The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-11 00:00:00

EVENING SUN THE GREAT ANTI-CORN-LAW CONFERENCE. (THIS DAY.) The CHAIRMAN took the Chair at Half-past Eleven o'Clock, and upon doing so he said—ln the olden time historians had told them that persons in England were accustomed to immure in their castle dungeons individuals who were suspected to be possessed of wealth, and by the application of torture their treasures were wrested from them ; more daring than their ancestors, the landed aristocrats of the present day have con tived a monster engine of torture, which wrung from a nation its wealth, and was more cruel in its application, as it inflicted the severe pangs of suffering upon the poor and destitute instead of the wealthy. They were met again that morning to endeavour to destroy that monster machine, and it was vain that Sir Robert Peel should tell them that the complex machine he proposed would not be so painful as the last—(Cheers) —and that the agony it would inflict would not be so intense—that its lever would not be so long—and that the snews of humanity would not be wrenched to so great an extent. —( Cheers.) They were met there to tell Sir Robert Peel that the voice of the nation—and he trusted the nation would tell h in in a voice of thunder—that he should not, more ot less, continue to torture the nation. If he might be permitted he would again recommend, without it being supposed to be at all as imperative, that the range of discussion s h ou ld be limited.—( Cheers.) He knew that one gentleman was charged with the duty of addressing the Conference on the . subject of statistics, but the object of most of the speakers should be rather in recommendation of the course of conduct to be pursued, and the actions to be adopted, than in showing the evil effects of the Corn-laws.— (Cheers. ) He felt this to be the more necessary, because he believed that to a great extent the peace of the country was in their hands, and it was much to be feared that the patience and long-suffering of the people would give way when they learned the heartless intentions of the present Minister of the landed aristocracy, for according to the example of yesterday, he would not call him the Minister of the Sovereign.—( Cheers. ) If, in the first brush of their righteous indignation,— if, in the first act ion of despair, any thing could be done to control the people, and keep them from out-burst and vengeance, 'it would be the confidence they had in the deliberatione of the Conference.—(Cheers.) They would wait and see what they would propo e, and what action they would suggest, and, in proportion as their efforts were bold, vi gorous, and energetic, would be their confidence in the Con., ference, and the greater would be their power of controlling the people. Two letters had been received, which he would now read. One was from Mr. Johnson, the Chairman of the Corn-law Association at Derby, and it was as follows " Sir—At a meeting of the Anti-Corn-law Associa tion, hastily convened, to take into consideration the proposals of her Majesty's Government on the Corn-laws, the following resolution was unanimously passed :—''That this meeting have heard with indignation the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government to the House of Commons for an alteration of the Corn-laws, and cannot refrain from denouncing the scheme as unjust and iniquitous towards a loyal and suffering people ; and this meeting hereby pledge themselves to oppose, by every Con stitutional means in their power the proposed enactments.' The Association are taking measures for furthering the objects of the Anti-Corn-law League, and a deputation will probably be in London from Derby either on Saturday or Monday to co. operate in the cause of total and immediate repeal. At a meeting of the Town Council, held this day, a petition against the Government measure was unanimously passed, and for warded to E. Strutt, Esq., for presentation to the House - of Com mons, which, it is hoped, willbe in time for presentation this even ing."—Another let ter that had been received was from the Church and Congregation of Hope Chapel, Rochdale, and they stated, that "having felt the grievous effects of the Corn and Provision laws in our pecuniary affairs, and in the distress that abounds in the habitations of our poor weavers, we therefore feel anxious that those oppressive hews should be wiped off the Statute book of the realm. We appoint the bearer, Thomas Turns r, Esq., as our delegate, to represent us at the Anti-Corn-law Conference, to be held in London on the eth of February, 1842." The le ter was signed by the Minister, the Deacons, and two Elders for the congregation. They had also received a letter from Mr. Brindle, of Manchester, in which he said—" I am happy to inform you that a most numerous meeting is now held in the Rooms, Newell's Buildings, condemnatory of the scale of Sir R. Peel, to agree to resolutions which will be submitted to a meeting at the Bazaar at seven o'clock to-night. All is agitation—the Tories on 'Change have expressed their disappointment." The letter was dated half-pest five o'clock. The CHAIRMAN then called upon the Rev. T. Spencer, of Bath, to move the first resolution, when The Rev. Dr. WADE rose to a point of order. He would suggest that every speaker should be confined to a quarter of an hour, and five minutes to wind up, unless the meeting re. quired them to go on. —( Cheers. ) The Rev. Mr. WELLS seconded the proposition. All they wanted was to find out their strength.—(Cheers.) They wanted to know where their Delegates came from, and in what position they were, and after that let some one point out their path and they would walk in it.—(Cheers.) 'I he Clienteles; said before the first resolution was proposed the Hon. Charles Villiers wished to make a few statements to the meeting. Mr. VILLIERS said that he had asked leave of the Chairman to otop the proceedings for one moment, in order that lie might explain the nature of two notices that were reported in the Journals of this morning, as having been given in the House of Commons last night, on the subject of the Corn-laws —( Hear, bear)—one of which was given by Lord John Russell, and the other by himself. With respect to the last, he begged to in form them, that it was in conformity with his own opinion, and in compliance with their wishes, as conveyed to him by some gentlemen belonging to the Conference, and it was to move a resolution to the effect that the duty on corn should be entirely abolished.—( Loud (beers.) He wished to inform them that upon hearing that it was the general wish of this Conferevee, and others who were here, consideringin what way they could best advance the cause, to submit this motion as early as possible, be had gone to the Speaker of the House of Commons, and asked him what would be the earliest opportunity, consistently with. the forms of the House, on which it could be brought forward.—(Loud ' 'cheers. ) lie said that as this was a motion affect ing a duty, it could only he myrrh after he had left the chair, and when the House wss in Committee, but that as it was for the pureose of abolishing the duty, that it would be taken as the first motion in Committee.—(Hear.) He had therefore giv, n notice last night of his intention to loose this resolution on the House going into Committee. --(Loud cheers.) With respect to Lord John Russell's mo tion, as far as he knew if it, he believed that he had consented to make it in compliance with the earnest solicita tions of several Members of the House of Commons Tor the purpose of considering the principle of Sir R. Peel's tm asure—( Hear, hear)—to which extent they bad made up their muds against the present Corn-laws. And as such a motion could be made before the Speaker left the chair, for the House to go into Committee, he believed it would take precedence of the motion in which they were peculiarly inte rested. P.e certainly had not suggested this course himself, agreeing with themselves that the best mode of condemning Sir Robert Peel's measure, would be by moving for the - total abolition—(Cheers) —but be was not aware, and he did not believe, that the course intended to be pursued, would prejudice their cause.—( Hear, hear.) Indeed, such was the detestation in which some :limbers held this sliding, slip pery system of duties recommended by Sir Robert Peel, that he could not help hoping that, timid as they might be with respect to the total abolition, that if the alternative was to maintain the present system, cr to abolish it altogether, that they might prefer the latter. (Loud cheers. ) However, whether that would be so or not, he was not aware that the cause would suffer by discussion ; it had not hitherto, and the more there was of it perhaps the better.—( Hear.) He was chiefly anxiouseo show them that, with the view to give effect to their wishes and feelings on this subject he had adopted the only course open to him, and that there had been no tardi• mess on his part at a moment when exertion from all was so peculiarly called for. He was glad to inform them that even in the House of Commons the very imperfect— he could almost say insulting —measure proposed by Sir Robert Peel, seemed to *save roused fresh spirit and zeal among those who had before been with them.—(Cheers.) For every man saw in that measure an utter disregard of all that had been said, written, and suffered for so many years, on account of the laws, and a positive refusal to effect any change with a view to mitigate the evils which, in the opinion of the wisest among them, and of millions now suffering, they had produced.— ( Loud cheers.) He would not longer detain them--(Cries of "Go on, go on") —be had only made that explanation out of the respect which was due to them, and to prevent any misconception as to the course intended, knowing that the forms of the House were not easy to to understand—(Hear , hear)—to prevent any man from sup posing that there would be any compromise in the House of Commons of the great and good cause in which they were united.—( Cheers.) He only hoped at this crisis that nothing would be left undone that could possibly promote their object, for never were they before so completely dependent upon them *elves for success.—( Loud cheering.) LOWE announced that since Sir R. Peel's intimation with regar I to' the Corn-laws, such had been the feeling in the parish of Whitechapel, that the people were flocking by hun alreds every hour to sign the petition ; 30,000 signatures had already been obtained since Sir R. Peel's intimation had been made known-,(Tremendous cheers)—and a gentleman had told him that he could, on the shortest notice, get 1,000 people to accompany this Conference in any movement they might make. Tins was surely an inducement for them to go on. The Rev. W. SPENCER, of Bath, said that he had to move the 'Wowing resolution : I" That this meeting, duly appreciating the efforts of ministers of all denominations to impress the people with the religious bearings of the Anti-Bread Tax movement, would respectfully suggest that their success would be considerably increased by simultaneous meet ings of their people all over the country, and that the standing Committees of the various ministerial Conferences be requested to take the same into their immediate consideration." As this was a motion particularly connected with the ministers of ieligion, it had been committed to him as a clergyman of the Established Church—(flear)— and would be, he believed, seconded by a clergyman of the Scotch Establishment — (Cheers)—and he had no doubt that the more this subject was examined, the more it would be found that the ministers of re ligion were never so much in their places as when advocating the rights of the people. It was very common for ministers of all denominations to aisist in any charity ; that was, no doubt, right, but he considered justice before charity any day. He considered it better to spend 51. yin removing the cause of poverty, tha n 5001 . in relieving that poverty.