The Sun. — London, England, 1842-08-03 00:00:00

t Cbtrb ;Raton SUN-OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manchester Guardian of this day.) MANCHBSTER. The market yesterday exhibited every appearance of steady and continued improve ment. - Yarn of all descriptions, and more especially of the numbers and qualities suitable for Russia and the East Indies, was in good demand ; and for the sorts most in request an advance of id. to -Id. was pretty generally obtained. There was also a very fair inquiry for goods of all descriptions ; and an ad vance of about I id. per piece was obtained on print ing cloths. On the whole, perhaps, the improvement, both in demand and prices, was more striking than on either of the two preceding Tuesday's markets ; and it was attended by a decided increase of firmness and confidence amongst the spinners and manufacturers. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET.—MONDAY, AUG. 1. We have had another dull market to-day, somewhat similar to those of the three previous weeks. The de mand for flannels has been very limited ; and the buy ers, who have attended the market, have purchased very sparingly at extremely low prices. The wool market has been heavy, and the manufacturers seem to pur chase for immediate use only. Though there is no change in the price of wool, yet the dealers are very eager to sell at the old prices. CRICKET MATCHES. KENT v. ENGLAND. The match of cricket playing at Canterbury—Kent and- All England—is likely to extend to at least four days play, the first innings of Kent and two wickets of England having occupied the whole of Monday and Tuesday. Kent, on resuming the play yesterday, lost Pilch without his having added to his previous day's score of 98. Mr. A. Mynn added 11 to his previous 16; Wenrnan did not score ; Dorrington made 15 ; Messrs, - Whittaker and W. Baker 3 each ; and Mr. E. Bayley 5, not out. Their whole score amounted to 278—the precise number once made by that celebrated player, Mr. Ward, from off his bat. England with the loss of Fenner and Box, had scored 121, when the game ceased last night with Barker and Guy at the wickets ; the former had fetched 53 runs, and the latter 36. Box had a score of 22 when caught by A. Mynn ; and Fenner -- *spored one whoa he lost his wicket by Hyllyer. The game, though still much in favour of Kent, is yet to be won by England, judging from the great score made 8t the price of two wickets only. The ground was on Monday well attended, and yes terday upivards of 2,500 persons were present. The following is the score up to its close last night:— EIXIVr-FIAST INNINGS. ( ENGLAND—FIRST I NNINGS . Adams, c. Hon. Ponsonby.. 12 Fenner, b. Hillyer Hillyer, s. 80x... 3 Box, c. A. Mynn .. ... 22 W. Alynn, Esq., c. Box. .. 21 Guy N. Felix, Esq., c. Box 74 Barker Pilch, c. Dean. c. Fenner 0 Good .... A. Mynn, Esq., c. Fenner 27 Butler Whittaker, Esq., c. Dean... 3 Hawkins Dorrington, b. Lillywhite.. 15 Lillywhite W. C. Baker, b. Lillywhite 3 Dean ............... Bayley, Esq., not out ....... sSewell Byes 9, wide b. 3, no b. 5, 17IByes 8, wide bals 8 2781 126 THE GENTLEMEN OF WINCHESTER AGAINST THE GEN- TLENEN OF ETON. This match commenced at Lord's on Saturday and closed yesterday. The score was as follows wixcumarca—FlßST INNINGS Second Innings. W. G. Tupper, b Young... 3 b Fellows ... .. Hon. C. B. Lyons, run out 22 run out ... 2l H. Ray, b Young 0 c Randolph F. Freeling, b Fellows G. Bright, run out 0. W. Holloway, b Carter 0 b Ainslie P. Williams, b Young ~.... 4 b Ainslie R. Wynne, not out ... ..... 14 b Fellows 4 J. Hughes, b Fellows ...... 0 not out 32 C. Ridding, b Fellows ...... 5 c Hon. Milks 7 W. J. Wickham, b Fellows 4 b Ainslie Byes 14, wide balls 3 ... 17 Byes 34, wide balls 5 39 ETON—FIRST INNINGS. SECOND INNINGS. Non. G. Milles, not out ... 8 c Freeling ... 19 Mr. Ainslie, bH. Ray 0 c Riddling 5 L. Bayley, bH. Ray ........ 5 Not out l4 J. Carter, c Wi11iam5........ 31 H. Fellows,bG.Tupper,Esq. 24 IL Garth, c Wickham, Esq. 3 J. Maroon, c Bright ...... . 37 Not out —, 9 H. B. Marriott, run 0ut..... A b Bright 8. Randolph, run 0ut........ 2 T. Townly, c Holloway 4 G. Youage, b Wynne.. 34 Byes 40, w b 23, nob 1 64 Eyes 5, wide balls 8 l3 COAL MARKEr. Ships arrived since r. -(THIS DAY.) last market.day, 20 _ .. d. s. d. Chester Main ... 16 3 Walls End Hetton 2O 6 Holywell Main ... New Tantield Moor l3 6 WalliEnd Morrison Old 'Fairfield l3 6 Walls End Stewart's rto 6 Sidney's Hartley l7 0 Wank End Cassop ••• 20 9 Townley... Tanfleld Moor lB 6 Walls End Heugh !,1411.... 20 3 West Hart1ey.......... 'Wylam Walls End Heaton l9 0 Walls End rlowburn ..... .... 17 0 Walls End Hotspur l7 0 Walls T .:..a Evenwood ...... 17 6 Wails End Killingworth Walis End Newmarch l7 0 P',, e ... Walls End Wharncliffe. IS ilDarnant Stone '4 0 W. E. Braddyll'sHstion ...:0 11 1 Howard s Ntthcrton Main 16 J Walls End liaswell ..., 20 31 SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM TAE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DIY. GLOB.a—The Times, whose conduct with regard to the bribery question has been regulated entirely with a. view to the election of Mr. Walter for Not , • thigham, puts forth some curious remarks this morn ing upon the Ipswich case, and insinuates a doubt whether the decision arrived at by the Committee can be. sustained as a precedent. There cannot be a doubt in the mind of any unprejudiced person that the facts set forth in the resolution, by which Lord Desart and Mr. Gladstone are declared to have been, " through their agents, guilty of bribery at the last election," are sufficient in law, as well as in reason, to have subjected them to the loss of their seats ; for though the instances of bribery were petty, and by no means numerous, the principle of ob taining a majority by corrupt influences was clearly acted on. The Y fories at Ipswich carried the election of their candidates by bribery ; and though the amount was inconsiderable, they have no right to take credit for a moderation which was only occasioned by the integrity of . the - Liberals, who refused to resort to illicit prac tices. Thus their Conservative antagonists were left to triumph at a small pecuniary cost, though at a total sacrifice of principle, of which the whole is abandoned when one iota is surrendered. • The amount of bribery really has no more to do with the gravity of the offence, than the smallness of the sum found in the pockets of a traveller can extenuate the guilt of a highwayman who empties them. hi the latter case the culprit takes all lie can get, as in the Ipswich affair the offending, parties gave all that was requisite for effecting their ob ject. The election was carried by corruption, and while the law declares that the bribery of voters shall disqualify those who have practised it from retain ing their seats, .it would be dangerous indeed to allow that the offence might be committed with impunity within certain —or, what is worse, un certain—limits. If this were permitted, the purity of one party would always ensure the easy triumph of the other ; for, if the former should abstain on principle from the smallest violation of the freedom of election, it would only be necessary for the other side to make easy terms with the corrupt voters, of whom there will always be in every place a certain number. As there would be no competition, they might be forced to take such a price as would keep the whole amount within the limits to which — according to the Times—if bribery was 'confined, it ouht to be considered venial. STANDARD.—In the House of Lords, last night, Lord Brougham, in a • long and highly ani _ mated speech, moved a resolution, calling upon the Queen's Government to take into consideration . the • •:•present state of the trade in slaves, with a view to its ..complete suppression. We tell Lord Brouilham that as • 'to as he and others maintain the sacred inviolability of th e pretended rights of "capital" [the soft name for:the money power tyrant] at home, capital will claim to exercise the same rights abroad, and, what is worse, will make the claim with success. You cannot engage the people to arrest capital in the prosecution of an African slave trade, while they see capital indulged as kisin a white slave trade in Manchester. You may rail as eloquently even as Lord Brougham at the cruelty of tearing negroes from the Gold Coast to labour in Cuba or Brazil, but you will command no public sympathy while you u support a New P oor •l aw th a t drives the rustic infants of Devon and Somerset to perish in the mills of Lancashire and Yorkshire; the physical change is equally great, and . of the two cases the moral cliang: is altogether more favour able in the black slave trade. You make' both blacks and whites wretched, but at least you d 6 not deprave the former, while you too certainly cor rupt the whites. In one word, then, if you NVOilki engage the people so earnestly and so uni• versally as is necessary to suppress • a foreign slave trade, you must rid the country of that false hard-hearted philosophy which severs moral and religious feeling from leg,islation and state policy —you must teach wealth to obey the laws, instead of ,Placing wealth above them. Let each man s property, be it much or little, be secure ; but then, let the rich be taught that they must not em ploy their wealth to the destruction of that com munity which protects them—be taught, in short, that society does not exist to make the rich richer, and the poor consequently poorer, but to equalise, .and in equalising to improve, the condition of all, as . far as is possible consistently with justice, that is, With securing to each the fruit of his own or his an- N ina ; 3.S s' labour. Before we can venture this outrage - ^ • t. r .f.l t iem..,the majesty of capital we have a great deal to un • ...:?, . - !