The Sun. — London, England, 1824-02-18 00:00:00

was he not impeached by Ministers, if he hail acted without others ? If he took this step in consequence ofinstroctions from home, then he contended it was contrary to all our professions, 'to all our arrangements, to all our previous declarations, to all our hledges of good faith. This country appeared to nave evinced a ostile feeling tawards Spain, because the Cortes, in the legal exercise of their unquestionable authority, had declared the King for a time incapable of exercising the Royal functions, and appointed a Regency for the special and only purpose of reinov - ing the seat of government to Cadiz, where the King was again to be restored to his authority. In doing that act, the Cortes caercieed their undoubted right. Were they, the Parliament of England, the persons who ought to question the legality of such a proceeding, in common with Sir W. A'Court ? Did they for get the act of the British Parliament in ICI ? In adverting to that subject, he felt the delicacy of the ground on which he trod ; and God forbid that he should fora moment think of in rioskieing in the same sentence the name of our late revered So vereign—a Sovereign generally revered and beloved, who, at the close of-a long reign, was struck with the heaviest calamity that ensued-afflict our nature—God forbid tits: he should be capable of .introducing his name along with that of a wretch, who, unfortu uwely placed on a throne, was the scourge and abhorrence of his eople—who visited them with the basest ingratitude for all that they hail done, and for all they had forborne to do—who afforded the most finished specimen that perhaps ever existed in human aature,ofall that was base and grovelling, perfidious, bloody, and tyrannical. Tnerefore he was a fit object for the tender sym pathiea of those Powers who venerated divine right and adored legitimacy. The circumstances which led to the conduct of Par lioment in 181(1, and thoseon which the Cortes acted in 1323, were enfferent ; hut the exercise of power was the same. Now, had the Cortes of Spain that power, or had they not ? And was Sir Wm. A'Court a fit judge of the circumstances under which that power ought to be used If, in 1810, the Minister of any foreign Court had withdrawn himself frosts London, on account of the Regency Act—if the Spanish Ambassador had objected to that measure, and cited it as a reason for quitting the metropolis—if he had said, that lie was accredited to the King, and not to the Regent, should we not have con sidered such a Minister as either insane, or as having been inetracted by his Government to manifest a hostile feeling? —He would not advert to the case of the Convention Par liament, which was a self-constituted body. The Cortes had net assumed such a power as that Parliament had wielded. The Cortes distinctly said, the Ring is incapable for a time to exercise the Royal functions, but we will provide for .his immediate restoration; when he is in a place of safety." Yet . it was on this account that Sir W. A'Court abandoned the Spanish Government, to which he had been accredited. Then came the three celebrated notes of the Allied Powers—England, in the person of Sir Wm. A'Court, following in the train of those three Powers, whose principles she had previously dis claimed, and against whose conduct she had protested. Yes, she followed in their train at an humble distance, but with the most fatal effect. He did not think that Ministers could be insincere enough, and base enough, to warrant this proceed jog ; hut certain it was, that Sir William A'Court had not been recalled to answer those charges, which, if this country had not acted with the basest duplicity towards Spain, they were bound to investigate. No set of men were so particularly interested in examining the conduct of Sir William A'Court throughout these transactions as the Ministers of this coun try. Ile hoped that much better opportunities would be given to that House, by the production of the correspondence with the Spanish Government, to ascertain clearly what the real conduct of Sir William A'Court had been. Any thing which he could state on this subject must rest oily on bare as sertion ; and whatever credit the House might be prepared to to give to his statement, it could not be considered as a ground for any proceeding when tangible documents were producible. Full, however, as Sir W. A'Court was of his unabated desire to mediate, at any moment, in a spirit friendly to Spain, he always contrived to place himself in a position where mediation was impossible. Ile allowed the time to pass away, when tile Government left Seville, until the blockade of Cadiz was com menced, which effectually prevented him from proceeding to that place, and he knew very well that Cadiz alone was the pro per spot fur negociation. Where was Sir W. A'Court from the period of the Governmentleaving Seville, until the period of the investment and blockade of Cadiz ? He was at Seville with the French army—the army of the Faith, and the Servile Army. He was at Seville, where he must have known the encourage ment which he was giving by his presence to the Servile Army. Ile would state a circumstance which would show the effect Sir . A'Court's pretence had on the Servile party. No less a proposition was made to him by an infuriated and sanguinary mob, headed by their priests, than that he should be made Go. Tenor of Seville in the name of the absolute King ! The offar was declined, by his stating, that if so preposterous a proposal -was again made to him, he must leave Seville. Ile (Lord Nia3ent) demanded why he had remained one moment in Seville with the French army, the Servile-party, the priests, and their mob ? He must have remained under the impression that this Government was taking a decided part against the liberties of Spain. This was done in the teeth of the professions we made of our anxious inclination and wish to come forward, at ony moment, with a proffer of mediation, in a friendly disposi tion, towards Spain. • -Now, what was the immediate effect of S;r W. A'Court's conduct. The immediate effect of his with drawing himself front the Government of Spain, and