—(Cheers.) He considered it right to do good to one distressed object ; much moretiooo, " 0440 , then, to do good to 13,000,000; and if there were persons at present in this country who were not able to obtain wheaten bread, with thousands of persons who had no clothes, sheen, or hats to put on, and a measure were proposed which should immediately find them work, put clothes upon their backs, and pl en t y o f wheaten bread, he could not understand what kind of men they were who would join in relieving two or three persons, amid w ou ld not join in a measure like that. (Cheers.) They h a d great authorities for adoptive the course which they I.ad adopted. The Archbishop: of Dubin was one f the first Anti-Corn-la v me n i n Ireland ; Dr. Wakeling was most distinguished Free-trader, and indeed he knew many clergymen who were decided repeaters. When he (Mr. spencer) attended the Manchester Conference, he received several letters from clergymen of the Established Church, in I.incoln and the South of England, approving of what he had said at that Coeferenne, and expressing regret at their own inability to attend.—( Hear.) Besides, when they looked around, they s aw similar e trth ey e sa w the bishops and th e c ler gy take p art in timings very v to this ; they took part in t e etotal meetin gs , n people having less b eer and more bread.—( Hear.) H e (M r. Spencer) was for less beer and less gin, but he was for giving then more bread instead.—( Hear, hear.) The Bishop of Bath and Wells was the great fat her of the all otment system, and this was very like the abolition of the Corn-laws , -- hp Pause, by it the people got bread and potatoes chea p . in his (Mr. Spencer's) own parish , lam e rn qysie, and by it the labouring peop l e, instead of paying dl. ,an acre for their land, as they otherwise would do, new s•Sfor from 11. to 11. 10s. per acre, being the same as the *lid for his land. If the Bishops and clergy, then, pin such measures as these, he could not see why it .r t ar,. nay, almost imperative, on the minister of rele. j u e us this great national cause,—(Cheers.) He ; ' of a religion which rested on prayer alone, - - - and would not acknowledge the efficacy of works.—(llalus ) Ile contended that it would be found without a single exception, that the rule of Providence was never to do for man, that which man could do for himself, but to assist 1 man where his own efforts were unavailing.--( Hear.) Man could plough and sow and reap, and therefore the Almighty would not do those things for him, but man could not cause the winds to blow, or the sun to shine, or the rain to fall, and, therefore, Providence took those things into its own hands. It would be vain to pray to the Almighty that he might change the hearts of our rulers, if the people did not themselves take the proper steps to enable them to obtain the redress which was due to them. Unless those steps were taken the people would not be true to themselves. Some persons had said to him, that he ought not as a minister of religion, and a preacher of the Gospel join the present movement. His answer was this—" It is true, and you say that the Lord has said to his ministers, go unto all the world and preach the Gospel in every quarter, but he also said, as you go along cure the sick, cleanse the leper, cast out devils ; freely you have recei ve d, freely give."—(Ch eers.) Now, if it was true that there were thousands suffering from sickness and poverty in this country, in consequence of the present Corn laws, and if a spirit of anarchy and jealousy had been spread throughout the land, the ministers of the Gospel were obeying the Divine command when they advocated the cause of repeal. ( Hear ' hear.) They wer e told that the preachers of the Gospel ought not to unite with the manufacturing :set. They were told that the manufacturers were worshippers of irammon, the authors of the factory-system, and that no man of Christian feeling should sanction the proceedings of such a class. —( Hear.) Now he had been in agricultural districts, and he knew what was the condition of the labour ing classes there.—( Hear, hear.) He had also been in commercial districts and he ought to know something of the condition of manufacturing labourers. He declared, then, that the working men of Manchester and such places were far more kindly treated than the working men engaged by farmers.—( Hear, hear.) He had frequently questioned children in the agricultural districts as to their condition ; and he found that inylaces where they were employed in herd ing cattle, some received one shilling and others eighteenpence, and very few two shillings a-week. That was the constant practice in agricultural districts ; and in many places, such as Salisbury Plain, these boys were removed, at a distance, per haps of miles, from any shelter, except such as that trees might afford. He would take another class—the labourers in coal pits ; and he could tell them of sufferings there such as Lord Ashley had never discovered elsewhere. Lord Ashley was a man who only saw with one eye.—( Hear, hear.) The men who worked in .the coal-pits were exposed to very dangerous accidents. But when the coal was got, how was it brought to the surface ? It was dragged for miles, perhaps, under ground in waggons by children and women—( Hear, hear)—and they frequently drew it on their hands and knees.—(Hear, hear. ) Talk of manufacturers—be had never known anything like this among manufacturers. He 'called upon Lord Ashley to look not merely at what was going on in the manufacturing districts, but to look to the condition of the women and children in the coal-pits. He had lately heard from a number of brick• makers, working near the line of the Bath Railway, at a distance of only 15 miles from the metropolis, which were well deserving the notice of Lord Ashley. He had been told that these men worked 17 or 18 hours a day during the summer ; every brick-maker was attended by two boys, one of whom filled a barrow, while the other wheeled it. Now these boys had but three rests during the day— each of no more than 20 minutes or one hour out of seventeen or eighteen. The master of these workmen, a gentleman of large property, had told him that a good brick-man would make 60,000 bricks in a week, or 10,000 a day, while each of these bricks required that 91b-of clay should be thrown into a mould. Thus, one man had to throw into a mould 90,0001bs weight of clay, or nearly 45 tons, each day. These were things to which Lord Ashley should look, when he talked of the sufferings of the labouring classes. ( A gentleman here asked what was the age of the boys em ployed). They were generally boys between the age of 12 arid 14. He was sorry to find that Sir R. Peel, who might have been a greater man, seemed to join in the outcry against the manufacturers. He did not believe that Sir R. Peel shared in the sentiments of those who denounced manufactures ; but his words were capable of that construction. He seemed to join in the outcry against machinery, while every reflecting man must know well that machinery was the best friend of man ; that machinery found work for ten men for one it dis lilac, d ; and if machinery had not conferred all the benefit which it might confer, it wa. because the present Corn-laws did not allow it to be fully put in operation.—(Cheers.) Sir R. Peel had also spoken of over-production, and lie might be ashamed in joining in that outcry. Now, how could there be over-production, when he could tell them that he had been informed, at a public meeting at Leicester, by hosiers of the town, that foreigners were actually underselling them in their own market ?—( Hear, h e ar.) 'Was that over production ? It did not look like i-. Surely if there %yrs over-production these foreigners were very foolish men to take coals to Newcastle. He had yesterday conversed with an honest and intelligent American, of whom he had asked his opinion of the prospects of trade with Sir IL Peel's proposi tion. He replied that it would effectually stop any exchange of American corn for our manufactured articles; and that the trade between the two countries could not be continued under such a system. The gentleman told him that if the trade in corn was opened in this country, America would clear the whole stock in Manchester in one year. —( Hear, hear.) They had immense districts in Aineri, a where it would be much more advantageous to sow corn than to establish manufactures ; and if the Corn-laws were repealed, a vast portion of the capital which was daily being vested in manufactures would be devoted to agriculture.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") A word had been said about class legislation ; he should not now enter into the question of how it was that Sir Robert Peel dared to do as he now does, but he traced the evils they were now complaining of to a period of several years back. He con- ' sidered that Sir R. Peel and his party in Parliament dared to do what they now do, and will dare to do much more, that they cared very little for them, because they had succeeded in dis couraging, dispiriting, and dividing the people of England, till they had little or nothing to fear from them. The people were in a paralyzed and divided condition, and though they might have all strength arid power, if united, yet they had very little union as they now were.--( Hear, hear.) An American gentleman had stated to him a circum stance that had given him an exact idea of the cause of the strength of the aristocratical party, and those who maintained the Corn-laws. They were conversing of the probability of the continuance,of the American Union, and he was informed that the men of the Southern., or slave-holding States, had among themselves one common bond of union in the maintenance of the slave system. But it appeared that the Northern, or in dependent States, had no such bond of union ; they were all divided ; and therefore the slave-holding States ruled over them. Now, there was a slave-owning state in this country, and they have a common bond of union in the continuance of the Corn-laws. The Corn-law talc( s more from the labouring man than he bad a right. to give, and whenever labour was taken and no wages given, that he considered amounted to slavery. ( Hear, hear.) If, as Mr. Connell had said, the landowners demanded 2d. out of every loaf, and exacted, as it had been calculated they did do, on an average, 3(1. from every shilling the labourer earned ; if, when a man earned 95., 2s. or 3s. of that amount was taken by others who never worked for it, just' so far as that it was slavery.—(Cheers.) He said that they were an Anti-Slavery Society; if therefore there was a bond of union among the slave-owners of this kingdom, and we have no such bond, then they were divided, and it was not to be won dered at that the slave-owners were as powerful as in America. He was travelling by railway last week, and conversed with a gentleman, who made this remark re specting what Sir Robert Peel was about to do, " That lie did not think he would give way this Session—that there was no reason why he should do so ;" adding, " that it was a lucky thing the Corn-law League had quarrelled with the Chartists, for if they had united they would have upset the Government." —( Hear, hear.) He thought to himself, you should not have told me that, for as sure as ever he met a body of Anti-Corn law men he resolved to tell it them.—(Cheers.) He con sidered that the evils they were suffering dated not from the Reform Bill, or before the Reform Bill, but the period a short time after it. Before the passing of the Reform Bill the people exerted themselves to the utmost to n et their House of Commons, but in an evil hour the Liberal Ministry was dis missed, and Sir R. Peel took office, and shortly sent that House of Commons about its business. He thought that was a slap in the face given to the nation, and which the nation had never recovered. It felt that it was no use to try to get a good House of Commons, for it felt that it would be sent back if t did not happen to suit the Minister. The consequence was, hat men cared less for their votes. He had known men of the most respectable class, medical men, surgeons, and clergymen, men of a most respectable rank in life,who, rather than be intimi dated and harrassed, would not put their names on theregis try. A discouragement had been given to the people of Eng land, they had been disappointed and sent back, after having done a great work ; and they had never done any other great work, from that time till now.