- . i?,lofrin-,••-niany book t s 'beniabnuyrnsrdechbes, some Acts of Par- A; -4 , T •: ,..„ . :;. ,. , , 1ia 1 - fi .g, m ti.st L ( I ;c1 Brougham. utth-holocaust;-we (_.,'- ..." i . i .... :4 . =-- ;... r : i. •,assure 0 . must precede any -1 , :.; , .4. 0 ~ .. • . 44 i....-, ' A kfrif i t ..%:.,:?‘ -.1 7 .- 1.., - 1:::•:<,, , ,, 44 4. , 1 . ..." . ~. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY wine. Voters also were abducted and cooped up at Brighton . (1353 - .) " BULLLYING " AT LEWES.—As soon as a con tested election makes its appearance, it is the custom at Lewes, for certain individuals to come to demand what they tall being put on : that is, they are to do something or nothing, and sometimes as " bullies " to track some unwise, foolish voter, who is early led away; the number of these is 70 or 80 on each side. Some voters were much tormented by these bullies ; they were not permitted to walk about the streets without being tracked and hunted, and their toes trodden on, and other annoyances, and to entice them into public houses, and make them drunk. TEA AND SUGAR PRESENTS.—OD the coming down of the writ for an election to Lewes, it is usual for the parties to present a gift, in the name of a lady, of one pound of tea, to all the wives of the electors who choose to accept it, and add some sugar to sweeten it. This costs either party about 1301. each.—(lso6.) PENRYN AND FALMOUTH. STATED PRICES.-Mr. James Coppock, in giving evidence respecting the elections in this borough, stated that the bribery was done quite openly, and that there were no contrivances for concealment; the price being as well known among the electors as any circumstance of the day. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'Clock. Mr. F. SCOTT presented a petition from the Presbyterian schoolmasters of Kelso, praying for an increase of salary and better accommodation in their houses. which notices of motion had, precedence of orders, he thought it was unfair to bring forward a proposition of that sort without due notice. There were several notices on the paper, and if the Government got the business done at twelve, it was pretty certain there would be no House at four. He himself had several notices on the paper, and if he were prevented bring ing them forward to-morrow, he would bring them on when the orders of the day should be proposed, so that the Government would find the business ob structed. Sir R. PEEL said, that fearing business might prevent him from coming down to the House, he had requested his Hon. Friend (Sir G. Clerk) to make the proposition alluded to by the Hon. Member, and he understood that his Hon. Friend had stated that he woud not make the proposal unless he thought it would meet with the general concurrence of the House ; and he also understood that his Hon. Friend had communicated with several Hon. Gentlemen op posite on the subject. Mr. DIVETT had distinctly understood the Hon. Gentleman to state that he would not press his pro position if there were any objection to it. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said there was a great difference between the Right Honourable Baronet himself bringing forward such a proposi tion at the time of public business when the House was full, and his sending down the Secre tary to the Treasury at a quarter after four o'clock to make it, while there were not twenty Members in the House. When he (Mr. T. Duncombe) entered the House at half after four o'clock there were only two Members sitting on the Opposition side of the House, and that he was told that the proposition had been made. It was taking an unfair advantage to bring forward such a proposition at such an hour. Would the Right Hon. Baronet guarantee that there should be a House at four o'clock. If he would not such conduct was most unfair. _ . Mr. BROTHERTON could see nothing unfair in the proposition of the Government. Sir R. PEEL said, at that period of the session it had been customary for the House to sit at twelve on motion days, towards the close of the session. He could not of course guarantee that there should be a House at four o'clock, but he would promise to be in his place himself. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE—The Right Hon. Baronet can' always guarantee a House if he likes. Sir C. DOUGLAS felt some difficulty in post poning his Bill until he had heard the opinion of the Secretary of State for the Home Department. Sir J. GRAHAM had been anxious that the Bill should be postponed, because he had hoped that the matter might have been settled out of doors. The principal difficulty had been with respect to Man chester and Birmingham, but at present the difficulty had been in a great degree obviated ; and as far as Birmingham was concerned there was no difficulty at all, there being a general disposition to obey the Charter. He should be inclined to say that the ques tion of compensation ought not to be decidqd in this House, but be left to the decision of other authorities and tribunals. On the whole he was prepared to sup port the arrangement that had been made, in order to give every validity to the Charters. Mr. M. PHILLIPS said the Bill would require to be so totally altered to suit the views of the Right Hon. Baronet that they might as well frame a new one. He thought that any Government would be entitled to the thanks of the community who should close the breaches that had been created by the local disputes. He would suggest that they should bring in a general measure, embodying the views they had expressed. After some conversation, in which Mr. Aglionby, Sir Robert Peel, and Mr. Williams took part, Sir JAMES URAHAM said that he would bring in a Bill to give compensation to the Coroners who held office under the Municipal Charters of Manches ter, Birmingham, and Bolton. Sir C. DOUGLAS said that upon that understand ing he would move the postponement of the Order of the Day for the Committee on the Bill till to-morrow. The motion was then put and agreed to. The further consideration of the report on the Bankruptcy Law Amendment Bill was postponed till Friday. MINES AND COLLIERIES' BILL. BILL. The consideration of the Lords' Amendments on the Mines and Collieries' Bill was postponed till to morrow. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that he could see no reason to justify the proposal of the Government, that the House should meet at twelve o'clock. It ap peared to him that the only motive for such a motion was a desire to get rid of the House early in the even ing. He hoped that the proposal would not be perse vered in. Sir R. PEEL said that he should not press the motion if it were objected to; but he should move the meeting of the House at twelve o'clock on Friday. Mr. HAWES suggested that they should meet at twelve o'clock on Friday, and that they should take unoposed motions at twelve o'clock to-morrow. Mr. V. SMITH asked whether, if the House met at twelve o'clock on Friday, they should adjourn at four. Sir R. PEEL thought he did not propose that they should adjourn at four. The Right Hon. Baronet then gave notice that he would, on to-morrow, move that the House should meet at twelve o'clock on Friday. EVENING, AUGUST 3, 1842. rality, nor for their regard for ineum et teem ; but he was happy to think that a great change had, of late years, taken place in this respect, and that persons and pro perty were both much safer there than they had been formerly ; a change, he had no doubt, which the pastoral vigilance of his Grace and his clergy had had no slight share in promoting. The Archbishop said that he and his clergy had exerted themselves to the utmost to raise the standard of morals in New South Wales, and he was pleased to think that the Rev. Doctor had received information of the marked change which had been wrought in the colony. Dr. Shepherd re joined that he had not, as the Archbishop had supposed, any information to that effect ; he had the proof from his Grace's own hand, the brilliant ring ou whose finger satisfied him that, had there not been a remarkable change in the habits of the people of Botany Bay, he could scarcely have succeeded in bringing away with him so valuable an article. Dr. Polding and his Rev. Brethren were, we need scarcely say, convulsed with laughter at the Rev. Doctor's wit and humour.—Liverpool Albion. The,'New Bedford Bulletin says, during the em bargo of 1809 there were lying at the wharfs in that town,_ decaying, 57 ships, 23 brigs, 28 schooners, and a gun boat. These we count pretty hard times, but those were decidedly harder, if any comfort is to be derived from that. A RECEIPT IN PART.—In the last Milton, N. C. Chronicle, Edward A. Callaham gives the following sin gular notice. Callaham must be an honest fellow : " June 21st, 1842.—Received from the Sheriff of Person county, N. C., 30 lashes, in part of a debt due me from the Commonwealth, for bigamy, to be paid in two other annual instalments. HUGE WHEAT.—We have just seen several stalks of wheat, grown in a field belonging to Mr. Donald Stewart, merchant, Dingwall, which, including the root, reached the height of six feet six inches. The ears are full and large, and a very large portion of the field is nearly cf the same dimensions. Six of these stalks, two of which are of the height stated, proceed from one root, or grain, and they contain 200 pickles.