The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-10 00:00:00

■lam ira 1 e opted ,sts of Iciple. ought both that not to ed for ppose dliato lion. r free lid his same, )ad no )rding ➢lan -3e two for, or Lord y that for his NUB as to put ai(A. to was A 3 confi )—and would ,r.) said tb t bo f a r Es 3 0 r ly that THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 10, 1849.: Mr. HENRY GRATTAN said he a4r ed ir. what had fallen from the Noble Member for Tyrone (L rd Claude Hamilton) as to th personal chat actor of Lo d Clarendon, but what the House had to do with was the cha racter in which that Noble Lord appeared v.hen recom mending such a measure as the present as being neces sary for the government of Ireland. He asserted that all the return which the people of Ireland had received for supporting the free-' rade movement was that of being duped by the Free Traders.—(gear, hear, from the Op- Position.) That was the return which the generous credulity of the Irish people, as it was called, had brought them, when they went so far in supporting free trade as to forget the interests of their own country. — (Rear, hear, from the Opposition side.) But they de served better than that from the men they had given t heir support to, and s ho u ld wa lk out of the House when rs Measure so deeply affecting them was under consider ation. The Hon. Member then referred, as he had done in the debate on the introduction of the Bill, to Lord Clarendon's complaint of the want of obedience to the l aw, contending that the measures of the Government in Ireland made it impossible that the law, as it as s p u nderstood in the course of the recent el t Prosecutions, could be respected. A to the eff orts w hi c h h a d b een ma d e in Ireland fter alluding to_se i cu re t he advantages of free trade previous to the Union, and to the att em pt s o f th e th en S ec retary for Ireland to have the men who advocated that measure indictedfor high treason, he passed on to the conduct which had been exhibited by certain Members in that House on the grant of 50,0001. being proposed for Ireland a few nights since, and to the comments which that preposal had called forth. The people of Ireland were taunted, he said ; about mendicancy. Mendicacy, indeed! Let them take back their dirty money.—(Loud laughter.) Yes; Ireland need not be asking for aid of England if she had but justice done to her. If the rents were not drawn oat of the oountry by the great landed proprietors—if the Marquis of Lansdowne, Lord Palmerston, Lord An glesey, and others who had large estates in Ireland, re sided upon them, and attended as they ought to do to the tenantry on their estates, Ireland would not be placed in her present miserable condition, nor would her people be starving for want of food. He was anxious for the liberty of his country, and was there to defend it. Had any case been made out on which the legitimate rights of his countrymen should be interfered with, or had any season been shown that it was necessary to do , so? They were told that this measure was to rernqin in operation for six months; but when it expired, what would they do? There was no certainty of repose and quiet hereafter in the assurances that were given the House of the temporary nature of the enactments, and therefore such legislation should be condemned as bad. It was not discussing the Habeas Cot pus, but it was discussing whether they would have any corpus there at 1111--(Great laughter.) The separation between Pro testant and Catholic had taken place already, and was slot now to be guarded against. Those proud men of the north, whose ancestors had trampled on the poor Catholic half a century ago, were now about to prostrate them selves before him, and therein the retribution of Providence was remarkably evidenced. He had two letters in his hand, from unfortunate per sons who had been arrested by the Govern ,tent, to whose cases the attention of the House °tight to be directed. The first was a merchant of Dub lin, who was realising at the time of his arrest the sum of 800/. a year, was a member of the Royal Dublin So ciety, and since 1835 a member of the Dublin Chamber of Commerce. The second was from a gentleman who had been locked up with felons and pickpockets of the lowest class; and in both instances bail to any amount h ad been refused.—(Hear, hear.) He could not con ceive any man could think it right to allow a poli tical dictator to arrest any man he chose, of his own and on the representations of any one who might be ar a, spite towards him. He did not think the people of England would gain anything by oppressing the libel , ee of the p eop l e of Ire l an d . Th e repose th e y w er e to h ave was the r e p ose o f d ea th—s u ch a repose as, when th -a vei ns of an Irishman were cut, nothing but water 'would present itself. To leave Ireland in th miserable, dejected condition in which she had so long languished, seemed to be end of this ungenerous legislation, and the consequences of it might be the abandonment of this eountry for America of a large portion of the population. This measure, they might depend upon it, was pregnant "sith danger, and was far different in its scope and inten l!oll from a measure which would raise the people from heir present wretched condition, and encourage them to pire to industry and competence.—(Hear.) Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, it was my intention to have tiea a silent vo t e t o th e measure o f h er M a j es t y ' s s nisters. Wh en t h e measure was f i rst i ntroduced I t hought it my duty to express an opinion why I sup- Ported it, and I did so without reserve. But, Sir, after the speech of the Right. Hon. Gentleman the Chief Se cretary for Ireland, I feel that I might lie under some Misconception of the opinion under which I now give I lly support to her Majesty's Government if I remained L measure demanded and sile n t on this occasion. Sir, the lesson why I support th of ed b her y Majesty' s G o v e rnment is, that I think case. Those • the exige nc y an d c ircumstances of the circumstanc es since the measure was first propo se d to this Rouse, m a y have varied in some de gree; there m ay b e some features of an alarming charac • ter which were then evident, but which are no longer so perceptible ; but I believe the general aspect of affairs is not so changed that I for one cannot incur the responsibility of refusing to support the Govern ment on this occasion on a similar proposition. But When we are told by the Bight Hon. Gentleman, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, that her Majesty's Govern- Meat come forward and require support to their mea sure, not on account of the urgency of the case, but on jaceouitt of the confidence which is placed in her Ma esty's Government, I feel it my duty not to pass over Such an observation without comment.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, I observe of late that her Majesty's Government are apt to claim support from this House on the prin ciple of confidence in themselves. In my opinion they Obtain sufficient support, without being at all too curi lieu as to the cause.—(Hear, hear.) I certainly for one am not inclined to go out of the way to express a want of confidence in the present Administration; but when th e Noble Lord and the Right lion. Gentleman opposite challenge a declaration from the House of confidence in their policy, I think I may be allowed, without offence, to express my protest.—(Hear, hear.) I must say, with regard to their Irish policy, that I for one cannot ex press my opinion that the conduct of the Whig party, from the time since I had experience of public life, will afford them any blazoned fame in the history of Whiggism. (Cheers.) I cannot forget the circumstances under which the administration of 1835 was su b ve rted.—(Hear, " e ar, and cheers.) I should think that few people in this country have forgotten the celebrated appropriation olause.—(Loud cheers.) I have not forgotten the means by which the party in power then acceded to power— the tenure by which they held power—and the unful filled measures while they remained in power, and when no longer in opposition, how they realised their compact 'with the people of this country.—(Hear, h ear .) I h av e not forgotten the circumstances of how the last Govern-. went were expelled from power.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord may tell us, as he told me and my friends, t hat' joined i n t h e vote t h at turne d t h e Ri g h t Honour able Baronet out of power on that occasion. We did so '--but at the same time with a frank expression of our O l3ini en•—(Hear, hear.) We looked on the Government s a perni c i ous G overnment — we di sapprove d o f t h e i r Polley,Fr and we se i ze d on th e fi rs t oc cas i o n to turn them om office.---(Cheers.) But was that the course of the 8 ., "le Lord and the Right Honourable Gentlemen oppo site? Did they openly impugn the policy of the late over nment?—so far from that being so they were foundt every division voting in favour of that policy kHear, hear, and cheers)—they were the ready adhe ;Pets of the Right Honourable Baronet, and when they it 'd seize the occasion to turn him out of office they did o b l ia oppositi o n t o that policy they themselves were Iged to pursue.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, I think a e ra4 Y say justly I am supporting this measure not on c e ° l lnt of the great confidence I have in the Whig por- I l i eti of Irish policy. But then I am told by the Right elourable Gentleman the Whig Secretary for Ireland d,: t h t I am to support this measure because of the eonfi ee of the House in the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland. Honourable Gentleman who addressed the House ; 11 ,, u, I think, hi s con fid ence i n the Lord-Lieutenant was -- Y second to his confidence in Providence. But I can not forget that only recently ma ny of these Gentlemen ho ar e so laudatory and so loud in their praise Of this ft,istioguished functionary, voted in favour of a motion ( -rd( "„ i ng awe with the office of Lord•Lieutenant— ferleiC)n—aad with that occasion I well recollect, that a in ftt -PPesi tion and scanty arguments only were offered vour of such slight importance infere that motion. From that fact I draw this nee—that the Office of Lord-Lieutenant is net of traders w as political economists and free ish to impress on the House. But if I e n ave no conf i dence, as ter as their Irish policy is con t:rteed, in her Majesty's Government, I must still hesi th e , after all I have heard in this House, before I believe i ecuriy Li lt _ t the Lord -Lieutenant of Ireland—even if that Lord s eutenant be the Earl of Clarendon—is a sufficient for the Government of Ireland. Sir, I have pr ey conficlenc., I confess, in another party who have ex !