " The project developed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs the papers on the table, and it was legitimate and necessary of Franco and declined by the Plenipotentiaries of Russia, contained a complete and efficacious system ; that he could e° for the house to express its opinion on the conduct of the ne tiations and all that has occurred has occurred in cense not say as much of the propositions put forward this day : ' auence of the conduct of the noble lord. (Hear, hear.) There that Russia, in attaching to the mutual guarantee the value only of an engagement not to encroach on the independence h as' be, question add what has been been an attempt made to distinguish between the Mini steriai nd territorial integrity of the Ottoman empire, reduces it, called the other question. a I d 6 not understand how the distinction is established. If we in fact, to an obligation which may be said to be self-evident; discuss the policy of tl e Government, that is as much a Mi that the arrangement proposed to act as an application of the . . tenet question as the One in which we proposed to visit principle of the cessation of Russian preponderance in the Black Sea, limits itself to the power reserved to the Sultan the conduct of the. Administration with censure. Now, what is the position in which the house is acd 9 We have ' be of calling foreign fleets to his - aid whenever the preponderance fore us an amendment of an honourable member which the of the Russian fleet should become threatening to him, which, noble lord has publicly safd he shall support. That motion in fact, would only tend to augment the chances of a mis- introduces the main question of the negotiations that have understanding; that, to sum up, the Russian propositions proved abortive at the conference, and whether we adopt the could only be considered as including prinCiples of a nature first or second amendment, or both, the sense is the same. If to be introduced into a general and complete system." ' you only accept the first amendment, to which the noble lord has That was the opinion which the Austrian Plenipotentiary pledged himself, and oppose the second, which I gather it is the gave of this Russian proposal. How then, if we rheant to intention of the Government to do, the only deduction that can insist upon the cessation of the Russian preponderance in be drawn is that, in consequence of Russia rejecting the prin. the Black Sea, could we agree to the Russian proposal? ciple of the diminution of her naval force in the Black Sea, (Hear.) I have now stated why I think we could not accept we feel it our duty to announce to her Majesty that we are the conditions of peace as proposed by Russia. Of course, ready to support her in the vigorous prosecution of the war, if Russia chose to consider that she was not sufficiently de- the only inference being that all means of negotiation are feated in the war to agree to our terms, she had a right to exhausted ; or whether we accept the second amendment, refuse them. I have been much criticised for having alluded the deduction is the same and the inference is inevitable. The to the somewhat analogous case of the treaty of Utrecht, question having been discussed for two nights, whether the I when the fortifications of Dunkirk were destroyed ; but I House o f Commons will sanction as a sine qua non the propo havegained thereby what was a virtual admission on the part sitions made by the noble lord in his character of plenipo of Prince Gortschakoff, that it is not a question of honour, tentiary, it is trifling with the house to say that the debate but a question more or less of defeat and of inferiority in is not, to be brought to its legitimate • conclusion, and that the war. Because no Man maintains that Innis XIV., in the opinion of the house is not to be taken on th i s l eg i t imate making the treaty of Utrecht, signed a peace inconsistent question. No papers which the noble lord can place upon , with his honour • on the contrary, it was a peace very cre- the