—Ross Advertiser. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Aug. 2. STAMP DUTIES ASSIMILATION (IRELAND) The Stamp Duties Assimilation (Ireland) Bill went through Committee, and the Report was agreed to ; third reading on Thursday. Lord LONDONDERRY presented a petition from the Rev. R. Sulez, late English chaplain at Lisbon, com plaining of having been improperly removed from his situation, to which he had been appointed in 1819. BOLTON POLICE BILL. The Bolton Police Bill went through Committee. SL AVE- TRADE. Lord BROUGHAM then rose to submit the proposi tion on the subject of slavery, of which he had given notice. He said halt' a century had now elapsed since Parliament, acting, not for this country alone, but for the world, had held up to the indignation of mankind that execrable traffic which for three hundred years had been the scourge of Africa and the disgrace of Christian Europe. To that righteous act Parliament was coun selled lay all the genius of the age, unstained by the virtue, and animated by the pious zeal" of the time. To that period succeeded a length of time, for which Par liament alone was to blame. Though denounced, the enormity was protected ; and after being universally condemned, it continued to flourish and to increase. But at length its sentence was recorded by Parliament, and the enormity was prohibited and declared illegal. It was determined that crime should not be called trade, but that those who were engaged in it should be punished, as criminals of a far more venial character had been punished. How was it, then, that at this moment, thirty years after that great consummation, he was again there to complain of the slave trade, and ask for new laws to put it down ? Laws, not against foreign nations, over whom they had little or no control, but subjects known to the Crown and the law ; and who failed in their duty both to the law and to the Crown. He would proceed to demonstrate that he was not bring ing vague unsubstantial accusations. He should show their Lordships that, by the aid of British speculation, by the accession of British agents, and by the employ ment of British capital, it was in a great part owing that the slave trade was still perpetrated in those foreign settlements. He would go at once to show what the proofs were as to whence the capital came to carry on this traffic. Their Lordships knew that in Cuba—he said they knew it, because it appeared, by the papers which had been returned to their House—it appeared in the correspondence of the Ministers of the Crown, end he, therefore, said they knew that in Cuba and Brazil— which were the great wrong-doers—the increase of the trade—he spoke of Cuba now—there was proof that between the years 1827 and 1831 the increase of trade had been fourfold, and that there had been a correspond ing increase in the importation of slaves. In those four years there were imported 32,000 slaves from Africa, besides 91,000, the annual average to fill up the blanks caused by the deaths exceeding the births, making in the four years 123,000 at the least, according to the official returns of the authorities in Cuba themselves, making a yearly average of 30,000. In Havannah in the last two years 142 vessels delivered their cargoes of human beings, and the returns gave for these two years 50,000 a year, and the price had increased from 601. to 801. a head. Thus it was seen that not less than four millions a year were expended in this traffic in Cuba alone, whereas the whole exports of Cuba amounted only to three millions annually. This showed that the capital for carrying on the slave trade with that island was not furnished by the island itself. If they went to the Brazils they would find the accounts the same. At Rio in the three years, ending 1839, 144 ships de livered 217,000 slaves, being no less than an average of 70,000 slaves yearly, at a cost of 801. per head, which is the price there. Five mil lions and a half sterling was, therefore, the yearly expense of slave importation into Brazil. It was need less to ask whether Cuba or Brazil could furnish these millions ; it was certain that they must have foreign as sistance, and looking round to the quarter from whence it must come, it was painful to be obliged to confess that from this country alone could it come. He should show their Lordships, by specific evidence, that there was no escape from that conviction. He would not rely upon the fact that it was impossible that those who en tered into speculations in those foreign settlements must know whence their supply of negroes • was derived. In the Senate at Rio it was declared that the law for preventing the importation had fallen into disuse, and a petition was presented from the Provincial Assembly of Bahia, and another Province, urging the Senate to repeal—not the law pre venting the slave trade, for the law had fallen into dis use—but to repeal that part of the law which gave free dom to the newly-it:sported slave. The ground on which they asked for the repeal was that the law occasioned unavoidable immorality, because it was impossible to ob serve it, and the citizens were compelled to violate it under the eyes of its administrators. Those Assemblies called upon the Senate to legalise piracy, and to give them full license to carry on the slave trade. It might be supposed that he was wrong in accusing English mer chants and capitalists of employing their wealth in this traffic ; but there was not only the general probability, from the enterprises in which they were engaged in those foreign settlements, but he had direct evidence of the fact. On the 14th July, 1838, the Commissioners wrote to Lord Palmerston—that is, the English Commissioner settled at Rio—that various undertakings which re quired the employment of slavers were concerted in this country, and were every day multiplying. But it was not upon any such vague statement as that that his case depended. He would refer to the case of a vessel under Russian colours, which was seized and brought into Sierra Leone, where it was released by the authorities, on the ground that there was no jurisdiction ; but he could show that there was jurisdiction. However, she was re leased, and being released she was sold; she was pur chased by a merchant in this city, who has been a natu ralized subject of this country for twenty years. Who was she purchased for ? A Spaniard, a notorious slave trader ; by whose capital he cared not.—(Hear.) She was then sent forth or her voyage of depredation ; she touched at Cadiz, and afterwards she was seized on the coast of Africa, with papers on board which made it certain that she was there, and there only, for the pur poses of the slave trade.—(Hear.) There she was seized and condemned, for aiding and abettiog that trade. At the time that she was seized her master was on board ; he stated that she had nothing to do with the slave trade, but that statement was not believed. Another brig, from Liverpool to Bahia, went out with a crew of English sailors. She professed she went out for the Brazils, but afterwards she was fitted out for any port. The crew considered their articles broken, as they had to come back to an European port. But nesy persons were taken on board, and those persons took the ship over to the slave coast ; the charterer being a notorious slave dealer, the consignee a notorious slave dealer, and the port the most notorious slave port on the coast. There she arrived with abundant evidence on board of what her cargo was, and she was convicted, as the other ship had been, for slave dealing. Much about the same time a gallant officer stopped a vessel on her voyage to Brazil. Whether she came from Africa or another port to Brazil did not appear clearly from the account; she might have been a coasting vessel. But it did appear that she was going with a cargo of between seventy and eighty , slaves, and was bound to a plantation belonging to an Englishman settled in Brazil. He would only mention one more case which came be fore the Privy Council, in which it appeared that the vessel which had been condemned had been past all doubt engaged in slave trading. And one very remark. able circumstance came out on that trial. It appeared that the person who fitted out the vessel, and who was as noted a slave trader as any of those to whom he had already referred, obtained a certificate from about 26 or 30 merchant houSes in Brazil, to the great probity and high honour of that individual—a man as well known to be a slave trader as it was known what his name was in Rio Janeiro ! Among those names it did so happen— and he grieved that it was so—that one-half of the num ber were mercantile firms of British subjects. Some of those firms were known to be engaged in the slave- trade ' • and of those who b a d s i gne d t h e certificate vouching for the honour of a man engaged in what the laws of the country denounced as piracy—of those engaged in traffic in Rio who gave him a character for probity and honour, three different firms had lost amongst them 12,0001. ster ling by the recent capture of vessels engaged in the slave trade. Their Lordships would now observe the language of commendation with which the Brazilian au thorities reciprocally eulogised our merchants in return fur their certificates. A journal known to be under the patronage of a celebrated Brazilian Minister, not now in office, had the following passage :—" We declare that we have a great respect for the English merchants in Rio, not only for their conduct in our internal concerns, but principally for the wayi n which they contri bute to the ransom' of captive blacks in Africa •, whether by ordering goods fit to be employed in this work of humanity ; whether, by lending effectual measure for the extinction of the slave trade. His Lordship will bring in a bill to preveht the investment of British capital in slave trading, but no bill can serve the purpose, because no bill can prevent the lending of money at high interest, if not directly to slave dealers, to those who will in turn lend it to slave dealers. He may put off the crime in form a step or two, but there is nothing save a moral feeling which can prevent the crime in substance; and that moral feeling cannot obtain in a country cursed by the prevalence of the new philosophy. ABSTRACT OF ELECTION PRO CEEDINGS, OR THE PRINCIPAL POINTS THEREON, SELECTED FROM THE EVI DENCE ADDUCED BEFORE THE COMPRO MISE COMMITTEE. Having perused the evidence in question, we have marked for selection all such items as in any way tend to develope the practices of this abominable system, and if out of so bulky an evidence the points that are able to be gleaned are not very numerous, they are at least curious and characteristic. HARWICH. PARTIES BRlBED.