the rea son he assigned for so doing, was this—the hint which he thus offered, very intelligibly, was immediately taken by every trai to: in Spain, from one end of the country to the other; the army commanded by Morillo immediately deserted; that Ge neral also deserted, stating, by a public proclamation, that the grounds for his treachery were the same that hail influenced tele proceedings of Sir W. A'Court, and that the conduct of gait individual, the conduct of the British Minister, was the curse of his treason to his country. Here they saw a base wretch defending the treason be had committed against the free darn of his native landeby reference to the conduct of th e Minister of n gland. There 'musette part of the conduct of Sir W. A'Court as which he could not but refer. He was bound to believe that Sir W. A'Court meant well, meant charitably and generously, in the attempt he made, in more than one instance, to induce the Spanish Generals to withdraw from the contest after the treason of Baliasteros. He had given this advice to General Alava—a man whose patriotic, honourable, and high-minded character, stood not in need of his praise. What he was to re -.late oa this point, he would begin by stating, upon his honour, that he had not heard it directly or indirectly from that gal lant officer. He had it from general notoriety, and as such lie would state it, although he was never more certain of the truth of any given fact. General Alava, it was true, had never expressed any decide d concurrence in the abstract principles of the Spanish Constitution ; but he had felt nobly and honestly, that from the moment Spain was threatened with a foreign attempt to disturb her institutions, the cause of those institutions became identified with herself. Faithful, therefore,_ to his duty—true and loyal to principles which could only at such a time be questioned by those who sought the over throw of Spanish independence—General Alava had withstood the temptation held out to him, to save his own most valuable life from the wreck of his wretched country ; and who was the .person who had tried to persuade this officer to save himself trout the sinking cause of Spain—secretly to withdraw himself from tier, and so extingnish her last hope ? It was Sir William A'Court, whom he (Lord Nugent) was bound to believe -had 'done this upon principles of the purest generosity, and out of the deepest personal attachment to an individual whose patriotism he admired, but who must, nevertheless, at the same time have forgotten—what General Alava himself did not forget—that the withdrawing of such a person from Cadis at such a time could riot fail to he in im minent danger, if not destruction, to the cause of liberty—to hasten to the fate of Spain, while yet by possibility it might be protracted, and to subject his own character to the reproach, to the abomination, and indelible infamy, which had blasted the names of Abishal, Morillo, and Ballasteros. He repeated his conviction that Sir W. A'Court could have been moved to this act by nothing Init a zealous it:1(1 , 1119st generous wish to save the life of one of the best men in Spain—of a man whose connec tions with British influence and honour had made hint pecu liarly an object of sympathy both here and in his country ; but still, was it fair, or within the duty of Sir W. A'Court, as the representative of England—was it within his duty—the maq who, to say the least of it, had kept studiously aloof from co-operating with the Constitutional Government—who I:ad kept himself aloof at Gibraltar—who had placed himself in a distant position from Cadiz—who at best had been but a cold, sullen, non-conthicting medium between the last sighs of expiring Spain and the sympathies of this country ? Was it wroth Sir William A'Court's while, even to save such amen as General Alava, to strike a last blow at the dying- strength of the Spanish constitution ? It v'as with great unwillingness that he-trespassed so long upon the time of the House, and he would not continue to do FA/ one moment longer than was absolutely necessary butthere were one or two facts within his know ledge which might not be generally known to Honourable Members. Ile assorted—and it was a fact which Ile believed Plinisters woald not deny—that overture. had been made at Madrid by the Cortes and acting Government of Spain to Sir William A'Court, offering to recognize the independence of Spanish South America upon terms most advantageous in every way to Great Britain ? Was the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Canning) prepared to deny that this was the fact ? Then he should assert, until he was contradicted by the Right lion. Gentleman opposite, that such overtures had been made, and upon the terms which lie had described ; and yet the English Government had rather preferred to risk all the danger and distress which might occur between England and the Absolute aiovernment of Spain upon that subject—all the disputes which, verliaps,.• before twelve months were over our heads, might plunge us into a war which would extend through • all Europe ; —we had thought proper to risk all this, rather than accept the proposition of the Constitutional party. He asserted —let it Ise contradicted !—that the Cortes had repealed the ancient Spanish laws, restricting foreign commerce • that they had ac knowledged, in the most liberal manner, the claims of the British merchants, and gone on to make a provision for the liquidation of those claims i indeed, upon that point, we had had an as surance, and received a congratulation. last year in the King's Speech. These things had been offered as an earnest of tlee de sire of Spain to make the mediation of - Engle:al in.' er, *se, r not merely an act of justice and humanity, but e . iterest ; but we had neglected them!all, in ordet to . grad ~,,, te iheore important consideration of enabling France to restore Ferdinand to the throne,' and of allowing him• fully to gratify all 'the hellish, murderous passions, which had been in action eve: since he had been permitted to leave Cadiz, to glut his ven geance with the expatriation or destruction of all those who had dared to give Spain those free