The Sun. — London, England, 1842-06-02 00:00:00

Y , . ribirbf Nbition SUN-OFFICE, Seven o'Clech. IMPEUIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS EVENING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The • Speaker took his seat shortly before Four o'Clock, and there being only 15 Members present at Four, the House adjourned. HOUSE. OF LORDS. Their Lordships sat at Five o'Clock. INCOME-TAX BILL. Mr. 6 1 REI brought up from the Commons the Income-tax Bill. The Bill was read a first time, and was ordered to be prioted. At the suggestion of the Low, CHANCELLOR, Lord CAMPBBLL postponed his .motion relative to the pro ceedings against a witness in a Scottish Court of Justice. _ ANSWER TO THE. ADDRESS The LORD CHANCELLOR read her , INesty's most gracious answer to the address of the twohouses presented yestgrday. The answer was as follows :-- " My LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " I receive with heartfelt gratification this loyal and dutiful address from the two Houses of Parliament. " I am thankful to the Almighty for his merciful care, protecting me, and the Prince, my beloved con sort, from this danger. I humbly rely on the good providence of God, in preserving me from every danger. " Firm in this trust, and sincere in the desire to • 3siornote the happiness of my people, lam comforted and supported by this renewed assurance of your at tachment to my Government and person." The answer w as or d ere d to be inserted in the re cork.ls of the House. CRIME IN IRELAND. Lord EBRINGTON moved that the returns of crimes in Ireland should be continued to a later pe riod than had been moved by a Noble Earl (the Earl of Glengall) on a former evening. He thought those returns might be brought down to the month of March last. The Marquis of NORMANBY, remarked, with regard to the case of Mr. Biddulph, which had already come before their Lordships, that it might appear at j.lrst sight as if the blame of the delay which had oc -mitred in that case rested between the Lord Chan cellor of Ireland and the Lord Chief Justice. He was anxi'ous that the public should know where the blame really( did rest; and he would most unhesitatingly state that it must rest either with the Crown Prosecutor or the Crown Solicitor for not having furnished the reports of the trial to the "Government, and thus keeping them in ignorance of an important fact. He did not wisl to stir any further in this matter, hut he thought it dew to the Government to say that the matter could no e have originated with the Lox d Chancellor, or the Lord Chief Justice. The motion betre the House was then agreed to. INCUMBENT'S LEASING BILL. On the motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE, this 1111 went through Committee. NATIONAL EDUCATION (IRELAND.) Viscount LORTON presented a petition from Ca en against the system of Nation a l Education. INCOME TAX AND TARIFF. Earl STANHOPE presented a petition from some ace in Norfolk against the Income-tax and the ariff, NEW POOR-LAW, The NOBLE EARL then presented a petition from tipping Wycombe against the New Poor-law, and s p , eral similar petitions from Bradford and its ne i g hb3urhood. He had now to present a pet i tion m a u individual named Butler, who had been em yed under the old Poor-law, and who in his peti. SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY. GLOBE.—The perturbation of the public mind, caused by the dastardly and atrodious attempt on the life of her Majesty, having subsided, and the assas sin in design having been safely lodged in Newgate, there to abide the judicial investigation, and its conse quences, prescribed by the law, the attention ofthepubli c naturally turns to the circumstances which preceeded and accompanied the act. Among these, the chief topic of remark is the unaccountable disregard shown by the Government to the premonition of approaching danger, supplied by the information which was given to Sir J. Graham in the course of Monday, as to an attempt to discharge a pistol at the royal carriage having been made on the preceding day, on her Majesty's return from attending divine service at the Chapel Royal. ,Sir Robert Peel, on Tuesday night, in the speech with which he prefaced his motion for an Address of Congratulation from the House of Commons to her 3lajesty on her providential escape, admitted the infor mation communicated to Ministers of an attempt laving been made on the preceding day. As a matter of course, they apprised their Royal Mistress of the circumstance. Her Majesty's noble disregard of personal danger, coupled with kind solicitude for the safety of her female attendants the one leading her to take her accustomed airing, as though no such information had been communi cated; the latter shown in her declining the customary attendance of the Lady in Waiting — these were referred to in both Houses as indubit able, ascertained facts ; and yet it does not appear that a single precaution was taken either to avert the consequence of another attempt, or to seize the in - dividual who might, with more cautious and deter mined aim, again seek to execute his horrible design. Not an extra policeman, nor any other person, with special instructions to keep a watchful eye on the move ments of individuals whose manner was marked by anything peculiar, was planted along the line of road they must have been well aware, or might easily have ascertained, her Majesty would take l The beautiful and characteristic trait in her Majesty's disposition, in not allowing her female attendants to be exposed Ito any danger, if such were to be apprehended, be comes yet more impressive when contrasted with this apathy, to use the mildest term, displayed by her Mi nisters under such circumstances. STANDARD.—Nothing more than we have al ready stated has transpired to throw light upon the late attempt upon the life of the Queen. This would disappoint our readers, if curiosity was the prevailing feeling ; but a much higher sentiment is gra tified by the proof thus afforded, that this atro cious attempt was the act of an individual villain without accomplices ; for had any par ticipated in his crime, it is scarcely possible but that before this suspicion at least must have lighted upon some of them. The fact is, that all the man's acquaintances have been ascertained—almost every moment of his time for several months has been accounted for, and from, all the knowledge thus obtained the conviction has been arrived at that there was no confidant of his guilty purpose, not even one. Such considerations are important, as proving that tl e.e is no villain still at large from whom danger can be apprehended ; and they are gratifying, as fixing the proportion of loyalty i n th e B r iti s h . . people--many millions opposed to a unit. If it were not forbidden to rejoice in the existence of evil, in however small a circle, we might almost rejoice in the foul attempt that has been made, from the opportunity it has afforded of testing the loyalty of the universal British Nation, arid the devoted love of which the Sovereign is the object. We adduce not, as the proof of this loyaly, the Addresses of the Houses of Parliament, warm as these Addresses came from the hearts of Lords and Commons ' • nor even such displays as that of yesterday's levee, though splendid and sincere beyond example. It is of the sentiment of the universal people we speak--of that sen timent thus eloquently but most truly described by the Tithes of this morning—" East and west, Parliament and ' working men's classes,'hthe levee and the theatres, we are happy to see vie with each other in the display of enthusiasm towards the per son of the Queen, and in indignation at the atrocious and deliberate attempt which has been so providentially frustrated." It is the opportunity of earning such a feeling of enthusiastic love, and that only, which renders rank and power desirable—this is the com pensation for danger and for a thousand toils and vexations. Long may Queen Victoria enjoy it, as she well deserves—exempt from the attendant perils and alloyed as little as possible with whatever else may disturb her quiet. COURlER.