The Sun. — London, England, 1855-06-05 00:00:00

181PERIAL 71'ARLIA7MENT. -• Cv - ROUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. C ONDUCT OF THE WAR—ADJOURNED. I DEBATE. t(Coatinued front our third edition of last evening. ofSmir W. MOLES WORTH, after adverting to the terms f,'" amendments before the house, said it would appear data those amendments that the real question for its con ei'l:,etttion was whether we ought or ought not to have made Z - ''-'; ?on the Russian proposals on the third point? The - "`° 11 of the sight hon. gentleman who had just sat down 4 that we ought to have been satisfied with the Russian iti'l3Posals and that, in fact, they were better than our own. 0 e right' hon. gentleman the member for the University of e e l e f ,erd said that Russia had conceded all that was asked i,;,,efore the commencement of hostilities, and that we t irt to be satisfied, for that a nation once having engaged 1 re vUoslilities ought not to enlarge its demands. Were such !' t i "eiele to be generally adopted it might lead to the ee ," Pernicious consequences, for what greater inducement ',L I M be held out to the wrong doer to persevere in doing 41 ,g than the assurance that he would not by doing so e la Ptaced in a worse position ? (Hear, hear.) In order to toe4,tain thepeace of the world w e had lowered our de f,-ses to the p uttnost ; but having been forced to draw the ta ( t + l ,, , we had a right to stand upon our rights, to require (1, 3 1 , - ,.""eY should be fully secured, and oven to enlarge our Ta;" e ti ds in proportion to the success of our arms. (Cheers.) la - "ght to increase our demands had been distinctly as eate 1 , ti o ; (1 0 3'' Lord Aberdeen's Government in its communica , ie t e.with foreien Governments. In his opinion . we engage f d k i ' lB War to p * revent the dangerous aggandisement o di a l ' i4 at the expense of the Ottoman empire—an aggran e-;,tuetit which menaced the stability of the system of Pe e , -° P,eao States—to enforce the obligation of the Euro ei i l a w of nations, and to inflict punishment upon R,us i: - 2 . her wanton violation of the law by the unjust '4' 1 ,7 °4 of the Danubian Principalities. In order to a l lege that invasion—to avenge the closing of the Danube ag i e th i e outrage at Sinope—in order also to take security el;;su.,future danger from Russia, we declared that it , t 4 o„' u lsPensable to put an end to the Russ . ianpreponder- IWOu the Black Sea, which was a standing . menace to to ~,.."3 ' • These were the objects to attain which we went eota:timith Russia, sent an expedition to the Crimea, and of th ee to negotiate upon the four points at Vienna. Two te t ep - es se Points had been granted, but why . had Russia come tethrs uPon them so readily? Simply, if possible, to de see al s tria from the Western alliance, and to secure the whi t ,. - a a. “.te- of Germany. With regard to the third point, • oet"g,eontained the security for all the others, and with liet:a,icle their concession would be perfectly useless, Rus t the, et -e : f l ,every art of diplomacy to avoid the honest fulfil ill the test engagement to put an end to her preponderarce IN "..iaek Sea. She rejected our most moderate terms, opier°Posed others, the adoption of which would, in his 1.1t 0 ,,'", be worse than the abandonment of the third point hie th er- lie was quite at issue with his right hon. * 4 4 1 1 the member for - Manchester, who said that there reahore s ebstantial difference between the propositions k f eree e .7 the Western Powers and those of Russia. The dif itivee- w as a very substantial one. It was all the difference uete. p 4l a war establishment and a peace establishment, { t 'srt; e en a state of war and a state of peace. According to th e -a l b ,' Ruesia would be a ud by treaty not te maintain ' ship - ''aek Sea more than certain moderate number of ts ie s '' 1 ' 44 ereeedi the number which we ordinarily main her al: shoo Mediterranean ; and if she exceeded that num /4 le ld be entitled to call upon our Allies to assist kopo,''),maelling her to observe the treaty. The Russian l ' e a'er.;,; s e e o u the other hand, would compel us to. in the Itlllek Se race of war expenditure with Russia in he ,"e,a and the Mediterranean. Her first proposal was he ° ' -et 'log of the Bosphorus and the Dardanellee. This I?? liie e ll : liv , e rsally condemned by the allied T powers— t b o y f ° lke ae -tegland, Turkey, and Austria. t The II leaa(iz arrangement would have been . o extend the ” °ra no° of Russia to the Mediterranean and s) ebeaPolitan waters, and would have been at once a t hle e 4 ”,eninent of the object of the war and a sur "'tele ° L important Turkish rights which we were i s fk i .t, o do our utmost to maintain. The,second proposal o " g a, t f e ' t was that the straits should remain closed, but 6 h c I. "Y" should h ve the right of canine up the fleets l', lt