—According to the evidence of Mr. James Currie, Parliamentary Agent, one sum of 1001. was here distributed in bribes among persons occupying small houses, or what are called 101. voters, most of them small trades-people ; and many of those who in this place, which is very decayed, live by dredging for stone, which is used for Roman cement. —(Ev. 271-273.) From the evidence of the same party, it appeared from his notes that thirty-three persons were bribed, each of whom had large sums paid to him, many of them 501. and 1001., and some more.—(Ev. 297, 301-2.) Mr. Richard Mosse, Agent of Mr. Attwood, ad mitted that on going down to Harwich on the eve of the election, he found there were ten open to bribery (309), and that Mr. Attwood held out the elec tioneering hope to the inhabitants "to reduce the Church-rates," and, in similar electioneering fashion, to take shares in their railway to the extent of 10,000/.—(Ev. 309, 340-44.) NOTTINGHAM. SYSTEM OF BASKET-MONEY.--MOSt of the wit nesses gave evidence on this point; but as the clearest, perhaps, was Mr. Fladgate's, we shall quote his words. —(374.) The custom of basket-money in Notting ham is that of giving money previous to large bribes. For four or five weeks previous to any election, the people go round to the candidates, or their agents, to ask them for this "basket-money." They will go to some inn, or some house appointed for the purpose, where they will receive from 10s. to 20s. or 305., which they call by the above name, from the fact of its being given on the Saturday, on which day the market is held, and it is supposed that this money is spent in buying provisions for the week. Many hundreds, if not thousands, observed the witness, could have been proved to have received this retaining fee from agents, or parties supposed to be agents.—(374.) ABDUCTION or VOTERS.—Many of the voters, ac cording to the same witness, were made drunk, and taken in that state to different places in the neigh bourhood, and then to places far off : a party of 20 to Gravesend : about 300 were carried off in this way during the last election to different parts of the world : Gravesend was in the above case instanced, as a place so far distant from Nottingham that it particularly marks the system upon which some parties in Not tingham acted.—(374-5.) The estimate of the num ber of bribed for this borough was 2,000 out of a con stituency of 5,000.—(397.) Upwards of 150 con fessed their own bribing.—(4l6.) THE PRACTICE OF " THUMBING. " —This iS prac tised in the same borough. Thumbing is an opera tion performed by some of the manufacturers of the place, to induce the workmen to vote as they think proper ; its plain signification is " getting a man under your thumb."—(s7l.) A NIGHT'S BRIBERY.—From the evidence of the Earl of Lincoln it appeared that while the Tory party had full belief in a majority of 300 over night, there was a majority of 400 or 500 against them.—(s7l.) NATURE OF THE PARTIES BRIBED.—From the evidence of Sir G. Larpent he believed that the per sons bribed in that borough were in a very low situa tion in life, many of them the former old burgesses of the place, or freemen of the place, who had been in the practice of receiving a small sum, and that the excitement arising from the two contested elections for that borough, had raised the sum usually given, from being at first a sort of douceur, into the charac ter of bribery.—(736.) " RUNNERS " AND THEIR PAY.-4t the election in 1837, according to the statement of Mr. Thomas Wakefield, the agent, there was at that time consi derable distress, and numbers of men were employed upon Maperley Plains, partly by subscription and partly by the parish ; those men were canvassed, and were immediately taken into employ as runners and assistant canvassers, and they received on the Saturday three shillings a-day, or something of that kind. That being done by the one party, they immediately came to the others, of course, and said, " We are offered employment as runners, and unless we can be employed by you, we are so poor that we must take advantage of it," and that of course led to the same proceedings by the other party : then one man told another, and so the thing began to spread, till a great number on each side were taken into employ as runners.—(B6l.) THE 44 LAMBS " OF NOTTINGHAM.—Mr. Charles Parkes and other witnesses gave accounts of these attaches of elections. " Lambs" are men of abandoned character, who are employed to intimidate voters and to abduct them.—(s67). Thu were first em ployed (595) by Mr. Walter at hi first election, and during the last they were employed to join in several conspiracies to maltreat Sir John Cam Hobhouse, in particular, who by reference to passage 680 of the Report, stood in eminent danger of his life from these ruffians. PRACTICES OF THE " LAMBS."—In addition to the intimidation mentioned above, their occupations other wise consisted in the abduction of voters, many of them being cooped up in the neighbourhood ; some in the houses of the neighbouring gentry, and after wards the rioting and employment of " lambs" to go about the town, to fight and break the windows of the various political opponents.—(sBB). There were no " lambs" at the first election on the part of Sir G. Larpent. The employment of a vast number of men, organised as they now are, is a new practice at Not• tinham, commencing at the April election.—(s9o.) COMMONNESS OF BRlBERY.—Bribery, according to Mr. Thomas Wakefield (871-2-5) was so open, that every body said it was done, but when it came to be inquired into, it was not known ; people even con sidered that there was nothing wrong in it ; it seemed to be as much a matter of course as any thing else : the machinery by which it was done was this ;—a cer tain sum of money was sent to each ward, and that was again sent to some particular individual, and through his hands it passed to the voters. A BOROUGH "RISING IN PRICE."—The system of voters being bid over by the opposite party appears (evidence of Mr. Hannay, 9700-2) to have gradually grown up within these few last years at Nottingham. The party witness belonged to had tried to get the borough of Nottingham for many years past, but were generally unsuccessful. They tried the purity system, but that was very derogatory to the feelings of the constituency. After that they put forward as a candidate a gentleman very popular in the neigh bourhood, and a very humane and benevolent cha racter. That failed on account of funds, and there was no chance till they got Mr. Walter. Then the effective or money system was adopted, and from that time to this the borough has got " very dear," " very costly," and has risen " very much in price." COOPING" AT NOTTINGHAM.—Numbers of voters; or rather several parties, were " cooped," not in Not tingham, but in houses ten or twelve miles from Not tingham. Lord Rancliffe's was one with seventeen : and Lord Melbourne's gardens, at Melbourne, with more than twenty. Trugsby-brook was a third with twenty, Matlock was a fourth with twenty, and a farm-house at a place called Haugh was a fifth, with about the same number. In Lord Mel bourne's gardens, they were kept in the gardens during the day-time, for three or four days previous to the election, and they slept as they best might at the public-houses in the neighbourhood. They were driven to the gardens in the morning, and kept there all day, and made drunk, and so taken care of at n ight.—(376 -387.) LEWES. BRIBERY SOCIETIES.—in this borough there are two clubs, which appear to be very available at elec tion seasons. On one side was commenced a few years ago, " The Bundle of Sticks Society," which was a very formidable weapon in the hands of the Libe rals. The Tories determined to counteract it; their society was the " Constitutional Pruning Society," which arose in this way ;—the Hon. Mr. Fitzroy, in one of his speeches, alluded to the attacks which the Liberals were making on the bulwarks of the Constitution ; and he said that the difference between the Reformers and the other party was, that where they, would apply the axe, he would' apply the pruning-knife. This tickled their fancy, and they . formed a society under that name. PUTTING THE TOWN IN A STATE Oil' SIEGE.