—Matters of' more immediate tem porary interest precluded us from noticing yesterday the subjects discussed in the House of Lords on Tues day evening—subjects which, though not of direct bearing upon any great interest in the State, we nevertheless deem to be of considerable importance. With regard to the first question, we mean that re lating to the conduct of the Bishop of Quebec in re fusing permission for the erection of a tablet, in the cathedral of that diocese, to the memory of a British officer who died there, it is sufficient to remark that the sole power of granting or refusing vested in the Bishop; and whether he acted with sound discre tion or not on the occasion was a matter upon which the Parliament of England is not in a condition to pronounce judgment. We therefore think Lord Howden might have entirely overlooked the matter; or at least brought to its discussion greater equani mity and less bitterness of tone than he seems to have done. The Right Reveresd the Lord Bishop of Lon don rested the justification of the denial on the regu lations issued by the Bishop of Quebec on the subject of monumental tablets in churches, subject to his episCopal authority ; and upon being rather sharply assailed by Lord Brougham, his Lordship took higher ground, and boldly declared his approval of the act in , question. Lion entered into a detail of the grievances' under which he laboured; in consequence of the alieration of the Poor-law, and expressing a hope that the state ments of the petition would attract the attention of the law officers of the Crown to the subject. Lord BROUGHAM doubted whether it would not be contrary to the rules of their Lordships' House to receive the last-mentioned petition. The petitioner stated that ever since the amendment of the Poor laws had taken place, the different authorities had managed to shift the responsibility of their actions from one to the other, and the prayer of the petition was not addressed to their Lordships at all; it stated that he confidently trusted that having laid his hard case before their Lordships, the attention of the law officers of the Crown would be attracted to the sub ject, and that they would take measures to amend the law, and to have the petitioner's grievances addressed. —(A laugh.) Under these circumstances he thought the petition could not be received. Earl STANHOPE admitted that the petition was not in the usual form—(A laugh)—possibly the peti tioner had framed the prayer in the way he had done for the sake of variety.—(Loud laughter.) Lord CAMPBELL apprehended that no petition could be received unless it prayed their Lordships to do something. This was a petition, not to their Lord ships, but to the Attorney and Solicitor-General. — (A laugh.) It had been misdirected.—(Laughter.) The petition was then withdrawn. The Earl of FALMOUTH presented a petition against the new Poor-law. INCOME-TAX. The Earl of RIPON fixed to-morrow week for the second reading of the Property-tax Bill. THE DISTRESS OF ME COUNTRY. Lord KINNAIRD rose to call the attention of the House to the motion, of which he had given notice, on the distress of the country . He wished that some other Noble Lord on his side of the House had been found to bring forward the subject, as he felt that he was not competent to undertake a question which he con sidered of the greatest importance. It was the causes of this distress which he thought it was necessary to enquire into., There had been so many contradictory statements on all sides, that he was satisfied many Noble Lords were ignorant of the full extent to which the distress exists. While they lived at the west end of the town, they could see but little of the misery which existed even in other parts of this city. And when they returned to their country seats, in the cottages to which their own particular attention was directed, they saw nothing of the misery which existed only within a few miles 01 them. He felt he should not be doing his duty, if he did not state to their Lordships some few, and but a few facts, which had come to his knowledge, facts of the very deepest importance, as showing the distress of the country, which had been gradually advancing ever since 1820, and which had now reached not only the working, but the middle and trading classes. He was satisfied that her Majesty's Government were fully aware of the distress. The proof of it was, that they had advised her Majesty to write a letter, for the purpose of raising funds for its relief. He must own that he could not altogether approve of that letter. The distress might call for it, but he doubted its policy. He also disapproved of it entirely in one sense, inasmuch as it was addressed exclusively to the members of the Established Church. For what object he knew not—no communication had been made on the subject to the dissenting minis ters—what could be the object he knew not, whether it was for the purpose of setting forward the Esta blishment as a pattern of charity. However, he thought it was necessary that the communication should be general. There was another fact that convinced him that her Majesty's Government was fully aware of the existence of this distress. It was this ; and was a very important one, and one to which he might perhaps feel it his duty on another occasion to call the especial attention of the House—he meant the unconstitutional use (and he asserted it boldly) of the public money to suppress—to strangle the public ex.. hibition of the distres. He asserted that boldly—he could prove it. From what fund the money came, he knew not, but that money was so applied, Govern ment could not deny. There was another proof that Government was well acquainted with this distress, and the danger attendant on it. It was this, an order had been sent down from the Horse Guards to the troops in the distressed districts desiring them to consider themselves as on active service. It was known throughout the country that those districts were in a dangerous state. He would do the Go vernment the justice to believe that they could not have been aware nine or ten months ago, of the then distress, because .if they were, nothing could justify them for having let so much time pass without doing anything towards an inquiry or towards alleviating the distress. Hundreds of petitions, signed by thousands of persons, had been presented to their Lordships, praying for cheap food, and their Lordships had turned a deaf ear to their prayer. They had asked for bread, and their Lordships had offered them stones.—(" Oh, oh.") The effect of the Com-law Bill lately passed was to raise the price of corn 3s. per quarter, and that, too, without a prospect of anything but a further increase,. He supposed that one reason for that was, that grant ing a Committee would be holding out to the peo ple they could do something that would alleviate their distress. He thought such a reason very insufficient. Another ground was, that no advantage would be derived from the Committee. He thought their Lordships would remember they had heard from Noble Lords that the Import Committee was of no use now. What was the result ? Why, that the Members of the Government in the other House, when they wanted an argument against their own friends, they referred to that very Committee, and the publication of the evidence before that Committee had been of the greatest importance. And the excuse might be, that it was not necessary, because the prospects of reviving trade were much better than they had hitherto been. He believed that such was the opinion of the Noble Earl, the President of the Board of Trade. Certainly the accounts that had been received from Maechester were better, but it was not to be supposed that that would be permanent. The Noble Lord, the President of the Council, had stated the other night that, when the funds collected through the country were exhausted, it would then le time enough to take other steps. In his opinion, they ought not to wait for the result of that appeal. The majority of the working classes had been existing, for the last eight or nine months, almost entirely on charity. The Noble Lord then went into a statement of the produce of the customs and excise since 1836, for the purpose of shewing that as compared with the increase of population, there has been a decrease in the consumption of articles of subsistence. Although the population was increasing at a rate of 400,000,1 a-year, the quality of articles they consumed was diminshecl. The returns from the workhouses showed the same fact. It was proved by Returns laid before the House of Commons, that the num ber of persons who sought application into the workhouses, varied with the price of food. but in the last year the poor-rate had increased, though the average was not so high as in the preceding year. He would take the parish of Marylebone as an example. In the year 1886, the rate was ls. 2d. in the pound, and the sum raised was 44,5731. Last year the rate was Is. 11d. in the pound, and the sum raised was 76,355/., shewing a difference of 31,7821. This difference in the parochial expenditure was to be attributed to the increased expense of main taining a greater number of paupers. When provisions were dear, the applications for ad . • a aa mittance were most numerous, - and when they were cheap, the applications were fewer, and better wages were given for labour. There was another document to which he wished to call the attention of the Noble Duke and the re presentatives of the agricultural interests, and he thought it was a very important one. The actual consumption of wheat in England was falling off. During the last three years the consumption had fallen off nearly one and a half million quarters. There were numerous ways of getting at the consumption, but it had been found that the best way to arrive at the general con sumption was by multiplying the quantity re turned by the 150 towns, where the averages were taken by five, and adding the amount imported from abroad from the Ist of October, 1839, the quantity returned by the 150 towns was 2,620,753 quarters ; which multiplied by five, gave 13,103,765 quarters ; add to that 2,620,753 quarters imported from. abroad, that will give 14,242,257 as the general con sumption during those six months. In 1841 the quantity returned by the 150 towns was 2,467,783 quarters, which multiplied by 5, gave 12,338,915, and adding to that 1,311,642, quarters imported from abroad, and the total con sumption would be found to be 13,650,557 quarters, beinc , a diminution of nearly 800,000 quarters as compared with the preceding years. Then from the Ist of Octob err , 1841, to the Ist of May, 1842, 2,216,201 quarters was the quantity returned by the 150 towns, that multiplied by:s gave 11,081,005, to which bein g a dd e d 2,200,000 quarters, the quantity impor3e,2dBl,fooroms quarters. abroad, the total c onsumption would be But out of the 2,200,000 quarters of corn imported from abroad, he had reason to know that 400,000 quarters, upon which the duty had been paid, were still lying in warehouses. (LEFT SPEAKING.) TATTERSALLS-(THIS EVENING) Six O'CLOCK. ASCOT CUP. Even on Lanercost 2 to 1 agst Beeswing 4 to 1 agst any other ST. LEGER. 