ee e t e s , 4 , l lies at any a time when she th'eught herself ,srlts c " with aggression. According to these terms, ;14 ~Y would be entitled to summon the fleets of England Zs, .iiPl?,3 Whenever she thought herself menaced by Rue- Zeia;,„'", i tu., e fleet of Russia whenever she thought herself di' s tile . '" °Y England or France. England and France t,old therefore be morally bound to maintain in the Me s Rr a tau fleets capable of coping with that of Russia in e• ae ` S ea ; 'whi the latter power would have a right !'pettetsteablisb, and a plausible reason for extendingto t an a y i teiaht4? Pleased, her fleet in the Euxine, in order h t akiise " able to cope with the fleets of Englandand Z i ee. e - cla ir , it should be summoned to protect Turkey. I mp c neh terms would, in fact, be founded upon pro- Z P 's ' or t he immediate renewal of the war. Itwould ve eiet e ß il tt P°ll us the chief burden of war by requiring w the . ei'tee ee " , c , e of a police in the Black Sea, and would leave in Ote 4 ,'ne Russian fleet and Se . bastopol, which we had d ti ' l l i ea 4 declared to be a " standing menace to Turkey." o gs, b p e e4 ce would be worse than the present state of 17 atic e ca use we had for the present put. it would the prepon keep 54. Russia in the Black Sea, and i wouldbebatter e'is• friendtdown, than to allow it to again.rise His right k /4 0- the member for thq University of Oxford (Mr. kik h teens) ), had defended 141 C u ") the expedition a t t o the o C u rimea, ght to h - 4(1 -ad arrived at the conclusion th Q t i , te v Z t the chief object for which it was undertaken. He Wea e f ,, ,, wa had got, or might get, three points, and half Le Wet"rth, and asked what we were quarrelling about ? tl, 11 0 se e ,, Quarrelling about that without which there would . 46 ez,,'?rity f or an y of the points, about that for which 17/N1'04440n to the Crimea was undertaken, viz., the de leellisetile_of the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea. a i s ee a gerer for a moment regretted the expedition, but e he a jever concealed from himself that it irretrievably L, Pes% - ib t t,s in a contest . with Russia, from which there was QM. h a L e honourable issue for the ' allied powers, except `e - o - ', jlown the preponderance of Russia in the Black teess e 4 go t . out such a success, the expedition to Sebastopol del - ,Ztk a "tiglorions failure. Without such a success, the +Pt r l wee e , w ho had fallen in the contest would have been th e ' i'‘t ed should have no securit for the I ,, ° ,, ll : °e e e 'si l' e;N„,nts w o a r the first half of the third; and all , I r s t ' rf ' l' ' • °' Russia would be valueless. The conces t - Otio 0 1- the B a s . l e otlght therefore to induce us to persevere a . k 1 i-r,(tee' .deeded which the Government of Lord Aber 's 's ~-," lv it to be just and reasonable to . make. h. ''lll3e''a n Russia to make these concessions .?? Was s s it t V 4131?? aces She was incapable of the feeling . the wa , rd. ki d , - 't th e e° Was ignorant of the meaning ki€l3e4" Public opinion of Europe? That opinion was „ tles ee s eainst her long ago, and lie remained unmoved, e'ae pa , it, What, then, had . ind . uced her to yield s ? tilt . ' hei k e Is founded upon the conviction that her resources tIC"„ or f lg exhausted and her armies were perishing, while lue- ee .g e allies were rapidly increasing. Fear founded e ehl co oviction that if we persevered we must be suc e • b of Itilti F or this reasen she had had recourse to dip oma ket, ' e Zt z d intrigues, and had endeavoured by . a show to -11 4 - ""CM, combined with deceit, to sow dissension he'tree, e n e s, to cajole the weak, to fn . ghten the timid, ,1 a, s e`euen the peace party, to create a . tau i as t 4 ,,lie tb "ue house an(' in the country, and to trick us . tip of • the d tPlomatists of Europe . in 1829. , Let the his qel e Cos n C,a,raleaign be a warning to us, and let us not by et'rthia c 'es enable future historians to tell a similar Ili,lito ett " war, and to record that the Parliament and the 4 4 'i , 4, 1 ,: 1 England ended a war of success by an ignomi- IV 4 e ly...."angerous peace. Peace on the terms advocated tit '"' i nher for Manchester (Mr. Gibson) would t b h e dan ,,,h.'gaa'.,eatiaeit would be a confession of defeat . on epart t,: e rae l' n ' 4 "d France, and would elevate Russia to a pre ta,i4es a . -e alike menacing to Europe and to Asia. Such a '',.liee'culd embolden Russia to fresh aggressions and k j c, i .ts: t il des pisethethreats and menaces . of the Western 'S e 4 tt a , i , w oUld make Austria less ill-disposed, Prussia a re seheuecl, and all the petty potentates of German t y oy e oth e l. than they are now. It would lessen the . repu e Sl'l'av e lll aud and France. It would cover with disgrace g l 4 sale Y r ules and navies 'and would produce feelings of ,„41,_sti-o.atitiOu... between the eomm . anders the officers, and NT,' d e _ " would weaken the alliance between France and \ a '°o, 5-would be a great discouragement to western civi ste L' l Iv o laci a great triumph to the barbarian of the north 5,4,e4.