_essed their loyalty, end in whose future conduct we ;reerntold is to b! found ills best security for the good go (11 W ent, the prosperity, and the loyalty of Ireland.— ear.) I wi t h mean those gentlemen whom I call, I hope ---na(C,,heers out offence, the professional patriots of that country , and laughter)—gentlemen who have favoured or t te --n ight with such a minute and curious exposition a re '''h• political views and feelings—gentlemen who alidi re Pared to off er on a ll occas io n s a tariff—a on e - h g scale of opposition, a v e xatious opposition on the -, 4 and, and on the other a determined opposition a di vex atious opposition, I presume, being one that L ati e s k on the flo or o f th e H ouse "—(L ou d an d p ro l onge d th ett g u ter)a determined opposition meaning a mild, co eiecuglit fir l, opposition, not unwilling, under particular thatance s , to devote itself to the service of its olar e t P:• — (Renewed laughter.) One gentleman had de meanahulf ready to give a violent opposition to the ~re--the Bight Hon. Gentleman the Chief Secre tingirlor Ireland had tried to appease the troubled waters, o f th aßill, for he gets up and tells the opponents slisr er e ' lll , " Oh, it does not apply to you ; there is a u nn ence between treason and agitation." The Right tre a Gentleman says, "The Bill is directed , against r aen, and not against agitation, so do not be uneasy." ...- tie e l f e t i tr, and cheers.) Sir, I believe the difference bes diffe7 treason and agitation to be about the same as the " TOriFe between adultery and rape.—(Loud laughter.) " eirta is a Bill," says the Chief Secretary for Ireland, tr e „ e cted a ga i nst treasona bl e p rac ti c e s , car r i e d on i n a "°aable manner, and not against treasonable prac -icee t carri e d on i n a treasona bl e m anner." Where another gentleman in a long speech tells the intended that his speech was only half as long as he at first 2.ietuded it should be, for he had only now to defend for IrYlthe el 111 °Ia and not to vindicate treason. This, Sir, is the waytnell3n which the question has been put t unexpectedly to Right Hon. Gentleman the Chiet Secretary e ess . e and. Sir, this measure is wise, politic, and ne vre.,:rY to be brought forward; it is opposed by those ""e Political conduct, in my opinion, whether Ham' tionaly or not, has occasioned the evils the measure was devis"d to control.—(Loud cheers.) But ne sooner is it opposed by those Hon. Members than a member of her Majesty's Government rises to assure them that under no circumstances will they be affected by the measure. Nor was this assurance unnecessary, for the Bill having been read by Hon. and Learned Gentleman, and found to be likely to put down pernicious agitation, they ap peal to the Government, they offer an opposition, and the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chief Se• cretary rives and tells them the Bill is only a harm less measure. I do not think the House ought to pass the measure unless it will not only put down treason but treasonable agitation—(Cheers)—and thus secure, I trust, the tranquillity of Ireland. This measure will give her Majesty's Government the opportunity of bringing forward comprehensive measures, which the people of England feel to be necessary for the welfare of Ireland. 'We will support this law only that Go vernment may have a fair opportunity of bringing in such measures, and I trust her Majesty's Government will not delay in bringing forward proper measures. I trust it will pass the House, that Government may no longer have any ground for delaying comprehensive measures—for bringing forward other great questions which are not yet brought forward. I hope that in voting for this Bill, we shall vote for it because the Lord Lieutenant will be able to secure the tranquillity of Ire land, and an opportunity be afforded to her Majesty's Government to introduce remedial measures. Trusting to the efficiency of these measures, I hope peace and tranquillity will be maintained in Ireland, not only by the expectation of what this measure will effect, but be cause we have confidence in that portion of the popula tiona whisper—(Hear) —but r_hpocnw(lle must not allude in this House, except in when ea r— theirbut respecting religion whom nn n trust r the be time will arriv e considered a reproach, nor their loyalty a crime. Lord J. RUSSELL—The House seems to have so far made up its mind as to the necessity and policy of this measure, that I should not have thought it necessary to address the House to-night were it not fur certain mis constructions of the measure, or of the remarks of my Right Hon. Friend (Sir W. Somerville), and some allu sions to my past conduct and that of many with whom I act, which I cannot altogether pass over. The Honour able Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), I think excusably enough after the speech of the Hon. Member for Lime rick (Mr. J. O'Connell), supposes that certain parties are to be allowed to conduct their agitation free from any danger from this Bill. But such was not the declaration of my Right Hon. Friend.—(Hear.) An Hon. Member (Mr. Roche) said that this Bill was aimed at all constitu tional 'iiscussion, that petitions could not be proposed nor grievances complained of if it were to pass, and that the obvious intent and object of it was to destroy all constitutional and political discussion in Ireland; my Right Hon. Friend, in answer, said, that such was not the obj, ct, and such would not be the effect of the Bill—(Hear) —that it was aimed at agitation connected with treasonable practices, and that discussion aimed at a redress of grievances, discussion constitutional in it self; with a view to seek from Parliament measures be neficial to Ireland, was not intended to be prohibited, and could not be prohibited, under the terms of the Bill. —(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Limerick (Mr. J. O'Connell), adroitly enough, certainly, but not with a very fair inference from ray Right Hon. Friend's speech, said that he understood that the association with which be was connected could not come under the ope ration of this Bill — Mr. J. O'CONNELL—The agitation. _ Lord JOHN RUSSELL.—The agitation, and there fore half his objections were removed. Upon that I must saw very plainly, that the Bill itself contemplates treasonable designs and treasonable practices, but the power to imprison persons suspected of them is to be placed in the hands of the Lord-Lieutenant. I hare had much conversation with the Lord-Lieutenant during the existence of the present law, as to agitation ; and I know his mind is, that any agitation ought to be care• fully watched— (Hear) that agitation which tends merely to the production, the fair production of a peti tion, is agitation which he ought not, and has not the power to prevent—(Hear, hear)—but that the meetings of an association which is likely to fall very rapidly into a club and a conspiracy —(Hear)—and tends imme diately to lead to treasonable practices—(Hear)—ought, in his opinion, and I will add in my opinion, to be care fully watched—(Hear, hear)—and if those treasonable practices should in his opinion be carried on, it will be his bounden duty to secure the peace of the country by the application of the powers of the Act.—(Much cheering.) Mr. J. O'CONNELL—Does the Noble Lord impute to me treasonable practices or treasonable designs?— (Order, order; hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL—The Hon. Member asks me that question; I will answer it.—(Cheers.) My opinion is that he would wish to carry on what he may think a wholesome, what I may think a pernicious agitation— (Bear, hear)—without any intention of committing trea son or leading to treasonable practices. But, seeing what I saw with regard to the association of which he was the leader last year, and in which, although he was the leader, he was left in a very small minority— (Laughter)—the large majority of those who acted with him declaring that " moral force" was altogether a de lusion—(Mr. O'Connell—No)—and that they con curred with some confederation over the way—(A laugh) —of which physical force and rebellion were the doc trine, and intended to be the practice—(llear, hear)-- I should have no confidence in the safety of any asso ciation which the Hon. Gentleman was to set up in Dub lin.—(Cheers.) I acquit him personally, I acquit him fully and sincerely of any treasonable design or prac tice; but I am not prepared to say that those whom he would assemble would be equally innocent; and I do be lieve that any association of which he was the head would be very likely to become liable to the penalties of the Act.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear.") I have answered his question fairly; ho may now take what course he likes with respect to this Bill; he may make, if he pleases, the other half of his speech—(A laugh)—but I will not conceal from him what I think may be the effect ' of this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, following the Noble Lord (Lord C. Hamilton), has referred to some matters of past history which the Hon. Gentleman glided over rapidly and skil fully, but which the Noble Lord dwelt upon in great detail and with remarkable inaccuracy.