institutions which we (Eng land) had acknowledged for her in 1812. The rest—besides the blood—which we had conceded to France, might be stated shartly. We had allowed a blockade to be formed by France, of such a nature that we ourselves, in very mid-day of our maritime power—masters, as we were, of the sea, and assert ing rights upon it which, until now, we had never recognised in any foreign State—as we ourselves had never instituted, or pretended to institute—a blockade, by which not only the whole English commerce had been excluded from the ports of Spain, but the seat of her government invested, and our own Minister shut out from political communication. All this, which was a concession perfectly new and unprecedented, we had conceded, without remonstrance, to the successful am bition of the French: the right of search, too, had been given, and still without remonstrance, under circumstances which afforded no pretext even for such a precaution. English merchant vessels had been boarded and detained, under every circumstance of violence and insult. Their captains had been detained prisoners upon the decks of French ships. In more than one instance, this had occurred at sea—not, even, in the neighbourhood of the port of Cadiz, but more than one degree of west longitude from it. English ships had been detained which had entered Cadiz previous to the blockade. They had lain there, with cargoes on board, to the ruin of their owners, without the means of applying for aid to any political authority of ow. own ; and when application had been made upon the sub ject to the French Admiral, it had been refused with every mea sure of incivility and insult. It might be asked, why representa tions had not been made to the regular authorities ? For this plain reason—because there were no British authorities in Cadiz at the tinie—because the British Minister, instead of remaining +o protect, at least, British interests at Cadiz, had withdrawn him self, and was passing his autumn at Gibraltar—because ti e British Consul at Cadiz, Mr. Brackenbury, insteatlof being at his post, had also withdrawn, and was passing his autumn in England —because there was no one at all, in short, at Cadiz, to whom representations could he made, except a merchant, a Mr. England, acting under the title of Vice-Consul, but with out authority, without instructions, without influence, without support, or any means of interfering effectually for the protec tion of British property. And this really was not all. He did not know how the House might feel as to a circumstance which he was about to relate ; but he perfectly remembered what he himself had felt at hearing of it; and, avowing that those feel ings had been feelings of shame and of disgust, he still trusted they were only such as must be natural in the breast of any man who felt keenly and delicately for the honour of the country of which he was a member. Let the House hear the fact, and judge. Mr. Appleton, the American Charge d'Affaires, at Cadiz, was preparing a protest to the Duke d'An gouleme in the matter of certain American vessels detained at Cadiz. Two English captains of merchant ships, who had en tered Cadiz and taken in their cargoes prior to the blockade by the French being declared—who were lying in the harbour to the ruin of their owners, and saw no means of application, nor British authorities to apply to—these captains went to Mr. Appleton, to the American Minister, and entreated as a favour that he would have the goodness to include their namesin his pro test. Here, then, was the British flag asking protection from the Am wicans against the French ! For the Americans, they were our brothers in origin and in feeling. He trusted that he should I always think of them as he thought of them now—with the warmest interest and admiration. He hoped at some period to see England and America linked in the bonds of the closest interest and amity, forming a rallying point for the rights and liberties of the world ; and he trusted that the time at which he should behold this was not very far distant ; but he might he allowed to feel some jealousy, some slight humiliation, at seeing the interest of the British flag abandoned by the British Minister, and seeking, though protection from America, yet still protection from a foreign Power. For the effect of this in glorious policy, as regarded England, we need now look only at the Spanish ports, and see all the commerce of the country under the controul and in the hands of France. French vessels, he was informed, were admitted duty free into every port of Spain, while heavy duties were still levied upon the shipsof Great Britain. Bilboa, Malaga, Cadiz, Barcelona, Carthagena, all were garrisoned by the soldiers of France—Bilboa and Malaga, which had long been the seats of British factories ; Cadiz, per haps the most formidable point for a naval force in the world; Carthagena, proverbially the finest harbour in all Spain. He said " proverbially," because there was a Spanish proverb which said—in the metaphoric style of that country—that there were but three safe harbours in Spain—June, July, and Car thagena. Then there was Barcelona—th e key, in a military view, of the whole country. Barcelona was in the possession of the French, as well as all those othcrplaces which we had thought it worth our while, but a very few years since, at the expence of so much blood and treasure, to wrest from them. The fa mily compact, which was considered the ground of one of the longest and severest contests in which this country had ever been engaged—by this policy the family compact was sacrificed. Every object of our war with Buonaparte was gratuitously aban doned. Whatever state of things in Spain was babe preserved • if it was fit to leave Ferdinand at liberty to sate himself with the blood of the best men that his country had ever produced, it was surely at least the duty of England to prevent Spain from becoming a province of the French empire ; and no less so to vindicate her dignity and her rights in a manner which, un happily, she had totally neglected to do. It was because lie felt that, in this transaction, the interests of England had been sacri