-tlid render it necessary for France and England, le hi t h e : s eek new battle-fields on which to avenge their te t t ' • pi 9ur and renown. Such a recreant peace would, tp,eediazuoo, be dangerous to England. It would shake sti at ° tloPire—an empire founded upon the opinion of th:ht e i s tible might entertained by a feeble and excitable ke, e kts e w e . Ple, easily moved from the extreme of fear to 44, , ho -ie .f audacity —an empire encircled by bitter ene- V to atlyere watching with intense anxiety this contest, l yn I to a elc ug if it sh ld prove adverse. It would make ~Q a ee _ e , . ou 1, 4 talic oi British descent throughout the world—it f i k tte ' r:kili4 ; 4 l l the colo . nies . of . Great Britain—ashamed of t g leVule c `uu and pusillanimity of the mother c . nuntr e ko „led t e ° ert those feelings of affection which were N o oi;:: 1 ?ta t - e w n ,ards us at the commencenaei t of the struggle ,",. (I, , i'S of contempt, Oengerous to our colonial do- IN'ed - „'" ar, hear.) The strength of the British empire '` a'• el l "P° 4 the absolute belief in our undaunted li e ‘eoe,,,erneteeadseless energy, .ou . r invincible courage but 0111,0 4 1 a to an ignotrimious and inglorious peace, At e h a e a 've but our re utation-for these qualities we to tY, v e b P t i t , t lm all come the degenerate sons of those y . eomanry, t'Site'Pe a l "mcracy who half a century ago bid defiance , 14 eV' of p ea at m , . If we showed that, by the long con lii Ilit e ee, we had become craven and faint-hearted, ° ll lok t ''' l :l (6111°Mpire would speedily crumble into pieces, our ti sti oo a R,0"14414 would be torn from us, and we should Ltlit , s 5 of Europe Mte state, and lose our position among t e '14,,",t1 Such apeace as that advocated by the s 4 '.tra l) : l ', toer for Manchester p would, in fact give a I? ki tt ora e l. seea—would be to make the British' soldiers N -l ale uandon their colours, though they had suffered l' le rev rise *e °ahad We had endured no defeats. In the 61, 1'44 1; 1 e sea ad wePt the mercantile marine of Russia Q'l e e boa _a and compelled her fleet to skulk ing o o%lil tepeeu f ortifications. Ifi the Black Sea we lt:Zta k e ie cl ia her to commit naval suicide, and to destroy Q`etli s c tioe. er , she could never re-establish without v , rt, -0 40t, " °could, without detriment to the resources . ~ k lta weiehY, repeat the naval military, and financial k e rg h t o l oee t , . 4-0 made last year ' and are making this, for I,:lipleta,i4lhdYeeoaersratgaeocome • and he believed that, if we if we were not faint-hearted ~Ila 4 ' t o : tt g ,ere that period expired we should bring eowerteoe,.47l,ttisfactory termination, and conclude a peace k, q pra"le, sa tisfactory, and worthy 1 the allied 111 % • . 1 04,, i t '. e _ce and England. (Cheers.) ketitee!'l by ' t ‘4IIG REGOR said that the war had been corn :le d :' , 844 theoverriment in ignorance of the power of Ae„"tiied te a ifficulties and necessities of the campaign. a kt t s h a a , 4 ' 4 4 its object was merely to defend Turkey. Ne e e eli e : 11 0h greater question involved in it, and that t tie' s d b - ' in g of th • • -,1 Y R e aggressive policy which had been te ' P a ssia h e rte Nth „ for several centuries. From the treaty ttl e t Paet l4 'efient the first that was made with Russia, down ta,,se 4 e• It e , "me, he found nothing but perfidy on cer a 'eee , "as matter of notoriety that she had a,stie;as to'egardless of her treaties. He believed there th r at( t ne ta gre at 0 delusion in the world. as the notion of al l 4, 4 Wild eAtussian dominion in the Black Sea. It was ta l ':se ~,,i t_ s tili e t n ii t e mera, and we had better kee our ships on th' t'D '. 44 tO • 7 were wanted. The only p real and wise 'eh che , . tusiet upon s tlq, th 'QIN f making the Black Sea perfectly It z se,:a e :,ec! every nation in the world. He did not 41 4 f en the' Ought to be greatly elated by its recent %Ne e 40 ree,;,." 4 of Aeoff for, but for the lamentable lqe ° t te-g...'hoiaa- those sagacity' which the Government had tied 'llth, a',oose successes might have been achieved et liZulteed e l• We had entered into this war now, Nl t„, !3 Sean hon e that it was absolutely necessary to any- Qi 1144,,4urab1e or lasting peace that . shouldwe . tlj` i-' eri re Pol. He went farther. Considering the the• ti tiee - 72! R ussia, Engtaaid and France . shou . ld in siii. 4 0 ;t 9 of t i - s' ti Russia, upon a full indemnification for otlea,seetaengte eXpenses of this war. He trusted t a i t i a 4471410 t trottlii endeavour to preserve the Franc ke ti Pre eall i knee it was the most gratifying feature 4 1 1 0 e Iva t ermsd that they would not conclude anY except those 