table can affect the importance, or touch the paramount, ditable, almost glorious, to that monarch ; but in agreeing interest of the question r aised b y the amendment of the hon. to the terms of that treaty he agreed to that which was the member for Kidderminster, and I trust the house would not consequence of his defeats ; and therefore the Russian stultify itself after the debate which had been carried on fpr plenipotentiaries admitted that a similar treaty might be two nights, and after some of the most eminent members of accepted now, provided only that Russia were more de- the house had given their opinion on the subject, and after fasted, and received more checks in the course of the war. the minister had accepted the amendment of the hon. mem- I believe that it is not at all a question of the honour of her forKidderminster, upon which the whole question of the Russia. I believe, on the contrary, it is that Russia sees conduct of the negotiations could be raised, by making the that she has no reason as the war at present stands to re- debate a tabula rasa, merely because in a few days the noble nounce in any way those aggressive projects which she lord could lay on the table one more paper to complete the sedulously entertains, which she intermits, which she lays history of negotiations admitted to have been abortive. I by for a time, but which Catherine entertained, which the trust the house will feel it due to its character to express a Emperor NicholAs, at the latter end of his life entertained, distinct opinion' whether the limitation with respect to the and which the present Emperor has almost openly avowed, naval force of Russia in the B ack Sea shall be a sine qua non and is now endeavouring to carry into effect. (Hear.) That in a peace between the two countries. I believe is the reason, and not a question of insulted dig- Mr. BRIGHT quite agreed in the observations of the right nity and offended honour, which induced Russia to refuse hon. gentleman. The proposal made by the noble lord cer the propositions of the Western Powers. I now come to'a, tainly seemed to him the most extraordinary he ,ever heard very serious question, upon which I must decline to give even from the Ministerial bench, and that was saying a great that definite answer which' an hon. gentleman opposite deal. (Laughter.) They had for the last two ni hts been asked for, namely, "If you are forced to continue the war, discussing, in overflowing houses, the question wether the and if yen find that the only terms which you can propose Government had acted for the true interests of the coun for giving real security to Turkey are refused, what will bo try in laying it down at Vienna, as a sine qua non of peace, your object in the war?" My answer must be a very general that there should be a limitation of the naval force of Russia one. It is, that our object will continue to be, as it has hi- in the Black Sea. That question was of ten thousand times therto been, the security of Turkey against Russia, and more importance than the convenience o f a Ministr y or the therefore a securityfor the peace of Europe. I cannot believe existence of a Cabinet, and it was certainly a most extraordi that if Russia were allowed, uncontrolled, to work her own nary proposition that now, because the Government had got way towards the capital of the Turkish empire, making per- into a sort of hocus peens, into which it invited the house to haps small progress in 1855, the greater progress ton years plunge itself—(laughter)—they were to give up its further hence, and still further advance twenty years hence, that discussion merely because the noble lord at the head of the the independence of Europe would he secure. (Hear, hear.) Government. always fertile in expedients, he might say eve- Every one has seen—the incident has appeared lately in signs—told them that at some future time he might lay on one of the public journals—in a history written by an au- the table some further papers, and move an address. The thor of great