20 to 1 agst Meteor—taken The rest as before. w ~. C ~~.. v TRH SUN, LO7M . N. THURSDAY.EX-ENING,. ,T6 - N;E:2, 1842.' . .THE,-GENERAL , ASSEMBLY , . WHAT IS SEDITION ? (From the Edinburgh Weekly Chronicle.) The length to which members of the General As sembly have gone in the spirit of physical force chartism, has of late suggested the question to our friends, in reading their proceedings, "what is sedi tion ?" We know that Muir, Palmer, and other worthies, were transported within the last fifty years, and that hundreds of Chartists were imprisoned with in the last three years, for what was called " sedition ;" and we know, too, that in the General Assembly words are reported to have been used, which, taking all the circumstances into account, appear to our minds even more objectionable than those for which the penalties of the law were inflicted on some of the political martyrs and Chartists; yet we cannot venture to bring forward even this unfavourable com parison, as a proof that the members of Assembly are justly chargeable with sedition, because we have always believed that a number of political martyrs and Chartists, to whom we have referred, were un justly condemned. The speech of the Rev. Dr. Chalmers on Tuesday evening, filled as it was with the most insulting re flections on the decisions of our Supreme Courts, which he treated with the utmost scorn, describing them as arbitrary and tyramiical in the extreme, and fit only to be held up to public reprobation, was in the worst spirit of the Feargus O'Connor school of oratory, and certainly calculated to stir up the worst passions of that very small section of the people who feel any interest in his sayings and doings, or that of his party. The speech of Mr. E. Monteith, Sheriff of Fife, was, if possible, still more objectionable than,that of Dr. Chalmers, considering that he is the paid servant of the State—one of her Majesty's inferior Judges —and consequently bound by . every legal and moral tie, to inculcate submission to, and respect for, her Majesty's Government for the time being, and for the acts of the Legislature, as expounded by the only authorised inter preters, the Supreme Judges of the land, consti tuting the Court of Session. But in place of follow ing this course in his speech on Monday, his object appeared to be to hold up both the Government and the Supreme Courts to public odium, and that, for sooth, because they seemed determined honestly to perform their duty, by enforcing obedience to what they believed to be the law of the land, although op posed by an insolent and domineering priesthood, and their abettors the Non-Intrusion elders—for it is per fectly notorious that the great body of the people are opposed to the plans of this small but well organ ised body of Church officials. According to the re port of his speech, as given in the organ of the party, the Witness, he said : " But it ought to be recollected that we have been unsuccessful in all our former efforts, and we became more and more satisfied that our failure arose from our not striking at once at the root of the matter. We had tried to reconcile Non-Intrusion and pa- 1 tronage, but we found them to be irreconcilable. We know not what the Government intend to propose—we know not what the Right Hon. Secretary may intend —but if the Government intend to allow him to ride rough-shod over the Church of Scotland, we tell him boldly that it will only be over the dead bodies of her sons.—(Great applause.) That is what we ought at once to tell the Government. All ought to respond to the call which has been made upon the Church to protest against patronage. l hope the call will be manfully responded to on this side of the house, and I trust not one of us will quail under the consequences.—(Hear, hear.) I would warn my friends on this side, that there is no safety in flight—be firm, therefore, in the cause; nail your colours to the mast, and victory will be yours.—(Ap plause.) If you yield now, if you submit to be taunted by your opponents, that all your agitation has been but a mere bluster—if you allow it to be affirmed of you, that when the Court of Session comes 1 to your door, you will forget all your former princi ples and professions—that you will keep your stipends, and forego the interests of the Church, then you will deserve to suffer. But I am sure I speak the sense of the great majority of the house, when I say that, cost what it will, we shall never submit to a settle ment of the question on any lower ground than the absolute security of the principles of spiritual inde pendence and Non-Intrusion.--(Hear, hear.)" Here this paid servant of the State appears to in timate, that if her Majesty's Ministers shall, through the proper accredited channel, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, perform the duty which, as her Majesty's responsible advisers, they have solemnly sworn to perform, that of enforcing by the strong arm of power, if needful, obedience to the law of the land, as interpreted by the Supreme Courts, their proceedings will be opposed by physical force ; and that if the resistance shall ultimately be overcome, this can only be effected by . calling in the aid of an armed force ; and that even in that case, the resist ance will be of such a determined character, that her Majesty's authority will be vindicated only by the slaughter of the Non-Intrusionists, by riding rough shod over the small party forming a majority of the Church Courts, assuming to itself the title of " The Church of Scotland," and " over the dead bodies of her sons ! ! ! " THE CONFLAGRATION AT HAMBORGH. HAMBITEGII, FRIDAY, MAY 27.--The state of the ocal Fire Insurance Companies causes much un easiness here, as the parties interested in their stability are very numerous, and the amount of property, for the restitution of which these Companies are respon sible, is by no means trifling. Considering the great number of people who have been year after year re gularly paying their insurance-money, the failure of any of these concerns will produce a degree of misery only surpassed by that already resulting from the dreadful conflagration of which this city has been the victim. The rumours current respecting them are not of a nature to give much satisfaction to those parties who, having insured, hitherto re lied on the certainty of receiving the full value of their property in the event of its being destroyed by fire; and the feeling of irritation which must ensue, should this confidence in the present instance be disappointed, will add to the many difficulties created by the ruin of a large portion of this city. It is not easy to reason with suffering individuals, espe cially when they constitute a multitude; and, atter taking every precaution which prudence could suggest to secure their property, it is not likely that they will be satisfied, when they are told, now that they are reduced to a state of destitution, that the destruction of property is almost unparalleled ; that they must wait patiently until affairs are arranged, and after all expect to receive but a portion of the compensation to which they are strictly entitled. The poor, thanl God ! are well provided for ' • and as a proof of this, 1 can state, that since 1 ha v e been here I have scarcely seen one beggar in the streets ; but the painful embar rassments of the middle classes, now reduced to the same level of poverty, it is not possible to calculate. Though little transpires here officially respecting the measures taken to relieve the condition of these classes, it is generally understood that the Committee of Aid neglect no means of assistance which the amount of the funds at their disposal, and a prudent desire to render them available for as long a period as possible, enable them to adopt. In addition to the steps already taken to relieve the middle classes, it is projected to form a company for the purpose of ad vancing money on goods. A portion of the sums re mitted from England, amounting to about 8001., has been forwarded direct to Colonel Hodges, the British Consul, at whose suggestion a Committee, consisting of some of the most respectable British residents, was promptly formed. Through the intervention of this Committee, the money.is laid out in the way desired by those who have so benevolently subscribed it; and every care is taken to relieve such British subjects as may have been sufferers by the fire. There is a class of persons, sufferers by the fire, whose fate exc it es pecu li ar comm isseration. These are the mortgagees of the burnt