'which Welaid main- I THE StiN, LONDON, INETES 11.. A Y EVENING, JUN.E 5 1855 tain the dignity of the country and give satisfaction to the people at large. (Hear.) Mr. G. VERNON said the chief fault he had to fi n d with the late proceedings was, that the course pursued by the Government did not appear to him to be one which he could really understand. He could understand that mat ters might have been either ripe or not ripe for negotiation. It was for the Ministers to decide that. If they were not ripe, then, no matter how delicate our relations with Aus tria might be, nor how complicated the position of our alliance, it would have been our duty and our policy to have declared distinctly the only terms on which we were prepared to negotiate a peace. (Hear.) We should have made known our intentions to Russia in a manner which she could neither misunderstand nor misinterpret. If, on the other hand, we thought the time was come when we might enter upon negotiations for a peace not dishonour able to oursel'es—if we were ready to accept conditions infinitely more favourable to us than those for which at the commencement of the war we professed to ask— then he said those negotiations ought not to have been broken off. So long as Governments as well as men were influenced by human passions and human in terests, so long would armaments be necessary ; but he was of opinion that this war was both just and ne cessary, for it syas undertaken for the protection of an op pressed ally, in defence of violated treaties, and in the vindication of personal good faith and international law. In warring , with Russia we warred more with a dynasty than with nation ; and the more% he was convinced that this war was just and necessary, the more was he appre hensive that we might take any false Step which might lead to any misinterpretation of the motives with which we were carrying it on. If in the origin of the waft we had no definite object, we were committing a great crime; and if we had a definite object, so soon as that object was adequately attained, peace ought to have been sought for. He did not go the length of sa)ing that we ought not, in the course of the war, as our military successes became great, to increase our demands. He simply said that we ought not to go the length of asking for greater conquests because we had gained greater successes ; though he ad mitted we ought to ask for greater securities for the at tainment of the objects we had in view. He trusted the time was not come when we were going to set "nation against nation," or to fight for the partition of Europe. He hoped what we wanted was simply the settlement of the matter of the Black Sea between Turkey and Russia, on a fair and solid footing. He believed there was no problem so difficult of solution as this balance of power that was talked of in the Black Sea. The mode in whicb the Russian proposition was treated reminded him of the hackneyed expression so often quoted in that house by the gallan . member for Lincoln : " Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes." He believed the course we were adopting was the one least likely to disappoint Russia and to serve Turkey. We might go on from victory to victory, but when we bad la vished our treasure and our blood we might perhaps find that we had destroyed the finances of Turkey and the bone and sinew of the country, and that when we expected an ovation, we would receive the curses of a beggared and de solated people. He thought the time would come when reflecting men would feel that we were fighting more for success than for any definite object. Lord DUNGARVAN thought that the tone of the speeches recently made by statesmen who had lately been high in office must have a pernicious effect both on the people at home and upon our brave allies abroad. (Hear, hear.) He much regretted that those statesmen who had been in office when war was declared, and who had taken an active part in the prosecution of that war, should now advocate on such slight grounds as they did a departure from a policy they had been concerned in originating. (Hear, hear.) For himself, he was inclined to rejoice that the Russian plenipotentiaries did not accept the proposed limitation of their fleet in the Black Sea, for that would have been a condition for England or France to carry out. That condition could have been no guarantee against Russia having a number of ships on the stocks in every port in that sea. Russia proposed that the straits should be open at all times to the ships of war of all the nations, and that the Porte should have the power at any time to call in the fleets of France and England to its assistance. The noble lord at the head of the Government had ably pointed out the danger attaching to the first of these propositions, and the latter was no concession at al, for ever since the treaty of 1841. the Porte had been in full