genius, that when Napoleon was engaged opinion of the house must be pronounced upon the pi•oposi with the Emperor Alexander in considering this great tion of the hon. member for Kidderminster. He hoped that question he asked for a map, put his finger on Constanti- whatever might be the opinion of members with respect to uople, and, after some moments of meditation, exclaimed, that proposition —whe t her the y were for ruinin g the country "Constantinople —no, it is the empire of the world." Iby Prolonged hostilities—(" Oh, oh")—or for saving it by cannot remember upon what occasion it happened, but ,peace—each would stand by his own opinions, and face out I recollect hearing the Duke of Wellington saying that an his own convictions. The question was one which should addition •to the forces of Russia in the Baltic and the pos- have the fullest and freest discussion of which a question was session of Constantinople, and consequently an entrance capable. into the Mediterranean, would make her too strong for the Mr. LABOUCHERE supported the motion for the adjourn rest of the world. (Hear, hear.) I believe it is not only merit of the debate, believing after what had fallen from the the recognised opinion of great men, but the general' per- noble lord with respect to the production of papers, that on vading sense of this country, that we should not allow Thursday next the house would have the whole circumstances Russia to effect, either be a simulated peace or by open of the case more fully before them, and would thus be better war, the conquest of Constantinople. (Hear, hear.) You able to give to the country that clear ex.pressioneof their may say that the terms we proposed adore not effectual for opinion which it was desirable should emanate from them. that object; lent if you say so you will blame us, not for Mr. LOWE said that if the hon. member for Manchester our ambition certainly, because we asked nothing of Rus- was in 'danger of being bullied, as he seemed to apprehend, he sia—not for our harshness towards Russia, but for our (Mr. Lowe) feared that he was in some danger of being cir moderation, because we did not ask for stroneer terms and cumvented. The noble lord having expressed an opinion in more powerful guarantees. There are no "doubt other favour of the first part of his proposition; he certainly felt so guarantees besides this of the limitation of her fleet, and much encontaged thereby that he felt disposed to persevere in it has been said that the practical mode of carrying out the pressing it upon the attention of the house. He was advised basis of the third point must depend on the events of the by the noble lord to withdraw his amendment that he might war, and could not be determined beforehand ; but we move an address in'favour of the vigorous prosecution of the were compelled, when we agreed to negotiate at all, to war; in other words, that the noble lord might get rid of it. specify the practical security which we meant to have., (Hear.) He could not consent to do so as the matter then That negotiation is over, and we must consider, according stood. He believed that the proceedings of the conference at' to the events of the war, what security is necessary for the Vienna were a fitting subject for. discussion in the house, and protection of Turkey. (Cheers.) My right hon. friend unless he had an assurance from the Government, that in the said the other (ley to my surprise, though I am glad he address they intended to move th at q uestion should be raised has not repeated it after my denial, that I meant to make so that it might be debated, ho should ,press his amendment. this a war of nationalities. I never uttered a word which (Question, question.) • could bear any such interpretation. (Hear.) ,That I men- It was then agreed that the debate should be adjourned to tioned the name of Poland in my description of the power Thursday next. 