ficed, her honour tarnished, and her connuests abandoned, that he moved for papers to give the House full information upon the subject. There was a document which he believed to have been presented to the Right Hon. Gentlemanopposite (Mr. Canning); but, as he did not know the fact positively, he had not included it in his motion. The document to which he alluded was a State paper, sent during the last few days of the Spanish Government at Cadiz—a paper sent to Admiral Jabat, (we believe) to be laid before Mr. Canning, as a protest against the whole conduct of Sir W. A'Court since the Spanish Go vernment had left Seville. If in the course of what he had said, in the time that he had engaged the House, he had expressed himself too warmly, he could only beg pardon of the House, and attribute the error to a degree of feeling upon the subject which be could not disguise from the House or himself to be one of the deepest and most serious description. The Noble Lord concluded by moving, that an humble Address be pre sented to his Majesty, praying that he would direct copies to be laid upon the table of the House of all instructions to his Mi nister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Spain, with a view to his conduct in the war between that country and France, from the period of the entry of the French troops into Spain, up to that of the surrender of Cadiz, inclusive; and also copies of all cor respondence between Sir W. A'Court and the Spanish Govern ment, relative to the mediation of England in the contest. Mr. CANNING merely rose to answer one or two questions which had been put to him by the Noble Lord opposite, before the debate went any farther. Looking from the period at which the Spanish Government left Seville, to the surrender of Cadiz, the 'Noble Lord asked whether Sir W. A'Court, during that time, had acted upon instructions, or upon his own personal discretion. The answer was, that Sir W. A'Court had acted, in some degree, upon both. Government had endeavoured to foresee every case which was likely to arise, and had furnished Sir W. A'Court with instructions, in every such case, how to act; but that gentleman had also been made aware, that if cir cumstances should arise which the caution of Ministers had not enabled them to foresee, the greatest confidence was placed upon his personal discrretion, and apprised that, supposing any case of a new and unprecedented nature to occur, the safest course for him would be to repair to Gibraltar, and either remain there until he should receive instructh ns, or proceed to any other spot at which his services might seem to be re quired. It so happened, that none of the cases foreseen by Go vernment did occur, and that a case did occur—upon which he should not dwell now, because he did not mean, in the present stage, at all to argue the question. A case did occur, which no wisdom of man could have foreseen, viz.—the deposition, for a limited period, of the King. Sir Wm. A'Court, cer tainly, had not been prepared for this event; and it would be rather a high demand upon the sagacity of Ministers, to say that they should have anticipated it : under such cir cnmstances, he of course acted for the time upon his own dis cretion. It was true that Sir W. A'Court's continuance for a short period at Seville had been misconstrued by a factious party at that place, and that they attempted to make him an instrument in their hands ; but, when the Noble Lord stated this, he ought to have added, that he had refused to become the instrument that was desired. On quitting Seville, Sir William A'Court had made it known to Government that he should remain as near Cadiz as lie could. lie had gone to San Lucar, and from thence to Gibraltar; and had at once intimated at home, on his leaving the seat of (Spanish) Government, that there were two cases in which, if he had no instructions, he should act forthwith upon his own view— that, if he received any notice that his presence in Cadiz would conduce to the personal safety of the King, he should proceed there; and that he should take the sa.o e course, unless he was instructed to the contrary, if he heard that the King was restored to the functions of government. Instructions, however, had reached Sir W. A'Court ; and when the proper time came he (Mr. Canning) and his colleagues should be ready to justify that instruction, which forbade Sir W. A'Court to put himself into a blockaded place. The blame of that course, if it was blameable, belonged to himself and his friends. Thei course, such as it was, they were ready to sustain and to justify. But he thought that, before the debate went any further, it was right that Sir Wm. A'Court should, upon that point, be entirely exonerated. Mr. STURGES BOURNE defended the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, and expressed his surprise that,' if the view of their conduct throughout Europe was such as had been stated by the Noble Lord, the present occasion should be the first at which he had heard an imputation upon it. The coun try would, at least, give the Government credit for having prevented a war which would have gone from one end of Europe probably to the other, and brought England into the contest. That fact was absolutely certain with the greater pro portion of the Spanish population. But it was worth while to examine a little farther the circumstances under which this coun try would have been compelled to go into action, if she had inter fered with an armed force. Had we gone to war for Spain, we must have acted either as principals or as auxiliaries; as principals, no one had ever contemplated our engaging in the contest; and as auxiliaries, who was it that we should have been acting with ? With A bisbal, Morino, and Ballasteros.—(Hear !)—Would England have been contented to see her troops led on by such men as these ? That her fate would have been if she had, it was not very difficult to determine ; and as regarded the resig nation by the Spaniards of the chief command, io Would be re collected, that even under the Duke of 'Wellington, so late in the Peninsular contest as after the battle of Salamanca, when that great General had delivered Portugal, was still'in the midst of victory, and the Spanish Government was ready to invest him with the direction of its armies, Ballasteros, on that very account alone, abandoned the cause of his country, and at a moment too, when the operations of the allied armies were notoriously crippled by his defection.