possession of the power of calling for the assistance of the fleets of the Western Powers whenever it judged that assistance necessary. The desire of Russia was in the eyes of the German Courts to throw upon the Western Powers the onus of carrying on the war.. That was a challenge which he hoped those powers would accept, for he believed that England and France united could fail in nothing, and the more so when right and justice were upon their side. No doubt many misfortunes had befallen us—no doubt many face's formerly well known on the benches of the house would never more be seen there ; yet nothing, he felt sure, would abate the resolution that Englaud had taken in this case. Forbid it that England should rush into war for the sake of prestige alone ; still it could not be denied that prestige untar nished and unbroken was one of the mainstays of a kingdom, and, careful as this country should be of her commercial interests, if she wished to continue in her present proud po sition, she must not refrain from putting forth her strength to support the Cause of liberty against force and injustice. He could have wished to have been able to give his whole vote in favour of the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster ; but he should be acting better if he only supported the first part of it, for it was, he thought, highly improper in any way to fetter the hands of her Majesty's Government in the present important struggle. Mr. BAXTER objecte 1 to any vote that would hamper the Executive Government, and this objection, he thought, applied to both amendments now before the house. They were both instructions to the Government-- the one to make peace on Russian terms; the other, to refuse all fur ther negotiations. He could not agree to either of them, and especially he could not agree to the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster, that they would accept of nothing but the diminution of the Russian fleet in the Black Sea. He could imagine many other pro positions which would be even more acceptable, as, for instance, the destruction of Sebastopol itself. While he gave full praise to the eloquent and logical speech of th e r i g ht h on. mem b er for the University of Ox ford made a few nights since, he thought the right hon. gentleman, in'his laudable and Christian desire to stay the effusion of blood, overlooked the fact that, if the allied armies now retired from the Crimea without having ef fected its object, Russia would be more feared than ever her prestige would be greater — her invincibility co n fi rme d. He individually, and al his constituents, had a direct in terest in the establishment of peace ; but be had come to the conclusion that any peace -made now would not con tinue long. Under these circumstances, he was willing to leave the question in the hands of Government, having full confidence in them that they would conclude, not a patched-up peace, but a peace that was not likely to be broken during the present century. Mr. HENRY BAILLIE condemned the conduct of the Government in not having kept our army up to an efficient point, and in not drawing upon the resources of our Indian empire. He was against making peace on Russian terms, as he considered the terms proposed by the allies wholly inadequate to the exigency. Mr. M. MILNES thought the best solution of the diffi culty would be to prohibit any vessels navigating the Black Sea except for commercial purposes and purposes of naval 'police. Sir E. DERING had-supported the motion of the right hon. member for Bucks the other evenin g ; but after the explicit declarations of the Government, he was satisfied of their sincerity; and he now hoped that Ministers would insist upon higher terms than they had yet 'demanded. Lord ELCHO was anxious to mark his dissent from the sentiments expressed in the eloquent speech of his right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford—a speech which he deeply regretted, as he believed the country would accept it as a sufficient explanation of the blunders that had occurred, and would consider " lukewarm" as the reason of " too late,' but which he regretted still more because he believed it would tend indefinitely to postpone the prospects of peace, which the right hon. gentleman was so anxious to attain. He maintained that there was great danger in Russian power unless it was checked in time ; and the propositions commended by the right hen. member for Manchester were intended not to check Rus sian power, but to leave it as it was. He was in favour of the Government propositions, which, he believed, con tained sthe principle of limiting Russian power. But for himself ho believed that the road to a secure peace lay through Sebastopol. Therefore, though it gave him the greatest pain to separate himself from his friends on this question, yet he was prepa re d t o l eave th e ques ti on i n th e