—(Loud cheers ) What, then, was to be done? They were here to consider yractical mea sures, and he would take the liberty of giving them a word or two of advice :—First, to the ministers of re ligion, and the clergy of the Established Church, of whom those who held the same opinions he did, would no longer hide their light tinier a bushel ; there would be a goodly number of them if they would only speak out ; let their names be known. With respect to the Dissenting ministers who had acted an honourable part, and had taken a part in this discussion, he hoped every one of them would instruct his people in all righteousness in ttis matter, fer un less the people were thoroughly furnished with all good works, and the minister who had not declared to his people the whole counsel of God, if he had not thoroughly furnished them on this point, he had never done his duty yet. If those gentlemen who would really be the friends of the people, and who would go about doing good, they must not take a lesson from Peel as to the way of doing it. On the distress in Bolton, says Sit' Robert in Parliament, how very badly the Poor-law must be administered in that place ? Their ambition, he thought, would be of a nobler .kind than this—that if the poor man was distressed he should have parish pay to keep him quiet. Alen, year after year, went on relieving the distress, and wondering, there was such saffering, but never taking the trouVe to examine into the causes of it. Had they done this they would not say that the Poor-laws were workin. badly, let that the Corn-laws were operating inju-iously. "The people would not want relief if justice were done them.—( Hear, hear.) He wished that every man was above parish pay, and he would be se if the door were opered to labour, Let every Minister, then, advocate the cause of justice ; they must show them that they must not depend on others, but on themselves ; they must show them that they had to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow, and if obstacles were placed in their way, not to lie down and die, or depend on parish pay, but to cry out against the Legislature which places those ob stacles in their way.—(Cheers.) Peel well knew that it was the police that keep the people quiet. Now, if it were not for this law the country could not be in the orderly condition in which it was ; and his aim was to encourage the people to be satisfied with the present state of things, in order to de prive you of the assistance of the thousands and millions of England. Mr. Massey had stated on the first day of the Conference that he (Mr. Spencer) had said they should send a thousand men from Manchester to the metropolis, but he had not told them all the story, and he would explain it to them, with an addition. He was for moral force, not for physical. He found in Scripture two cases of moral force, one in which Gideon fell before a small number of men, who broke their pitchers and displayed their lamps. In the other there was a town which God had determined should fall without a single stroke, in the same wanner as he hoped the vitas el of monopoly would be carried, without a single stroke or shedding a single drop of bl rod.—(Cheers.) He said to his people, " March round the via% of the town, march round the walls of Jericho, every man wMI a trumpet, and as you march blow the trumpets. And they did as they were told, and they walked round tl.e walls, and blew their trumpets, and as they. walked the walls fell flat."—( Cheers.) He would not have the people of London selected fur such a march—people who were given to admire sights and shows, and the next moment are to be found in the girishops, were not the men ; he had no con fidence in such people as could be picked up in the streets of London. But take a thousand men from the streets of Manchester ; let a portion of the 10,0001. acquired by the Bazaar be appropria.ed to this purpose; make an agree ment with the Railway Proprietors, engage a special train, land them in the streets of London, marshal them well, put banners of " Free Trade," and " No Corn-laws," in their hands.—( Cheers.) Let them be maintained in Lon don for a fortnight or a month, if their funds allowed it; let them march every day past the fronts of the houses of those who uphold the Corn-laws, and blowing their Anti-Corn-law trumpets, let there -march seven times roond the walls of the House of Commons—(Cheers)— and as they march through the streets of London, as the people are caught by sights, let them show their ragged clothes and pale faces, and let the beat man THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1842. amongst them make there a speech, and say, " We are workmen of Manchester, who would labour willingly, bat are obliged to stand all the day idle because no man 'lath hired us. The warehouses of our masters are full of goods, which the people of America would take, hut the law will not let them. You have a set of men here in London, who make the laws, and say to the men of Manchester you shall not make goods for the men of America • our mas ters' shall not have that money for their goo d s , which would enable them to employ us operatives, and we now appeal to you." Let them tell the story of their distress, and go through every street of the metropolis, or every street let their cry be heard, let them call for a repeal of the Corn laws, and for free-trade ; let them ask for pity and justice to the manufacturing operative, and before many weeks had gone by, these Anti-Corn-law trumpets would cause the walls of monopoly to fall down.--(Loud and continued cheering. ) At all events it might be tried. He said this without reference to physical force ; in his opinion it was a contemptible force; he had some little opinion of himself, yet in physical force he conceded the point to the first bull he might meet. He should say that the very donkey was better as a physical force agent than himself: there was not a horse in the street but was his superior ; but it had been truly said that no Go vernment could stand against the force of public • opinion. Only let that he made to appear in London, where the people do not seem to be suffering altogether so much, let those poor people be brought to London from the manufacturing districts of the not th, and let them declare and show their sufferin:s in the streets of this city—let them he paraded through the streets of London, and no Government could stand out for a day against such a general feeling, such a demonstration of suffering. A Voice from the body of the Meeting—Your plan may be very good, but if such a demonstration as that were made, what would he done with the London police and the Government forces ? The Rev. Mr. SPENCER did not see why it should be ne cessary for the police force to interfere. Not long since there wits a very numerous and respectable meeting convened in his neighbourhood for the abolition of the Corn-laws; the police force did not interrupt them—nay, though there was a large body of persons employed actually for the purpose of interrupt ing their proceedings, and their Chairman, Lord Radnor, was grossly insulted, the police force did not interfere.—( Hear, hear.) The poor people, who are suffering those grievances from the effects of the Corn-laws, might walk through the streets of London without violence or obstruction to any one, then why should the police or the Government forces interfere —though there was a procession of tee-totallers three miles long the other day through part of the country they were allowed to walk through the streets—no police interfered with them—if the poor operatives and working classes of England assembled, and walked through the streets of London, up to the House of Commons, harmlessly, as the delegates did the other day, why should the Government forces interfere to prevent them ?—( Hear, hear.) The Anti-Corn League had already ten thousand pounds in their hands, and he (Mr. Spencer) hoped they would have twenty thousand pounds more before many days.—(Cheers.) He was sure they would. — (Loud cheers.) There were thousands of persons throughout the country whose hearts were interested to the last degree in the proceedings of the Anti-Corn-law Conference. He would suggest that they should offer a prise of 1001., two prizes of 501., and ten more prizes of 10/. each, for the best solutions of this problem :—A Parliament of interested men who are too much for the people ; to find out all honest and industrious means to enable the people to be too much far the Parliament. —( Laughter.) In order to be more distinctly understood he would state an instance by way of illustration. Suppose that the people were anxious to get an Act of Parliament passed for the establishment of railroads, and that the House of Commons was all composed of coach proprietors, and the House of Lords of turnpike commissioners—(" Hear, hear," and loud cheers) — commissioners who were receiving 5 per cent. interest for the money they had expended in the purchase o: establishment of these turnpikes.—( Renewed cheers.) Suppose the Houses of Parliament were constituted in that way, what chance could the public have of getting an Act passed for the establishment of railway s ?—( Hear, hear.) Were not the working classes of England situated precisely similar ? (Loud cheees. ) The problem was the same as that for the solution of which he re commended the Anti-Corn-law Conference to offer those prizes. He would appeal in that way to the talent, to the virtue, and to the ingenuity of Englishmen, and surely if there were so many thousands of persons interested in this measure—if so many flints and steels were stuck together, there must be some good result ; it was possible that there were means not yet dis• covered which would show the aristocracy of England, that in six months to come the people could do more than all they had hitherto done.—( Loud cheers.) He had now trespassed very long upon the meeting.—( No, no, and loud cheers.) How ever, his last word to them would be, to follow the excellent, the admirable advice which Mr. Thompson had riven to them the day befora,--,that was, to throw themselves into the arms of the working classes.—( Vehement cheering.) They should take a warning from their enemies--if it was true that it was a lucky thing to have a union between two great bodies—a union between the Anti-Corn-law Conference and the Chartists must have the effect of upsetting the proposi tions of the Ministry.—( Loud cheers.) lii Bath the Char tists came forward manfully —every hand was held up there for the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. At South ampton, too, they offered to co-operate with the Anti-Corn law League; but they said that they (the Chartists) whilst they did so, would expect that justice would be done to them, and that they in return should obtain assistance for the attain. relent of their objecis from the general body of those who en deavoured to repeal the Corn-laws. It was truly said yester day that it was a fortunate thing that Sir Robert Peel had be ought forward such a measure as he had with respect to the Corn-laws ; for, if he had recommended a more plausible mea • sure, it might have had the effect of misleading the people, and that many of their present active supporters might be dissuaded by vain hopes not to adopt these decisive steps which it was manifest now was the determination of the people to take. The Chartists say that all they wanted was that whilst the Anti- COrn-law League ask for those measures which would be for the benefit of all the working classes of the country, they should be assisted in obtaining those measures which would in their es, inion he alai), for the advantage of the people of the country. If those measures were for the benefit of the peeple, the Corn law Repealers should promise their earnest and active support to the Chartists.—(Hear, hear.) They should co-operate with the Anti-Corn-law League manfully and boldly— (Cheers)—they offered them their best services, and all they sought in return was, that when the Corn-law Repeaters had accomplished their objects, those of the Chartists should not be thrown overboard.