'of Russia is quite true, but my object in doing so was to JURISDICTION OF THE STANNARY COURT show how necessary it was to obtain some security against AMENDMENT BILL. thefarther aggression of that great empire; and if any info- This bill passed through committee. reticle were to be drawn from my observations, it would be REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS, &c. (SCOTLAND) BILL that the case of Poland was now so utterly hopeless, that The Lords' amendments to this bill were considered, and it would be madness in England and France to take any agreed to. part ire promoting resistance in that country. (Hear.) But be that as it may, never intending any war of na tionalities, and never having said anything of the kind, I still do think it 'will be necessary to obtain some material guarantee against the aggression of Russia. So far as these four points provided a securityfor Europe, I think we should make Clem our object. It, is au advantage that Russia should be compelled not to renew again those treaties with Turkey which bind Turkey in chains from which it is ,de sirable she should be freed. It is of importance that the navigation of the Danube should be free—it is of import ance that the Sultan should give privileges to his subjects, so that his Christian subjects may be attached to him and may be ready to defend the Turkish empire a .i 'ainst an enemy. My right hon. friend has said that it was the care of statesmen to provide for the security of Turkey. Now it has been the view of English and French statesmen, and it was certainly the view of the Austrian statesmen who presided at the councils of the Emperor of Austria and who have presided at them, that there is no reason why Turkey should not be maintained, and why her independ ence and integrity should not continue to exist. That is the language I heard from Prince Metternich and from Count Baol. They both repudiated the doctrine of the Emperor Nicholas that Turkey must fall, and that some provision should be made for the succession. Austria, in these negotiations, has been sincerely endeavouring to pro vide with us security against the aggressiVe designs of Russia. Everything I saw at Vienna induced me to be lieve that, averse as Austria was to war, she was at the same time most sincerely desirous with us to obtain the objects, which we desired, (Cheers.) The position of Austria, having, so many enemies in Germany, is very cri tical, and much as I wish the present war to be brought to a speedy conclusion—much as I desire Austria to take part with the Allies—l should sincerely lament anything being done to weaken the power of Austria in the great uropean system. Belonging to the centre of Europe, hav ing frequently taken part in groat wars with the view of maintaining the balance o f power in Europe, I believe that .her existence is of the greatest value t o Europe, and that other powers, ourselves among the rest, are hampered by the policy of Austria, who wishes to maintain peace and assist in the balance f power in Europe. Oar object, there fore, in continuing this war will bele maintain the same views. The means must vary according to the events of the war, and I think it would be idle, and ridiculous, and pre • sumptuous, to point out now what are the terms of peace which the English Government, in conjunction with her ally, would think it necesAarY to demand. - But this point, I think, has been secured, even by these abortive negotiations—that from this time forward Turk ey will be considered one of the powers of; Europe, forming part of the system of the balance of power ; that her internal - regulations will be allowed to her; that her independence mid integrity will be recognised ; and that thereby, partly from events of the war, and partly by negotiations, we have really at the present moment already attained very great and material advantages. That we have not obtained those advantages which should make Turkey se cure I am forced to admit, and I do not think wo are likely to make peace until we have obtained terms of peace that will be safe to Turkey. Bo it remembered always that we are seek ing for no object of our own—that