— One very expensive part of the Lewes election (evi dence - of the Hon. Henry Fitzroy, 1178-9) was putting the town in a state of Siege, which was forced to be done to prevent carrying off voters, It becomes very expensive the watching .such a town as that, with so many cross roads, to prevent one's voters being carried off; it is a most expensive. item in the election. BEER, TOBACCO, AND HOT SEPPERS.—Th e H on .. 11. Fitzroy (1183) asserted that he had confined all his .voters to beer and tobacco ; but unfortunately they (that is, the opposite party) begat' at the last election - a new system, that of allowing punch and. .-vvine:and ha.tupperg ; this forced. Mr. Fitzroy to do likewise, and give his parties punch, hot suppers, and THE WINE TRADE. Mr. MASTERMAN moved that the petition which he had presented on the 2d of August from the merchants and traders in the foreign wine trade be printed with the votes.—Ordered. The HON. MEMBER gave notice that he should, on Friday, bring the matter under the consideration 1 the House. Sir H. DOUGLAS presented a petition from Liverpool against the Bill for amending the law of bankruptcy, and praying that the discussion on the subject might be deferred till next session. An HON. MEMBER, on the Ministerial benches, pre sented a petition from the Grand Jury of King's county, praying that the medical charities of Ireland may not be placed in the hands of the Poor-law Com missioners. EXCHEQUER BILLS BILL. On the motion of Sir G. CLERK, the Exchequer Bills Bill was read a second time. CONSOLIDATED FUND BILL. This Bill was also read a second time. UNOPPOSED BILLS. Sir G. CLERK said that, in order to get through tha unopposed Bills, the Speaker had consented to take the Chair at twelve o'clock to-morrow. SLAVE TRADE TREATIES BILL. Mr. GREENE brought up the Report on the Slave Trade Treaties Bill ; also the Report on the Canada . Loan Bill, which Bill was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. SLAVERY (EAST INDIES) BILL. This Bill was read a third time, and passed. COUNTY COURTS BILL. Mr. HUTT presented a petition from Peter Staf ford Carey, John Locke, William Corrie, and Wil liam March Sowton, Esquires, Barristers-at-Law, the four Counsel of the ancient Court of the Marshalsea of the Queen's Household, and of the Court of her Majesty's Palace of Westminster, praying that the County Courts Bill may not pass into a law without compensation being granted to the petitioners, as they may be found to be entitled to. HEALTH OF TOWNS. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from Mr. Alexander Fairbrother, of Clifton, near Bristol, in favour of the Bill brought in by the Hon. Member (Mr. Mackinnon) with regard to the health of towns. REPRESENTATION OF DONCASTER. Mr. S. WORTLEY presented a petition from some of the inhabitants of Doncaster, stating that the petitioners had been informed that a petition had been presented to the House, praying for the privilege of returning Members to Parlia ment. The petitioncrs deprecated any such grant, and prayed the House not to constitute the borough a Parliamentary borough. Also a petition from the inhabitants of that part of St. Giles's which was termed the " Rookery, which was a locality comprised in a circumference of about 700 yards, con taining 339 houses, with 1,299 families, and a popula tion of 5,000. The petitioners stated that the condi tion of the district was injurious to the health and morals of the people. The petitioners prayed for an ex tensive system of drainage as in large towns. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE presented a petition against the Sugar duties ; also a petition from 29 Polish re fugees, complaining of being removed from the list of persons entitled to receive pensions granted by that House. CORONERS, &c. (WARWICK AND LAN CASTER) BILL. On the motion for the committal of this Bill, Lord STANLEY took the opportunity of request ing his Hon. Friend, the Member for Warwick, to postpone the Bill, in order to make way for the ad journed debate on the Newfoundland Bill. Sir CHARLES DOUGLAS was understood to assent to the postponement of the Bill ; his only anxiety was to have it passed this Session. Mr. LABOUCHERE had heard with some sur prise that a number of Bills had been passed at an unusual hour, when gentlemen were not present. It was generally understood that public business did not commence till half-past four, and a motion he un derstood had been already made this evening and car ried, for the House to meet to-morrow at twelve o'clock. He thought the mode of carrying that mo tion was highly irregular ; he had no objection to the House meeting to-morrow at twelve, but he must pro test against the mode in which the motion had been carried. Mr. O'CONNELL—Was it right, without hav ing given notice, to make that motion before the usual time for public business. They could begin with a House of twenty-five at twelve o'clock and go on till four. With regard to the Newfoundland Bill it was now the 3d of August, and a Bill for changing the constitution of one of the colonies had not yet got into Committee without any obstacle having been thrown in the way of the Committee. Mr. BROTHERTON said there was no objection to the Bills which had been passed before the usual hour of business. As regarded the House meeting at twelve o'clock, he must say he was very glad of it. Lord STANLEY was sorry that a motion had been made for the House meeting at twelve o'clock to-morrow, as it was the intention of his Right Hon. Friend the First Lord of the Treasury, to have come down at half-past four, and have formally made the motion, and stated his reasons for proposing it. As related to the Newfoundland Bill, he must say that he had postponed this Bill more than once at the request of the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite, who stated that he had received papers the night before, which he was anxious to lay be fore the House, and always added that he had no intention to interpose any unnecessary delay. The Bill was postponed for six weeks in compliance with the notice of which the Right Hon. Gentleman had given. It was then postponed a fortnight to suit his convenience, and now at this period of the Session, he wished to have it further postponed. He (Lord S.) felt it to be absolutely essential that the Bill should have the sanction of Parliament as soon as possible. He was bound to pass the Bill through, and he hoped the House would not allow any unnecessary delay to be interposed, as he was ready to go on with the dis cussion. —(Hear, hear.) He hoped, also, that the Hon. Member for Warwick would not add to the delay by pressing his Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL said that he had been misrepre sented b the Noble Lord. He had asked for no favor. When the Bill was postponed for six 'weeks he had only given a notice. The Bill was ordered to be printed in May, but it was not printed till June. The Business of the Government prevented the Bill from being proceeded with, and not he (Mr. O'Con nell). The Bill had been fixed for Monday, and he (Mr. O'Connell) requested to have it postponed till Tuesday, and that was the only favor ,he asked for. He should not give the Bill any factio us opposition. He would divide the House just as often as if the attendance of Members was more full, but not oftener. It would be his duty, however, to divide the House pretty frequently. Mr. AGLIONBY hoped that the Hon. Member for Warwick would not postpone his Bill. He thought the subject was one which required a general measure. Mr. M. PHILIPS said it was necessary they should know what were the views of the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) on this subject, as he (Mr. Philips) understood the Right Hon. Baronet intimated that he would give the Hon. Member for Warwick an opportunity to proceed with his Bill. He was quite ready to go on with the Bill himself. Sir JAMES GRAHAM wished before he answered the question of the Hon. Member for Manchester, to know if the Hon. Member for Warwick would accede to the request of his Noble Friend, and consent to the postponement of the discussion on the Bill. Sir CHARLES DOUGLAS had brought forward this Bill solely on the understanding that he was to have the support of the Government. He had only been induced to bring it forward as a matter of jus tice, and if it were postponed for this evening, he hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would see the neces sity of affording him an early opportunity of bring ing it forward, as it was of importance that it should pass this Session. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE understood that it had been proposed that the House should .meet to-morrow at twelve o'clock, in order to dispose of unopposed orders of the day. Now, as to-morrow was the only day on NEWFOUNDLAND BILL. The Order of the Day for resuming the adjourned debate on the Newfoundland Bill was then read. Mr. PAKINGTON said he wished to state to the House the reasons why he should give his unqualified support to the measure introduced by her Majesty's Government. The Honourable Member for Mont rose had stated on Saturday last that the Committee which sat last year upon this subject was a one sided Committee. Now, he thought there never was a Committee which was less liable to such a charge, for it embraced distinguished Members on both sides of the House—it embraced the Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies, the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home Department, the Noble Lord the Member for the City of London, the Hon. and Learned Member for Cork, and the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Devonport. It was no part of his intention, when he moved for that Committee, to afford scope for acrimonious feelings on the one hand, or recrimination on the other. lie moved for that Committee for the sole purpose of de monstrating that the time had arrived when some remedy was required for the grievances of the colony. The proceedings of that Committee were cut short by the sudden dissolution of the late parliament, and the evidence taken before the Committee had never been laid on the table of the House. He would now turn the attention of the House to the statement made by the Right lion. Gentleman relative to the conduct pursued towards the Roman Catholics in the colony ; and he regretted the language which the Right Honourable Gentleman' made use of. He (Mr. Parkingson) could confirm all that was said on that occasion by the Noble Lord, relative to the conduct pursued by the Roman Catholic priesthood who sought to turn the liberal institutions of that colony into means of securing power to them. He had in his hand a petition signed by 1,000 inhabitants of New foundland, complaining, in strong language, of the Roman Catholic priesthood, who coerced those who were not of their own opinions. He had also a petition from the Chamber of Com merce of Newfoundland, complaining in still stronger language of the interference of the Romish priesthood. If there wrs persection—and he did not deny that there was—in the colony of Newfoundland, it was practised by the Catholic priesthood themselves. He now turned to the real question before the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Dlember for Cork said, that the constitution gieen in 1832, to New foundland, hod worked well, and had conferred many blessings on the Colonists. But had not the legislature of Newfoundland been charged with three ofthe gravest crimes of which . a legislature could be charged? The Assembly had been charged with tyranny and op pression, with mismanagement of the public finances, and with interfering and tampering with the adminis tration of justice. Those charges could be sustained by the strongest evidence. In proof of the first charge he would allude to the celebrated privilege case, in which a private individ ua l h av i ng h a d a quarrel with a Member of the House of Assem bly, was arrested for breach of privilege, and having been released by writ of Habeas Corpus, the Assembly caused the Judge, and the Sheriff to be arrested, dragged through the streets as criminals, and com mitted for breach of privilege, and the Governor was obliged to prorogue the Assembly, in order to pro cure their release. With regard to the second charge, he would state that the Assembly had dimi nished the stipends of those opposed to them, and had increased the stipends of their supporters. and in proof of the charge of tampering with the ad ministration ofjustice he would state that a messenger of the House, who had been twice convicted of assaults, had been continued in his office, and that a doorkeeper of the House of Assembly, who was the brother-in-law of a Ca tholic priest, having committed an assault on a person named Leek, and Leek having applied to a Magistrate the House appointed a Committee, sum moned beck and the Magistrate before them, and suppressed all investigation. The Noble Lord the Member for London had done right hi suspend ing such an assembly, in accordance with the recommendation of the Governor of the Colony. (LEFT, SPEAKING.) AMUSING ANE-------CDOTE.---IVe have twice alluded to the recent meeting of the Roman Catholic clergy at Woolton, and haye stated that the Rev. Dr. Sheph er d had had the honour of dining with them. Among the clergymen present was the Rev. Dr. Folding, Arch bishop of Sydney, New South Wales, who wore on hi s finger a rich gold ring, in which was set a topaz. Dr. Shepherd, observing the brilliant, remarked, that Sydney alias 13 otany Bay, had had the reputation of being in habited by a population not remarkable for their mo. their money to the adventure, or whether, as is said, by running vessels destined for the coast." " Not only fir their conduct in our internal concerns'." That meant importing 70 or 80 slaves, and not only that, but grant ing certificates to slave traders. "But principally for the way in which they contribute to the ransom of the cap tive blacks in Africa, whether by ordering goods fit to be employed in this work of humanity !" Whether by muskets bought for 16d. a-piece, and known to burst the first time they were fired ; whether by shakles and manacles, or the goods purchased for carrying out this work of humanity, or whether by the purchase of slave vessels, they did not particularise. Such vessels for example, as that lately taken by Captain Denman, who, to the honour of his name, he (Lord Brougham) might confidently assert, if not the first amongst his gallant brethren, had equalled any of them in the war —interminable war—and be rejoiced to say, success ful war, which he had waged with these felons of the coast—he stopped one small vessel of 47 tons with 370 negroes on board. Eight to owe ton ! being five times more than our slave carrying bad permitted. It was not necessary—it was not useful, that lie should fall into any exaggeration on a motion of th 6 present kind. He defied the imagination of man to conceive a case worse than was conveyed in the bare statement of the fact he had mentioned of 370 unhappy wretches being crowded in a space not larger than a Thames barge. He did not mean to attribute all the horrors of the system to those parties whose capital was engaged in the trade of Brazils and who drove that trade ; but he could not acquit them of being accessory to it, of pro fiting by it, and that they must know it was a fact placed beyond all possibility . of doubt. He would take the case of the Mining Companies. Those Companies were chiefly carried on by British capital, and some of them had their seats in the city of London itself. He understood that at a meeting of one of those Companies it had been dis tinctly stated that one ground for a call being made on the shareholiers for an increased payment in the shares had been the expense to which the Company was put for carrying on its operations in the mines. What were those operations ? Why it appeared that 5,000/. had been expended by the Company in one year in the pur chase of 73 slaves. Again, it appeared that 63 slaves had been purchased in the following year ; and the num ber of slaves employed altogether in the mines amounted to 2,000. Could there be any doubt as to the way in which the 5,0001. were employed ? If the Directors of the Company should say, that for aught they knew the money was expended in buying Creoles, and not newly imported slaves—that latter purchase being allowed by the law, he should tell them that an inquiry into the facts would prove the fallacy of such a statement. No people in that country could doubt for a moment whether a slave were a Creole, or whether he had been lately imported. A person had only to be a fortnight in the country to be enabled to distinguish the two men, without hearing them speak a word. But if any doubt could remain to the eye, none could remain to the ear, because the instant these unhappy beings attempted to speak, it would be seen at once whether they had been imported from Africa, because in that case they could not speak a word of Brazilian or Por tuguese. Besides the price showed that those slaves were not Creoles. These seventy-three slaves had been purchased for 5,0001. making it utterly and absolutely impossible that they could have been Creoles. The price of a Creole was 1201., 1301., or 140/. ; but those slaves he had mentioned had been bought at the rate of half that sum. Let him see any man purchasing a jewel for less than half its value, even though it were not brought to him by a suspicious character, and he should have his doubts as to his honesty ; but let him see a man pur chasing a jewel brought to him by a most auspicious character, and he should desire no further proof that one was the receiver snd the other the thief. But an unli mited supply of Creole negroes could not be obtained ; the quantity was always limited, except under extraor dinary circumstances ; and it was only by new negroes that the plantations .and mines could be worked. Let them consider the position in which these rich men placed these negroes ; their agents on the spot might he more guilty than themselves, as seeing all of the details and having a more specific knowledge of the circum stances ; but it was themselves who set this traffic in motion. Some of those agents bore what was equal to a Magistrate's commission. The cargoes could not be landed in the. harbour of Rio, not so much from the fear of the national authorities as of the British Commission ; they were landed outside the bar, and conducted inland, where bar racoons were constructed in the woods, and in these the poor wretches were cooped up. He bad asked how it was that six or seven hundred men could be marched away without resistance, and he had been told if he had ever witnessed the scene he would not ask what precau tions were taken, for the slaves were landed in such a state as rendered any attempt at resistance or escape utterly and physically impossible. And all this was well known to the authorities. He should not attempt to draw nice distinctions between the guilt of agents and principals, but he could not