—( Hear, hear.) He hoped, therefore, that all the working classes of England would co-operate with the just and righteous of the land, for the as-ertion of their common rights. The 11ev. Mr. Spencer, having thanked the meeting for the attention with which he had been listenen to, ' i esumed his seat amidst laud and general applause. The Rev. Mr. STRA C/1,1 N, of Furiar, in seconding the reso lution, considered it a very high honour to have an opportu nity of succeeding a clergyman of the Church of England who had so ably and eloquently discussed the motion, and the ques tion generally. He was sure, as he co ncided fully and com pletely in what had been stated and recommended by the Rev. Gentleman who preceded him, that the meeting would not expect him to enter largely into the subject. As a member and a minister of the Church of Scotland, he had been induced to agitate the question of Corn-laws to the utmost extent of his power. When he first mooted it he was told by persons on every .side that he would bring about his ears a house that would cover him in its ruins; that it was a dan gerous subject to interfere in. —(Hear, hear, ) But now he was permitted to speak out, and had the pleasure of meeting with sympathy amongst his brethren in every direc tion. —( Hear, hear.) He was reminded, however, when he considered the conduct of many of the clergymen in and out of the Establishment—he was reminded of a text which was illustrated by an old divine—that text was Follow me :" follow me, said the old divine. Now there were three sorts of followers—some that follow behind, and some before—(Laughter)—and some there are who follow by standing stock still.—(Loud laughter and cheers.) 1 here were many who said it would be a. good thing for the morality, peace, and prosperity of the country to have the Corn-laws abolished, but still the sweet voices of those persons were never raised in support of that righteous and just cause.— ( Hear, hear.) For his own part, he (Mr. Strachan) was obliged to agitate that question, when he considered the text " alleviate all misery and walk humbly with thy God"—no minister, in his opinion, who for a moment considered that text in its true spirit, could do his duty, according to the recommendation contained in it, whilst he stood s:lently aside and witnessed so much misery, and poverty, and suffering as existed amongst the poor working classes, who are ground down even into the dust.—( Hear.) It is the duty of the minister of religion not only to speak but to guide the people in all their movements, in religious as welt as political principles.—( Loud cheering.) They sl.ould consider the condition of the poor—their destitu tion—their misery—( Hear, hear)—and reflect that ever, when the arm of health is able and willing, awl anxious to be employed to enable the people to obtain the common neces saries of life for themselves and their families, there is nothing but poverty in the morning, and destitution in the evening, staring them in the face.—(Loud cheers.) Buteonsidering them in a state of sickness, when they cannot acquire their scanty allowance for the day, and what a state of wretchedness does this present ?—( Hear.) The labouring classes, not able to provide for te-morrow, find, by woeful ex perience, that it is too true that " sufficient for the day is the evil thereof."— ( Cheers.) And what could they expect from the Parliament, which it was said was formed by them, when the Members of the Conference, who walked in procession to the House, could not get admission thereto, and were scarcely permitted to stand in the high way ? They were surrounded by police, and he was pushed away by them himself.—( Shame. , That could not be called a Parliament of the people, nor a Par liament of the Queen—it was the Parliament of the aristocracy —(Cheers)—an aristocracy who ground the people to dust.— ( Chrers. ) It was their duty to look abroad, and to see whence their health was to come, and it was to come from an united, a well instructed, and an organised community.-(Cheering.) They must have the people to struggle with them—it was work for the people, and it would be accomplished.—(Cheers. ) They must consider it their duty as ministers, as men, as members of the community, to use their endeavours to set an example to the people.— (Cheers.) But if the Ministers were lagging behind, the people would push them on ; and he could answer for his own congregation, that if he did not stand forward he would be looked on as a " pe li can o f walk ere wealth the wilderness ;" and scor n ed by every good an d every benevo lent they an— couldCh man . —(Chee r s.) only rs' h e vi .as a ti to ) T when Ththe everyp eople thought that and honour on the crutch of protection, but he trusted the period was gone when such doctrines could find a refuge or a skulking place among thetn.—(Cheers ) Protection was the ruin and sacrifice of a nation to the interests of a fe w.— (Cheers.) It was their duty to put t h e i r hands to the plough , and not look back till they procured a total and speedy rep ea l of the Corn-law.—(Ch eers . ) He trusted the time hand when these accursed l aws were to be cast to vaatsh Father Thames as an offering to the sea god, and when it would be pro claimed that the prosperity and adva n t age o f all must be secure by_ a common participation in the p ro d uct i ons of the earth.-- ( The Rev. Gentleman sat down amidst loud c h eers. ) The Rev. H. RENTON, of Kelso, then came forward, and said he would not occupy much of the time of the meeting by any repetition of those arguments which they had already heard for the total and immediate abolition of the Corn-law,. lie would content himself by producing a few facts respecting the state of opinion in his own neighbourhood, which was en tirely agricultural. lie came from a place wholly dependent on agriculture, and which fur a high state of cultivation was not surpassed by any other in the kingdom, and which, for the last twelve months, increased in its productive capabilities more than in any corresponding period of former times. Th e labourers were fully employed, and there were no symptoms of that distress which prevailed in the manufacturing districts, and was not uncommon even in the agricultural counties of England.--( Hear, hear.) There were no small farms there, tad they were let for sums from 3001. to 1,0001., and under leases of 19 or 21 years dura ion. And it was in such a place that a meeting was called three weeks ago, by adver.isement in the local newspapers, for a repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Loud chem.) An Anti-Corn-law Society was formed, and a pe tition was prepared, to which there were a greater number of signatures affixed than to any petition from the same place , either for th e a b olition of the slave trade, or for relief from ecclesiastical grievances, or even for the destruction of the boroughmongering system.—( Loud cheers.) Yet no person was asked to sign that petition, which was now before Parlia ment, and it eras only announced to the people where this petition was placed for signatures.—(Cheers.) Such were the cordial, and disinterested, and unsophisticated foelings of benevolence and philanthropy, which actuated the eople of Kelso in opposing these laws.—(Cheers.) They need not fear any la c k of sympathy from the agriculturists— ( Hear, hear)—he could answer at least that there would be no lack of it among the agriculturists of Scotland.—(Cheers. ) The peasants there are what they always were—a reading, a an honest, an d we ll-j u d g i ng p e ople.— a fe s e n ling not the laboure rs or p oor f armers a l on e who weredeep with them ; on the contrary, men who paid 1,0001. or t ( 2,0001. for their farms, and who were of the highest respectability joined with them.—( Cheers.) They viewed the question in its remote consequences, and they saw that though the existing system might do very well for them at present, it would tell against them in the end, because it would not leave any persons who would be able to purchase their corn and their cattle. He knew one farmer, who had paid a very high rent, and was fully impressed with the importance of supporting the present system of Corn-laws, as a protection to the agricultural inte rests, and who eventually became convinced, after a short con sultation with him (Mr. Renton), that it was merely a landlord's question. They were not, however, to suppose that such a feel ing of candour was general amongst the farmers of Scotland. The great majority of them were hostile to any change, and deemed protection to beabsolutely necessary for their interests, and the meeting might depend upon it that Sir Robert Peel's measure would be most unwelcome to them, giving - , as it did, less protection to the landlords than the proposition of Lord John Russell. But it was not unreasonable that those persons should be allowed some consideration in consequence of a great change, the results of which they could not foresee, as in many instances large capital had been expended ; and he therefore thought that they should have a very strong claim upon the landlords who had deceived the country and deceived them. That was a subject which required great con sideration, but the truth had been firmly fixed upon the minds of the people in his district that tie Corn-laws were not a ques tion which concerned the practical agriculturist or the la bourer, but one in which the landlord alone was concerned. In the words of Sir James Graham this was a question in which one portion of the nation would be arrayed against the other— millions against thousands. It was a question between 30,1)00 landlords and 30,000,000 of the people.—(Loud cheers.) It was stated that the party which was against the Corn laws Was very limited; but to those who said so he would reply, witness this meeting, composed of delegates from all parts of the country, and also thousands of petitions which had beers laid upon the table of the House of Commons for the re peal of those laws. Sir Robert Peel would net receive evidence from the members of the Conference, he would not even meet them before he went down to the House on Wednesday.— ( Loud cries of " Shame, shame.") He (Sir R. Peel) was the dupe of the party for whom he governed—(Loud cheers) — and one of the main features of that party was refusing to re ceive information from those best able to afford it. The Prime Minister skulked to the Continent, he listened to half a dozen Socialists, but refused to hearken to the voice of the nation, speaking through its delegates—(Loud cheers)—and yet he styled himself a patriotic elfish Minister ! But he was not the Minister'whom the people acknowledged.—(Loud cheers, and cries of "No, no."). He was the, Minister of a rapacious, oppressive, and heartless party.—(Cheers,) That party acted upon the old feudal system, by which the people were treated as beasts of burden for the aristocrats to ride on. (Cheers.) They seemed to please themselves with the syren song of peace and security, like the man in the days of Noah, who drank, and feasted, and wallowed, in voluptuousness until the flood came on, and hurled him to ruin. —(Loud cheers.) They were in peace and imagined se curity whilst destruction was gathering around them. He fervently prayed to God that not a hair of their heads should be injured, nor an article of their substance be touched, and he reposed the most unlimited confidence in the good feel ings and principles of the people that his prayer would be effective. He held a rather curious extract in his hand which he should read to the meeting:—" The feeling of the public must be hostile to the present Corn-laws. The receivers of rent are a very small body ; Wicked by public opinion they are almost omnipotent ; in violation of public opinion they cannot long retain any advantage. The contest is fearful, for on what grounds would it be decided? On the very topic which inflames to madness. That hunger which breaks through stone walls will be arrayed against them --reason will be heard no longer—the barriers of society will be broken down, and estates, distinction, honours, swept away in one resistless torte: tyre there, then, no limits to the powers of the landed proprietors; if they could be brought to act with unity of purpose, constituting, as they do, the vast majority of both Houses of Parliament, and backed, as they ultimately must be, by all the powers of the Crown ? 