houses. It is cus tomary here for the property of orphans, widows, and small capitalists, to be invested in this way upon houses ; and I am informed that there are few houses to which a mortgage of this kind is not attached. These mortgagees, consequently, will be totally ruined, unless their income, derivable from the house property, be in some shape or other restored to them ; and in the mean time the suspension of their regular receipts subjects them to extreme difficulty. Those who think that the State will raise a loan to rebuild the city, and most people incline to the opinion that this is the only step which, in existing circumstances, can be adopted, also believe that the Government will take upon itself, as a first measure, the payment of the interest to which these unfortunate sufferers ar e entitled for the money which they have invested in houses. Subscriptions are being daily sent from all parts of the Continent to this town. Accounts from Berlin of the 24th instant state that 12,590 dollars had been collected. ' At Augsburgh, before any public sub- Feriptions were opened, a certain number of mer chants had subscribed 10,640 marks banco. At St. I'etersburgh, independent of the present made by the Emperor of Russia, a subscription had been set on foot by the Duke of Leuchtenberg, among the Impe rial family, the amount of which, it is stated, did not fall short of 140,000 silver rubles. A considerable crowd was collected a few days since, in the Rue Beauregard, before a house from which loud cries Froceeded. Suddenly the glass of a window was dashed to pieces, the casement thrown open, and a man forced Out a woman whom he held only by the hair of her head over the street. A . cry of horror burst from the persons below— mattresses were placed on the place where the unfortunate woman was to fall, but she, by a desperate effort, succeeded in catching the window-sill, and at last, after creeping up, pushed in the man, who struggled with her. The guard arrived nearly at the same moment, and arrested the ruffian, who was c ndutted to the guard-house, amidst the groans and hisses of the crowd. BRITISH AND HUNGARIAN COMMERCE. " Advanced Sentinels of Civilization," from the vantage ground upon which, day and night, we hold our watch, we were the first to discern, in Hungary, a new land of promise —open for the enterprises of our commercial men—ready for the relief of our manu facturing districts, glutted with the over-energy of artificial production. The Hungarians themselves, overwhelmed with the natural, infinitely varied, and inexhaustible produce of their prolific soil — hemmed in by their political topography, and by the restrictive laws of the mother country cut off from external commerce -- the Hungarians, we repeat, were the first to respond to our call. The news of Sir Robert Peel's new tariff has made their feelings reach the highest pitch of enthu siasm. Our cautious commercial men, in their turn, are at last awakened to their interests, and day after day we hear of fresh movements amongst the monied portion of the community, having all for their tendency commerce with Hungary. All the information necessary is obtained, and the basis upon which they are to proceed .is now established. The most influential men in Hungary have sent over de clarations of their fi rin . decision to join heart and hand in any project. From the Archduke Palatine, who governs so liberally the country, down to the lowest of the " one-house Nobles, (Anglice, yeomen) who sit in the " County Congrega tions"--every respectable inhabitant of Hungary appears to aspire after a commercial intercourse so devoutly to be wished for. Now there remains but the action of diplomacy to accelerate and firmly es tablish the success of that combination of English and Hungarian men of enterprise, who have already put forth their energies, and have begun to place them selves in a position of virtual and positive action. If any slower-minded persons could for a moment think that, under the circumstances of both countries, delay would be unimportant, the movements of a re presenlative of another free country would shame their indifference to the anxiety of our suffering manufacturers. The representative of the United States at the Court of Vienna has already made energetic advances to Prince Metternich, with a view to form a direct communication betwixt America and Hungary. Should we be the last in the field ? Under two widely-differing Administrations, the brothers of two successive Ministers of the English Crown have held the office of British Ambassador at Vienna. There are two courses to follow, in a posi tion of such close relationship to the great man of Home influence. The one is, to indulge in a plea surable somnolency on the strength of such near kindred; the other is, to exert one's-self so as to in crease the credit an d th e va l ue o f t h e serv i ces of the brother at home by the exertions of the other brother abroad. The latter is the course which we are sure that able diplomatist Sir Robert Gordon will adopt— even should it make his predecessor shudder, as, with the luxury of a lazzaroni's dolce niente far, he gazes on the softly rippling summer waves in the Bay of Naples. As to Prince Metternich, we can only judge of the course he will follow by the conduct he has always held in moments of crisis. We feel well assured that this great statesman, viewing the ex citement of the public mind in Hungary, will not belie the whole course of his glorious career by a want of foresight, energy, and magnanimity on the present occasion. When the great Canning, rising in the House of Commons, and borroiving the simile of the poet, threatened he would let forth against the country which resisted his plans the imprisoned winds of Liberalism—Canning, we repeat, who so soon repented, showed himself a great orator, but not a great politician. No statesman can keep such winds incarcerated—for, like steam, they require safety valves, or, by increase of pressure, they burst out of themselves, and destroy all that surround them. The effervescence in Hungary is of this character. We feel convinced that not only Prince Metternich has no idea of untoward resistance, but that the saf e ty- va l ve o f concess i on h as long been prepared. This once applied, the elements of de struction will be turned into a means of increased power by the able engineer. The Hungarians, once reconciled, by attention to their urgent wants and first prayers, and once fully employed in the pur suits of commerce, 'will feel with us that the Govern ment of Austria is an example to every other mother country in the universe, for the ability and gentle ness of its sway. But our readers, many of whom have never thought of Hungary but as a land of chivalry and romance, affording imperial tokay to the table of the epicure, or a picturesque dress for a fancy ball—our readers, we repeat, will expect some positive data to support our assertions as regards that land of promise. We will only at present offer the following on the spur of the moment. The first consideration is the disposition of the na tives with regard to this country. The Hungarians, who are a high-minded fr*e nation (a great portion of whom are Protestants), carry their predilection for England to such a degree as to be swayed by it even in trifles. An Hungarian tailor commends himself to favour by proclaiming that his are the last Lon don fashions, and the manufacturers at Vienna trade under false colours, having labels printed in this country to affix to their manufactures to give them greater currency in Hungary. But the feelings of the Hungarian community has sought its formal ex pression in the most authentic documents. We have before us legal instrument s , in which the grea t es t men of the land loudly proclaim the advantages both countries will derive from unrestricted intercourse under the sanction of Austria, and their readiness to join heart and hand with English capitalists in bring ing the compact to bear. The following are the names affixed to one of those declarations, amongst which figure the highest men in rank and in office, in the church, the administration, and in the army : Count John Nep Neglevich von Buzin (L.S.), Upper Cup Bearer, Supreme Count of the county of Barsch, Chamberlain and Privy Counsellor, &c. Count Joseph Telekey von Szek (L.S.) ' Keeper of the Crown, Chamberlain an d P r i vy Counsellor, President of the Home Department, Supreme Count of the County of Szaboltsch, &c. Baron Alpis Mednyansky von Medyes (L.S.), Vice- President of the Treasury, Chamberlain, Privy Counsellor, President of the Board of Education, Supreme Count of the County of Neutra, and Ad ministrator of the County of Trentsch. Paul Gyurky von Lossoncz (L.S.), Chamberlain, Privy Counsellor, Supreme Count of the County of Krasso. Stephen Szerenscy von Sziget (L.S.), President of the Court of Justice, Privy Counsellor, Supreme Count of the County of Arad, &c. Count Abraham Vay von Vaja (L.S.), Chamberlain, Privy Counsellor, Supreme Count of the County of Marmaros, &c. Paul Kiss von Nemesker (L.S.), Chamberlain and Privy Counsellor, Civil and Military Governor of the Free port of Fiume and Buccary, &c. Count Stephen Szechenyi (L.S.), Chamberlain, Vice- President of the Hungarian Literary