when this peace is con cluded wo shall not have obtained an acre of territory the more, or any advantage whatever for ourselves. It is for Tur key and for the general system of Europe that we are endea vouring to obtaiu security. And now a few words with respect to the particular state of this question. We seem tome, having begun the debate on the motion of the right honegentlemau opposite, becausb the Whitsuntide holidays w ere com i ng and the confeiences were not closed, to have arrived at a period when,theWhitsuntide holidays being over and th e con f er ences being closed, these motions, and amendments are not befitting the present state of affairs.' I think it wou ld b e far more regu lar if, when the Ministers ofthe Crown are abl e t o b r i ng down the final close of the conferences2those p roposa l s which my right hon. friend is so anxious to see, together with the de clarations made by her Majesty's Plenipotentiary—l think we should be proceeding in a far more regular course if, having her AiNeety's =ululation on the table, we were to address EXCISL ACTS, Tho house went into committee upon these acts. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved resolu tions on which to found a bill, the principal provision of which would be to enable distillers to distil from sugar and molasses in bond. An additional duty of 2d. would be charged upon spirits so distilled, in consequence of the mode of levying the duty. After a short and desultory discussion, the resolutions were agreed to. STAMP DUTIES. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtliined leave to introduce a bill to repeal the stamp duties payable on ma triculation at the University of Oxford. Colonel DUNNE appealed to the right hon. gentleman to extend the provisions of the act to the University of 'Dublin. Mr. NAPIER urged the same appeal, and supported it by quotations from the report of the commission. • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought it de sirable that this class of duties should, as far as possible, be revised. He could not give any distinct pledge that the Uni versity of Dublin should have the benefit of this exemption, but he would promise that the subject would receive full con sideration. The house adjourned at one o'clock. A RUSSIAN FUNERAL.—On Monday week the fune ral of a Russian gentleman, who died a few days pre viously at the Fleece Hotel, took place in this town. The name of the deceased was Nicholas Karakin, aged 23, and he was the son of Paul Karakin, a wealthy mer chant of_' St. Petersburg. He came to England from Germany to finish his studies, and make himself master of the language. When'the war broke out he obtained permission to continue in this country, and during the past few months he has been engaged on a mission of benevolence in visiting such of his countrymen as have been brought to England as prisoners of war. He came to Cheltenham a short time ago,_ being at that time in delicate health, and put up at the Fl eece , w h ere he con tinued up to his death, which took place on Wednesday week. The deceased being a member of the Greek Church, it became necessary that a clergyman of that Church should conduct his obsequies, and a Russian clergyman, the Rev. Ugen Popoff, attended from Lon don. The body of the deceased was deposited, with much ceremony, in an oaken coffin, dressed and orna mented as is usual among the Greek Christians—a cross and an image of the Virgin Mary was placed upon the breast. It was conveyed to the Protestant cemetery, „where, after reading of the burial service of the Church of England by the officiating curate, the Russian cere mony of interment was gone through by the Russian clergyman. The deceased was followed to the grave by several of his countrymen, who visited him during hi s illness.—Gloucestershire roniele. EXTRAORDINARY MOUNTAIN ASCENTS.