1 freely own, I know no bounds but public opinion, and this is a barrier which they cannot pass. Common interests and common dangers, may at last unite them, and lead to the exertion of their combined strength; but continually it will prove insufficient unless they enlist on their side the sense of the British public, and the interest of the great body of the people. The seat of public opinion is in the middle ranks of life, in the numerous class re moved alike from the want of labour and the cravings of ambition, enjoying the advantages of leisure, and possessing intelligence sufficient for the formation of a sound judgment neither warped by interest nor obscured by passion. Public opinion thus constituted cannot be outraged with impunity, and hence the established check which we possess over the Legis lature itself; for be it remembered there are measures which King, Lords, and Commons, though united, cannot carry. It behoves, therefore, the landowners not only to act in concert, but so to frame their measures as to combine with their own the interests of the community, and to establish their case en grounds which they can maintain conjointly with the safety and prosperity of the State." Such were the words of the Right Hon. Sir James Graham; and if he (Mr. Renton) had spoken treason, he was sheltered behind a pillar of strength.—( Loud cheers and laughter. ) Mr. COBDEN said he should ask, in the words used by his Hon. Friend, Mr. O'Connell, What stuff they were made of? Their metal would be tried in a fortnight or three weeks, and he asked them to suspend their energies until that time. It was a great point to get a cs'ommittee of the whole House. They had the bull at the stake now, and they knew how to treat him. Most certainly their friends in the House of Commons would very much neglect their duty to the country if they did not, during the next three weeks, learn more with respect to this iniquitous system than they had learnt for many years.-- (Cheers.) Why, what a glorious thing it was to get an ad vertisement of an Anti-Corn-law speech inserted in Monopas list papers.--(Laughter.) Only think of their being obliged to go through the purgatory of reporting them.—(Continued laughter.) They knew some of the arguments by which their system was to maintained. They had heard something- about them the other night.—(Hear, hear.) It appeared that they must not be dependent upon foreigners for bread. Now he said, let them be dependent upon anybody rather than upon the British aristocracy. —( Great cheering.) But, said Sir Robert Peel, they had an energetic peop.e, and he relied yet with confidence upon the energies of the British people. Yes ; and whose energies were they ? they belong to the people, or were the people endowed with those energies merely that they might be plundered by the aristocracy ?—( Hear, hear.) But they did not want corn in orJinary years, said Sir Robert , they only wanted enough, and they had better not have a surplus.—(A laugh.) Who was to judge when corn was wanted? it was exceedingly convenient for the landlord, or the landlord's humble instrument—it was very convenient for those who dealt in that commodity—to sit down and decide when the people who eat corn had had enough. But he apprehended that nature had endowed the working people of this country with appetites and digestive powers and capacities, and that they themselves were the best judges when they performed their functions aright.—(Cheers.) He ( Mr. Cobden) was a thorough free t ra d er to t h e b ackbone, and he would tell the meeting what it was that he meant by free trade ; it was, when the consumer of every do on where wghn :w(hli Hear, shouldwhether err, thear.)he yt dealt enough,Tihne They ac sacks se shouldnodf notwhethere.r let ora whetherhi t n d y w n a s f commodity was the judge of when he had had p h a n c y k s theirof ribboneonot commodities, t i s e i sl andan d w d h e e c n i decide e w y h h e a r de hadthe menge a oo a d a enough,—( p f nld thenl.—( Hear, hear.) The principles of free t w ere. adapted to offer the greatest happiness to the I s: ie nffid y peci e e n e s th l t on i greatest number. He would not injure the producer. Let the produce of silk go to any part of the earth which he might choose to exchange it for other articles ; and let the man who dealt in corn, Sir James Graham, for instance, take that corn to Switzerland or France, and there exchange it as his inclina tion, or interest might dictate. All he claimed was to be al lowed to carry his calicoes and fustians to the best market, and he was willing to allow the same kind of liberty to every other member of the community. It was but the true principle of doingunto others as they would that others should do unto,them ; and if they could carry this Christian principle intothe House of Commons, and persuade the corn - dea l ers to act upon it, there would be no difficulty in settling the disputed question of the Corn and Provision-laws.--( Hear, hear.) He was curious to learn what kind of arguments would be found to justify the monopoly. On this question justice had never been dealt out in the House of Commons. Ile looked forward with anxiety to next week. They had had a good deal of skirmishing, and divers pronsises, and sundry evasions of the question, but the " Artful Dodger " should be brought to the test of justice.—( Great cheering.) Yes, justice to the great body of the working people.__( Continued cheering.) Before the landowners passed a law to keep up artificially and legisla tively the price of their commodity, corn, they should first pass a law to keep up artificially and legislatively the price of the working man's commodity, labour.—( Great cheering.) He would bring them to the test in that House ; they should either confess that they could not, by Act of Parliament, maintain unnatural prices for labour, or else they should pass a law to give the -labouring man his two bushels anti a half of wheat a week, and make it penal for any farmer to give him less than the quantity. Let them do that before, as Christian men, they got up, and, in the very spirit of highway robbers, passed a law which created a monopoly in food.—(lmmense cheering.) But Sir Robert Peel said he did not pretend to promise that he could give a remunerating price to the farmers. There were some curious admissions and curious doctrines in the speech of Wednesday night, and that was one of them. He did not Fre und fur a. moment to say —it ,would be folly-' to pretend 'to say that he could g i ve a remune rating' price to, the fumy er ; that must depend upon other circumstances, upon the quantity produced, and the de mand. No; but he would do his best to give the landlords their full price; and if so many were starved off in the attempt to obtain it, if so many were ruined and murdered by the process,. he would turn round with a kind of smile and apology to the landowners and say, he would not do more than he had already done, so many had already been victims to the system. It reminded him very much of a hiscelebrated the plunder consisting charged by character, called Turpin ; who, when • d • confede rates withlaving committed a robbery, which was infr a dig., ken all she dsfended himself by saying he hadta to the landlords had.—(Laugh ter.) 'f hus Sir Robert might himselfjustify from the by saying that he had taken all he could extract people. upon The Corn-laws would be discussed in the House ofCommons and it would then be seen of three halfpence and a tinder-box, - o , the principles of abstract justice ; line of rule. They would try them by the perpendicularn. dby it. He predicted jus tice, arid see whether they would sta And then the next whether they would squa-e their conduct by such an iniquitous that they would not.—(ll"r' hear.) Commons having question would b e , the House of. bread, and starve truth, that they would tax the people's be, next question would how under the poor of the land—the thousand Proceed? Thus he came decided in the face of reason and justice, of argument and such circumstances should they that if they lnea ? k — ne ( bask to the point from which he had started, and he now re peatedcl,Srano t , , n oh.2h morallyH e wa s sure and Why would they submit to his countrymen.—( Hear, hear.) be starved, and put u on short allowance by thirty or forty his statement that three weeks would try the metal of aristocrats and squires were, t h e y . would not fear physically those thirty thousand or forty thousand them.— (Hear, hear.) But though really insignificant, they were not were as confident in their c..nsciou s of any weakness ; they wLoipihdowcrietsnssiigf ni`fi` strength as they were five years since ; they would not shrink one atom ; and until they had frightened these men, they would n ever o b tain justice at their hands. He could not be lieve for a moment that the English people, who boasted of their exploits abroad and at home, who . had given la ws , lan guage, Baia literature, to 90 large a portion of the world, wou ld exhibit to the present and succeeding, generations the sp ec t ac l e of a people crushed by the tyranny of an insignificant minority. How could they account for such an anomalous state of things? He could only account for it, by the blind veneraton for the established order of things which so freq uentl y ex isted in every old count ry —a feeling that because things had been they ought to be. It was only that blind veneration for the es tablished ordir Of things that could account for she existence of such an anomalous state of things in this country.—( Hear and cheers,) There was ancient Egypt, the cradle of the arts, of th e sc i ences, and o f literature ; and y e t t h e ancient P. — sl'ptians worshipped beeth s , oxen , and birds. Now,: if —the people English submitted to fall down blindfold it the feet of the aristocracy, if they did not worship beetles and birds, they would be falling down and worshiping something that was not much better.--(lmmense cheering. ) The time would come, ere long, when they would have to determine what must be done to give bread to the people. A great deal had been said about the necessity of union between the middle and working classes.--( Cheers.) Why, where was there any disunion between them on this question ?—( Cheers. ) It was nonsense to talk about disunion. He had been in all parts of the country, and had addressed many meetings, and he had never found any disunion be tween the middle and the working classes. —(Loud cheers.) He had found that at all the meetings fur the repeal of these laws which he had attended, the great majority of those present were composed of the working classes, and of the signatures to the various petitions which he had presented, he was certain that there were ten signatures of working men to one of the middle classes.—( Cheers.) And yet there were persons who were worrying and fidgetting themselves about a disunion be tween the middle and the working classes.—(Cheers.) There was nothing of the sort —( Loud cheers.) The working classes were as anxious for, and as interested in, a repeal of those laws as the present meeting; and if they meant to carry this question, they must adhere to the ground of justice. Let them stick to the question as a tax on the bread of thepeo ple, and not treat it as a question of increase of trade for the capitalists, and they would have the working men with them. ( Loud cheers.) He thought some of his friends must have been exceedingly gullable to have allowed a fellow to go about in a fustian jacket addressing the working classes, and saying he was one of the working men, and was seeking to obtain their benefit, when the fact was, he had never been a working man at all, but had belonged to the middle classes until be had been discarded.—( Hear.) He was no working man; he was only masquerading in a fus tian jacket, when he ought to have been wearing a black one.