-(Hear, hear 1) It was in vain to dwell upon the policy w Ministers had pursued with respect to war. He believed that there was bat one opinion upon it from one end of the country to the other —(hear, hear !)—and he should therefore come to the charge, that the conduct of Sir IV. A'Court had constituted a breach of that neutrality which the English Government had under taken to preserve. The first cernplaint of Sir W. A'Court was, his not having proceeded to Cadiz. It was answered, if an answer was necessary; in one word. To whom, and how was Sir W. A'Court, as a Minister of England, accredited ? To the King of Spain at Seville. When there ceased to be a King of Spain, therefore, his credentials fell to the ground. It was said, that Sir W. A'Court's not proceeding to Seville, evinced a desire to lean in opposition to the Spanish constitu tional cause! If there had been any such leaning, Sir W. A'Court might have been recalled ; and no wiser course could possibly have been devised than his going to Gibraltar. Ile would next take the advise said to have been given to General Alava by Sir W. A'Court. Why, the Noble Lord admitted himself the motives which led to that advice; and how did it appear that Sir W. A'Court had advised in the character of a Minister of Great Britain, and not in the character of a private friend ? The third charge, however, was of a still more extraordinary nature. It was actually that this country had permitted the blockade of Cadiz. And where was it laid down that a neutral power had authority to prevent one nation from blockading the ports of another? And was it we, of all people, who were to strike so readily at the right of blockade—we who had been so notorious for the rigid enforcement of it?—( Hear ! )—These, as it seemed to him, were the three grounds, or at least the three principal ones, upon which the Noble Lord had moved for the production of most important documents—that the secret instructions of the King to his Minister Plenipotentiary should be laid before the House of Commons, and, through the House of Commons, before the eves of all Europe. For himself, he thought there was not the slightest case made out for the production of such documents. The Right Honourable Gentleman went on to vindicate the proceedings of the Right Honourable Foreign Secretary from any imputation of unfairness to the Cortes, or partiality for the interests of their opponents. It was difficult to conceive how any such charge could be made against them, when, throughout all the transactions of that momentous period, the advice which had been communicated from the British Government to that of Spain, by Sir Win. A'Court, had been given without any contemporaneous communication with the French party. T hat the advice was sound, that it was wisely given, subsequent events had fully proved. Most unfortunate had it turned out for Spain, and many of those concerned, that their advice had not been taken. If it had been taken, no man who heard him could doubt that Spain would have been en- . abled to retain a freer constitution than at present she could hope for. The proposals of his Majesty's Ministers failed of success, and the results were but too well known. Yet though their mediation was rejected, that did not preclude the inter position of Sir W. A'Court upon the occurrence of any oppor tunity in which his services were likely to be useful. Accord ingly, up to the last moment, he used his best efforts to induce the Spaniel) Government to avoid war. But they ought to con sider what was the violation of the British Government in the mean time. In preserving that neutrality which reflected so much honour on the wisdom of their 'councils, had they no ob stacle to overcome? was it nothing to have to resist the solicitations of one belligerent who had beset them for the aid of their interfe rence, and that too, a t a time when the generil feeling at home might be assumed, from particular demonstrations, to be opposedstrong ltyhat Difficult as were the duties of gtation to v t l i l l i a c t h neutralityhihis fight at any time, and parculiarly Honourable Friend now filled difficult as they were at that particular time, they were not a little aggravated by the obstacles to which he lied referred. What strength must have been required to hold. the scales even between the two parties, when there was thrown into one of them, this almost overpowering weight of opinion At the very time that tile Noble Lord was expressing his dissatisfaction at the treatment of Spain by the English Government, the French had manifested against them the same kind of uneasiness and discontent.___ What better proof could there be that the conduct of his Right Hon. Friend was just such as for the best interests of his own country could be wished—that he had turned neither to the right or to the left—that he had gone forward in that honest and manly course which would be his fullest justification with the House, and the s ubject of his praise in time to come ? In the absence of all reasonable ground for the motion of the Noble Lord, he would beg leave to move as an amendment to leave out of the motion all the words „ after the word " that," and to substitute these words—" This House is duly sensible of the advantages derived to this COUtary from that neutrality in the late war between France and Spain, which his Majesty at the beginning of that war declared it to be his determination to ob serve, and which it appears to thie House, under circumstances of peculiar difficulty, has been most scrupulously and inviola bly maintained." The gallery was clearing for a division, when Lord NUGENT again rose to offer only one or two observa tions in reply. He thought that he must have been mistaken in the drift of those remarks which he had ventured to offer to the Houle. As to the ant I encanent, it was but a repetition of the vote to which the house