—(A laugh.) Ie was the charge of the Noble Lord that in 1835 I brought forward a resolution with respect to an appropriation clause solely and entirely with a view of displacing the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) from power, and that having carried the resolution and displaced the Right Hon. Gentleman, I allowed the question to slumber, and it was never mentioned again. Now, this obliges me to refer to what was really the history of that appropriation clause—a history which does not at all resemble that which the Noble Lord chose to put in its place. Being in office with Lord Grey, having the honour to be one of the Cabinet, concurring with him iii what was called the Coercion Act of 1833—a measure of very severe repres sion, I did think, in the following year, that it was right that the Government should prepare for some measure by which part of the revenues of the Irish Protestant Church, not needed, in my opinion, for the members of that church, should be made useful and conducive to the education of all members of the community—Roman Catholics and Presbyterians as well us members of the Established Church. I urged that opinion upon the Cabi net at length. The discussions upon that subject ended in the retirement from the Cabinet of four of its most distin guished members. The Cabinet, after their retirement, proceeded to stake the course which I thought the wisest*. A commission was appointed to ascertain the numbers belonging to the different religious communions in Ireland, and various measures were discussed with a view to carrying my proposition into effect. It pleased his Majesty King William IV., after Lord Grey had re signed, and Lord Melbourne had come into his place, upon the death of Lord Spencer, to declare that he had no further occasion for the services of Lord Melbourne and his colleagues, and to place the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) in office. I had urged these views of mine with respect to the Irish Church upon colleagues whom I sincerely regarded—regarded so much that for a very considerable time I held back my views, with which they were perfectly acquainted, and would not press them, for fear of that disruption of the Cabinet which took place; but was I obliged, because I was not in office, to forego views which I held, to sink my opinions altogether, and to say that I was satisfied with that with which I was so dissatisfied that I had urged upon my colleagues to propose an alteration?—(Cries of "hear, hear.") I brought forward then, as an independ ent Member, a resolution, which was carried in the House, on which the Right Hon. Baronet, though at the head of the Government, never, I believe, had a majority; and the Right Hon. Gentleman took that oc casion of retiring from office. A measure was then prepared, according to the views of the then Govern ment, and was submitted to the House of Commons once or twice, if not three or four times; it was carried by a small majority in this House, but lost in the other. So untrue is it that I first invented this scheme for the pur pose of ousting others from office, and that, having suc ceeded in that object, I withdrew it.—(Hear.) But aft( r the measure had been several times rejected in the House of Lords, opinion came to be changed respecting it, and Irish opinion became altogether indiffsrent to it— (" No, no,")—it ceased to be an object of desire in that country—(" No, no,")—that is my belief, at least, and in that belief I proceeded to propose a settlement of the tithe question without insisting upon the appropri ation clause. Now, I may be liable to blame for the course I pursued; I certainly mistook public opinion— I mistook the power of resisting such a measure, which seemed to me at the time to be so obviously right that I thought it would probably be carried very triumphantly through Parliament ; but this I must say for myself; I was persuaded that such a measure would be of great utility to Ireland, and I endeavoured to carry it as long as I thought it possible that it could be carried.—(Hear, hear.) But there were other measures introduced at the same time, particularly one measure for establishing corporations in Ireland, and putting them on a popular basis, as had previously been done in England. 1 hat measure was year after year rejected by the House of Lords ; but, ultimately, the principle was assented to by that House, and it passed into a law; so that the views I entertained on Irish subjects were so far successful.— (Hear, hear.) But the Noble Lord has said that at that time we consented that all power and patronage should be in the hands of the late Mr. O'Connell, and that we merely acted in a manner subservient to him. Now I totally deny that charge.—(Cheers.) Lord Melbourne advised his Sovereign to place. Lord Normanby in the government of Ireland ; and the Noble Lord (Lord C. Ilamilten) has now called upon me to express the remorse of the Government of that day for having fomented agitation in Ireland. Now, so far from that, I believe the Government of Lord Normanby was concili atory and wise, and obtained a period of tranquillity for Ireland.—(Cheers.) I believe that his policy was adaptcd to the wants of that period—that he retained the authority of the Government in his own hands, and that, powerful as Mr. O'Connell was in Ireland, great as was his influence ever public opinion, the authority of Lord Normanby as the representative of the King was paramount in that part of the united king dom.—(Cheers.) I have therefore no remorse to ex press on the part of the Government of 1835. But the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) spoke of our opposition to the Government of 1846, and the Honourable Gentleman is right in saying that we opposed the Bill of 1846, called the Pro- tection of Life Bill. We certainly opposed especially what was called the curfew clause in that Bill. I declared on that occasion that I would not oppose the Bill on the ground of having no confidence in the Go vernment—that I believed they would execute its pro visions fairly and temperately ; but that I thought it a Bill ill adapted to the circumstances of that time. — (Hear, hear.) I thought that the clause with respect to shutting up persons at night who had committed no offence was vexations, and that I entertained the opinion, which was also the opinion of Mr. O'Connell, that while the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would paralyze aeitation, the nature of that Bill was to irritate. — (Hear, hear.) I therefore voted against the Bill which was then brought forward by the Noble Lord the Secre tary for Ireland. But it is said, " You are now propos ing a similar, if not a worse measure." That is quite true. I am liable to the reproach; and all I say is, that I thoght the Bill to which I have alluded not adapted to the circumstances of the times ; whereas the various mea sures we have brought forward from time to time, re strictive of the liberties of the subiect, while they have been more restrictive than that Bill was, have been adapted to the circumstances of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Now, that I am ready to admit is entirely matter of opinion. Those who differ from me may hold the re verse, and believe that the Bill of 1846 was more useful than our measures ; but all I can say is that, following my opinion of the several measures I have adopted, whether in or out of office, I will oppose or pass those measures according as I think they are suited to the cir cumstances of the country.—(Hear, hear.) I am sorry Sir, to have thus detained the House in defence of m fo y r Towy r n o D c e o n h d a u s c t; thoughtbut i t t he nec N e s o s b a l r e y L too r e d the o me M dow e n m a b n e d r speak for half an hour on this matter , m akin g a most personal and bitter attack ; and I thought I could not well avoid referring to the topics he has introduced. —(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Buckingham shire, in speaking of the present measure, followed other Members—especially the Hon. Member for Mont• rose—in speaking of the other comprehensive measures which he believes it is the duty' of the Government to bring in. Now, it will be our duty to bring forward a series of measures. Some have been already given no tice of, and others will be brought forward; but I do not think I should be acting fair to the House if I did not say that any measure that we might bring forward would be totally unproductive without those two results of which I spoke in the speech I addressed to the House on bringing forward my motion in 184 G, viz , a spirit of self-reliance, and a spirit of co-operation.—(Cheers.) We would have proposed this very night—if this debate had not lasted so long—a Bill very greatly to extend the right of voting in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) I believe that the right of voting is too much restricted in that country, and ought to be extended, but I must allow that the same use is not made of these constitutional pri vileges in Ireland that has been made of them in England. The Act that passed at the time of the revolution of 1688 was sufficient for a century afterwards to enable the people of the country not only to exert themselves in trade, in manufactures, and in agriculture, and to cover the country with industrious villages and with mighty and flourishing towns, but to support the liberty that they had obtained by the constitution which was the result of the revolution of 1688, and which had enabled them to make those efforts.—(Hear, hear.) But, ob serve, these laws, by virtue of which they did these things, were and are laws directing and creating industry, and wealth, and commerce, and comfort, and well-being. They were laws that allowed men to exert their faculties and to obtain that wealth and distinction that are the consequences of exertion.—(Hear.) In proposing such a measure as the present for Ireland, we shall have to at tempt that which in our opinion it is proper for us as a Le gislature to do. With respect to social questions for Ire land, measures have already been passed, and others will be brought forward, but with respect to those measures there is fully as much danger in sending the industry of the country in a wrong direction as if we had lett undone that which we ought to have done.—(Hear.) We believe, however, that the ultimate result of the privileges which were granted to persons of all sexes and persuasions 20 years ago, and the additional privi leges that hale been granted since, will enable the peo ple of Ireland to take that place which they ought to hold for their genius, and for that which I admit they have—great powers of physical exertion and industry.— (Hear.) But if we expect that that change can take place immediately, as the sudden effect of a legislative act, we shall be sure to be disappointed.—(Hear, hear.) I will not say, therefore, that even in the interval that may elapse during the continuance of this Act of six months, all treasonable correspondence may be suppressed, or that any Act that may pass through Parliament can change the social and political state of Ireland.—(Hear.) All I say if,' that the utmost exertions will be made, and that it will be the object of all the measures we bring in to secure that end; and it will be for Parliament to say whether they are adopted or not. If they meet with the consent of Parliament I trust we shall see that they have accomplished our objects ; if they meet with the censure of Parliament, then it will be for others to propose measures that will be more successful.