—( Loud laughter.) He (Mr. Cobden) was not to be ganamoned by suds nonsense as that.—(Cheers and laughter.) The working classes were with them, and they would have their support in carrying their question; and if they carried it it, must be by their support—(Loud cheers)—as long as they kept an eye to the interest of the working classes.—(lm mense cheering.) Well, what were they to do? He would point to the presence of so many Ministers of religion of every denomination, as a proof that their cause, had the sanction of morality and religion.—(Loud cheers.) That was their first bond of union and of strength.--(lmmense cheer ing. ) He had told them the aristocracy must be fright ened, and this bond at union of religion, and morality, was likely to frighten them more than anything else.—(Cheers.) Were they prepared to make sacrifices, and to undergo suf ferings, to carry this question ?—( Cheers, and loud cries of " Yes, yes.") The time was not far off when they might be called upon to make sacrifices, and to undergo sufferings. The time might soon come when they might be called upon to inquire, as Christian men, whether an oligarchy which has usurped the Government—(Cheers)•—placed its foot on the Crown—( Immense cheering, which continued some minutes) — and trampled down the people—( Continued cheering)—how far such an oligarchical usurpation was deserving of their moral and religious support.--(lmmense cheering.) They might have soon to inquire of themselves whether a Government which outraged the laws of the God of the Crea tion, whether they could, without themselves participating in the guilt of such a Government lend it any voluntary aid either pecuniary or moral.—(lmmense cheering.) They must not violate any particle of any law. Let the laws he ad ministered. Leave the Government their own resources, but let them offer to that Government a peaceable, a passive, and a moral resistance.—( Immense cheering and cries of " We will.") If they were prepared for suffering, they would soon have an opportunity of suffering.—( Cheers.) When the proper time should come he would be prepared to set them an example of suffering, to suffer with them.—(Loud cheers.) For he would nrver recommend a course to the adoption of others in which he himself was not prepared to take a part.—( Hear, hear.) And when would the time come ?—(Loud cheers.) As soon as the Bill should become the law of the land, by the physical force of a brute majority against reason, then would the time come when he should feel it his duty to secede, as far as he could do morally, from. giving all voluntary support, whether pecuniary or morally, to such a Government. —( The whole meeting rose, waving their hats, and eheering fop• several minutes. The effect produced was electrioal ; and never, on any occasion, or in any cause, have we seen a tithe of the earnestness which was exhibited.) The administrators of the law might enforce the law—he would not resist the law—but there must be somebody to administer the law, and somebody to enforce the law ; and he thought that three weeks hence the whole people would so thoroughly understand the real bearings of this bread-tax question, that they would not want physical force while they were unani mous.—( Loud cheers.) He would only say farther, that the question had long occupied his mind, and his feelings on the subject were the result of earnest conviction.—( Loud cheers.) He had given the question during the last three years as much attention as any man in Europe, and he had come to the solemn and delibep ate conviction that unless the system of monopoly under which the country was now suffering were done away with, and that speedily, they had not time now to waste— it was not an affair of years, but of months.—( Hear, and cheers.) They had no time to lose, and unless that system of monopoly were done away with, Le 100 ked upon the downfal of this country as certain as that Venice had fallen beneath the gripe of a selfish and heartless aristocracy.— ( Immense cheering. ) The resolution was then put and carried unanimously, amidst loud cheers. The CHAIRMAN then stated that the Executive Committee considered that resolution, which they had just determined on, was one of such importance, that it ought to he interposed be tween the resolution which had just been passed, and the grand resolution of the day, " the Memorial to the Queen to dismiss her Ministers."—(lmmense cheering, which continued some time.) He had, therefore, to announce that Mr. Joseph Sturgc, of Birmingham, would propose the resolution. The CHAIRMAN then read the resolution to the following effect That the Delegates assembled having denounced the Corn and Provision-laws of this country as a national sin, in flicting incalculable suffering upoa the industrious classes, and enormous evils on the community at large, pledge themselves, and earnestly recommend the constituency of the United King dom, not. again to support any Member of the House of Com mons who does not vote, or any candidate who does not pledge himself to vote, for the total and immediate repeal of this ob. noxious law."—(Great cheering.) Mr. JOSEPH STURGE then came forward, and was greeted with the most cordial cheering. He said that the Executive Committee, in asking permission to introduce this resolution, did not do so witii any slight consideration of the importance of the memorial to the Queen—( Hear, hear)--but because they deemed it unreasonable to ask the Queen to do that which they themselves were not prepared to carry out in their own practice.—( Cheers.) He congratulated the meeting on the noble feeling displayed by the Conference in its present ses sion.—( Hear.) Some years ago he found that the zeal of many was frittered away by their getting too near St. St . e.• pher.e.—(Cheers and laughter.) But so far torn there being too little zeal inspired into the Committee, he could inform the meeting that their distinguished friend Colonel 1 hompeon had had to put the drag upon them.—( Hear.) With respect to the measure of the Queen's Government, it was his own convictiion that no Ministers could have made up their minds to set at defiance the feelings and sufferings of the people.—( Hear, hear.) He would not hesitate, for a single instant, to say, that the laws supported by the aristocracy were such, that the greatest despot in Europe could not support them.---( Hear, hear.) And he thought that it was on the 9th of February, when this proposition was made in the House of Commons that the contest began between the aris tocracy and the people.— (Cheers.) Much would depend on their (the Delegates') forbearance, and their cordial union with the working classes. —(Cheers.) He had been looking this morning to the time when the laws were passed in 1815, and he thought that the meeting would not. lose much time in looking to the manner in which they were passed. He found in the Gentleman's Maga eine, Vol. lxxxv., Part 1.1815, p. 272, the following account It is our painful duty to record a series of outrages, oc casioned by popular irritation against the Corn Bill. On Monday afternoon (March 6), various persons assembled near the House of Commons, not numerous at first, all inveighing against the Corn Bill and the Members who supported it. An order to clear the passages of the House was executed with difficulty. Several of the mob acquainted with the persons of the Members pointed them out, and hooting or applause followed, as the Member was known to be friendly or adverse to the 13i11. At length many carriages were stopped, and the Members were obliged to walk through the crowd. The civil power being now deemed insufficient, the Magistrates having applied to the Speaker, received an order to call in the military. The Horse Guards suppressed the tumult, but the populace repaired to other parts of the town." (LEFT SPEAKING.) ANTI-CORN-LAW DELEGATES. NAMES OF DEPUTY, NAME OF ♦SSOCtATION OR CONGRE GATION, PLACE OF RESIDENCE, AND COUNTY. The following are additional names of Deputies since yesterday : Alder, J., A. C. L. A., Bethnal-green, Middlesex Aiken, Richard, A.C. L. A., Mitcham, Surrey Bainbridge, .1. N., Esq. , A.C.L. A., St. Martin's-in -the-Fields, Westminster Brown, J.. A.C.L. A., Camberwell, Surrey Bowkett, T. E., A.C.L,A., Poplar, ' , Middlesex Bright, Wm., A.C. L. A., St. George's, Southwark, Surrey Baines, George, Independext Congregation, Purley, Lancashire Blount, J. M., Reading, Berkshire Campbell, Peter, Dissenting Congregation, Paisley, Ren frewshire Colcoth, Robert, Society of Friench, Tottenham, Middlesex Cooper, Joseph, A.C.L A., Cupar, Fife ( ooper, Emanuel, A.C.L. A., St. George's, Surrey Cartwright, Richard, A. C. L. A., Eagle- street, London Cooks, Francis, A. C. L. A. ' St. Maryleb one , Middl esex Coats, Robe r t, A.C. L . A., Paddington, Middlesex Davies, John, A.C.L. A., Bethnal-green, Middlesex Dimmack, E. 8., Free Trade A., Bilston,near Wolverhampton Dyke, Joseph, A.C.L. A., 'Whitechapel and Stepney, Middlesex Dickens, Thomas, A. C.L. A., Daventry, Northamptonshire Ellk John, A.C.L. A., St. Martin's in-the-Fields, West minster Edgar, J., A. C. L. A., East Grinstead, Sussex._ Fox, Samuel, A.C.L.A„ Nottingham, Notts. Field, Henry, A.C.L. A., St. Giles's, Berkshire Fremingliann, A.C.L.A., Bethnal-green, Middlesex Frampton, C., A.C.L. A., St. Mary's, Newington, Middlesex llodgkinson, J., A. C. L. A., Chorley, Lancashire Hubbuck, T., Jun., St. George's East, Middlesex Haynes, Mr. P., A.C.L. A., Christchurch, Portman-market, Middlesex Heywood, James, A. C. L. A., Bethnal-green, Middlesex Harris, J. Quincy, M. P., New Castle, Staffordshire Hew. tt, Mr., A. C. L. A., Strand. Aliddlesex Hollins, Henry, A.C. L. A., Mansfield, Nottinghamshire Benjamin, A.C. L.A., St. George's, East, Middlesex Kershaw, Ja Liles, A. C. L.A., Manchester, Lancashire Kirby, Daniel, A.C.L. A., Uxbridge, Bucks Mullins, Mr., A. C. L. A., St. Martin's-in -Fields, Aliddlesex Maunder, F., A. C.L. A., Barnstaple, Devonshire Nichole, John, A.C.L. A., Bishopsgate, City of London Oliver, James, A. C. L. A., Newington, Surrey Pouncy, George, A. C. L. A., St. Martin's-in-Fields, Middlesex Pouncy, IL, A.C.L. A., St. Alartin's-in-Fields, Middlesex Pearnian, John, A.C.L.A., Uxbridge, Middlesex Pike, G., A. C. L. A., St. Saviour's, Surrey Preston, J. it, Metropolitan Young Man's Anti-Monopoly Association, London Parker, Patrick 11, , Relief Association, Paisley. Renfrew Peachey, Thomas, A. C. L. A., Liraehouse, Middlesex nolt, ll!orrice, A.C.L.A., Alitcham, Surrey ling son, Ed. Chas., A.C.L.A., Liverpool, Lancashire Skeggg, Rt., A . C, L. A., St. Martin's-in-the -Fields, Middlesex Soul, Joseph, Free Coramunioo Baptist, Cupar, Fife Thompsoand n, Geor ge, F ree Communion Baptist, Carlisle, Cum bei l Thomas, John M. Secession Church, M ay b o le, Ayreshire Traew ill, John, Secession Church, St. Marylebone, Middlesex Taylor, Bich., Secession Church, Finsbury, Middlesex Thornton, Dr. Vaughan's Church, Kensingto n Middlesex Tome, Rich. T., A. C.L.A.,Bethnal-green, Middlesex Whale, George, A. C. L. A., Woolwich, Kent Watson, Josepit, A.C.L. A., Newcastle upon-Tyne, Northum• - _ , _ berland Wilson, John, A. C. L. A., Bethnal-green, Middlesex Williamson, Richard, Wesleyan Congregation, Whitehaven Cumberland Walker, Thomas, A. C. L. A, Wolverhampton, Staffordshire Woodfall, H. D., A. C. L. A., Metropolitan Wheeler, Thomas, A. C. L.A., Manchester, Lancashire Whitesides, N. V., A. C. L. A., Metropolitan Watson, Joshua, A.C.L. A., Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Northum berland Winbush, Thomas, A. C.L.A., Newington, Surrey Young, G. A., Reform Association, Marylebone, Middlesex NAMES OF MINISTERS. NAME OP MINISTER, DENOMINATION, PLACE OF RESIDENCE, AND COUNTY. Aitken, William, Presbyterian Secession Church, Fifeshire Blood, William, Independent Burns, Jabez, Baptist, New Church, St. Marylebone, Middlesex Cairns, P., United Secession, Steteater, Ayrshire Cox, F. A., Baptist, Hackney, Middlesex Clough, F., Independent, Uxbridge, Middlesex Davies, John, Independent, Linton, Cambridgeshire Davis, Baptist, Eye, Suffolk Milner, Thomas, King-street Chapel, Northampton Nellor, Frederick, Independent, Camberwell, Surrey Preist, Edmond T., Commercial-street, Northampton Recs, David, Independent, Llanelly, Carmarthenshire Rothery, J., Baptist, Hanover-street, Glasgow Roycroft, W. T., Baptist, London Thomson, John M., A. C. L. A., Maybole, Ayrshire Townly, Dr., Brixton, Surrey Wade, John, A.C.L.A., Deptford, Kent CUSTOMS DUTIES. (WEST INDIAN AND NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES.) RESOLUTIONS PROPOSED BY MR. GLADSTONE, IN THE 1011- MITTEN ON CUSTOMS DUTIES (WEST INDIAN AND NORTH AMERICAN COLONIES.) I.