—One day last week two spirited ladies from the neighbourhood of Windermere, accompanied by a gentleman from Kes wick, commenced a tour from the latter place at 2 o'clock a.m., and, under a strong north-east wind, attained the summit of Skiddaw to witness the rising of the sun. Hero snow was observed 6 feet deep. • After taking . a - little refreshment, 'they descended on the east side, pass ing Skiddaw Hawse, through the forest ; thence into the Earl of Lonsdale's liberties, and so forward to Fowl cragg. Thence they ascended to the summit of Saddle back, and down Scales Fell to Scales. There they rested about 4 hours, and then proceeded to High Row ; after wards to Brundholin Wood; 1).1. , ied Greta Bank, and back to Keswick. We have seldom heard of robust foot tourists visiting both Skiddaw and saddleback in one day; but, on the part of the gentler sex we think the feat unparalleled.—Dcrwmt w o cr Rcorg, CO UNTR Y lid RKIITS. LIVERPOOL— JUNE 5• At to-day's market there was a fair attendance, soil a moderate bu s iness was done in wheat, at au advance of ld to 2d per 701bs on best qualities of fresh Baltic and SP: nish. Flour met with a slow sale ; however the decline ot Friday was generally recovered for prime Spanish. pliur kill-dried oats, suitable for export to Australia, we°, scarce, and ld per 451bs dearer; ordinary qualities s_n!L oatmeal saleable at fully late rates. Egyptian beans, wit n a good d em and, must be noted 6d to is per quarter dearer• B a rley an d pawl supported late rates• Indian corn was 11! fair request, and an advance of 6d per qr. on yellow and mixed, and is on white was generally established. IPSWICH —JUNE 5. D:p lac' chantshet the aema:vnaedrarkepe tradeedt al. didapl the 0 es not rteyhd rfiot or:it firm. g ive, through v n ews; wanted well nbt as wa s expec t e d t i 1 '_. e , ley at market 9 e the growers being beond what the mei realised uecti little . N.veeEki'strfearalleraptreics.es Swi:oaurlcaelyhaaysoainbepne ogfivoeso. PER VAST/ PER QUARTER. to ---9 Wheat, ,Te whited . (old) 74s to - . 5 1 vo Barley, grinbduiWnsginb Ditto (now) —s to --sißeans .......... 4 0 c „., 41s to 40 (new) 78s to 83sPeas ..... Ditto (old) —s to —s\ Ditto (white) **** 00s „. Barley, malting AVERAGES FOR THE WEEK ENDING June 2, 1855 ' at Wheat : a s s t s ' 1 ; , e ) t ir l 1. , Oats - pd Peas Bears B ar l e y , 33s 2a -, - - _ HULL—JIINE 5. t to - ov There was a moderate supply of English who a . s N or and farmers are firm in the extreme ; business I _, ol . j 3 st quently limited, but is to 2s advance obtained , ° f foreig 3 and still more limited of anything fine; week's prices. There was only a limited supPlY ° &sc rip' tion would have sold well, but 58 lbs wheat 001( 1 0 1 ; ha ve was at a discount. Barley has improved 2s to 3 s; f a little , tbe latte! . l i ana been depressed, with more inquiry and signs of t° improvement in price. Beans a dull sale, but ol,dvauce go dearer. For peas, Indian corn, and dari pri° 0 ba y° weekly. The arrivals of linseed during tbe D' al a 0 0 been great. The present high value seems to dell uas nalli protracted or abrupt termination of the war. , A-13 /tid 008 good demand for cakes. No rapeseed on. so''' - are in good demand. Bones unaltered in v alue. e 0. 1 , ...: to -7 1 s s i Wheat, English, red 77 to I . n'i bl3e " 80 Pcas, grey a - ea. lr 'AI to 6 " ; Ditto white BO to N Linseed, Eble - , -- Dantzic and Konigs- Ditto Petersburg,' .1. 78 to 84 Ditto Riga berg Pomeranianand Ham - .. ••••"a angel ...... aa „ 64 too vy burgh Danish, Holstein, and Memel ..... ••••• Pol•, es Friesland 6B to 74 le. 64 toy .0 Russian and Odessa 63 to 68,tins.c 110 101 Os --1 01 05 ~ Oats, English 01u' 00/ u' Ditto Danish 28 to 30iDitto inf. for. 001 0 s 0 ~ o a Ditto Friesland Ditto Russian 29 to 3l Rape cakes... 12 38 5 too 0 Barley, malting Ditto grinding 32 to 35 Ditto, foreigu • . i i. s . 5 tolo: ed Beaus '44to 48 O Cl°l ' t °l4s nano ...... ..._ s 0,1 000 Ditto foreign Peas, white and yel 44 to 46 Rye Ne=w ..... . au Ale --- to --- SEABORNE 41141L5. iv 6 " °l" (N signifies that the mails are sent frorn til° ) by the night—and Mby the morning--4esPatc4. wDe,„a . _. ye a t du e li st. 'l'7olol 14,r0 PisP' t f/ 01 ~, Is3rA 3 Live* . 