had come in the discussion of last session, and it was not worth while for the Right Honourable Gentleman to put the House to the trouble of dividing upon it, the sense of the House being already ascertained. From the remarks of the Right Hon. Gentleman upon the motion, he seemed to suppose that the offer of the English Court was simply an offer resting upon the disposition of the Spanish Go vernment for its success, the condition being merely that of alter ing the Constitution. He could not speak with the certainty of official information, because the papers were not now before the House : but unless he had been egregiously misinformed, the offer made by the Right Hon. Foreign Secretary to the Spanish Government was of a three-fold nature. The first part of that offer was immediately assented to by the Cortes; the second was of a kind which, consistently with national honour, could not he subscribed by the Cortes; the third, consistently with the Constitution which they were sworn to maintain, could i not be accepted. The recognition of the independence of the South American States was the first of these proposions, and, as he understood, it was instantly conceded by the Cortes. The second was to exact a pledge from them that no injury should be done to the person of the King, or of any one of the Royal family. As no violence had at that time been done to the King of Spain or any one of his family, it would have ill behoved the Government of Spain to give a pledge which, as it presumed danger to the King's person, was incon sistent with their honour. The third proposition required a promise from the Cortes, which this Government must have known that it was impossible for the Cortes to give. It re quired that the next Cortes which should be called should con sent to modify the Constitution according to the suggestions of the British Government. He would put it to this House, or to any other Parliament which had ever sat in it—he would put it to any constituent body that ever represented the rights of a free State, if the Cortes then actin; could have pledged themselves to any act to be done by a constituent body not even in existence. When that offer was made, the Spanish Court was at Seville ; and upen the retiring to Cadiz, Sir W. A'Court removed first to San Lucar, and then to Gibraltar. In the absence of the papers, they were left to conclude that he withdrew from Seville a; soon as the offer was made ; but for three weeks after the departure of the Spanish Court, Sir W. A'Court re mained in Seville, while it was in the occupation of the French army and the Servile party, until the news arrived of the blockad ing of Cadiz. It was then for the first time that Sir W. A'Court vouched an answer to the representations of the Cortes, as if he was undetermined to do—as if he had waited for an accident to move him, and this accident, which nosagacity of hiscould have foreseen turned up. " See now," he then said with an eagerness very unlike his former delay, " how hopeless is your case— the French troops are in possession of your territory—French ships have blockaded Cadiz, and are watching the mouths of your harbours—nothing remains to you but timely submission." This did not seem like the conduct, which in these circumstances of political adversity, should have been observed with respect to the Cortes and the Spanish people. Nothing yet offered in the debate had shaken the grounds upon which he rested his motion. He was bound in duty to divide the House upon it : should it be rejected—and he was free to own that he had rea son to expect that it would be rejected by a formidable ma jority—he would then offer another resolution, upon which it was not his intention to offer a single remark, still less to divide the House; he merely wished to have his opinions upon this Momentous subject recorded upon the journals. The House then divided— For the Amendment - - - - 171 For the original Motion - - 30 Majority - - - —l4l The second Resolution, the nature of which did not transpire while the Gallery was open, was put, and negatived without a division. IRISH LAW COURTS' BILL. The House resolved into a Committee, and a salary was voted out of the Consolidated Fund for a taring officer hi the com mon law business of the Courts.—The House resumed, the Report to be received to-morrow. SUPPLY. The Report of the Committee of Supply was brought up. Sir G. COCKBURN, in observance of the suggestion of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen, given last night, had brought down the papers relative to the promotion of masters in the navy ; and though it would be seen from the papers that he had been right in his statement of the fact, he was hound in candour to admit, that with the information which the Honourable Member had then before him, he could have come to no other than that erroneous conclusion which he had formed. He (Sir George Cockburn) was not aware of the precise form of the regulations of which he had spoken, when he asserted, in contradiction of the Honourable Gentleman, that masters in the navy were able to advance in promotion, according to their merits, just the same as midshipmen and lieutenants. The fact was, that the papers on the table upon which the lion. Gent. had proceeded were incomplete, and to perfect them, another order in council, which he now held in his hand, dated August, 15, 1805, must be added. This order was for the regu lation of the promotion of masters in the navy ; and after re citing the order of 1803, upon the same subject, (the only order in possession of the Honourable Member for Aberdeen), it decreed the suspension of the order for the future, in regard to all masters whose meritorious conduct had deserved well of the Admiralty, who were thereupon to be allowed, at the dis cretion of the Lords Commissioners, to pass their examinations to serve as Lieutenants; anti six years of service in the navy, either as master or second master, was to be considered equi valent to the same number of years spent in the service in the capacity of midshipman. Mr. HUME claimed the benefit of the admission now so ho nourably made by the Gallant Admiral. He had proceeded upon the best