Society, &c. Count Georg Andrassy von St. Andras and Krasna horka (L.S.), Chamberlain and Administrator of the County of Gomor. Count Georg Karolyi von Nagy Karoly (L.S.), Chamberlain and Administrator of the County of Cosongrad, President of the Union of Agricul ture, &c. Anton Fejes von Balaton (L.S.), Counsellor and Attorney-General, &c. Joseph von Jackovits (L.S.), Vice Supreme Count of the County of Temes, &c. Simon Dubravicky von Dubravieza (L.S.), Vi ce Su preme Count of the County of Pesth, &c. Moritz von Szent Kiraly (L.S.), Vice Supreme Count of the County of Pesth, &c. Nicolaus von Mariassy (L.S.), &c. Count Alexander Csaky (L.S.), Hereditary Supreme Count of Zips, &c. Count Sigmund Csaky (L.S.), Hereditary Supreme Count, &c. Baron Leopold Salhausen (L.S.), &c. Count Ludwig Battanyi (L.S.), &c. Count Lud w i g K aro l y i (L.S.), &c. Count Eugen Zichy (L.S.), ( 64 c. Baron Nicolaus Vay (L.S.), Member of the Court of Justice, Chambe r l a i n , a nd Administrat or o f th e County of B orso d, & c . Baron von Fay (L.S.), Sheriff of the County of Pesth, &c. John von Zlinsky (L.S.), Sheriff of Pesth. Anton von Bellaagh (L.S.), Assessor of the County of Pesth. rgnatz von Vegh (L.S.), President of the Court of Appeal, &c. Franz von U rmeny (L.S.), Privy Counsellor, Cham berlain, & c. Count G a b r i e l von Keglevich (L.S.), First Lord of the Treasury, Privy Counsellor, Chamberlain, u preme Count of the County of Neograd, &c. Count Anton von Forgaez (L.S.), Chamberlain, &c. Joseph von U Count Ni co l aus Z ichy (L.S.) Chamberlain, &c. Count C ar l Vi czay (L.s.), Ch a mberlain, &c. Count L u d w i g H aller (L.S.) ,ice Transylvanian Noble lain, & c . Count Ant on S zapary Chamberlain, &c. Anton v on A tzel (L.S.), Counsellor and Adminis tratornuenY (L.S.), -Vice Palatin Chamber of th e C ounty of Csongrad, &c. Joseph v on A tzel (L.S.}, Chamberlain. Chamberlain. John Nak o von N agy M iklos (L.S.) Count Jos e ph T eleky (L.S.) Governor o f Transyl vania. Baron Georg Orczy (LS.) &c. Count. Ludwig Forgacz B cc• Da v n a i n e i l a, v sc on c. Zeyk (L.S . ) C ounse ll or of Transyl- Ba n r a o t n es A o l f bq i t .a ß ns a y n i f i y an (L ia: S.), Edward von Zsedenyi (L.S.), Counsellor of the Trea sury, &c. one of the richest Mag- Baron Albert Pronay (L. S.), Administrator of the County of Pesth.... Joseph von Patay (L.S.) Baron Ladislaus Bemer (L.S.), Bishop and Septemvir. Erneric von Tersztyansky (L.S.), Bishop and Sep temvir. Joseph von Lonovics (L.S), Bishop, Privy Coun sellor, &c. John von Grosser (L.S.), Archdeacon. John S. Frolich (L.S.), Merchant of Pesth. Georg Fakacsy (L.S.) Merchant of Pesth. Carl Burgman (L.S.), Merchant of Pesth. Francis Wieser (L.S.), Citizen of Pesth. Joseph Robitsck von Ugornya, Merchant of Pesth. To these names may be fearlessly added those of the Prince Esterhazy, and of many of the nearest connections of the Prince Metternich. Hungary is a country which, whilst abounding in the richest natural products, is totally destitute of every article of manufactures of a superior description ; in the former natural treasures we will find the ready payment for our artificial products. The duty of 60 per cent. on both exports and imports of Hungary is the legacy of an absolete and barbarous fiscality, and is disgraceful and disastrous to the mother country, and totally at variance with the high-minded paternal rule of Austria. Lacking at this moment time and space, we will expose on the earliest opportunity the many other points of view and the innumerable facts which make us consider the prospect of commerce with Hungary as one of the greatest hopes of our manufacturing industry.—Morning Post. NEWEST LONDON AND PARIS FASHIONS FOR JUNE: (From the World of Fashion Monthly Magazine.) BONNETS.—PaiIIes de Riz. These bonnets will certainly be the greatest favourites for afternoon toilettes. Some are lined with silk glace, pink or blue; the interior of the brim surrounded with pale pink or blue tulle ruches, the garniture composed of velvet ribb ons , lignes and shaded. Others are lined with coloured gauzes, the brides formed of a very light small flower, and the outside decorated with white lace and splendidly drooping feathers, mostly shaded in the same colour. Fancy straws are much worn for morning costumes, the most fashionable be ing decorated with the Josephine crowns, which are simply a wreath of bluets or roses, which form the cen tre of the erown, and gradually diminishing on each side. We have seen one or two trimmed with a light style of gauze ribbon and shaded marabouts, which are also very pretty. A most charming style of bonnet are those made in white crepe, the form raised, and trimmed on one side with a bouquet of roses, and on the other with two small rosettes in ribbon, composed of white taffetas, approaching close to each other ; also those made in straw coloured poult de soie, the form slightly raised, and trimmed with a bavolet very deep, in order to avoid the head being too uncovered at the back ; shallow in the centre of the front, and low on the cheeks, ornamented with a long white plume, nuee, straw colour ; a small garland of roses decorating the inside. Others in pink poult de soie, the form raised, and trimmed round the front with three folds of crepe rose, and three slanting feathers of the same colour placed upon the left side of the bonnet. CAPS.—Estelle. This pretty cap is made of gauze, light as a puff of summer air, and is intermixed with nceuds of gauze ribbon, blue glace white, with long floating ends attached. Many other new styles of caps are beginning to be worn ; they are composed en tirely of lace, which is placed so,as in some measure to cover the front part of the head, the lappets on each side being made perfectly straight, and the crown of a moderate size. It is now considered bad taste to wear the cap too much at the back of the head : for instance, a little papillion a la villageoise, plain in the form, but embroidered and encircled with a Brussels edging, or, instead of its being plain, with large folds. Some have the ears sufficiently long to admit of their forming on each side two small barbes, sometimes re lieved with a nceud of ribbon, or a small cluster of rose buds. LES ROBES VICTORIA.—This is one of the greatest novelties of the present season. The sleeves are made perfectly plain, the skirt very long, and the corsage cut in a becoming shape, setting close to the figure, and yet allowing of ease and liberty to all the movements. A very delicate fancy silk trimming of well-assorted colours, and forming an exquisite de sign, is placed over each of the large and principal seams, giving it a very new and becoming effect. These dresses are each calculated to show a good figure off to the greatest advantage. Peignoirs in organdy are now being much worn ; they are generally encircled with a broad hem, through which is passed a pink or lilac ribbon ; the same surrounds the double pelerine; a narrow roseate of ribbon attaches the manchettes, which are com posed of three rows of rich lave. Ball dresses are now being made of satin, blue, white, and black ; also of taffetas d'ltalie, of tulle illu sion, &c. ; the upper skirts opening in the front, and showing the jupe of satin of a soft shade ; the facings of the dress plaited, or gathered at distances, and caught with pretty trimmings in ribbon of the same shade as the satin jupe. Walking dresses are still worn, made in silks, satins, &c. For instance, a dress of poult de soie, verdant green shaded violet, t r i mme d en t a bli er in embroideries of green gympe-work ; the corsage tight ;-the waist a rounded point; close fitting sleeves; cardinal pelerine, embroidered all round in a wreath, to match the dress ; also a dress in gros de Naples of a beautiful pearl grey, the jupe embroidered all round the bottom with a double garland of laurel leaves; tight body; rounded point ; and a facing of the same covering the bust and forming a point in the centre; tight sleeves, over which is worn a double short sleeve ; manchettes in lace, falling over the hands. Lastly, a dress of satin d'Afrique, green glace groseille, the skirt trim me d en tablier with ribbon, pl ace d i n a festoon, each notch of the festoons ornamented with a button-hole formed of the ribbon, in the centre of which is placed a gold button ; high and close fitting body, opening in a point in the front; tight sleeves • a stomacher of lace inlet is worn unde rnea th the body, fastened by two gold buttons. We may here remark, that the skirts are still being made extremely long and ample, par ticularly when composed of rich materials, the most favourite trimmin g being fancy shaded fringes and open work gympe. COLOURS.—The favourite colours of the present season are those shaded blue and pink, pink and myr tle green, grey and mauve ; also that beautiful Iris colour, being a blue shaded on pink and glace white, or a marron shaded on green and glace white. THE NIGHT TELEGRAPH IN FRANCE.