10 01 6 11 LiverP°- Day when ints in General Post °nice, London.* Every Friday • • -- ♦`, ~ goutbsm'. 0 00 ' Sotlt ,Pover i PA° l im its ls 'JO,' 6 PlYm t / , pol l $O ,- to r : s so o u u I 1 3 ) 0 4 'vg t v o ; Vi So tit '"Port s i °„, . '1 1 )1011 16 16 O: I Jo ll _,t,J3 alfl9°' south ow t°" 1 0111:L14' 1 j t ale 4 toP t, Atha so to 1 p oVer :410 ' 11 lgotitt 3m : ... • IDO Ier . N 4O l Diri Dover .‘ptOr , ta .,„ I 0 ,jl lO ,pto 1 . D s 0 0 u:; d : h 1 .1 e e: 4 1 Sottl. .0 rll Ol4 ••• nallf Do ver fold Do ver• a •: i 13015 !1 .. % , O. — -ne Sot i o A ra rwvie;poo.." Dover .! ' .40 01 V rt INria" r , IDo le t oroP tc r , I so . e, 01 4 ; t2 k 4 7 9 a a r t i P ,::Dover ••• ,iDover e : o ;pto , I ISO° FrO 1 trOcelf‘i° 1J11 " I COUNTRISSi A.merica(byßrit.paek)N America.. tby United Sts. packet) ........N __ &Merles (by U. Stater packet) ..........N Australia (via South ampton) Ditto (via Marseilles) N Ditto (via Cape of (•loud Hope) Africa (West Coast) ..2; Alexandria N M'zandria..........hl Bahamas ...........111 Brazil ........ m Buenos Ayres Cape of Good Hope ..N Cape of Good Hope ..N Cape do Verde ......N Ceylon (see India) Ceylon ........N Channel Isles .. ......N .... ........ China .... Constantinople Constantinople Cont. of Europe LT & N ! Egypt (see India) France ........ M & N Gibraltar ..........M Greece (see India) Greytown .......... Flan2burgh ..........N ilavannah ilolland .• • • • • flondura.si .. • • ......M India (vlaSouthampt.)M India (via Marseilles)M lonian Isles (tee India) Ireland • .M & N Madeira .... • Madeira ............ Malta (see India) Malta .... •........ Mauritius (see India} Mauritius loth of the month Mexico .• •.. .r.,1 2nd of the month.. Naples „ bthlsth2sthormon. Now Granada ......131 2d & 17th of month New Zea1and.......... By private ship .. I Papal States ~ N sthlsth2sthoftnon.l Peninsula 7thl7th27thofmon. I Peru IV,: ad 1. 27th of nion.l Port Natal private ship...l Sicily 5, hlsth2sthormon, Tuscany ....N sth 150325th0fm0n.1 Venezuela .... M 2d& 17th of month Van Diemen's Land (tee Australia) • • • • • • • • • • W eat Indies 2,1& 170.0 t month 1 .• •• •• I3d of the I:loath 4 9 24, & 30 of 4th & 20th of mutt. 17th of the mOntl ) Daily,... •• •• .• '• 9th of the month .• 19th of the month.• 9th of the Mouth Mon ~Wed.,lnnii• 2(1 & 17th of month , B°n , 4th y ell2'initnot2.fh:M.:llol:'.• Twice daily. • . • • • 14,7,17,20,27 of m. 2nd & 17th of Ton. Thesday & Fri( 2nd of the ,month Daily.— • • • • • ...• 17th of the mon th. 4th & 29th of men. 9th&2sth of mouth) 7, 17, & 27 of moll Twice daily .• .• • • 7,t. 17,& 27 of rn. 9th of the month 23d of month •••• 18,13. &28 of mom d ig 4 : 1 1 1 0 1 A ttil tne tn e When any of these dates fall ea a Sunday , teo 0 pa a, spatched on the following day. with the esceP•ll be 06 Southampton), and the Malta, both of which preceding day. , , 0 1.f"' ' 0 I °, COURSE OF EXCHANGE.- ~....:,. 5 5 0 0 Amsterdam.. .• • • • ..... n 18% Gibraltar .- ••• ~•• • • „. ..- Ditto, three months .. 11 1944 Lest ora •• •„•••••,.. ~ Rotterdam ............ 11 1934 ' Genoa ••• • . •• . •'',.. 44,, Antwerp .............. 25 45 , Milan ••• • • . •.• • ' ',... i 3l Brussels .. •••• •• • • ...• 25 45 1 Venice ••• ' • • ••• •• •.'„ •• 1 31: 11 ,!, Ilamburgh .. • ......... 13 734' Naples •••••:,"•• .• 5 3 7 Altona .. ••__ ~ „ .... _ , p e e rrno •• •• ~•••',,.. 01 Paris.. •••••• ' • • • • .... 25 15 Messina •••, • • • •• ~. , Ditto, three months .. 25 36 Lisbon '' •.••• • '. •• :• • • Marseilles ... .. __ _ 25 37g ()port° • • • i ; ',.. • ' ~ ~ • • -•• Bourdeaux .... .... „ Rio Jane' r • es. , .. s , gig ut , Frankfort-on Maine • .. 11844 IBu enos 160 l- 1 ° ,•••• ', i i oPg Berlin .„... ~.„ ...... _ New I rnr i i ia Yles' 4 . l 3 11 0 12 36 Philadell) 0 1 5 opro •"' 0 i 0 0 Trieste •••............. 12 31 rn ic told l r in 0 0 J Petersburg ___,_ „ „. Foreign, 001 d - f .. 0 0 0 , 4 Madrid ... 49a4. Yortu a Do ll lo ' ••, • • 0 5 Cadiz "•••• •• • • .. 49% Mexican owo :, ~ Barcelona ..