—(Cheers). Lord C. HAMILTON explained, that in what he had said he had no wish to raise a personal question. What he said was, that the first important vote on Irish sub jects at the time to which he referred was with refe rence to the appropriation clause, and that on a division on that question Gentlemen opposite obtained the Go vernment; while for a period of six years, when they were in office, the question had never been carried out. Ho did also venture to say that the course taken by those Honourable Gentlemen did somewhat encourage agitation. Sir H. PEEL—Sir, I must confess that, in voting for the proposition of the Government. and for the second reading of this Bill, I do it with that reluctance which every friend of constitutional liberty must feel when giving a vote for restricting that liberty.—(Hear.) But my firm belief is, that there is public danger in now permitting that Act to expire—(Hear, bear)—and that if you do at the present time permit that Act to expire you must look forward to a renewal of those attempts by which the public tranquillity was disturbed in Ireland last year.—(Hear, hear.) Not but what I think some obligation is due to those who organized those attempts at disturbance of the public peace, for they contrived to cover Irish treason with ridicule.—(A laugh.) They have done more to discourage among rational men attempts at rebellion than all the laws that we could pass or all the advice that the most skilful and sagacious could give.— (Hear.) But, notwithstanding the ridicule which they have thrown on Irish insurrection and Irish rebellion, still there does prevail among them an animus that is not suppressed, an avowal of intention that I will not pay them the compliment to believe sincere. —(Hear.) I will consent, therefore, to this measure, which has for its object to insure for the present their good conduct. I shall not, however, give my vote for the measure from confidence in any persons by whom it will fall to be ad• ministered—(Hear)—that is to say, I would not consent, from confidence in any set of men, to restrict the liberties of the people, unless I believed that restriction to be absolutely necessary.—(Cheers.) I have great respect, personally, for Lord Clarendon; but my respect for Lord Clarendon does net weigh in the slightest degree with me in the resolution I have come to. Unless I was satisfied that the measureawas called for necessarily, no respect for Lord Clarendon, and no belief that the powers entrusted to him would not be abused, would induce me to consent to its adoption by the House. There is evil in the precedent.—(Cheers.) There is great evil in a pre cedent imposing restrictions on the liberties of the people. No matter what may be the personal character of the individual to whom the power is intrusted, no matter though the power is never exercised, you cannot in these times make a precedent for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, whether you exercise the power or not, without inflicting a great public evil.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the confidence which ought to be reposed in Lord Clarendon, why that is just what we have always had for the last 25 years. I believe no Government wishes to possess such powers as these. They never ask for them unless they are believed to be necessary; and it is in truth no pleasant encounter to come here and ask for such powers.—(A laugh.) Lord Heytesbury would not have abused such powers, Lord de Grey would not have abused such powers, neither would any other Lord-Lieutenant; and it is therefore childish to refer to the characters of Lords-Lieutenant as a reason why such powers should be conferred. Nothing can be more painful to me than to refer to the history of past party conflicts in Ireland. I have indeed almost laid it down as a rule, so far as I am concerned, to abstain from mak ing Ireland the field of our party conflicts.—(Cheers.) I should rather never refer to it as a question of party. There are ample grounds for mature, dispassionate con sideration of what is necessary for the welfare of that unfortunate country, without making it the ground on which to determine our party animosities.—(llear.) The Noble Lord has given us a history, and it is very difficult for any one to have listened to him without en tirely acquiescing in the truth of that history. But I must confess I should have been more satisfied to have heard the Noble Lord say that this subject of the appro priation clause has been defunct for many years, and that it was unnecessary to raise it. I think the Noble Lord might have delivered a funeral oration over the ap propriation clause with some propriety. Some latitude might have been allowed him in passing a panegyric on the deceased, but I should have been more pleased without its history.—(Hear, hear.) I will give the Noble Lord the history of the appropriation clause. My memory differs from his in some very important particulars with reference to that measure. He states that, in 1835, soon atter I succeeded Lord Melbourne in the Administration, I brought forward a measure upon the subject of Irish tithe. The Noble Lord says, t In bringing forward the appropriation clause I acted in my individual capacity. Could anybody expect that I should abstain from putting upon record my own personal 1 opinions?" Now, I think that the motion which led to the extinction of that Government was more of a party motion than the Noble Lord is willing to admit. I do not regard it as a mere individual motion on the part of the Noble Lord, but I think the Noble Lord determined to obstruct the proposal with respect to tithe unless the i appropriation clause formed a part of it. The Noble Lord was not content with moving an amendment during 1 the progress of the Bill, but, if I recollect right, he called upon the House to put upon record this proposition— ; that no adjustment of Irish tithe ever can be satisfactory —(Cheers)—unless a portion of the revenues of the Irish Church was appropriated to educational purposes. ' I rcmpnstrated against that proceeding. I said, "Pass this Bill, the object of which you approve; or take the opoortuity of moving amendments in the Bill during its ' progress." I also said to the Noble Lord, "Beware of • fettering your strength by any abstract resolution, de claring that at no time to come shall there be any ad ' justment of Irish tithe unless ,there be an alienation of ecclesiastical property."—(Hear.) I was giving friendly advice to the Noble Lord at that time.—(Laughter.) I could have had no other motive, according to the Noble Lord's ovsn account, for he says that during the three months I remained in power I never h a d the good for tune to be in a majority.—(Renewed laughter.) But the Noble Lord was not merely content with passing this abstract proposal, but he absolutely insisted upon the House waiting on King William, and informing his Majesty that no adjustment of Irish tithe could ever take place unless there was an alienation of church property. (Hear, and a laugh.) The Noble Lord says, however, that the motion he then brought forward did not at all partake of the character of a party motion,—(Laughter.) This shows how apt contemporaries are to be deceived.—(A laugh.) It cer tainly was understood at the time that there was a determination on the part of the Nobly Lord and of his Whig supporters, and of the Irish Members generally, that the attempt to settle Irish tithes without alienation was an iniquity not to be borne ; and that that was a time for a good party motion, which would be the best w ay of turning out Sir Robert Peel.—(Laughter.) But now the Noble Lord has returned to power, and what account does he give of his Irish allies ? He says, " I came into power ; I found the House of Lords against me ; the English public were not very well disposed towards me, but my Irish friends relieved me from any difficulty about the appropriation clause, and I found among the people of Ireland complete indifference on the subject."—(A laugh.) This is the account we have of the Irish party, who for five or six years before were clamouring against the abomination of the Irish Church —who said there never would be peace while that church remained in possession of her revenues—(Hear, and a laugh)—who insisted upon it that the Government which was formed in November, 1834, could not be per mitted to exist, when it was attempting to remedy some of the evils accompanying the tithe system, without con sentirtg to an alienation of church property.—(Hear, and laughter.) What a pictu re t h e N oble Lord draws of his Irish allies when he says that the moment the personnel of the Government was changed their clamour ou this subject ceased ! Lord J. RUSSELL—No ;it was three years after wards.:--(A laugh.) Sir R. PEEL - -Well, it took the Noble Lord three years to make them cool . — (Laughter.) I appeal to any man whether it would have been decent to make such a change at an earlier period. They got habituated to Parliament; it is no imputation upon them whatever to say that under a Whig Government, they got their fair share of official patronage—..(a Hear," and a laugh) —and about two or three years aft erwar d s th e i r hos tility to the Established Church abated, and they told the Noble Lord they could give him n o cordial support in an attempt to divert its revenues. I trust that if they again press the Noble Lord upon any parti cu l ar measure he will ask them to pause, that he will r em i n d t h em o f the Irish Church, that he will tell them to wait two or three years longer, and he will then find whether, in the interval, their zeal will abate or not.