hands of the Government, believing that they would not continue the war a moment longer than was necessary to secure a lasting peace. Lord C. HAMILTON defended the Russian propositions as more effectual for the maintenance of peace, while it would not neerilesely humiliate Russia. He could not therefore vote with the hon. member for Kidderminster, as he did not believe the rupture of the negotiations was attributable to Russia. Sir B. LYTTON said the right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester had summed up his objections to the continuance of the war by, asking how it could subserve the interests of England. He (Sir B. Lytton) would answer that question by reminding him how eloquently , on a for mer occasion he declared that he and the party with whom he acted were not anxious for any terms of pew.° which were not consistent with the honour of the country. (Hear, hear.) On that point the right hon. gentleman should observe this distinction, that with individuals jealousy of honour might be a mere sentiment, whereas with nations it was something more—it was a condition of greatness. (Hear, hear.) If the position of an individual were lowered, he might still say, "My estate is unimpaired, the law still maintains my rights and pro tects my person ;" but if the honour of a nation were lowered in the eybe of other states, more especially the honour of a nation like England, which owed its position not to its territory but to its character—(cheers) —not to the numerical amount of its armies, but to a belief in its spirit and its indomitable will, the consequences would affect its solid and vital interests. (Cheers.) Its credit would suffer—its commerce would indirectly be damaged ; even in peace:ul negotiations its claim would not be re cognised, and never again would it interfere with effect aga i n st violence and wrong, and on behalf of liberty and right. (Cheers.) These were some of the consequences which would affect the interests of this country, if, other nations could say—whether justly or not—that England had grown unmindful of her honour. And he asked his right honourable friend (Mr. M. Gibson) whether other countries would not say this with every appearance of truth, if after having got into a war with their most powerful enemy, they accepted any terms of peace which Turkey herself would indignantly refuse to endorse,? (Hear. hear.) He did not mean to deny that the right hon. gentleman was as anxious for the honour of the country as any one of them. But he asked, did anybody believe that a single subject of the Ottoman empire would consider that they had fulfilled their engagement if they consented to any terms of peace that would not take from Russia a single fortrees or a single ship by means of which she now held the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman and the noble lord who spoke last were consis tent in the course which they had pursued—they were against the war from the first; but he could not conceive how any member of the Government who led them into the war — (oppositio n cheers)—and who were responsible for all that it had cost them, could now suddenly as sume the la nguage of peace societies-- , -(hear, hear) — and hold it a cr i me in thorn (the opposition) if they pushe d to a military success the war which he and his col leagues commenced with a military failure. (Renewed cheers.) He had listened to the speech of the right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford with profound respect for his intellect and his eloquence but he could not reconcile the course w hich he had sup: ported at the commencement of the war with that which he had advocated recently. There not what in the right h on . gentleman? could be no doubt as to the war. He was su re he wouldeyes was the object of of it whi c h h a d b een g i ven that eveningaccept the definition by his right hon. friend the member for Southwark, and which he (Sir B. Lytton) was astonished to hear, coming as it did from so ac complished a philosopher as the pupil of Bentham and the ; editor of Hobbes. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentleman said the object was to punish Russia for her insolence. Neither in war nor itelegislation could punishment ever be an object—(hear)—though it was sometimes the only means of preventing the repetition of crime. He took it for granted that the right hon. gentleman the member for the Univer sity of Oxford would say that the object of the war was to maintain the independence anti integrity of the Ottoman empire. Well, but if that were the object, how in Septem ber, 1853, when addressing an audience at Manchester just before the commencement of tb.o war, did the right hon. gentleman speak on th a t su bj ec t ? H e said, " Remetnber that the independence and integrity of the Ottoman em pire are not like the independence and integrity of Eng land and