—That from and after a day or days to be named, the duties chargeable upon goods, wares, or merchandise imported or brought into any of the British possessions in America or the Alauritius, under or by virtue of the following Acts re spectively , (namel) ) Aet 4 Geo. 3, cap. 15—Imposing certain Duties on Wines imported into the British Possessions in America ; Act 6 (ieo. 3, cap. 52—Imposing certain Duties on Mo lasses, Syrups, and Pimento, imported into the Bri tish Possessions in America ; Act 14 Geo. 3, cap. 88—Imposing certain Duties on Spirits imported into Canada ; Act 3 and 4 Will. 4, cap. 59—For regulating the Trade of the British Possessions abroad; shall cease and be repealed. 2.—That in lieu of the aforesaid Duties there shalt* pay able upon goods, wares, and merchandise, not being the growth, production, or manufacture of the United Kingdom, or of any of the British Possessions in America, or of any of the British Possessions within the limits of the East India Company's Charter, imported or brought into any of the British Posses• skins in America or the Mauritius, by sea or inland carriage or navigation, the following Duties; that is to say : Wheat Wheat-flour Fish, dried er salted Fish, pickled ... the barrel Salted Meat Butter ...... Cheese Coffee Molasses 3 0 Sugar, Unrefined ... 5 0 Refined Kin indom bond in the United 10 per cent. ad v al w g••• Other Foreign Refined Sugar ...... 20 Tea, unless imported direct from China, or unless imported from the United Kingdom, or from per pound any of the British Possessions... SPIRITS : d. - - - Rum Other Spirits Wine. whether bottled or not Cotton Manufactures Silk ditto .... per gallon 0 6 9P 1 0 Linen ditto Woollen ditto Leather ditto Glass ditto Paper Ha . rdware ditto Clocks and Watches . Manufactured Tobacco . 7 per cent. ad valorem _ . Soap Corks, Cordage, and Oakum Pitch, Tar, and Turpentine.. Oil, Blubber, Fins, and Skins, the produce of creatures living in the sea And if any of the goods hereinbe-1 fore mentioned, except refined Sugar and Tea, shall be imported Such goods shall only through the United Kingdom be charged with one (having been warehoused there in, ar.d being exported from the m .n o . moiety of . the du ties osed here warehouse), or the duties there- n tore imp . on, if there paid, having been drawn back And if in any of the British Possessions in America or.the Mauritius, any duty be chargeable by any Colonial Law upon any articles similar to the above, but being the growth, pro duce, or manufacture of the United Kingdom or of the British Possessions in America, or within the limits of the East India Company's Charter, beyond the duty (if eny) chargeable by such Colonial Law upon similar foreign articles—the herein before-mentioned improved duty upon such foreign articles shall be increased by such excess or am mut (as the case may be) of the duties so chargeable by such Colonial Law upos imilar British articles. And if in any of the British Possessions in America or the Ahura' us any duty be chargeable by any Colonial Law upon Tea imported direct from China, or imported from the United Kingdom, or any of the British Possessions, beyond the duty (if any) chargeable by such Colonial Law upon Tea not so imported—the hereinbebre-mentioned Imperial Duty upon Tea not so imported shall be increased by such excess or amount (as the case may be) of the duties so chargeable by such Colo nial Law upon Tea imported direct from China, or imported from the United Kingdom, or from any of the British Possessions. 3.—That from and after a day to be named, so much of the said Act for regulating the trade of the British Possessions abroad, as provides that any sort of craft, fcod, and victuals, except spirits, and any sort of clothing and implements or materials fit and necessary for the British Fisheries in America, imported into the place ar, or from whence, such Fishery is carried on, shall he duty-free, be repealed, except so far as regards the following articles ; (that is to say) Salt Meat, Flour, Butter, Cheese, Molasses, Corkwood, Cordage, Oakum, Pitch, Tar, and Turpentine, Leather and Leather-ware, and all sorts of Fishing Craft and Bait, Fishermen's Clothing and Hosiery ; which articles are only to be exempted from duty under such rules and regulations as shall he satisfactory to the principal Officer of ( ustoms, that the articles are really and truly in tended to be applied to the purpose for which the same have been entered. 4. That from and after a day to be named, goods, the pro duce or manufacture of the Islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Al derney or Sark, when imported from such Islands into the British possessions in America or the Mauritius, shall be ad mitted to entry upon payment of the same duties as are payable upon the like goods, the produce or manufacture of the United Kingdom, or of any of the said possessions. 5. —That the Chairman be instructed to move for leave to bring in a Bill to consolidate and amend the Laws relating to the trade of the British possessions abroad. COURT CIRCULAR. V Tuoasoar.—This Queen and P r i nce Alb ert left the Castle liN i n : "' acarriage and four, preceded by outriders, at twenty-five minutes past eight o'clock this morning, for the Royal Pavilion at Brighton. His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and the Nurse, and her Royal Highness the Princess Royal, were in the next carriage. Their Serene Highnesses the Prince Ferdinand, and the Princes Augustus and Leopold of Saxe Coburg, and the Ladies and Gen tlemen of the Royal suite, followed in six carriages and four. The Royal suite included the Viscountess Jocelyn, Hon. Miss Paget, Hon. Miss Liddell, Baroness Lehzen, Earl of Morton, Hon. Captain buncombe, Colonel the Hon. Charles Grey, Captain Francis Seymour, Colonel Wylde, Count de Degenfield Schomberg, and Captain Zaitsch. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness were escorted from the Castle by a party of the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards, corn. manded by Lieutenant the Hon. C. Cust. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited her Majesty, the Queen Dowager yesterday at Marlborough House. His Royal Highness Prince George of Cambridge has left town on a visit to the Duke of Beaufort, at Badminton, Gloucestershire. His Serene Highness Prince Edward of Saxe Weimar, visited their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, at Cambridge House. M. Fortique. the Venezuelan Minister, transacted business on Wednesday, at the Foreign-office_ A Deputation from the Great Western Steam Ship Company, consisting of Mr. William Miles, M.P., Mr. P. W. S. Miles, M.P., Mr. Thomas Kingston, Mr. Henry Godwin, Mr. Christopher Claxton, and Mr. Bouville Were, had an interview with the Chan cellor of the Exehequer yesterday at his official residence in Downing -street. Despatches from the Governor of Van Diemen's Land, and also from South Australia, were received yesterday at the Colonial-office. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yesterday. The Queen's Advocate concluded his reply for the appellant, in " Charles Deare and another v. Ellen Elwyn." Judgment was deferred. An appeal, " Taylor v. Taylor," from the Arches' Court, was, after a short hearing, dismissed. The Lords present were, the Lord President, Lord Brougham, Lord Campbell, and Mr. Justice Erskine. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucester had a Dinner party yesterday at Gloucester House. The company consisted of their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, and the Princess Augusta of Cambridge, the Earl of Westmoreland, the Earl and Countess of Jersey, the Earl of Clare, Lady Augusta Somerset, Lord and Lady Wharncliffe, Lord Em!yri, Lady Georgiana Bathurst, Major Stephens, Sir Samuel Gordon Higgins, and the lion. Captain Liddell. THURSDAY. — vAboIIt three o'clock her Majesty and Prince Albert, attended by the Royal suite, arrived at the Pavilion. Earl Delaware and Lord Liverpool arrived a short time before her Majesty and Prince Albert, and receivf,d her Majesty at the Grand Staircase. The Marquis of Exeter is expected at the Palace to.morrow. His Royal Highness Prince Albert has already inspected a great portion of the Palace, and expressed his admiration of the unique and splendid apartments. The Royal dinner party included his Serene Highness Prince Ferdinand of Saxe Coburg, his Serene Highness Prince Augustus of Saxe Coburg, his Serene Highness Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg, Lady Jocelyn, Baroness Lehzen, Earl of Liverpool, Earl Delawarr, Baron Stockmar, Mr. G. E. and the Hon. Mrs. Anson, Lord Morton, Captain Duncombe, Colonel Grey, Colonel Wylde, Dr. Przetorius, le Capitaine Comte de Degenfield Schomberg, and le Capitaine de Zaitsch. The High Constable having received official information that her Majesty would arrive this day, issued a notice to that effect, and summoner' the inhabitants to meet him at the Town-hall, to keep the line of road from the Pavilion to the Hare and Hounds, at the north entrance of the town. In pursuance of the notice, upwards of one thousand of the inhabitants met the High Constable at the Town hall, and were furnished with white wands. They then proceeded to the northern part of the town, where barriers had been erected across the streets to the entrance of the Pavi lion. The whole line of road had been newly-gravelled Every balcony and spot that commaneed° a view was crowd. ed to excess; in addition to which several galleries were EVENING SUN erected for the accommodation of the anxious spectators, and to whole line presented a most animated appearance. • J ' t . RI °' In order that the inhabitants might have an] oPPor a -- n , 0 00 demonstrating their loyalty, a number of the tradesmen w ittf7 ce fo r the High Constable, and suggested that he should issue a nr .b s t, the shopkeepers to close at If: o'clock; in consequence of w n n u i tn e 0 most every shop was closed; and, from the immense ~ w it. that had poured in from the neighbouring village: ~ 11 tress the arrival of her Majesty, Brighton pres ;7 t o the appearance of a metropolitan gala. Between one 8 _,,,„ai1l LI - d o, o'clock, C a pt a in P cc h e ll an d J. N . Wigney, Esq., & the Members, several of the Clergy, Major Allen, George _ ,1 70 a I' Esq., and C a pt a i n H eav i s id es, M ag i stra t es o f the Town; .rali of Commissioners and their Clerk ; Thomas Fuller, E. ,, I, theft;, Constable, and oth er au th or iti es of the town, North Gate of the Pavilion, and took up their station to vi „ t ip her Majesty and her Royal Consort. The Royal Standard 04,4„ Town Colours were also brought to the spot. Shortly sfte rw pl, detachment of the 2d Scots Greys, accompanied by theirtto under the command of General Grant, arrived, and lined the „ince+ from the Palace, the Band taking up their rtation at the : r rL d t, and playing several airs. At half-past two one of the Royal 7 00 11 assembled :coo containing part of the Royal Household arrives, and in Sb ?, 00 1 an noune , : t o an hour the fla g was hoisted at St. Peter's Church, the Royal cortege, consisting of five carriages, was in view- ° °. ,otle to p, 3: 0 in sight of the town the horses slackened their speed trot, and on entering the boundary of the parish fell 3 e le t l o , 1 , walking pace. The cheers were now enthusiastic, an d, th y 01 sands that thronged the line greeted the Royal Par t Y. cc rtil waving of hats and handkerchiefs. Her Majesty and Pr t i l. JO bert who looked extremely well, rep e at e dly bowed t° ,:olib e 4 titude. Her Majesty was observed to notice particularly 3 a Of , of the bathing women who had assembled at the entraneewoo Town, bearing blue and white flags, and dressed in t heit bigl 4 I, jackets and white aprons. The numerous spectators we'''.4oo 0 , gratified with a sight of the Princess Royal and the r i ;', of i Wales, as their nurses held them up to the wi n °- 1 . tag . the carriage as they passed up the line. This falo et. greeted with loud cheers. Detachments of the II Lb Ild ° oo oti carted the party the whole distance, and the portion th at mthl Brighton was under the command of the Earl of Cardige n ' od $lO Royal Royal party approached the Pavilion, the band of the 11 i tti' Grays struck up the national anthem, and the guns b ° ! be 11 0 1: i Royal Battery and the Chain Pier fired a Royal salute. ' ar stP 1 party having entered the Palace, the immense multitude l ie doe The whole of the Brighton police, under the command °f t i o - 10 0 „ 1 officer, Mr. Solomons, aided by Messrs, SuperintendanD s il i e* l and Elmes, were on the ground, but the greatest decorum Pr e and no accident was heard of. ttli t ! The illuminations were very general, and on a scale of grey nidcence. • MONEY MARKET und CITY 0 0 „ A y, FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS ''''- a Os' ' POST.