—(Laughter.) I certainly think that, with respect to these measures of coercion, it does make a very material difference who are the persons who occupy that (pointing to the Trea sury) bench. I have not the slightest doubt that the Noble Lord has received from the Irish representatives a much more cordial support than would have heen accorded to mo if I had proposed precisely the same measure. So much, then, for 1835. I asked the Noble Lord not to encumber himself with any such restraint as the ab stract resolution to which I have referred. That reso lution was resisted on the part of the House of Lords. I said to the Noble Lord, " You shall hear no reproach —no taunt from me; but you had better settle the tithe question without the Irish appropriation clause." He took my advice, and there let the matter remain. Now, with regard to what occurred in 1846. lam sure I en tertain no ill-will to the Noble Lord—l entertain no ill will towards anybody—(Loud and continued cheering) —for the course that was taken in 1846. I, and those who took the same views on the subject of the corn-laws felt the alienation of the party with which we had acted. But the Noble Lord will give me leave to remind him that he is not quite accurate in the account he has given of the events of 1846. Several shocking murders were committed in Ireland, and we proposed a measure for the purpose of giving security to life and property in that country. Perhaps the Noble Lord remembers the way in which that measure was encountered. The application for leave to introduce the Bill was opposed, and on—l believe—the second reading we were defeated. I made an appeal to the Noble Lord to allow us to put the Bill into Committee. I said, "Do not reject this measure, intended for the protection of life, and the prevention of assassination, on the second reading. You object to the curfew clause; strike it out in Committee; but do not give agitators a triumph in Ireland, by refusing to give a second reading to a measure which has such objects in view." The Noble Lord said he thought particular clauses were not calculated to attain the professed objects of the Bill; but why not omit such clauses in Committee? Why not permit a fair deliberation? "But," says the Noble Lord, " you intended to commit the enormity of confining people to their houses at night." It is a hard necessity that induces men to propose such measures; and I find that the Noble Lord intends by this Bill to give the power of committing to prison by night as well as by day persons who are justly subject to sus picion.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot admit the correctness of the Noble Lord's statement, that our Bill was rejected because it was unsuitable to the end for which it was designed. In my opinion the Noble Lord could not question the necessity of the measure, and it wouid have been more consistent if he had permitted the Bill to be read a second time, and had excepted in Committee to any clauses to which ho might feel an 'objection. This is all I have to observe with reference to the history of 1835 and 1846. I certainly shall not attach to my support of this Bill even that oonditibn which the Noble Lord suggested when opposing the Bill of 1846—that comprehensive measures of a healing nature ought to precede measures of coercion. I know the extreme difficulty of proposing measures of a healing nature. I believe we are all deeply convinced that the one great evil of this kingdom is the condition of Ireland. I believe there is an universal desire to administer reme dies; but I know perfectly well that no Government can propose any measure which could have any immediate tendency to improve the social condition of Ireland. It is rather by the slow and healing process that we are to hope to overcome these difficulties—not by great mea sures which everybody calls for but few choose to shadow out.—(Hear, hear.) What are to be those great mea sures which are to restore peace? I believe one of the greatest evils in Ireland at present is connected with the administration of the poor-law.—(Hear, hear.) That subject you are about to consider in Committee; and most gratified shall I be in from that Committee there comes forth any beneficial measure calculated to improve the condition of the poor.—(Hear, hear.) I shall give my support to this measure , becau se I I believe it to be called for by regard for public peace. I believe that the Government—and I believe that others also—have a sincere desire to improve the condition of Ireland; but I will not weaken or qualify my support of this necessary measure of coercion, by insisting, as a sti pulation, that before I assent to it I will know what remedial measures are contemplated. I will give my entire and cordial support to this Bill for the vindica tion of the law, and for the upholding the authority of the Crown.—(Loud cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL was understood to say, that he had not meant to state that the motion he brought for ward in 1835 was not a party motion. What he said was, that he had brought it forward in opposition to the views of some of his own friends, but believing the proposal to be founded on sound principles he had felt it his duty to press it upon the House. Mr. G. H. MOORE called the attention of the House to several passages in a speech delivered by the Noble Lord at the head of the Government in opposition to the Coercion Bill of 1846, and in which the Noble Lord expressed his opinion that measures of coercion should have been accompanied by measures for affording the Irish peasant the means of subsistence and employment. He therefore entreated the Noble Lord to suspend the present measure until he had time to introduce other measures without which any enactment of this nature would be altogether unjustifiable. The House then divided, when there appeared For the second readin g ... -•• 275 Against it 33 Majority ... 242 The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER inti mated that he should ask the House to go into Commit tee on the Bill on Monday. Mr. GOULBURN asked whether it was intended that the debate on the navigation - laws should come on after that ? _ Lord J. RUSSELL was understood to suggest whether it would not be convenient for Members to have the reso lutions in their hands for some days previous to the dis cussion taking place; and whether, therefore, they would not be disposed to allow the reselutions to be passed and the Bill introduced on Monday without opposition, and take the discussion on the s ubsequent stages? Mr. HERRIES, without knowing the terms of the re solutions, would not undertake to say that there would be no debate on the introduction of the Bill. Mr. J. O'CONNELL (referring to the debate on the Habeas Corpus Suspension Bill) asked the S ecretary f or Ireland whether he was disposed to adhere to the words which he had uttered himself, or to the direct contradic tion given by the Noble Lord? Sir W. SOMERVILLE denied that there had been any contradiction on the part of the Noble Lord. INLAND REVENUE BILL. The House then went into Committee on this Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply l et to questio ns f r o m Mr. Hume , stated th at t h e present number of commissioners was 12, and it was intended to reduce them to 7; that the present amount of saving by ultimatelythe c onsol i B d o a , t o i 7 04 o o f r t 9 h o e , boards ooot. an be 6 ,o e o d a n , and be id The several clauses were then agreed to, the House c re o s n u s me e d re , d on the r menday. poort was received, d n r4r SUPPLY. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, and a vote of 17,786,700/. was moved by the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER to pay ex change of Exchequer-bills charged on the aids of 1849. Mr. IIUME asked if the vote was the same as last year? The CHANCELLOR of EXCHEQUER replied, it was less. Vote agreed to. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then moved the re-appointment of the Select Committee on the Army and Ordnance.—Agreed to. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past Twelve o'clock. Dispatches were sent off yesterday evening, from the Colonial-office, for the Governor of Canada, and also for the ,Governors of the other North American pr.ovinces. PARLIAMEN TARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) FRIDAY, Flirt. 9. The following Railway petitions were presented, and the Bills ordered to be brought in : Birmingham and Oxford Junction (Purchase of the Strat ford-upon-Avon Canal Navigation). North. Staffordshire (Amendment of Acts.) Llynvi Valley Railways. Caledonian and Edinburgh and Glasgow (Lease of Scottish Midland Junction). Caledonian and Edinburgh and Glasgow (Lease of Dundee and Perth and Aberdeen Junction, and the Dundee and Arbroath, and the Dundee and Newtyle Railways). Stirling and Dunfermline (Deviation of Branch to Alloa Harbour • Diversion of certain `Yorks; Extension of Time for completing Line and taking Land; and Amendment of Acts.) Caledonian (Lease or Purchase of the Glasgow, Barrhead, and N eilston Direct). The undernamed Railway Bills were read a first, and ordered to be read a second time York, Newcaa, and BW;iCit(Newcastle-upon-Tyne and Carlisle Railway Lease and Amalgamation). Edinburgh and Northern (Additional Capital and Amend ment of Acts). Eastern Counties Company and Newmarket Company Amalgamation. Reading, Guildford, and Reigate (Branch to London and South-Western Railway—No. 2). Caledonian (Purchase or Lease of Wishaw and Coltness Railway). Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ardrossan Railway, and Ar drossan Harbour Acts Amendment. London and South-Western (Extension of Time for the Purchase of Lands and Completion of Works on the Basing stoke and Salisbury, and Farnham and Alton Lines). STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolution was reported from the above Committee : That in the case of the Caledonian Railway (Lease or Pur chase of the Glasgow, Barrhead, and Neilston Railway) petition for leave to deposit a petition for a Bill, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with ; that the parties be permitted to deposit a petition accordingly.—Resolution agreed to. NOTICES GIVEN AT THE PRIVATE BILL OFFICE. The following Railway Bills are ordered to be read a second time on Tuesday, Feb. 13 : Newcastle and Carlisle (Alterations of and Branch from Alston Branch). Birkenhead, Lancashire, and Cheshire Junction (Aban donment of part of Line, Extension to London and North- Western, &c.) North-Western (Extension of Lancashire Branch, Aban donment of William Lands Branch, New Road to Settle Station, Extension of Time for Purchase of Lands and Con struction of Works). Lancaster and Carlisle (from the Lancaster and Carlisle at Lancaster to the Preston and Wyre, &c.) Lancashire and Yorkshire (Extension of Ashton Branch of Clifton Branch, &c.) Lancaster and Preston JUnction (Junction with the East Lancashire Railway in Preston, and Amendment of Acts). Lancaster and Preston Junction Acts Amendment (Power to alter Tolls and for appointment of Officers). Windsor (Extension of the Windsor, Staines, and South- Western—Richmond to Windsor — with Power to the London and South-Western Railway Company to subscribe). of Knighthood upon Elkanah Armitage, E.A. late Mayor of Manchester. FOREIGN-OFFICE, FEB. 9. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Sir Edmund Lyons, Bart., G.C.8., now her Majesty's Minister Pleni potentiary to his Majesty the King of Greece, to be her Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary to the Confederated States of the Swiss Cantons. The Queen has also been pleased to appoint Thomas Wyse, Esq., to be her Majesty's Minister Plenipoten tiary to his Majesty the King of Greece. DOWNING-STREET, FEB. 9. The Queen has been pleased to appoint George Wil liam Anderson, Esq., to be Governor and Commander in-Chief in and over the island of Mauritius and its de pendencies. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH, FEB. 8. This Court will hold a sitting ou Saturday, the 24th day of February inst., at twelve o'clock at noon, for the purpose of giving !judgment in cases previously argued. This Court will nut hold a sitting on the Ist of March next, as previously announced. BY THE COURT. CROWN-OFFICE, FE n 8. MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THE PRESENT PAR- LIAMENT. Borough of Portsmouth—The Right Hon. Sir Francis Thornhill, Baring, Bart., First Lord of the Admiralty. Town of liangston-upon-Hull— , Matthew Talbot Baines, Esq., First Commissioner for administering the Poor.law in England. Borough of Leominster—Frederick Peel, of Drayton Manor, in the county of St,.fford, Esq., in the room of Henry Barkly, Esq , who has acceptkd the o&.:e of Governor of British Guiana. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) FRIDAY, FEB. 9. _ _ HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENSION (IRELAND) BILL. Order for Second Reading read ; Motion made, and Ques tion proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time:" — Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day six months :"—Question put, " That the word now' stand part of the Question." The House divided : MAJORITY—AYES, 275. Ably, T. N. Fuller, A. E. Mulgra ve, Earl Adair, Hugh E. Gaskell, J.M.: Mullings, J. R. Adair, R. Shafto Gladstone, W. E. Napier, Joseph Alcock, Thomas Glyn, G. C. Neeld, John Anson, Colonel Godson, Richard Neeld, Joseph Arbuthaott, Hugh Gooch, E. S. Newport, Visct. Arkwright, G. Gordon, Admiral Newry, Viscount Armstrong, R. B. Goulburn, Henry Norreys, Lord Arundel, Earl of Grace, 0. D. Nugent, Lord Bagshaw, John Graham, Sir James Pakington, Sir J. Baines, M. T. Granby, Marquis of Palmer, Robert Baring, Sir F. T. Granger, T. C. Palmer, Roundell Baring, Thomas Greenall, Gilbert Palmerston, Vis. Barrington, Viscount Grenfell, C. Pascoe Parker, John Bateson, Thomas Grenfell, Charles W. Patten J. W. Bellew, R. M. Grey, Sir George Peel, Sir Robert Bennet, Philip Grey, Ralph W. Peel, Colonel Beresford, William Grogan, E. Perfect, Robert Berkeley, C. L. G. Gwyn, Howel Pigot, Sir Robert Bernal, Ralph Haggitt, F. It. Pigott, Francis Bernard, Viscount Hallyburton, Lord J. Plowden, W. H. Birch, Sir Thomas Halsey, T. P. Plumptre, J. P. Blacken, S. W. Hamilton„J. H. Powlett. Lord W. Blakemore, R. Hamilton, Lord C. Raphael, Alexander Boldero, Henry Harris, Richard, Renton, J. C. Bourke, R. S. Hastie, Alexander Ricardo, Osman Bouverie,:E. P. Hawes, B. Rich, Henry Boyle, Colonel Hay, Lord J. Richards. Richard Bremridge, Richard Hayter, W. G. Romilly, Sir John Broadwood, H. Headlam, T. E. Russell, Lord J. Brockman, E. D. Heald, James Russell, Edward Si. Brotherton, Joseph Henley, J. W. Russell, F. C. Brown, H. Henry, Alexander St. George, Chris. Brown, W. Herbert, Henry A. Sandars, George Buller, Sir J. Y. Ilerries, J. C. Sanders, Joseph Bunbury, E. H. Hervey, Lord A. Scrope, G. P. Burke, Sir T. J. Heyworth, Lawrence Seymer, H. K. Burroughes, H. N. Hobhouse, Sir John Seymour, Lord Buxton, Sir E. Ilobhouse, T. B. Shatto, R. D. Campbell, W. F. Hedges, T. Twisden Shell, R. L. Cardwell, Edward Hogg, Sir J. W. Sheridan, R. B. Carew, W. H. Pole Hood, Sir A. Shelburne, Earl of Carter, John B. Hornby. . John Sidney, Alderman Cavendish, C. C. Howard, Lord E. Simeon, John Chaplin,;lV. J. Howard, C. W. G. Slaney, R. A. Charteris, Francis Howard, Sir R. Smith, R. V. Childers, J. W. Hume, J. Smith, J. A. Christopher, R. llumphery, Ald. Smyth, John G. Clay, James Inglis, Sir it. Somerville. Sir W. Clements, Charles Jackson, William Spearman, IL J. Clerk Sir G. Jervis, Sir John Spooner, R. Cochrane, A. Joiliffe, Sir W. G. Stafford, A. Cockburn, Alex. Keppel, G. T. Stanafleld, W. It. C. Cocks, Thomas S. Ker, Richard Staunton,,Sir G. Cole, H. A. King, P. J. Strickland, Sir G. Colebrooke, Sir T. Knox, Colonel Stuart, Lord D. Coles, li. R. Labouchere, Henry Stuart, H. Copeland, Ald. Lascelles, W. S. Talfourd, Sergeant Craig, W. G. Law, C. E. Tancred, 11. W. Crowder, It. B. Lcgh, G. C. Taylor, I'. E. Cubitt, William Leslie, C. P. Thompson, Colonel Dalrymple, Captain Lewis, Sir T. Thompson, Alderman Dawson, T. V. Lewis, G. C. Thornely, T. Deedes, V. Lincoln, Earl of Towneley, John Dick, Quintln Lindsay, Colonel Townshcnd, Captain Disraeli, B. Littleton, E. R. Trelawny, J. S. Divett, Edward Locke, Joseph Trevor, G. Dod, J. W. Lockhart, A. E. Trollope, Sir J. Dodd, George Lockhart, W. Turner, George Douglas, Sir C. Lowtherjlenry Tyrrell, Sir J. Douro, Marquis of Mackenzie, W. F. Vane, Lord H. Drumlanrig, Vis. Mackinnon, W.A. Verner, Sir W. Drummond, Henry M'Naghten, Sir E. Verney Sir H. Duckworth,; Sir J. Macnamara, , Major Villiers, Charles Duff, George S. M'Gregor, John Waddington, H. S. Duke, Sir J. Mahon, O'Gorman Walpole, S. H. Duncan, George Mahon, Viscount W a l s h, Si r J. B. Duncuft John Maitland, Thomas Walter, John Dundas, Admiral Mandeville, Viscount Ward, H. G. Dundas, Sir D. Mangles, R. D. Watkins, Colonel Dundas, G. Marshall, William Wellesley, Lord C. Ebrington, Lord Martin, Samuel Willyams, H. Egerton, W. T. Westerman, John Willoughby, Sir H. Ellis, John Matheson, Alex. Wilson, James Elliot, J. E. Matheson, Colonel WIISOIi, Matthew Enfield, Lord Maule, Fox Wood, Sir. Charles Ferrer, James Melgund, Viscount Wrightson, W. B. Ferguson, Sir R. Milner, W. M. Wyvill, M. Fitzpatrick, J. W. Milton, Viscount Young,_Sir John Floyer, John Mitchell, A. T. Foley, John li. Monsen, William TELLERS. Forster, Mathew Moody, C. A. Tufhell, li. Frewen, C. 11. Morgan, 0. Hill, Lord Marcus MINORITY-NOES, M. Anstcy, Thomas Greene, John Power, Nicholas Barron, Sir 11. Kershaw, James Reynolds, John Blewitt,'Reginald Lushington, C. Roche, E. B. Bright, John Meagher, Thomas Scholefleld, William Callaghan, D. Moore, G. IL Scully,Francis Caulfeild, J. M. Mowatt, Francis Sullivan, Michael Corbelly, M. E. Muntz, G. F. Tenison, E. K. Devereux, J. T. O'Brien, John Thompson, George Dunne, F. P. O'Connor, Feargus Williams, John Fagan, William O'Flaherty, Anthony TELLERS. Fox, Richard M. Osborne, Ralph Crawford, W. S. Grattan, henry Pilkington, James Sadleir, John FROM TAM LONDON GAZETTE OF FRIDAY. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S -OFFICE, FEB. 7, 1849. Notice is hereby given that Her Majesty will hold Levees at St. James's-Palace, on the following days at two o'clock:—Thursday, 22d February instant ; Wed nesday, 28th February instant; and Wednesday 21st March next. REGULATIONS TO ZS OBSERVED AT THE QUEEN'S LEVEES, AT ST. JAMES'S PALACE. a The j est y,s noblemen and Levees, atgentlemens t.James's who Palace, a i purpose ace,a to r e requeste d atte nd her Majesty's to bring with them two large cards, with their names clearly written thereon, one to be left with the Queen's Page in at tendance in the Presence-chamber, and the other to be deli vered to the Lord Chamberlain, who will announce the name to her Majesty. Those gentlemen who are to be presented, are hereby informed it is absolutely necessary that their names, with the name of the nobleman or gentleman who is to present them, should be sent to the Lord Chamberlain's-office, on the Tuesday previous to the levee on the 22d of February, and on the Mondays previous to the levees on the 28th of February and the 21st of March, on each day before twelve o'clock, in order that they may be submitted for the Queen's approbation; it being her Majesty's command that no pre sentation shall be made at the levees but in conformity with the above regulations. It is particularly requested that in every case the names be very distinctly written upon the cards to be delivered to the Lord Chamberlain, in order that there may be no difficulty in announcing them be the Queen. The State apartments will not be open for the reception of company coming to Court until half-past one o'clock. Notice is hereby given, that all persons having petitions or addresses to present to her Majesty at the levee are to write on two cards, with their names, a statement of the object of such petitions or addresses, and the names of the persons from whom they come ; one card to be delivered to the page in the ante room, and the other to the Lord Chamberlain, who will read its contents, at the time of presentation to her Majesty, and on these occasions no other statement is to be addressed to her Majesty. • A deputation to present an address is not to exceed four persons. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S•OFFICE, FEB. 7. . . . . Noticu is hereby given, that her Majesty will hold a Drawing-room, at St. James's Palace, on Thursday, the 29th of March next, at two o ' clock. REGULATIONS TO BE OBSERVED AT THE QUEEN'S DRAWING-ROODI. The ladies who propose to attend her Majesty's Drawing room are requested to bring with them two large cards, with their names legibly written thereon, one to be left with the Queen's Page in attendance in the Presence-chamber, and the other to be delivered to the Lord Chamberlain, who will an nounce the name to her Majesty. And those ladies who are to be presented are hereby in formed, that it is absolutely necessary that their names, to gether with the names of the ladies who are to present them, should be sent in to the Lord Chamberlain's -office on Mon day, the 26th of March, b e fore twelve o'clock , in order that they may be submitted for the Queen's approbation ; it being her Majesty's command, that no presentation shall take place unless the name of the lady presenting, together with that of the lady to be presented, shall app e . ar on the card to be delivered to the Lord Chamberlain, which name shall corre spond with those previously sent in to the Lord Chamberlain's office. It is particularly requested, that in every case written cards only be delivered. 13LJOKINGIIAM PALACE, JAN. 31. The Queen was this day pleased to confer the honour WAR-OFFICE, FEB. 9 3d Light Dragoons—Cornet James Macqueen to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Rathwell, deceased, Oct. 31,1848; Ensign Augustus Barton White, from the 10th Foot, to be Cornet, vice Macqueen, Feb. 9. 