---The Corn ralttee of Deputies on the bill for granting 30,000 francs for ex periments on a night telegraph, has declared that that invented by Dr. Guyot, which is by means of moveable lanterns, is the only cne worthy of being put to the proof, and recommends that the trials be extended to a line of at least sixty leagues, and in foggy or misty weather, as well as in the night. A letter from Alexandria, 6th inst., states that M. Blondel, the Belgian Consul-General, who was arrested on his .cientific tour in Abyssinia, by the chief of an Arab tribe, has been released, through the influence of the Governor of Kor dofan, who is entirely devoted to Mehemet Ali. BRUSSELS, MAY 31.—The steeple of the church of Veerle, in Belgium, was struck by lightning during the storm of the 24th, and the tower totally destroyed, and doors and wall much injured. The same storm ravaged 94 hectares sown with wheat, rye, &c., in the communes of Eynthout and Vork; the damage is above 40,000 francs. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 1. SOUTHAMPTON ELECTION. Mr. MACICINNON said, that in rising to move nat the writ be issued for the town of Southampton, ne could assure the House that he did so from no personal motives. It was matter of perfect indiffer ence to him whether the writ was issued or not. All he desired was that perfect 'fairness should be done ; and if bribery and corruption were proved, such practices ought not to escape ; but, if no fresh evidence were adduced, or arguments urged, he trusted the writ would be issued. He hoped that the same meed of justice would be dealt to Southampton which was dealt out to Ipswich. The Reports of the Committees in both cases were almost the same. In the case of Ipswich the Committee reported that they were of opinion that extensive bribery prevailed at the last election for that borough, and that the writ ought to be suspended until the evidence was printed and submitted to the House. That was the Report-- but what was done ? It was decided on Thursday that the writ should be issued. Was not that in direct opposition to the Report of the Committee ?—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) But it was done to do Jus tice to the Borough of Ipswich—(lronical cheers)--the House not thinking there was sufficient evidence before them to deprive the people of their just rights. The Report of the Southampton Committee was, that evi dence was given before the m th a t an extensive system of treating was carried on by means of local a ssoc i at i ons, that large sums of money were paid to voters, and that a sum of nearly 5,000/. had been expended, which was too large a sum for the legal expenses of an election ; and that these facts were deserving the serious attention of the House. At the previous election there had been a much greater expenditure on both sides.--(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) But did they withhold the writ then ? And were they going to commit the mo ns t rous anomaly of keeping back the writ now, when they had granted it before ?—(Laughter .) Did th ey never hear of anybody having been bribed befor e ? an d would they, on the Report of this Committee, disfranchise for a given time from 1,400 to 1,500 voters ? • The Committee had discharged its duty with zeal and ability, and there was no evidence that any other C omm i ttee was required. Were they going to assume the monstrous principle that after an Election Committee had d ec id e d on a petition and made their Report, if any vagab on d o f any b orough town chose to present a petition requiring another Com mittee, they were to comply with it. Of all the extra ordinary precedents that had ever been established in that House this was the most extraordinary. Twenty vacancies might occur and the House might be called upon by twenty . vagabonds to suspend the writ.—(Hear, hear.) He submitted that unless some substantial ground were stated, they would be violating the Constitution and law of this country by postponi ng t h e i ssu i ng o f . the writ upon the mere petition of Mr. John Wreruzr,yflth- out detaining the House further, he would now move that the Speaker do issue a writ for the election of two burgesses to serve in Parliament for the borough of Southampton. Mr. W. B. BARING seconded the motion. Mr. W. 0. STANLEY said that in ing to move the suspension of the writ for the borough of South ampton, in opposition to the Honourable Member for Lymington, he was aware that he was taking a very ex • traordinary course ; but he thought thatin the m mutes of the evidence taken before the Southampton'Elect'on Committee, there was sufficient reason why the House should pause before they consented to the issue of the new writ. It had been proved before the committee that bribery and treating to a large extent had been prat-. tised at the late election for the borough. It appeared to him that after the s_pecial.Report to which the Com mittee had come, th e House ought not to accede to the issuing of a new writ, without some inquiry into the evidence taken before the Committee. He would feel it his duty to comment upon the evidence given before that Committee by an Honourable Member of that House. (Mr. Fleming). It was found from the bankers that that Honourable Member had supplied a sum of 5001. for defraying the expenses of the election. The Hon. Member, when called before the Committee, stated that there had been a great deficiency of money to meet the expenses of the election, and that he had undertaken to make a collection among his friends in the neighbourhood of Southampton, and that he had received subscriptions from them which he had put to the credit of the Conservative party ; also, that he could not give the names of those persons without a breach of confi dence, and, therefore, he put it to the feelings of the Committee if he ought to mention them. The House would bear in mind that the Hon. Member had in his place in the House refused to answer the questions put to him, and he was directed by the House to answer them on the following day to the Committee. Subse quently the Hon. Member stated that the sum alluded to was 5001., which, with the two other sums, increased the amount to nearly 1,0001. It appeared that a sum of 2001. had been paid to the agents, and that likewise 801, had been paid to the Town Clerk for the legal expenses of the hustings, but it was evident that the sum of 1,000/. had not gone in any legal way to pay the expenses of the election. He thought that if a Bill were granted for indemnity to witnesses coming before Committees upon that point, very important evidence would be elicited. There was another system of bribery that had been carried on at the elec tion, which was by the means of paying messengers, colourmen, and others, the sum of 31. for their votes. They had it in evidence that a Mr. Lysle had received a sum of 600/. ; half of that was paid to the chairman, and the other half to messengers, colourmen, and others. Added to this the town of Southampton was divided into five wards, in each of which were Conservative Associa tions, a member of which was named Cheeseman, and that individual had received 400/. which had come from the Committee Fund, to which the candidates had sub scribed largely, and they found that out of the 5,000/. which had been raised, 2,000/. had been subscribed by the:Conservative candidates. The Hon. Member, after reading several portions of the evidence, stated that he would now refer to that of Mr. Wrenn, and he felt bound to admit that though the Hon. Member had had no personal communication with Mr. Wrenn, he had had constant information of what was taking place. The Committee had no reason for doubting that Mr. Wrenn was any other than a person employed by the Conservative party. He had endeavoured to withhold evidence. There had , been great difficulty in getting him to answer questions ; he had continually appealed to the Committee not to be compelled to answer ques tions, on the ground that he might criminate himself ; and he had refused to answer many questions. Imme diately after the Report had been printed, a great deal of angry feeling had been excited in Southampton. Mr. Mackay, an agent of the Conservative party in that bo rough, had gone before the Mayor and made an affida vit that Wrenn's evidence, as far it related to him, was untrue. Wrenn had gone before the Mayor to make a counter-affidavit ; the Mayor, however, had re fused to swear him, alleging that' he had no right to do so, and that he bad torn up . the affidavit of the other party. Mr. Wrenn had then presented a petition to that House, which had been printed, and was in the hands of Members; and considering the allegations made in that petition, and also the fact that the two Members for Southampton had been unseated by the Committee on the ground of bribery and treating, he thought he was not asking too much, in asking that the issue of the writ should be suspended until further in quiry should be made into what had taken place. He did so on the ground that an extensive system of treating was carried on at this moment by the Conserva tive Associations. No doubt money was subscribed and given to those Associations for the purpose of treating with beef, plum-pudding, and grog, the voters of South ampton. It could be proved that 200 electors on one side had received bribes at the late election ; he thought, therefore, they ought not to issue the writ at this time, and allow those parties again to exercise the franchise. This was not a case simply between the town of South ampton and their electors, it was not only whether