information which could be got from the papers before the House, for which he had moved in last Session. It was no fault of his that this order had not been included in the returns. Ile hoped that when he got the papers which he had moved for, it would be found that sonic one or more meritorious individuals had availed themselves of that provision in the re gulation which the lion. Baronet had read. Mr. W. COURTENAY gave notice, that to-morrow he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to consolidate the laws respecting bankruptcy. Mr. H U3I E wished to know, whether the Army Estimates, or the remaining Navy Estimates, would be brought forward on Friday ? Lord PALMERSTON said he should bring forward the Army Estimates on that day, if the papers could be printed in time. Si; GEORGE COCKBURN said, he would be ready to bring on the Navy ordinary Estimates, if the Array Estimates .were disposed of in time on Friday next. The Reciprocity Duties' Indemnity Bill was read the first and second time, and ordered to be printed.—Adjourned. COURT OF ALDERMEN. A Court of Aldermen was held yesterday tit Guildhall, for the dispatch of general business. Mr. John Bumstead, who was Tecently elected by the Court of Common Council to be a principal land coal-meter, attended, and was sworn into office. The Thanks of the Court w e r e unanimously vot e d to the Reverend Mr. 'Millington, Chaplain to the Lord Mayor, for his sermon preached on Plough Sunday, which he was re quested to print. William St. Julien Arabin, Esq., was unanimously ap pointed to a ssist in the business of the Sessions, when the new Citoirlit made r i np' e 'w and do rm i tories i n t h e H osp i ta l , whichhich is expected shortly to take place. ,f au for conducting the Affairs of Emanuel Hos olareieit.ipteeodr't of th e i r procee di ngs in preparing additional will shortly be ready for the re ce ption of the additional number of school-rooms Ho spital areco children from any parish in the City of Westminster, who are proposed to be admitted therein. The Inquest of Cripplegate Ward presented some ruinous premises and other matter s and • the Solicitor was directed to proceed according to the provisions‘ of the Act of Parliament. The Court admitted several persons to be coal-undertakers in the port of London, for the space of twelve months. Some parties were sworn, and others allowed to be admitted brokers. fills were ordered for payment. Several extra constables, at the request of the Ralik and other public bodies, were allowed and ordered to be admitted. THE ARMY. .. It is understood, that Major-General Sir John Lambert, K.c B , will be appointed Colonel of the lOth Re giment of Foot, vice Lieut enant -G enera l Sir Tho mas Mait land, deceased. The 75th Regiment of Infantry is ordered to march in two di v i s i o ns, viz, to-morrow, and o n Thursday next, from Gos port to Windsor. A Detachment of the 40th R eg i ment o f F oo t h as received i orders to hold itself n readiness to march from Chatham to Deptford, to embark as guards on board the Chapman, convict ship, which is destined to New South Wales. A detachment of the same corps has received similar orders to embark on board the Count ess o f H arcourt ,. conv ict s hip, which will shortly sail for the same destination. CHANGE OF QUARTERS OF THE GUARDS. The following change in the Quarters of the Guards is or dered to take place on the 25 th inst., viz.:— The Ist Battalion of the Grenadier Guards from the King's Mews to Portman-street Barracks. The 2d Battalion of the Grenadier Guards from Portman street to Knightsbridge. The 3d Battalion of the Grenadier Guards from the Tower of London to Westminster. The 2d Battalion of the Coldstream Guards from Westmin ster to the Tower of London. The Ist Battalion of the 3d Foot Guards from Knightsbridge to the King's Mews. [From the LONDON GAZETTE Of Last Night.l Commissions in the Ist Troop of Dungleddy Cavalry. Cornet Morgan Rice James to be Lieutenant, vice Lloyd, resigned; Charles Bowen Allen, Gent, to be Cornet, rice James, promoted. DREADFUL RIOT. HAlrow-Gal:Da tr.—Yesterday Patrick M‘Dermot, John M‘Derrnot, Stephen Finnerty, John Flanagan, Maurice Con nor, James Dawson, James Gangley, Dominick Flanagan, James Morgan, and Michael Connell, were brought up in the custody of the constables and watchmen of the neighbouring parishes, charged with being concerned on Monday night in a desperate riot at the Hare and Hounds public-house, St. John street, and with dreadfully wounding and beating different watchmen and constables; a very few of whom were able to attend at the Office, many of them being taken to different hospitals. It appeared in evidence, that nearly a hundred of the low Irish of the neighbourhood assembled on Monday night at the above-mentioned public-house for some club-meeting; and, at eleven o'clock the landlord requested them to retire, which they most daringly refused, and insisted on having more liquor. Finding expostulation unavailing, he called in the watchman to clear the house, but he %as immediately struck senseless, and on the arrival of the different constables, they were succes sively struck down with sticks, pots, ac. and trampled upon. Among the wounded who were able to attend was Thomp son, a powerful and active constable of Clerkenwell. Ile was supported into the office to give his evidence, his head being in a frightful state of contusion, and his clothes all covered with blood. Others attended in nearly the same condition. On bringing up the prisoners from the different watch houses, there was a violent attempt made by their associates to rescue them; and when brought to the office, appre hension was entertained that a rescue would there be attempted. Owing, however, to the precaution of securing firmly the back entrance to the office, and active officers being placed in the front, the plan was defeated. The MAGISTRATE, after commenting on the savageness of the prisoners' conduct, ordered them all to give twenty-four hours' notice of bail, and the witnesses were desired to go forth , with to prefer bills of indictment against them. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. 