7th Light Dragoons—David Philip Brown, Gent. (Ridingmaster), to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Harbord, promoted, Feb. 9. 12th Light Dragoons—George Charles Selwyn Du rant, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Arden, pro moted, Feb. 9. _ _ _ 14th Light Dragoons—Major Henry Edward Do herty to be Lieutenant-Colonel, without purchase, vice Havelock, killed in action; Captain William Clarke to be Major, vice Doherty, Nov. 3, 1848. To be Captains without purchase—Lieutenant James Chambre, ♦ice Clarke, promoted; Lieutenant John Au gustus Todd, vice Fitz Gerald, died of his wounds, Nov. 27, 1848. To be Lieutenants—Coyne t William Dundas Boyd, vice Chambre; Cornet Honourable Richard Walter Chetwynd, vice Todd, Nov. 27, 1848. To be Cornet—Regimental Sergeant Major John Holliday, vice Chetwynd, Nov. 27, 1848. 4th Regiment of Fout—Hadder Ro'Jerts, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, Feb. 9. Bth Foot—Lieutenant Richard Wilson Hartley to be Captain, without purchase, vice Brown, deceased; En sign William Waldegrave Pogson to be Lieutenant, vice Hartley; Herbert Vernon Lillicrap, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Pogson, Feb. 9. 10th Foot—Ensign Richard MacCulloch Peard, from the 73d Foot, to be Ensign, vice White, appointed to the 3d Light Dragoons, Feb. 9. 12th Foot—Lieutenant Thomas Dundas to be Adju tant, vice Crofton, who resigns the_ Adjutantcy only, Feb. 9. 18th Foot—Ensign Robert Halahan to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Burrell, deceased. Jan. 1; Thomas Hardwick Smith, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Balaban, Feb. 9. _ _ . _ _ . 21st Foot—Captain John Ramsay Stuart to be Major, by purchase, vice Sutherland, who retires ; Lieutenant Thomas William Prevost to be Captain, by purchase, vice Stuart; Second Lieutenant Charles Beevor Daveney to be First Lieutenant by purchase, rice Prevost; the Hon. William George Boyle to be Second Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Daveney, Feb. 9. 25th Foot—Ensign William Trail Arnold to be Lieu tenant, without purchase, vice Johnston, deceased, Nov. 2, 1848. _ _ . 26th Foot—Ensign Augustus Frederick Thistle thwayte, from the 85th Foot, to be Ensign, vice Young, who exchanges, Feb. 9. 30th Foot—Frederic Alfred Carrington, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Anderson who retires, 9. 72d Foot—William Henry Urquhart, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Smith, promoted in 68th Foot. Feb. 9, 73d Foot—John Cox Gawler, Gent., to be Ensign, without purchase, vice Peard, appointed to the 10th Foot, Feb. 9. 74th Foot—Captain Edward Francis French, from half-pay Unattached, to be Captain, vice Brevet Major Charles Hugh Lyle Tinling, who exchanges, receiving the difference ; Lieutenant Denis Godley to be Captain, by purchase, vice French, who retires; En sign Charles Thomas Lindow to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Godley ; William Henry Addison Gent., to be Ensign by purchase, vice Lindon, Feb. 9. 76th Foot—Ensign John Dunlop to be Quartermaster, vice John William Preston, who retires upon half-pay ; George Reynell Gresson, Gent., to be Ensign by pur chase, vice Dunlop, appointed Quartermaster, Feb. 9. 85th Foot—Ensign James Brown Young, from the 26th Foot, to be Ensign, vice Thistlethwayte, who ex changes, Feb. 9. 88th Foot—Lieutenant William Belfield, from the 17th Foot, to be Paymaster, vice David Cahill, who retires upon halt-pay ; Henry Thompson, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Daunt, appointed to the 9th Foot, Feb. 9. 2d West India Regiffient—Ensign George Ellis to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Wedderburn, de ceased, Oct. 29, 1848; Lloyd Richter Creak Drouet, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Ellis, Feb. 9. Royal Canadian Rifle Regiment—Major Robert Muter to be Lieutenant-Colonel, by purchase, vice New ton, who retires; Captain Patrick Leonard M•Dougall to be Major, by purchase, vice Muter ; Lieutenant George Deare to be Captain, by purchase, vice M•Dou gall; Ensign Robert Berney Ficklin to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Deare; Alfred John Lane, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Ficklin, Feb. 9. BREVET.—Captain Edward Francis French, of the 74th Foot, to be Major in the Army, Jan. 10, 1837. ERRATUM in the Gazette of the 15th December, 1848. Royal Monmouth Militia—Richard Arthur Laurence, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Benjamin Hogsfiesh, re signed, and not vice J. Steuart M'Gregor, whose com mission remains uncancelled. Commission signed by the Lord-Lieutenant of Glouces- tershire. The Royal Gloucestershire Regiment of Hussar Yeo manry—Edward Colston, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Austin, who retires, Feb. 6. WHITEHALL, JAN. 25. The Lord Chamberlain has appointed John Banfield, of St. Mary's, Scilly, in the county of Cornwall, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. WHITEHALL, JAN. 27. The Lord Chancellor has appointed Joseph Wright, of Doncaster, in the county of York, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. WHITEHALL, FEB. 3. The Lord Chancellor has appointed William Roby, of Liverpool, in the county of Lancaster, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. BANKRUPTS. James Burnham, silk mercer, Edgware•road, to sur render Feb. 22, at half-past one, and March 29, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official as signee, Basinghall•street; Surr and Gribble, Lombard street. _ -- Joseph Robert Nicholls, tavern keeper, Oxford-street, Feb. 16, at half-past one, and March 29, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basinghall- street; Marten, Thomas, and Hol lams, Mincing-lane. John Hale, jut., baker, Woodnewton, Northampton shire, Feb. 22, at two, and March 29, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Bir chin-lane ; Taylor and Collisson, Great James-street, Bedford-row; Atter, Stamford. William Johnson, farmer, West Drayton, Middlesex, Feb. 16, and March 23, at one, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Stansfeld, official assignee; Paterson, Bouverie street, Fleet-street; Wools, Uxbridge. James Thomson, draper, King -street, Camden-town, Feb. 16, at one, and March 23, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stansfeld, official assignee; Lawrence and Flews, Old Jewry-chambers. George Davison, leather seller, Princes-stn et, Beth nal-green, Feb. 23 and March 31, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Follett, official assignee ; Sambrook court, Basingball- street; Lloyd, Milk-sti William Minton, linendraper, Liverpool, Feb. 23, at eleven, and March 31, at twelve, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Green, official assignee, Guildhall-chambers; Jones, Size-lane. John Wright, builder, Hoxton, Feb. 21, at twelve, and March 15, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall-street; Orchard, Basinghall-street. John Arnold, linendraper, Oxford-street, Feb. 3, at half-past two and March 23, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Frederick's•' place, Old Jewry; Christmas, Raymond-buildings, Gray's•inn. Joseph Johnson, jun., farmer, Feb. 27, at half-past two, and March, 27, at twelve, at the Cou sbo r u t oeio o ldt f sain l tg a eis n ileu k ;v r iee u n p ,a tc pa y dt . Groom, official assignee, Abchurch-lane ; 0_ Gamlen, Gray's Inn-square ; Riches and Woodbridge, Uxbridge. Commercial-road Josep hS March 22, at eleven, at the tubbitEiga,st,draper, Nohrathiru_pmabsetrodiv-ep,laacned, Bell, official Mar - don and Prichard, Newgate street. Naphtali Wakelin Hill, painter, official assignee, Coleman street Ming- Groom, official assignee, the Court of Bankruptcy. Smith and Curteis, Lombard -street; Ahchurch-lane, donshire, Feb. 16, at two, and March - t . Golden-square. Vett draper, Holborn-hill, Feb. Samuel Savage Woo , nr-,X March 27, at eleven, at the Court of 27, at two , and official assignee, Old Jewry ; Ed " ' B • h 11 elc and Davidson, asing a - street. Hardwick Easthope, upholsterer, Wolverhampton, Feb. Bankruytcy. 17, and March 17, at twelve, at the Birmingham Dis trict Court. Christie, official assignee, Birmingham; Stuart, Wolverhampton; Smith, Birmingham. Alexander Mitchell, draper, Cardiff, Feb. 20, and March 22, at twelve, at the Bristol District Court. Hutton, official assignee, Bristol; Philpotts, Cardiff. Edward Gilmour Self', ironmonger, Dorchester, Feb, 15, and March 14, at eleven, at the Exeter District Court. Ilernaman, official assignee, Exeter ; Manfield and Andrews, Dorchester; Stugdon, Exeter; Rhodes and Lane, Chancery -lane. William Fleming, innkeeper, Leeds, March 2, and March 30, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Young, official assignee, Leeds; Shackleton, solicitor, Leeds. Francis O'Neill, corn merchant, Liverpool, Feb. 21, and March 14, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Cazenove, official assignee, Liverpool; Chester and Co., Staple's Inn; Hime, Liverpool. John Daniel Verly, watch maker, Liverpool, Feb. 20, and March 13, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Bird, official assignee, Liverpool; Maples and Co., London; Green, Liverpool. Ann Vernon, shopkeeper, Ashton, Lancashire, Feb. 20, and March 13, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Bird, official assignee, Liverpool; Gregory and Co., Bedford-row, London; Pigot, Wigan. Robert Owen, tailor, Manchester, Feb. 19, and March 14, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Pott, official assignee, Manchester; Gregory and Co., Bedford row, London; Makinson. Manchester. DIVIDENDS. At the Court, Basinghall-street. T. C. Knight, Fort-street, Spital-square, undertaker, March 2, at twelve—S. Durant, Deptford, draper, March 2, at eleven. In the Country. T. Turner, Sheffield, grocer, March 3, at eleven, at the Council-hall. Sheffield—M. S. Synnot, Liverpool, merchant, March 2, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool. PAYMENT OF DIVIDENDS. - S. Newton, Burnley, Lancashire, porter dealer, Is. 9id., on any Tuesday, betweeu the hours of eleven and one, at the office of Mr. Pott, Manchester. J. Stein, T. Smith, R. Stein, J. Stein, and R. Smith, Fen church -street and Scotland, merchants, lid., Saturday, Feb. 10, and three subsequent Saturdays, between the 11OUTS of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch-lane. C. Green, Beckford-row, Walworth, corn and coal merchant, 2s. Pd., Saturday, Feb. 10, and three subsequent Satulays, between the hours of eleven and two, :At the office of Air. Groom, Abchureii- lane. J. M. Lee, Hungerford-street, Strand, and Corohill, director of General Maritime Assurance Company. 