acquit those who indirectly put this infernal ma chinery in motion ; those who profited by it, whose speculation, whose labour all tended to their own gain, were all consummated by the perpetration of an act of accession to that villainy, of which, if they were not ac cessories, they were at least encouragers; these hecould not hold blameless. Their capital, their enterprise, their industry were as certainly the main-spring of the slave . trade as the main-spring of that clock (pointing to the clock of the House), put in motion the hands, which reminded him how much longer than necessary he had detained their Lordships in dwelling upon these circum stances. He remembered an Eastern tale which some what illustrated this subject. It represented some tyrant, who was minded to put two persons of his own family to death, but even his otherwise relentless nature shrank from the sight of the murder he was about to commit. He commanded an agent to perform it, who partaking of the same scruples, entrusted the task to a slave, who, being led into a cavern, saw a rope which de scended into a hole at the extremity. A hatchet was put into his hand, and he separated the rope, which disap peared rapidly into the hole. He was then led to the ad joining palace, and found that his victims had been sleeping under a marble canopy, which, when the rope was secured, descended and crushed them by the blow. The tyrant shrank from the sight ; but, by the blow of the hatchet in the hand of the slave, as certainly caused those deaths, as those speculations, as that capital, kindled the wars, committed the murders, stimulated the tortures and shed the desolation over Africa, which had deluged that country for ages, merely to glut with wealth those cruel nations who, more than any others, were ostentatious devotees to the religion of charity and peace.—(Hear, hear.) He alluded tc the manner in which their Lordships had been em ployed on the day preceding, to show that if they could disallow the plea of distress, when indecency or immo rality was involved, they would not hesitate a moment, for the sake of trade, when mercy and humanity were endangered, neither towards the rising of the sun, nor to his going down, would they wage war for the lucre of gain against virtue and human happiness—wars such as were never waged by the greatest tyrant that ever sat upon a throne. Let them remember what was said by the greatest of our poets, and not the least of our patriots, "That it was the prerogative of this country to teach the nations how to live." But it was with peace and freedom that the commerce of England held her holy alliance. Far greater than Greek or Rowan charity would be their Lordships' protection to those for whom he pleaded, and they would call down blessings from heaven upon the country and themselves by taking the course which, with all humility, he called upon their Lordships to take. They would add to their own glory, and bestow upon him the greatest favour which he could desire in discharging a sacred public duty. The Noble Lord concluded, amidst cheers, by moving a resolution to the effect that it was expedient to take measures for preventing the employment of British capital, and of British agents, in the slave trade. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that after the attention with which his Noble Friend had been heard, he was sure their Lordships would all be anxious to have some measure under their consideration which would be effectual to put an end to the evils which his Noble and Learned Friend had with so much eloquence pourtrayed. He felt that if the House adopted the motion, it would be absolutely necessary for the Government of the country to bring forward some measure for the suppres sion of those evils. His Noble and Learned Friend had mentioned that some persons bearing her Majesty's commission were concerned in these transactions. That was is part of the evil for which there was no difficult) , in finding a remedy.—(Hear, hear.) But having at tended most minutely to the speech of his Noble and Learned Friend, he could not discover anything like a road to an effectual remedy, as the evils were perpetrated in a country where they were not contrary to The law, and he should be totally at a loss to know how the English Government could obtain the information which would enable them to propose any measure. What, therefore, he proposed was, that his Noble and Learned Friend should himself bring forward a measure which would have the effect of putting an end to the per petration of those crimes, and relieve the country from the disgrace of their continuance. He (the Duke of Wellington) would submit to the House, and his Noble and Learned Friend, an engagement on the part of th e Government that they would take his measure into con sideration at the earliest possible period in the next session, for the purpose of rendering it a perfect measure. After a short conversation in which Lord Wharn clitfe and the Earl of Ripon took a part, Lord Brougham withdrew his motion. The motion was then withdrawn. A message from the Commons brought up the Bri bery at Elections Bill, and the Drainage (Ireland) Bill, LIMITATION OF ACTIONS (IRELAND) BILL. On the Order of the Day being read for the House resolving itself into a Committee on this Bill, The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that he proposed that the Bill should come into operation in the month of July, 1844, in order to give parties affected by the mea sure time to assert their rights. The House then went into Committee on the Bill. The different clauses were agreed to after a short dis cussion, and the Report was ordered to be received on Thursday. The Colonial Passengers Bill, and the Bonded Corn (No. 2) Bill went through Committee. The Joint-Stock Banking Bill was read a third time and passed. The Double Costs Bill went through Committee, was reported, and ordered to be read a third time on Friday. The Ordnance Services Bill went through Committee, as did also the Western Australia Bill. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL, the Bribery at Elections Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Friday. The Bills on the table were- forwarded- a stage, and the House, at half-past Eight . o'Clock, adjourned till Thursday. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Aug. 2. DESIGNS COPYRIGHT BILL. Mr. GLADSTONE moved the Order of the Day for bringing uplthe Report on this /3ill. Mr. WILLIANS moved as an amendment, ',that the Bill be re-committed. Mr. J. lIEATHCOAT thought the Bill" ae l s'erved greater consideration than it had received, slid lie Shoe . therefore support the motion of the Hon, _Member Coventry. He thought if the Bill were re-comaqtted iS would save time. His first of to the Bill - was th_ j '' s it introduced a principle that was never acknowledge' by the law of the country, and to which the great e4 authorities had expressed themselves decidedly, hostile, He alluded to the principle of secrecy. Hecosild see how trade c ould be carried on under this Bill wl t e anything like fairness or advantage. The Bill s orry l aflord great amusement to the lawyers, but very , amusement to those who were subjected to its operatious He would like to know from the Right Hon. Gentlel what the shopkeepers were to do with their goods. this Bill passed into a law ? How was a shopkeeper 1 1 some remote parts of Scotland, Ireland, or Engla a ss to know whether or not a particular design a. pirated or not ? Every manufacturer by the obis ration of this Bill would be liable to hive b " properly confiscated. He also complained that there was no competent tribunal established by the Bill tO t r i the patent right. The difficulty seemed to him to, i c°ll : si-t in finding out what was to be designed.—O let " hear.) Then it was referred to the Magistrates to dete, l ; mine what was the nature of the design. He tboug P that the Magistrates know very little about the deter, and he would have less objection to the Bill if the der; urination of the subject was left to the Magistrates wt c . r e ratser than to the Magistrates themselves.—( oe ,l l ; hear, and laughter.) There was nothing defined.in Bill, as to what constituted a new design. Ahnostieo existing designs were mere compounds. The Bill C O , e s do flu good—it might do much evil. It would u 'i s by common informers to harrass tradesmen, o f the hopes of profit, and by. the competitors ) , tradesmen as a means of annoyance. He cautioned the House - against this re ek se mania for legislation on subjects of which the lie could know nothing.