—The important question brought under th . r bst deration of Parliament yesterday evening, by the Pre r l i n e t ;l4! engrossed the almost exclusive attention of the CitYi ta llr during the day. The Minister's statement may be s a ,',,Legi* given satisfaction so far as the matter has been exele" i 'dr ' eially that part of the arrangement which is calculated, °_., t , 0 the system of jobbing, both here and on the Contlibtl evade the 'operation of the revenue law. It i 3 tPtigat is the importation of wheat under the new scale will '''', l 4 l . , of duty generally ranging between 6s. and 95., or 10s. be fig ! CHRONICLE.—The most correct description of ,t e ' ing produced in commercial circles, by the new elid in e 7sl3 o ,i proposed last night by Sir Robert Peel, is that of ge. 0 _, 4 0 , appointment. The funds, wh ch are the truest 11l '; 0 1 1 .. public feeling in the monetary world, have shown n o or thy with the Cabinet measure. It is not considers b t / i ot r rate men of any political section as sufficient to settle ‘ c op tion, or to contain within itself such elements of usef ul as can entitle it to their support. esf tet i ; TIMES.—It is scarcely necessary to say that the T,i,- 0 sure relative to the duties on corn almost wholly eng i Tt i ,„ of!, tention in the city, and it is satisfactory to be able 00,71, generally with regard to it, that it meets with a tnn r " a olr a ' able reception from all parties than might have been,„ i dt" pated. The classes who may be said to take a lively into' the question, so far as the city is concerned, are the In e . da ttr, the dealers in corn, and those capitalists, a pretty 0.- M portion, who have invested largely its landed property orr, last, however, are all more or less imbeed with a °t e ar, feeling, which renders their views of s uch State l i er more liberal than those of the retired landholder, d'il ° sr pied exclusively with his own position. f 0 0 1 The mere mercantile view of the question has re-e, o f f A cessarily to the possibility of rendering corn an oh.i°, c ", ti v d , tar commerce, and not something which the mer''„" ° ,, , ,, hardly venture to touch without hazard, and mixing nr ° OS lation with their ordinary habits. These would, n' 3 .007„ have greatly preferred a fixed duty, b u t we think it ' ll- t 'ilito be said that this proposition of Sir H. Peel's is a sor proximation to a fixed duty with whi c h they are ill a I a do r measure content. HERALD.—The opening of the Ministerial I n e ,4 the future regulation of the trade in corn has been '''.. t ,%en J received in the City to-day by moderate men of all 10 1. ;,& P . , even in quarters where it has not been exactly etYr a . oto:; where the scale of reduction in the duties proposed ',,b a ‘1,4 sidered to be carried sufficiently low, the weight et `, 4 , ' ments adduced by the Minister in support of his own P r ' 4 1 P - 4 1 views is admitted on all hands to be almost c onclusiv el l , e, sistible. It is not to be de n i e d, h owever, t h at a ra ther lot of duties upon the variable scale would not have been Un es tsl; able in commercial circles, and it is believed that such bl ec trti would not be incompatible with th a t a d equ ate pre" eeeb agriculture which no one whose head is equal to tin' f of a common syllogism will disput e t o b e indispenS tb o l9 l°. lei from the difficulties which it i s well k n o wn beset th e 9 u glyr of the Corn-law question, and th e cons id er ation Inu, , ', one to another between great nation a l i n te r ests, it Is si o f ' 1 , felt that a slight difference only in a ma tter of fise welt arrangement ought not to be permitted to disturb th e der which should exist between them, or t o engender e e t o tuate discord. eb e llti SUN.—The position of Texas and Mexico, tovrards e a . est- rr is one in which many parties here feel a deep intl . ': tife, d . letters from Mexico prognosticate a war between ti' i bis'r it it publics, every possible preparation being made for 0 of pose. Vessels have been purchased, iron stem to t a at building, and an action at sea was expecte d sinitieso of San Jacinto by land. Before it may be too late,,,Soator the mediation of England, which has recognised' 7w-- employed to some advantage? Those conversant "i 4 io American affairs have some hopes that it would. ~,,et The disappointment felt in the City at Sir lenv - ,_ 4 1 14 notable Corn-law plan, is, to use a he cl ` ll6* " .l ' 4 " easier imagined tha n d escr ib e d." M any. parties' ' I:logrii the Premier in politics, sanguinely anticipated some that S ter than this from him ; and are heard to declar e :A t h . t°;? Robert, whom they at least took f or an a ble mar!' the ir , original ideas in his head, h as sun k 50 p er cent. in - ii mation, by so common-place and stale a proposition. ,foeit, English Stocks closed rathe r b e tt er . Consols for 0 er pl . ; 89 to 89h, and for the Account at 894 t o S9l. Bleb ecito ii;tl were 21s. to 245. premium. New Three-and 4 ;,,,i Cents. were 913 i to 98b. India Stock got up to 24 5 , i s Stock to 1684. The Foreign Stocks were also rather better, as re g‘t rag v, Peninsular Bonds, Spanish bei ng 2.4 25, and 11°1 . 32i ; Mexican were rather fiat. The Share Market was neglected. thelle We find the following in a letter from Jr A- to t he 20th ult. :—A horrible murder has just been Pe r Pf - fotcsf this city. The house of Monsieur Negroponte Y l uon gl' t 'd entered at night by a.sassins, who stabbed him 1 " r- a ssiiird heart, while in bed with his wife. No cause has beou re tsfrt fur this diabolical act ; the victim had only recently . a Ob e li to hi: family from England, where he had resided 1 ' 5 ,, a tOptl merchant for some years, and was justly esteemed for disposition and upright dealings. This is the third 0 1: 0 1 r o z . • which has occurred in Athens during the last nion th ',o - 1: 01 1 1 shame be it said, with impunity, as the police are t o f ) „.; tO copied in espionage for political purposes - to find after such trifles. 0 ~' 0 CORN-LAWS.--At public meeting, con' o e' ,-,lv'e the purpose of t a ki ng i n t o cons id erat i on Sir R o b e rt st 11 tion on th e C orn -l aws , an d w hi c h was hel d esterd a King's Arms T avern , Philli p• l ane, i n t h e Ci ty , it rtg/tbe apt but-unanimous opinion of the m e eti ng (there be,mb r or b is hand held up f or the contrary)—" That Sir R. Pee l 'g fi o 4 1c alteration of the C orn -l aws i s an i nsu l t to t h e Peq i eo°°'i country." It was theft proposed, and carried utl,ii,oo IS " That the thanks of thi s mee ti ng b e g i ven to The ''' - r tior° paper, fur it s p ower f u l, p ersever i ng, an d unt i r i n g e le " the cause if the suffering people." pe ,e GENERAL BUZEN.—The Journal des t he Is p t tells a singular story of a presentiment which oceiV i i ed e pr e ttih General's mind that he should inevitably die in 1a ,, - ge year, 1842. He had three times a dream at the w , 01:01 prefiguring this, and in which be fully confided. ' l ;', to P.se like ) o . lc er ir niations which have already made one victim, are another in the person of the General's widow, wh o ' o f 01e received the fatal news, has continues! in the same 'P ing, and refusing all kind of sustenance. Alt P ot The belt othal ist . Prince Edward of Sal e o hte r i o burg, and Princess Louisa of Reuss Greiz, eldest d 5 ,.,f e oo' the reigning Prin ce H enry XIX . o f R euss, to ok ar t 20th ult., at the Palace of Greiz. 03- ,e A letter from Algiers says that the greatest geld the summits of the Atlas are now covered with sn' lvi 7 .- „t i erc a tO ral, only a few points remain white during the V - o lie' ve rf the aspect of the chain is very magnificent. T, " h e ws , the pools near the town had been frozen, wlue unusual --------f)V A GOLD WATCHES, LONDON -NI 1,0 po A T. COX SAVORY, Watchmaker, No. 47, Corrib i T leett °ll pi seven doors from Gracech urc h- s t ree t, su b m its for who 0 IV very large STOCK of GOLD WATCHES, the en an which are easefully exam i ne d b y experienced eNr p ee. . premises, and each i s warran t e d f or correct perforo is SIZE FOR LADIES. Fine Vertical W a t c h es , j ewe ll ed, in engine-turne d 1 0 • 0 gold ease, and gold di a l s , warranted .. ........... , Fine Vertic a l W a t c h es, j ewelled, wish double-backed r 2 1? engine -turned go ld cases and gold dials warran ted Patent deta c h e d L ever Watch e , , welled in "r ' holes with double-backed gold - Cas j es and 0 'e go ld dials , 1 4 1 4 warranted .................. .• SIZE FOR GENTLEMEN. Patent detach e d L ever Watches; jewelled in f nu.,. i g ° holes, second s , an d d ou bl e -b acked go ld cases, W ar' IS ' ranted 0 Patent detached Lever Watches .. . C;i) six holes, seconds, double-backed gold cases an d II enamel dials, warranted ........ ... ................. 0 Patent detached Lever Watches, capped, i , jewelled i t r i . 0 six holes, seconds, double-backed gold cases a n 2l 4 issif gold dials, warranted .................................. old OP Either of the Gentlemen's Watches may be had in g -4 cases, for 31. 3s. each extra• c hang e ' N.B. Second-hand Watches purchased fn ex .p-e.d..,j. ... ;:elled i ii On the 4th of December, at la d) of Captain William J. Rind, of a son. the poor, o f 00, , 0 2 1 r S t° On the 25th ult., at FlorebacTteH,StShh;ehliaedilyano. A.- - • ° i t s' her Majesty's 38th Regiment, of a son. , f ad o On the Bth ult., at Smaley Lodge, Herts, the A Y ftlit h, tenant-Colonel Hankey, o f a son . - reer fr 0 1, On the Bth inst., at Laurel Villa, New- r oad, H an ' le 0.1 the wife of Anthony Reb o ul, Esq., premeurely of ma , th e that survived but a few hours. Regent's-par On the 9th inst., in Cornwall-terrace, Reg en ' ---'''. lady of William Paynter, Esq., of a daughter. -- i Cu r ' . us Lor. Ar oet MARRIRD- On the Bth inst., at Halifax, Yorkshire , SOU"' ' a ria lewis, Esq., of Tilba-Tilba, New South Wales, to A Jo hri daughter of the late Mr. James Collins. , Alt' Air , On the Bth inst., at St. Marc Abbotts, Kensingto.,.er of Boyd Finnie, of Brighton, to Elizabeth, third &ugh' Lauret Holmes, of Notting-hill. - pou t ' Aofloo l or n ,nd O etfish e sfe t at o h.l b s e st r , last, at Aloublc•Da,linEtphe• Crimea , Dr. j°ll° o u n it. 6 , f atßombay, Captain Adam Rear -Admiral Young, Camberwell. 'cke ,a, C L . cl O4 On the 7th ins'., at Bungay, the Rev. T. Be y " tt / /I c her° A pro On the 7th ins'. at Bri hto Y n, Mrs. Maria BA'a f oluo of the Rev. Rober•t'Portengßeachcroft, late Rector o Bedfordshire. _______.--- ------ of is ,lo, yOVA - A 1 0 London: Printed and Published by AIVRI)IO,2, 1 o va .3. , No. 112 , Strand, at The Situ Office, No. „, , I d. 12, ' the County of Aliddlaaes, Friday, February I" Youn g, ofd onlctr,baue;h:,i.ii, Gi Tlre b the lasi your Tr fore tl t ° ,ll Pla T. 1 E '"Pen „ sai TO s 40 k r , git 4so, gsa wid • Y •2 6 Pal Years t the a r ,° l 41 1) , kind d'e.,,1484 ia ir eh s to tr i ng k y n „ toc ‘n l% 4 ‘lt e ; 4 ets i sli ce tf the or i n Itep re , by th to eom at his tond o of the V4l Admit lowinp " To G 111EF Will I Alow] Precis tion, * , Dolt, wog office s, Ng ~, C'