110 CS E OF COMMONS. Ilrarfig, 17 0 die Februarii, 4 8 0 4. ROADS—Worcester and Brom s gr o ve , an d R e db roo k —Bin read a a second time, and committed, Blitemantle Hall, Trcn- Bridge RenfrewAire, Glasgow en d Y o k er , an d C e rne Ab bas—Petitions for Bills referred to Committees. and Huddersfield—Petition for Bill reported, Report to be on the table. Blackburn and Preston—Petitions from Or ' . r , I)arwen, Burnley, Newchurch, &c., Bolton, ar " Ilaslingden, in favour of Bill ; to li e on th e ta bl e . AshbY; de-la-Zoucci—Bill ordered to be br oug ht i n . N ew est, _ Stow-on-the-Wold—Bills read a first time. Cstuncuts--Brighton, Dovor, and Barnsley CHAPEL—Brighton DINGWALL HARBOUR AND POLICE Istr ROVEMENT Islington Petitions for BO r e ' SUSPENSION BRIDGE—St. Katherine's c•• o , fared toCornmiac GAS LlGHTS—Hereford, & Kennington Pow' RATES—Newton ItAtl.WAT—Monkland BRIDEWE Lt.—Lanark and Glasgow GAOL—Ayr I xstosun ES—Camerton (Cumberland)—Petition for Bill re' ported ; Report to lie on the table. Sturminster (Poise) , and Lifceby (Lincoln )—Bills ordered to be brought in. Po on—Stow Hundred—Bill read a seccr, time, and committew &c.—Clifton, and) Brompton-square Bills ordered to be brought i n ' WELLAND OUTFALL • BRlDOES—Teignmouth, Vauxhall, and Newhaven—Pe 6 " tions for Bills referred to Committees. Lary (Act Amend ment)—Bill ordered to be brought in. COAL DUTlES—Petitions against the Duties on Coals, from Corporation of London, Cripplegate Ward. Shaftesbul• Otter) , St. Mary, Great Torrington, and Aldgate Ward- - to lie on the table. GrAMZ LAWS—BiII to amend the Laws for the preservation of Game, ordered to be brought in. POSTAGE RA'f Es—Committee thereupon deferred till Thurs day, Feb. 26. NAVY PrIOMOTIOKS—Returns ordered, " Of the number of Midshipmen promoted to he Lieutenants , of Lieutenants to he Commanders, of Commanders to he Poet- Captains, of Poet-Captains to be Rear-Admirals, of Rear-Ad mirals to be Vice-Admirals, and of Vice-Admirals to be Ad' mirals in the Royal Navy, between the let of January 1823 and the Ist of .January 1824 ; stating the name of each person so promoted, the date of entry into the Service of the Mid shipmen, and the date of the Commission of each Officer, held at the time of his promotion ; and distinguishing also from the other, the Promotions in the Navy on loreign Stations to va cancies occasioned by death or dismissal by Courts Martial; stating the name and rank of all those so promoted. " Of the number of First Commissions appointed in the Royal Marines, from the 25th January 1823 to the 25th Ja nuary 1824. " of the number of Promotions of Lieutenants to be Captains. of Captains to be Majors, and of Majors to be Lieutenant-Co lonels, in the Royal Marines, from the 25th January 1823 to the 25th January 1824. " Of the number of Masters and Warrant Officers who have been promoted to the rank of Li eu t enants , s i nce t h e pass i ng of the Order in Council in Jan uary 1083; stating the claws of their Commissions, and length of service. NOTICES OF MOTIONS FOR THIS DAY. 1. Dr. Lushington—Bill to consolidate Laws 'nestling the Abolition of the Slave Trade. 2. Lord Viscount Althorp—Bill for the more easy Recovery of Small Debts. 3. Mr. Davies Gilbert—Bill for the more effectual recovery of Penalties before Magistrates; and for facilitating the exe cution of Warrants. 4. Mr. Curwen—Copy of Instructions to the Duke of Athol to make alterations in the Criminal Law of the Isle of Alann. (Deferred from Feb. 17.) 5. Mr. Courtenay—Bill to consolidate and amend the Bask= rupt Laws. ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR THIS DAY. 1. Supply—Committee. 2. Law Courts (Ireland) Bill—Committee. 3. Ways and Means—Committee. 4. Law Courts (Ireland), Salary to Taxing Clerk—Revolt thereupon. 5. Reciprocity of Duties Bill—Second Reading. NOTICES GIVEN YESTERDAY. Fridan, Feb. 20. Mr. George Lamb—Bill for allowing persons prosecuted fOr Felony to defend by Counsel. Wednesday, Feb. 25. 1. Mr. Nolan—Bill to amend the Poor Laws. 2. Colonel Davies—Papers explanatory of payments made got of the French Indemnity Money. Thursday, Feb. 2(3. Mr. Hume—ln Committee on Postage Rates, to move that Newspapers may be sent free to the Colonies. (Deferred from Feb. 17.) Monday, March 1. Mr. Spring Rice—Motion respectiag new Sun.y sad Va luation of Ireland. PRIVATE BILLS—SEcoI4D Rrapixas for Turk Dar. 1. Chindley Inclosure. I 3. Blackburn and Preston !toads. 2. Kidwelly Roads. I 4. 'ray Fisheries. 11 ,,," For the Continuation o f Mr. OWEN'S REPLY, see oar Fourth ' Page. PRICE OF STOCKS Tins D 1 , e AT TWo o'cr,ocK India Stock bank Stock 233 239 3 per Cent. _Red. 3 per Cent. Co l nj i . 34 per Cent d Bank Long Ann. 22 7-lliths Imp. 3 per Cents. perr Cent .cent TOUR s 4 par 1;497 5 India Bonds 70%. 711. South Sea Stock Old Annuitifts Ex. Bills Ditto Small Bank for Act. India for Con. Acct. Cons. for Act. 941011 ::32 39 . 939 PRICE or FOREIGN STOCKS IN LONDON, Irica.l4. AT ON} O'CLOCK. French Five per Cents. 99a. 1 Scrip, 11 pm. Six per Cents. 00. Five per Cents. (Metallic) 00. (Ditto New 9.4. Five per Cent. Bonds, 83k. Scrip, 91 prem. Five per Cent. Bonds, 1820, 00. Spanish Ditto 1821, 25a. Ditto 1823, 18i. ( Five per Cent. Bonds, 954. Prussian i. Ditto New, 331. Danish Five per Cent. Bonds, 99i. Portuguese 3i. Peruvian New Loan, 00. Chili 83 1 • Colombian Six per Cent. Bonds, 72. Mexican Lotn 8A prem. II u ss i a n Neapolitan Austrian ( 00. • Poyais 1 New, 34. Mexican Mines Illett's, 4 prem. 1 Anglo, 9 pram. fßank Shares £23 103.-1:24. Seven per Cent. 94-95. American J, Six per Cent. 94 —lOl. Five per Cent. 00-000. Three per Cent. 70; 77. HIGH WA TER AT LONDON BRIDGE' TO-MORROW. Morning, 8 minute 3 after 5. 1 Evening, 23 minuteti after TO-MORROW MORNING, TWO OUT OF THE SEVEN £20,000 PRIZES WILL BE DECIDED IN THE FIRST FIVE MINUTES. Fru E S UN. SOLI M QUI3 DICERE FALSUM AWDEAT Z• LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 18%4. EXPRESS FROM PARIS. We have received by Express the Etoile yesterday, and the Journal des Dibais of Mow , day, from which the following are extracts • ( From the Journal des Djlxzts of Monday.) They write from Brussels of the 12th Fete . that his Excellency M. Faick has been named ~ 271