—(Cheers.) It appeared to of that if an individual went to France, secured 'copieg ar , their designs for the spring market, brought these, ti signs to England. and registered them under this Acre that that individual would, by means of this Bill, se eti o . to himself a monopoly of the importation of French A la i ii nufactures. When patterns were manufacture". os France for the next spring trade, a person nsigtg Over, and by acting cautiously, copy the pattern, d br; it over here and enter it under this Bill and ill copyright in it. His advice was, not, to pass : tbi' t o this year, but to leave its consideration to ..e s na session. Mr. E. ELLICE hoped the Right Hon. Gentl ea l us would pause before he passed this Bill. lie kiieSir " 1 0 little time the Right Honourable Gentleman had..p to such subjects, but he thought if he h a d'- PP ir himself to the consideration of this Bill, and the f e ;ho tious provision referred to by the Hon. Gentleman r st had just sat down, he would have hesitated before.o, had undertaken to ride the hobby of the late r,, s Member for Belfast, whose spirit for legislation lat l ,:a• ried him so far as to believe that the House could lve l - #1 late effectively on this subject. He (Mr. Ellice/ arc ' s/ 0 not go over the various details of the Bill, but be o f , led to understand that the lace trade would not : 0 1 fected by it ; but now, after the desultory pro aeetbe which had taken place, it was discovered that that St was involved with many others affected by the Bill• s sel thought that trade ought to have had fair notice. •L'lbt ought to have been allowed to lay their case before t o House. It was impossible for any two Magistraterso decide what was a new or what was an old pattern- ;is Bill provided that the case should be decided by to s gistrate, who was unable to tell whether theSpatatio was new or old. He (Mr. Ellice) would not exte,r l i e discussion, but he prayed the Right Hon. G ent ' e 4 br who knew how important it was that trade show this unfettered, not to expose trade to the evils whieh Bill was calculated to inflict upon it. With resPelsS the place he (Mr. Ellice) represented, he did net no the D Bill r. BOWLwould do either goo o d or harm. f ING had bjection to the objects. °Jo' Bill, but he thought the machinery of the Bill we, ;0' gether objectionable. He thought the protection ° right was, on the whole, a desirable object ; but, ti'-oal was not absolutely necessary to prosperity, wei r :P r to' by the fact that in Switzerland there had been great P is s gress in invention, notwithstanding the absen cepf tection. The mode of obtaining redress 1)1000 Bill was highly objectionable. Unless they - i r sci provide some prompt means of preventing ,P l/0 0:: it would be better to have no protection at hear.) He hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman 40 reconsider the subject, with a view to bringing for more mature measure in another session. bs lit Mr. HUME objected to the Bill, on the grounw o af would add to the restrictions on commerce which st r iug el existed, and which had been proved to have pre`l e ses the greatest mischiefs. If the Right Hon. atri" wished the manufactures and industry of the cone o sl extend, he must free them from their shack e' must not throw impediments in their way. gcse r till fore hoped the Bill would be allowed to stancl-rr„ next session, and that a new Committee would t he pointed by the Government. lie would support amendment of the Hon. Member. Mr HENLEY hoped the Right Hon. a noo would allow the Bill to be re-committed , and w.Pel torsin t be further time for consideration. lie objectE w d 'T t ° ¢nts , w t s, r power of the Magistrates to give distresl ga r d E at' and to the difference made between line° land and Ireland. had fall Mr. M. PHILIPS coincided with. what , Ile . fro the Hon. Gentleman who had j us t sat t? felt m much obliged to the Gentleman who had lass s t l ) :froo for the statements they had made_ with regard teip legal part of the question. lie had, on Saturday fof recommended the Government to withdraW this Bin or the present session. He had on that occasion allude'tbo the fact that 2,0001. had been subscribed towards so Belfast election by certain gentlemen, among whosicii Mr. Henry, a calico printer, and he had. tor t s py thought that many of the calico printers had err scribed to it. He had since then received a lette?o,torilill Mr. Henry, which, in justice to that gentleman, iteelet' read to the House—(l he Hon. Member here readtt,ors ter —in which Mr. Henry distinctly repudiated the ti' ion that the money in question had. been subsfesi on account of Mr. Emerson Tennent having . 5 0 ,rr et - Sie this Bill.) Mr. Henry stated that he was the ontY, b og printer who had subscribed to that fund which bou t , raised by gentlemen, friends of Mr. Emerson. Tea. and admirers of his political character. In justice ! roe is Henry he read that letter, and at the same t l Ise begged to state that in referring to Mr. E m merson..os neat on that occasion he had not had the remotest l'ittS lion of throwing any imputation on the cha raete,r Emerson Tennent. The question put by the lionou tine Member for Tiverton was well worthy of co nsider a a sit What was an original design ? He held in his hallals) of the ugliest patterns he had ever t i seen.—(A A oe f (The Hon. Member here exhibited the patternia cst, tion to the House, which certainly answered the 0 5 ratter given of it.) Now that horribly ugly pattel 1/ 0 claimed as an original design. The history tlf_ i / e ft e l this. Two manufacturers in England had gone do Paris, and each had purchased, at the sameslagefaljtsel the same time, the pattern in question. nea.ra tbt parties had arrived in England a few days lief ° b other, and had published the pattern first, altbbageer 9 other party had several pieces of goods of that P h a e sel in his warehouse. Now, according to this %PSI Ø lgt party would have a copyright in this pattern , nn " prevent his neighbour from selling his goods le r e pse / months. Now he thought they ought to pause befOra tit4 4 ine• il° a law which would give the wealthy such an a toe There could not, he thought, be much progresS:ll-ese; any measure of this nature, until an internation t ".44 right should be established.—(Hear,glear.) The s ced Bill would lead only to useless litigation, and : P• g tl urged upon the Right lion. Gentleman the prild withdrawing it for the present session. He _0, 4 0 1 0 House to consider the progress which had been IA 10 0 manufactures by foreign countries during the '7 lO years, and not to pass a measure which would. ; g' them increased advantages in competition. . tootetei Mr. GLADSTONE said he wished the HoOe %,,a 4 sider whether the objection to the Bill, on the " f ( l o , ' time, was, upon the whole, a fair one. The Bi " . "11°, 0 been introduced by the Government, but by ° a pe:, Member for Belfast, on his own responsibility s e"; his losing his seat, the Bill was taken up by the ti th e meat. The Hon. Member for Coventry entreatfo Ol e house not to pass a Bill of that description, I.l<aos representations of the trade had been heard. believed there never was any measure before fro a s ment with respect to which such an objection 1020 appropriate. He could state with confidence „ l a P I N was only a minority of the trade who objectee,sets Bill, and he believed the great majority would be Vi disappointed if it did not pass during the preseptlii be Let the House consider by what authorities them . 4 " 6, r e , been suppo eos r fra t e e nac d cor . titmosn ln of t t h h e e first com m pl i ,, tt e e e e l i ‘ t h h o a s d a s t i tc ts :, l ; o s o i oe i t maennddeddethsigne mains in p t r h o i vi s .s o io o n u s tity i s pdeb o .ec : f; c t c l e i o i e v m e s m d ta i t t t e h te e In the year 1840 a Bill was introduced_ on "410 s s - j i ; Nuirlhaiienhpmromvsisrieofnesrroefdutloicah corresponded o • e Bill be fore the House. That mreins p ß iot i tn l e l dee p du a s jl e :i e st d tliElit tb r t e ; sll ; e °bl e . ;, ll° o f Committee up-stairs. With respect to the ms_ t _cuT s eht e r o the Bill, he admitted that it was inferior' to . 11311 ';' e d sc o existed in France, but he believed it was gra ti L s ted :d concession to the opponents of the Bill, who " f ey the expense of proving the patent. The Bill, wa l p ite introduced in 1841, and referred to a Select id °ll3 4 , no te; of which the Hon. Member for Manchester wa s jet% 0 0 ben. The Bill would probably , have passed during the last session if its progress ha ette. (l ' been cut short by the political crisis which interugo Why were not the objections to the details 0411! Committee ? The Hon. Member for Coventry,,u . 4 tb not attend on Saturday and propose alterations, D'"ofe Hon. Member for Tiverton did not attend 'and ese° d word about the lace trade ; though this Bill ha t y before the House six weeks, not one wor d had Ye e r eds heard of a protest; the Bill had been allowed to a first and second time, it had passed througb e r et el f mittee, and now when the time came for the red o the Report, they heard for the first time of any P' eli te relative to the lace trade. He did not intend effec t °: into the broad question of what would b e the poi this Bill upon the trade and commerce of t his con s op' but he would say that it was the opinion of thec,. the porters or this Bill, that it would tend t o ineree-;ergj wealth of this country, and give prosperity and setio,e to its manufactures. This Bill had the s"ts iof of repeated Committees, of repeated Governin,eaot had the sanction of the majority of the p ee l . n s pit e doors and of Hon. Members in that House; exa thi s of all these sanctions they were asked to postporr in' Bill for another session, for the purpo se of an° quiry, for the purpose, o f re -eliciting ns too, . Gla had already been ascertained. He ("sl• tours thought it would be a cruel and unjus!_ sd bee t to pursue towards those whose expectations ea , , t o ts w i t hdra„.% raised on this subject, to . consents o the this Bill. He should therefore'oppe motion Oi l postponement. Mr. WILLIAMS - aid it witg- r ....__ _. -*":1 71‘L !F- ; '• 'be • . , 411( atu in% GO ,Vm if _ 1. Las tra Tha Sta ) • Lib) The Std. Fr wh di9 Wtt , • hel dib t 1i • --I r's, Co for .?:11 wh '?t- pre co th, ex U~ '4‘, re b~ I 4 IQ" 1+774 t,., 414 1 J "citt , 1: 1 , " e i. ;n. IV: 81 Id ! 1 4 Wo e ‘lll I g. 4 44 1( i 41 N%stl 4N kir the Poi . 1 , 1 • ' ~ ~"~~;r. 110 ( PI 1114