France. The government of Turkey is a govern ment full of anomaly, full of difficulty and distress. ' Was it likely that one who at the commencement of the war took that chilling view of all the great human interests that wore involved in the struggle would now give unpre judiced coun se l s w ith a view to the attainment of the object? The right hon. gentleman complained that the terms of peace had been unwisely extended. Who was it that taught them to extend the terms ? (Hear, hear.) Was it not the head of the Government which the right hon. gentleman adorned? (Hear.) When Lord Aber deen was repeatedly urged to say to what terms of peace ho would attach his favourite epithet—" safe and honour able"—he said it was impossible to state them, as they must vary with the fortunes of war, and it would make a great difference whether they were accepted at Con stantinople or imposed at St. Petersburg. Now he (Sir B. Lytton) never approved of that answer. He had always held the doctrine that if they made war it should be forno thing less and nothing more than justice—(cheers)—and if the right hon. gentleman held it when out of office, why, when in office, did he sanction Lord Aberdeen's making the terms of peace dependent on military success ? How could he continue to, sit in acabinet whichchanged thecha raeter of the war, and made it one of aggression ? He did not say whether the strategy of the invasion of the Crimea was right or wrong, but the moment the army landed, the conditions of peace were necessarily altered. The right hon. gentleman was a party to the campaign in the Crimea, how then, could he shrink fromits logical consequences ? (Hear.) Why was Sebastopol besieged ? Was it not because it was the fortress which secured to Russia exclusive preponder ance in the Black Sea, and because itscapture was the ma terial guarantee by which they had pledged themselves to maintain the independence of Turkey and the safety of Europe? (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him very strange to what double uses the right hon. gentleman could put an ,ally. When the house desired to inquire into the causes of the calamities of the army, the right hon. gen tleman said, " Take care what you are about ; to inquire on such a subject may offend and alienate your ally, France ;" now, when the question was how a peace could be patched up, he seemed to forget that they had an ally on the face of the globe—(hear)—and recommended them to creep out of the quarrel in a manner which would ex pose them equally to the charge of desertion by Turkey and of perfidy by France. (Hear.) He would put it to any advocate of peace in that house whether a peace which would have excited the indignation even of a commercial people like our own would not have mortified the pride of that gallant nation of soldiers with which the name of Napoleon was associated, and shaken the stability of a throne which seemed essential to the safety of social order throughout the whole civilised world? (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman had reminded .the house how Russia had come down in her own terms. Buthow was this change effected ? By diplomacy and negotiations, by notes and protocols ? No, it was effected by the sword—it was effected ou those fields of Alma and Inkerman, to which the right hon.geptleman hadso touchingly referred. Should all this blood have been spilt in vain.? With the soil of the Crimea filled with the bones of our soldiers, were we to leave the fortress of Sebastopol untouched, and the Mack Sea to the Russian navy, in order that they might con tinually threaten the independence of that ally for whom so many of our countrymen had already perished ? If we permitted this blood to be shed in vain, it would be mere quibbling to talk of effecting our object by negotiation. Let them for a moment examine the question. What was the object for which the affair had been undertaken ? Was it not to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea? And that involvedanother question, whichwas the best means of preventing the outbreak of a new war that might arise from the future position of Russia. (Hear.) One means proposed was to overawe Russia by the presence of an Allied fleet in the Dardanelles, and the right hon. mem ber for Manchester approved of that course. He (Sir E. B. Lytton) should be induced to agree with him, but for one thing, and that was, that while the Allies had only three ships in the Dardanelles, Russia would have the whole coast of the Black Sea bristling with her fortresses, and could thus unceasingly increase her maritime force be hind the shelter of these strongholds, while England and France would have to keep up a constant system of surveil lance on a sea where they would find neither ports of refuge, nor arsenals in which to refit. (Hear.) This plan then would not put an end to the preponderance of Russia. All