3s. 3d., Saturday, Feb. 10, and three subsequent Saturdays, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch-lane. W. Morgan, sen., St. Swithin's-lane, merchant, 3s. 4d., Saturday, Feb. 10, and three subsequent Saturdays, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of ➢lr. Groom, Ab church-lane. W. Butt, jun., Herne-bay, schoolmaster, 9s. 2d., Saturday, Feb. 10, and three subsequent Saturdays, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Groom, Abchurch-lane. J. Wilkinson, Stockton-upon-Tees, wharfinger, second di vidend of 3d. (being in part of former dividends of 2s. 3d., previously declared), on any Saturday, between the hours of ten and three, at the office of Mr. Baker, Newcastle-upon- Tyne. E. Thompson, Kingston-upon-Hull, hosier, 2s. 4d., Tues day, Feb. 13, or any subsequent Monday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Hope, Leeds. H. and F. Glover, Leeds, dyers, ls. lid., on any Tuesday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mx. Hope, Leeds. G. Alleson, jun.. Leeds, dyer, 9s. id., on any Tuesday, be.. tween the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Hope, Leeds. Beilby, Leeds, flax and tow spinner, 38. 3d., on any Tuesday, betwee❑ the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Hope, Leeds. R. Machell, Liverpool, merchant, 41d., on any Monday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. J. llenderson, Parkgate, Cheshire, major in the army, 4s. on any Monday, between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. D. Hardie, Liverpool, merchant, 1-16th of a penny, on any Monday. between the hours of eleven and two, at the office of Mr. Bird, Liverpool. NOTICES OF CERTIFICATES. At the Court, Basinghall-street. T. Sneezum, Rupert-street, Coventry-street, builder, March 5, at twelve—J. Teall, Bampton, Oxfordshire, March 2, at eleven—H. Darken, Norwich, builder, March 1, at twelve-- C. J. J. Turner and W. Atherton, Bucklersbury and Old Jewry, City, auctioneer, March 3, at one—A. Smith, Mary lebone.street, Regent-street, wire-rope manufacturer, March 5, at twelve—F. Keates, Waterloo-road, Lambeth, Surrey, and Worthing, Sussex, chinaman, March 5, at half-past twelve—E. Millward, Cambridge, coach-builder, March 5, at one. In the Country. J. W. Ambrose, Bangor, Carnarvonshire, stationer, Match 6, at eleven, at the Court, Liverpool—J. Wildey, Shenton, Nottinghamshire, appraiser, March 16, at eleven, at the Court, Nottingham. . _ _ At the Court of Review, March 2. W. P. Watkins, Long Ashton, Somersetshire, cider mer chant—M. R. C. Wightman, Pancras-lane, City, linen fac tor--V. S. Godfrey, Duddington, Northamptonshire, miller J. Dows, Newbury, Berkshire. corn dealer—J. F. Cartner, Oakhill, Soinersetshire, surgeon—T. Spiring, Bristol, grocer R. Porker, Ludgate-hill, City, woollen draper—W. Day, Li verpool, draper—W. Gylby, East Retford, Nottinghamshire, apothecary—G. Marsh, Hammers pith, and Carnaby-street, Golden-square, draper—R. W. Alldridge, Maidstone, Sent, shipping grocer—W. B. Hills, Maidstone, Kent, shipping grocer. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. J. E. Norton and J. Ferris, Savage-gardens, Tower-hill, wine merchants—J. Constantine, H. Riley, and J. Ibbotson, Newehurch, Lancashire, stonemasons—F. Bull, Cordelia Ann Bull, and Ellen Nile, Plymouth, milliners—J. Hood and D. Hood, Henley Works, Lancashire, bleachers—G. Furness and B. Parks, Ash, Surrey, and Farnborough, Hampshire, railway contractors—S. Tearne and T. Beddoe, Birmingham, coal dealers —G. W. Harris and W. G. Brounger, civil engineers—W. Bateman and J. Bateman, Norwich and Paris, wool merchants J. Pinchbeck and H. P. Day, Camden-street, Islingtor, gas-meter makers—J. Pearce and W. Allaway, Lydbrook, Gloucestershire, tinplate-manufacturers—T. Fisher anti J. Fisher, Southampton, sawmakers—J. Scott and G. William son, Keswick, Cumberland, machine-makers—E. Mocatta and M. Mocatta, Liverpool, general and commission mer chants—G. !lull and A. Ravenseroft, Ramsey, Huntingdon shire, linen and woollen-drapers—F. J. Duckworth and F. F. Hilder, Brabant-court, Philpot-lane, Fsnchurch-street, wine merchants—lt R. Bristol and J. Bristol, Gresham-street, City, button and trimming-warehousemen—W. Hutchinson and P. Jackson, Boston, linendrapers—M. Poole and W. Carpmael, patent agents and solicitors—l. Goldsmid and D. Dias, St. James's-place, Aldgate, fruit-merchants—T. Mart land and W. Martland, Burscough, Lancashire, badgers—R. Wilson and A. Wilson, Islip, Northamptonshire, merchants —G. Cope, J. Cope, and T. Cope, Liverpool, merchants—L. Lawrenson, W. Nixon, and J. Robinson, Preston, Lancashire, wine-merchants—R. Sharpe and J. H. Gibson, Kingston upon-Hull, surgeons—R. Bliss and S. Mills, Darlaston, Staffordshire, ironmasters—J. Williams and R. Edwards, Selattvn, Shropshire, millers—J. Howell, H. Gillett, T. Stroud, C. Lee, and W. Sedgwick (so far as regards C. Lee), Regent-street, warehousemen—A. Little, I. Th ompson , Thompson, and M. Falcon, Workington, Cumberland, maltsters. INSOLVENT PETITIONERS. Benjamin Arthur Judd Sheen, Dover, currier. John Rolfe, Buckland, Kent, nightman. Alfred William Farrall, Cambridge. George Brown, Cambridge. William Tully, Brighton, baker. George Kirkham, Brighton, furniture broker. Henry Bourne, Kingsnorth, Kent, farmer, William Barker, Hutton-Sessay, Yorkshire, labourer. Thomas Elwood, upon, Yorkshire, butcher. James Robinson, Stafford, cooper. William Kimberley, Walsall-wood, Staffordshire, provision dealer. Robert Heath, Sevenoaks, Kent, coach maker. Meshach Sunkiss, Birchills, Staffordshire, miner. Joseph Hargreaves, Sabden, Lancashire, overlooker of cloth. Henry Burgess, Witney, Oxfordshire, tea dealer. Robert Paybodr, Kettering, Northamptonshire, baker. James Tarte, West Bromwich, Staffordshire, coal master. John Child, Bishopsbourne, Kent, farmer. Alexander Sanders, Newbury, Berkshire, watch maker. Sarah Hamblin, Speenhamland, Berkshire, boot and shoe maker. John Williams, Darlaston, Staffordshire, miner. H SCOTC SEQUESTRATIONS. _ _ _ J. Cook, Glasgow, dealer in shares, to meet within Whyte's Coffee-house, Glasgow, Feb. 14 and March 7, at one. T. Gray, Glasgow, manufacturer and commission mer chant, to meet within the Star Hotel, Glasgow, Feb. 16, and March 9, at twelve. W. Laing, junior, Glasgow, currier and leather merchant, to meet within the Royal Exchange sale-rooms, Glasgow, Feb. 15, and March 8, at twelve. A. Scott, Kilmarnock, fruiterer and confectioner, to meet within the Commercial Inn, Kilmarnock, Feb. 14, and March 7, at one. R. Speirs, Tradeston, Glasgow, grocer and wine and spirit merchant, to meet within the Black Bull Inn, Glasgow, Feb. 15, and March 8, at one. J. M'Queen, Loch, Gretna, Dumfriesshire, tacksman, to meet within Dalrymple's Golden. Bull Inu, D u mf r i es , Feb.ls, and March 15, at twelve. J. Robinson, Edinburgh, insurance broker and private hotel keeper, to meet within Dow e ll' s R ooms , Edi n b urg h, Feb. 15, and March 8, at two. J. M'Leod, junior, Lairg, Sutherland, merchant, to meet within Gunn's Inn, Dornoch, Feb. 14, and March 7, at two. W. Findlay, Edinburgh, wine and tea merchant, to meet withiu Ferguson's Ship Hotel, Edinburgh, Feb. 17, and March 17, at three. A. Morice, Aberdeen, ship owner and banker, to meet within the Zoyal Hotel, Aberdeen, Feb. 16, and March 9, at two. T. Leslie, Port Dunda , , Glasgow, stone merchant, to meet within the Black Bull Inn, Glasgow, Feb. 17, and ➢larch 10, at one. ADELAIDE GALLEar LATINO.—TiIis popular estab lishment, which cult tributes much to t h e a musement of the public by promoting the eleg tubet and healthful re cultivation of the sister art by the perform creation of dancing, as well performance by by the band of some of ali o c ns, e the finest musical compo st of APS tinaun 7 nightly Terpsichore,t o b crowded with the v otaries i sch fi gu re of the mazy d ance, who, in accomplishing s to the enlivening stra ins o f Laurent 's corps m us i ca l e spirit. Mr. James Ellis, the lessee of the Ga ller y display a nev Or-flagging ( an d also proprietor of Crernorne Gardens), h a s lately con cluded a n engagement with M . Denault, the ce l e brated cornet-a-pi s t ons player, from Paris, who is announced each evening o f t h e ensuing perform with that unrivalled m us i c i an, M. Arban, w eek to the famous duet from Norma. A new " Polka des T l ro has been c omposed expressly for these players, and their brilli an t execution of the same is night l y ap pl au d e d . S ix masters of the ceremonies en grande Jenne, direct th e r h ythmical movements of the devotees to th e li ve l y goddess, and the greatest order and pz regularity is enforced by the lessee, and willingly ob served by the visitors. CHEAIORNE GARDENS.—The "note of preparation" is already sounding at these delightful pleasure-grounds, the favoured resort of the public, which this year will be opened at an early period of the season, under the direc tion of Mr. James Ellis, sole lessee. On the Thames in front of the gardens will be presented a grand aquatic spectt:cle, entitled " Crossing the Line," in theillustration of which ceremony Neptune and his tributaries will take a prominent part. In addition to the usual attractions of Cretnorne, several continental novelties of an amusing and varied character will be introduced. Mr. Ellis, we hear, has secured the services of his former staff; who, last season, were unceasing in their efforts in promoting the festivities and enhancing the comfort of the visitors. by their unremitting attentions. [ADVERTISEMENT.] A Remarkable Dropsy by Holloway' s Pill s . James Thomas, dis charged soldier wh o h a d b een many years i n Ind e is o:. w here his e's constitution was much im p a i re d, atten d e d St. G Hos pital some , ime s i nce , b r i ng i n very bad hea lth, besides being dropsical ; after severa l wee k s th e poor lebo n to despair w beg i n an old tire of as he got worse i ns t ea d o f b e t ter . One day he happened to him some money meet his old co mman di ng o ffi ce r, who gave and recommend e d hi m t o t r y Holloway's - Pills , which advice he • followed, and in about two mouths ev ery symptom of d ropsy ro f the virtues of this purifying another extraordinary pryer andat Pr o fe ssor Druggists , medicine. Sold by all had left him, besides being restored to virtues health. This is Establishment, 244, Strand, Lond on. ;, anti vould ME