Southampton should be prevented for a short time from sending Members to that House, but taking the Report of the Committee in this case, in conjunction with the other Reports, it would be seen that a gross system of demoralization took place at the last election ; it was, therefore, the duty of the House to take the matter into consideration, to pass a law to prevent its recurrence at future elections , and in those boroughs where it did take place last time, to suspend the writ until the law should be passed. He should move, therefore, that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the extent of bribery and treating at the last election for South. ampton, and that the writ be not issued till some pre ventive Bill should be passed by that House. Mr. WARD seconded the motion. When he coupled the evidence taken before the Committee with other evi dence which had since come before them, and the pe titions which had been presented, he thought it was the bounden duty of the House to prosecute the inquiry to the fullest possible extent. The evidence which was given before the Committee discl o sed an a d m i ra bl e and well-or ganised system of bribery, and the principal witness who gave that evidence now offered to complete that evi dence if the House gave him protection. Hon. Gentle man opposite attacked his character now, but as long as he was true to their colours they gave him protection.— (Hear, hear.) He now offered to produce the book, which he did not do before, and which he (Mr. Ward) had reason to believe was in existence. He also stated the name of one of the returning officers who desired him to bribe one of the electors. That was a grave, con stitutional charge, and were they to refuse evidence of such a fact, because Hon.:Gentlemen opposite now chose to calumniate the character of a person whom they em ployed for five years, who for 20 years was an elector of Southampton, and for 14 years voted for the same side ? He would remind the House that they should attach but little importance to the squabbles of individuals in a borough where parties were so divided as in South ampton, and that they could not put much trust in their stories of mutual recrimination. He had, for instance, himself, received a statement to the effect that Mr. Dawkin, whom an Hon Gentleman opposite had de scribed as an honest and respectable tradesman, was a man on whose word no reliance could be placed. But these were not matters for the consideration of the House ; they had to decide whether they would now, without any further inquiry, issue a new writ for a borough which would in that case be sure to be dis graced by scenes similar to those which had taken place at the last election. The SPEAKER, having put the question, Mr. FLEMING' said he was unwilling to take any part in this discussion, but it was impossible he should hear the statement, just made without endeavouring to disabuse the House of the erroneous impression which those statements were calculated to produce—statements which he must characterize as false, scandalous, and un founded.—(Cries of " Order, Order," from the Oppo sition benches.) The SPEAKER said, that those were words which were not to be permitted to be used in that House to any of its Members, and that he must call on the Right Hon. Member to withdraw them. Mr. FLEMING said , that in deference to the opinion of the Speaker, h e wou ld w i t hd raw t h e words, though it was very hard to do so, after what had fallen from tie Hon. Gentleman opposite. Mr. MACKINNON said, that the words used by the Hon. Gentleman opposite were, that the Hon. Member (Mr. Fleming) would have enough to do to defend his own character. Mr. WARD had merely said, when very severe cen sure had been cast upon the petitioner, that the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Fleming) would have enough to do to defend his own conduct. Mr. FLEMING went on to say, that he was living near Southampton, and that he was anxious to support the character of its inhabitants. Though forty-one witnesses had been examined before the Committee, only five cases of bribery had been found. Air. MACAULAY would confine his observations to a few words, because the whole matter lay within a very small compass. The whole argument of the Hon. Gen tleman was confined to this point, that because they had issued the writ for Ipswich on Thursday last, they should issue the writ for Southampton to-day. He regretted this because he thought it was inconsistent with the course, a most praiseworthy one, he must admit, which bad hitherto been pursued by the Right Hon. Ba ronet. To do him justice, however, he must say that the present was a stronger case than that of Ipswich. In the present case they had had plainly and distinctly indi cated to them that the Committee could not obtain the information they desired. The party referred to stated that he was in possession of most important information, but his evidence was to be set at nought. Notwithstand ing all that had been said he believed that that side of the House was clear of all party spirit in the ma:ter, and it was his firm belief that if the writ for Southampton was granted, the worst consequences might be anticipated. Sir R. PEEL thought when the subject was last be fore the House, and at the present time, that the issuing of the writ involved a judicial consideration. Upon judicial grounds he meant to vote when he came down to the House, and upon those grounds he intended to vote now. He agreed with what had been stated, that nothing but a cordial co-operation of all sides of the House would prevent the great curse that was undermining the purity of the House of Commons. They were the popular branch of the institutions of the country, their power was de rived from the people, and if it was shown that they abused that power, the influence of that power would be materially shaken. He should be prepared zealously to co-operate, as far as consistently with his own sense of justice he could do so, for the purpose of providing a remedy for this great grievance ; but when he had to deal with a judici a l quest i on he must apply judicial principles. With respect to Ipswich, if he had to give his vote again, he would give it in the same manner as he had done. He had formed his judgment from the evi dence taken bef ore t h at Committee ; but, in addition to that, he thought th at if I psw i ch did not reform itself, it would become th e su bj ect of severe con demnation. With respect to Newcastle, and other places, he would reserve to himself the right of forming his own opinian upon each particular case. With regard to Southamp ton ', read over the evidence attentively, and he must bit)t,",'„ the expenditure at that election seemed to him to o r a, lavish, and that the t rea ti ng was t oo expensive.-( wss hear.) But he feared that the system of treating 0 0 not confined to Southampton, but that it existed:lllor' the country to a great extent.—(Cries of leas ' hear.") He knew that it did not partake of the .o r o character of bribery, but the practice was mostpe.rni; It might be said, that as he voted for the Ipswich writ ought also to vote for the SouthamPton one; but the 7 00 were distinct ; for, in the case of Southampto n, electors petiti one d th e Il ouse o f C ommons for stl . ' lo quiry ; there w a s a l so th e p et i t i on o f J o h n Wrenn, ." 0 appeared at the b ar o f t h e H ouse ; an d f ro m Wha` os (Sir R. Peel) then s aw , h e did not perce i ve any re ft ite , why he should be thought unworthy of credit. The gations he set forth mad e a great i mpress i on on his (.;, R. Peel's) mind. What w ere th ey ? (Th e Ri g ht 1101t7 0 ., ronet here read a great portion of the petition.) alter the allegations he bad rea d, an d ac ti n g on pur_ e td d judicial grounds, he was of o pi n i on t h a t t h e writ sin' t i t be suspended.—(Loud cheer s .) H e s h ou ld vote tha t le be suspended for a certain ti me , b ut h e co nfessed 1114 thought it would be desirable that the House s b° have time to consider what course they ought to pups et Mr. T. DUNCOMBE thought th e Right Hon. BO'b e exercised a sound discretion i n adopting the cours e rt , had done—(Hear, hear)—and also in attaching it i P ° .r auce to the petition of John W renn , w h o wa s ea117:,-- racious. John Wrenn by Hon. Gentlemen oPr a ,„ - , s (Laughter.) If he was rightly i n f orme d, John " was not only the political agent of the Conser vii of party in Southampton, but wa s th e i n ti mate assoch:, te 00 , some of the most respectabl e p ersons th e re—(l o . hear)—even of the Hon. Member for South Haut" t ai , self.—(Laughter, and Hear, h ear .) H e b e lieve" c i. person was the life and soul of the Conservative ee'. l o viality of Southampton—(Laughter) —and was in v i i o to meet the Hon. Member at dinner. He believed tail you was said to him, " Mr. Fleming is coming; inin d ,ait you come also Wrenn."—(Great laughter.) Now , „"„ o p was the cause of all the vituperation which was east l i e him ? It was because he would not agree to p e rjure 13 . 0 g self before a Committee of th a t H ouse . M r . Flet c s said that Mr. Abrahams denied making any sugge s , - y to Wrenn about bribin g a vo t er ; b ut here (sa i d , s lat Hon. Gentleman, holdi ng i n hi s h an d a sma ll booi,, , kg - 0 a blue cover) is the record of your misdeeds.