„ _.. _ Nevi ,0 • o f Seville •• •• •• .... ••• _ ) s e,,er fe ___..... 0 0,r,,,A .....:---- PllProvi t wo theo ii• 0 The Voss Gazette of Berlin state s s hall: u striop e 4ustria has ordered that the Aral ot '' with new muskets, the inventidn e n ol, 1 , o rt cers, and which are considered to b e B`. ' trao rti ,eV , es o, d io rior, to the French Minie rifles. „eon , r de oe 4 1„ [ADvEarisEmENT.l—Among the 00 -. NI .13 3 foil ° o g,l' cures without medicine effected 1)1 I ,P oo j 0 1 ° 7 311; i t i p l ec i Health-Restoring Revalenta Arabi? 3 , g o ile 0 “', 0 0 0 _,( 10, 1 , not the least remarkable :--31f1aStrieb" , 0 0. io t V. 1854.—My daughter Virginie had() 1:13:01:"0:0,t1c11:13::.0.0:ietb11:, with diarrhoea and night sweats, an d w ... 35 ti0n. t , e o, 0 0 :1 3(3 0 ;, to such a state of prostration and e f b i .7 e oVoll ' o o o A rit: A o cal men agreed there was no hope a s an p d er l . c ra 6 : llll ,o . 0: : C : 14 ' she could not survive many daYe• u , k t ; 'too 0 lot 13 0 tion of a friend, we tried Du BarrY costa tWaigfor which, to the astonishment of all, . Af t ' r tb ° ecel' change for the better in the syrePt").;•sis cleY r00 0 1 ; 3 0 c io ci meals she felt leis miserable , and night sweats had left her. She gained.- ' °ej l' l ' ' 641c 0 ally, and in two months time lent remedy deserves to be niell° .. Z 3g , I S: I Pooff I consider I am only diSch 3• 7 3ii fferl:l9. ',ler' 1 0 duty in recommending it to all, d . 51b.,, 0 - 0 01,,l; In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d.; 21b, 4s. ° Z-I, o st-o n '. it l4 $/ 1 7,4; The 12113., carriage free, on receipt el ', o pt! , 4 51,.,,tt5it, Du Barry & Co.. 77, Regent-street,,,3o, oc' es gst: l o !• 1 .0 Piccadilly; '6O, Gracechurch-street l9, 13is b „ r 6 3 i s, ;jot' 55, Charing-cross; 54, w il ill P i P a : 4, Cheapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill;Or.stre,';o; 'O, Diet. Oxfordtstreet ; 89, High.stroet• Lfr7 /0 0d -s " 30,, 64 , mall; 7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, New : citY ar ee , :; t oe• comb street ; 13, King street; 21, Cockspur-street ; 95, F ‘, F ort , - - Paul's Churchyard ; 6, Edward -stool, •• .:''re;ri,:::::::°jIlet:04; C:134 91. ""m"""""-"--"-.-----.--------.------- BIRTIIO. of 3 ` . ifi fe OF A 130 14 00 I,fri• plrweia loooof-street. ehte e t jeet.. 4 2 t d h . i i n n s s t t . , at at 15 , per°r P 1 a On the sth inst., at 7, Ilereford.s4:are• fool, Alfred Burton Cowdell. totts. 10' ~„, OP- co j , F. J. Wood. SP g. e e 1 On the Ist inst. the w Milne. "1 12, 0 . JO (I-P Esq., F.S.A ,of 18 St. John'sso° 0 On a t t h h e e 4 2 t i l h i i n n s se t tn . t ,at Torring t° r C, JP 04 1 h s tnh t inst., H. atOl'PaArifg:Attill: 11:148. ' - : 1:1 ;' ,go O C:: a. ,:fe of t o° 0 . Ni:vo;treee, ii,tt, -a.,0,, opi Jo 0., C. H H a u n n k t inso i n n s j r , fit'c ~,i;, orl e " r De ft ' fr Vpi' VD. . giePo , d y m A It It I -''' boo b, Ilsir l ° I'7 , On the 6th inst., at the P9OlBl-I,c 13ishoP,°,00'."' of shire, by the Right Rev. tho Lora ilaii , 1.000,b0r Coo, :v:ialatiet3iTuLbesrlt,e.rp-teerr:::3o w ife of ' Fs w he a ir r rre d a : u n lit a c: ll E s s t s. o ci n . e , o.f Earaiiri,ds of llorto? Belli d.a r ;, j) fr , 0 1,0* "Y'orillove lP cbS ti Alger, f POl JO On the 4th i n inst., a t Greet:6l6c Qrrr'?°ng:'We'l Trencbard Cos, to Mrs. EtutO , garJsev," street, Fitzroy-squar e. ...i, cburc.--11°,fgev.orei tyhe ' Esq.,On tohfelsvthlitienbsat;aptiatchee, Fistparir so n 0 h ea r 0 ' John Keith Rennie, Es+ , e D y, d' ug to 6' John Campbell Dick, ESCI' h A ' 0/ . a s' 1 1-' i p DSX VD' I, 10101,001 V three—eteor otfile.-(#1 ,IYi. On the 4th inst., at Che a, o co f hroAoe S v i enß.;a:Jectishou4gh:tenrhtd;eBus6EsC. ollege„.ox 0 a , , e 0 t o f 4 Hampden, Bucks, and iucum" 3f,k.,,,, + 0 Fort , l iod° _ ______ _--- --- ------ „ st ilt, `) D bushe-1 by 4'.. Oftiee'c," LONDON' : Printed and Pup t The $lO 00 of No. 112, Strand, Printerrt: soy• ill ot:3:th.8:3111arinukeil,11101:1"eider116:1:::::71), 1i1.01i,,i Strand, in the Pro:blot c i. e e o, IA Ididdlemex, Treatteleigt_d° J