--( 1 - 1 m - fof and laughter.) This book contains the a u thoritt er Wrenn's giving 51. to a vot er . Th at was a grave 019 tion, and ought to be inquired into.—(Cheers.) , Ao would, however, let Mr. W renn spea k for himself_;o4 Would read to the House a l e t ter w hi c h h e had re7d from Nle. Wrenn that morninw.—(The Hon. Gentl e r here read the letter alluded to. in which the wh' i ;s stated that he had sent him (Mr. T. Duncombe) memorandum book mentioned in the petition, as die taming the signature of th e returning officer, an. e t rising the offer of a bribe t o an i n di v id ua l . The then went on to state, that the ill opinion expresset:sgo him by Mr. Fleming and others, could only have "T O framed within a short period, for that no lone jo than the period of the death of the la.fe Lord - Elgl a ' d e had been requested by o ne o f th e Ald ermen o f the t> and also by the Sheriff, to attend a meeting to pro 4 0 the interest of .Mr. Mildmay as a Conserirative cattalo for the borough, a t w hi c h meeting Mr. 'Fleming,. y present. He furth e r st a t e d, th at t h e on l y reason had been thus persecuted and branded as a I V bond was, because he would not perjure hit a io ; before a Committ ee o f t h e H ouse of Cotera°jv and that a person during the time the Cola - 1 ,1 tee had been cleared the first " time had come 11 0,e him and offered him a sum of money if he would i n i , o t Mr. Martin secur e . —lt was because he would commit perjury, that this man had been p erse cuted 11 ,,,r calumniated. He (Mr. T. Duncombe) knew the nayJ of the individual who had made Wrenn the offe r ' or also the amount of the sum offered. Wrenn's 9 13 ' eii was, "No, I will not p er j ure myself. I will no more than the Committee force me to tell, but what, tell must be the truth."—(Cheers.) This in itself serious charge, and required investigation. The Stanu i i Orders of the House de c l are d t h at any person tam Pe i r eo e or attempting to tampe r w ith any w i tness giving e% 4 ' l oil before any Committee was guilty of a high c rime 4 misdemeanor. If the Committee were appointed,' . 7,0 charge also must be go ne i n t o . H e b e li eve d that lvfie; would be able to prove every allegation he had 1n.7 0 , and after the opini on expresse d b y t h e Right i;tos Baronet, he trusted th e H on . M em b er for Lyininv would see the prop r i e ty o f withdrawing his raotion (Hear. hear)—and h e wou ld recommend the 1 . 01 : t p ,,i Aldermen and others o f S out h ampton, who h a d st''. ll ,: that they would not believe Wrenn on his ostb, t ° pretty sure of their facts, before they put their s r fi: tures to a petition m a li gn i ng t h e c h aracter of an i of dual quite as respectable as most of the Conservativ e ' Southampton.— (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. HODGSON HINDE regretted that persolo -h.tit# should have been mixed up with this debate. lie sidered the evidenc e g i ven b y W renn before the C_7o mittee as irreconcil a bl e w ith t h e statements dolltaillg,l lo , his petition. That i n di v id ua l h a d a l rea d y ren d e red"' b . self amenable to the law, and the House ought t e A l. very certain that he could and would give them nroo tional and valuable information, before they passed a of Indemnity for him. Mr. WYNN had great pleasure in stating his n' at concurrence in all that had fallen from Friend on this subject. The opinion of the Bight 1 , 1 t o Baronet agreed entirely with that which he (Mr. fore OF had come to after reading the evidence taken be o f Committee. Whatever might be the character, Wrenn, the House ought certainly not to shut the tip against receiving his evidence ; what they would with it was another question ; but it might be supPerile' his Night it: perhaps by documents tending to establish its truth. thought it right, also, that th e i nqu i ry should be gv"„'ir into as to the existence of s i m il ar pract i ces on the otlier side—(Cheers.)---for, from the ge nera l c h aracter o f t borough, he thought it exceedingly probable that l u st wouldAern out to have existed. They were not ther e discuss how far Mr. W renn m i g h t be able to substril date his allegations, but he thought they should 'A le- 0 11 make inquiry into the matter. He would recon ol6 o his Hon. Friend (Mr. Mackinnon) to withdraw he motion for the pre sen t. B ut i t appeared to him that (i p writ should be suspended but for a short time—the Pe_ i ri of postponement oug h t not, h e thought, to exee'''' fortnight. Sir R. PEEL.said that the Bill of the Noble (Lord J. Russell) would be brought under the noticeiv, the House on F r iday nex t ; an d t h ey would prn bi l, b i i Ki after that Bill had been b e f ore th em, b e better entlle• to come to a decision upon the issuing of the writ. a, would recommend th a t it s h ou ld now b e suspended „ fortnight. of Mr. W. O. STANLEY a p prove d of the suggest ion the. Right Hon. Baronet. He should, if that course e A adopted, withdraw his amendment. tb° Mr. MACKINNON said that h e s h ou ld y i e ld to„ 1 .I suggestion of the Right Hon. Baronet. He would draw his notice for the present ; but he should at notice that he would again move:the issuing of the on that day fortnight. Aer Mr. REDINGTON s t a t e d hi s conv i ct i on that, 1111- 0 4 the circumstances of the case, the House was perfec t. V, justified in suspe n di ng th e wr i t unt il f urther inquiry P i; fr been entered into. ed i n Mr. GODSON observed that a passag e con tain the book read by th e H onoura bl e M em b er for Finslo3l' and communicated t o hi m b y M r. Wrenn, was entirtoo at variance with a st a t ement ma d e b y the witness he' the Select Committee. Mr. O'CONNELL said that he saw nothing CO - , dictory in the two statements. a Mr. MACKINNON then withdrew his motion,,,,s gave notice that he s h ou ld renew i t on that day fortlukki Mr. W. 0. STANLEY also gave notice that on, motion for a new writ being made on that day fort 11 4 oi ll he should move its suspension, until some inquiry , been entered into relative to the alleged corrupt prac!' at the late election. BOROUGH OF NEWCASTLE-UNDER-LYO'' Mr. ADDERLEY w i t hd rew until to-morrow l , l l o l , notice of a new writ for the borough of Newcastle- 1111 Lyme. Mr. HUME also withdrew until to-morrow his n° ric o e l for a Select Committee to inquire into the extent bribery at th e l as t e l ect i on f or t h e borough of Newcastle' under-Lyme. PUBLIC-HOUSES BILL. On the motion of C a pt a i n ROUS , the House f or e. solved itself into a Co mm itt ee o f t h e whole House/ the further consideration of the Report on this Bill. . Clauses up to 5, wer e agree d t o wit h out any discussto, On clause 5 being put, te . Captain PECFIELL objected to the principle °fSf venting refreshments from being served on bo vessels during the hours of divine service. ta Captain ROUS said that the clause applied 00 '-' vessels in port at the time. After some discussion, the clause was agreed W some verbal amendments. Mr. B. WOOD tken proposed the follotving And whereas, under and by virtue of thn•prota of the above -mentioned Act, all persons duly thereby are forbidden to open their houses except for e t' reception of travelle rs , or t o perm i t or suffer any beer tO other exliseable liquor to be conveyed fre tc it ho out of their p rem i ses d ur i ng the usual hours morning and afternoon divine service in the chun 3 ; r e chapel of the parish or place in which their hoar of , of , situate, on Sundays, Ch r i s t mas -d ay, or Good -ors",, he • and doubts h ave ar i sen as to what she' , ocl be deemed to be th e usua l h ours of d i vine serv i c e 5 it therefore de c l are d an d enacted, that from . of after the passing of this Act, the u sua l hots'' divine service, on the respective days aforesaid, shad 119 the purposes of the said Act, be deemed and taken... t he from eleven o'clock in the forenoon to one o'clock l '.oll afternoon, and from three o'clock in the afternoon ;ph half-past four o'clock in the afternoon : provided ai t ' aue e that nothing herein contained shall extend, or b e iur i4 or construed to extend, to alter or affect the hours,_" . , ge" which the houses of licensed victuallers within th e t be tropolitan Police District are directed to be closed FY thir .J. provisions of a certain Act passed in the second an A u ct for, years of her present Majesty, intituled, "An ,jis• further improving the police in and near the metr e P • Captain ROUS seconded the motion. Mr. M. SUTTON opposed the motion. a ell. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE considered the clause % us es, croachment on the ri g ht s o f t h e owners of thos e to and a source of great inconvenience with r espec t fie the wants of the persons who frequented therfhtio. trusted the Hous e wou ld successfully resist the mo ot or As for himself, h e certainly should give it his uta l position. pro' Mr. HAWES warned the Hon. Members 1 0 '4 , for posed and supported the clause, against pressi n g: oo P if they did, the Bill would not, he could as'uro pass in another place. wit Mr. HUME requested his Hon. Friend to his amendment. and After a few wor d s f rom Mr. B. W OOD AGLIONBY, • hi" Mr. MUNTZ d ec l ared that it was monstrous, ~ Y