that it would do would be to guard at a great cost against Russia abusing that preponderance, and so far from putting an end to the possibility of a new war, you would keep Russia perpetually threatening Turkey, and England and France perpetually threatening Russia. He could fancy nothing so bad for the independence of Turkey as such a system of chronic protection established within her own waters. The second proposition was that of the mare &mum, with power to the Sultan to call in the aid of the allies when necessary. But there would be this difference, that Russia would constantly maintain her strength, whereas the others might be unprepared, and whereas now there was not a Russian flag flying in those waters, and her ships had beeta t even chased from the Sea of Azoff, you would find, on the arrival of your contingent, her flag flying on the walls of Constantinople. The hon. ba ronet having quoted the opinion of Marshal Marmont as to the facility with which Russia might at any time make a de scan t from Sebastopol on Constantinople, while at the same time she marched an army against the Balkan fortresses, proceeded to say that, under such circumstances and with such dangers, the proposition of the mare clausum would be untenable. The right honourable member for Manchester complained that the conduct of the Western Powers with respect to the third point had been very unsatisfactory. He did not dispute that proposition, and all he could say was, that it only proved how fortunate it was that the negotiations had been broken off. He lamented to bear those praises of Russian moderation from some of the most conspicuous members of the popu lar party in that house. Would not such expressions en courage Russia to hold on, and persevere in the war, in the hope that the opinions of such influential persons would have their weight with the English people ? (Hear.) Every speech made in such a strain might be read by a Russian general to his troops ; and Russian ministers might translate it for the benefit of trembling merchants and discont,lated nobles, if they desired to animate them to resistance against this country. He honoured their bold ness in taking so unpopular a view of the question, but he implored them to reflect whether they rightly exercised their powers, when in a war undertaken to protect weakness against aggression they took the part of the enemies of their country. (Cheers.) He now came to the amendments, andsit was with great regret he found there was not one with whom he could cordially agree. He could not agree to the amendment of the hon. baronet the member for Ox ford, much less to that of the lion, member for Kidder minster, and as to that with which the right hon. baronet the member for Portsmouth had supplied him, it would have been much more complimentary to the quarter from which he had stolen it had not the right hon. baronet added the crime of murder to that of theft. Taking the bantling out of the cradle the right hon. baronet cut it in two, and the part which he presented to the house had not a leg to stand on. (A. laugh.) Now the motion of his right hon. friend the member for Bucks, by implying a censure on the Government for ambiguous language, offered a sub stantial reason why they, the House of Commons, should volunteer to her Majesty the assurance of their'co-operation i-i the war, or in the negotiation of a peace which they should consider honest. But the moment you omitted the censure, you implied that you found no fault what ever with the conduct of the war, or with the language that had been held by the responsible advisers of the Crown, and the resolution became an unnecessary platitude. (Cheers.) It was with great satisfaction he found that the motion of his right hon. friend had effected an object which amply compensated for its defeat. It had not changed the Government, but it had changed the tone of its members, (Hear) He had no hope that this beneficial change would last, but ho hoped the tide would not ebb as fast as the suddenly galvanised zeal of the noble lord the member for London, who expressed so much before the division, and explained so much awayimnaediately after. (Cheers) The motion of his right hon. friend had been conceived in no party spirit. It had, on the contrary, cleared the ground from all party influences, and had allowed them to discuss the question, not as Englishmen against Englishmen,' but as citizens of the same State discussing the policy which ought to be adopted in a case of common danger. (Hear.) Much reference had been made to Austria — that power which was always ready to negotiate while it hesitated to act. The time had now come for considering what was the next position we could hold with reference to that power ; and he earnestly entreated the house to dis tinguish between the friendship of that country and its alliance. (Hoar, hear.) If they wished to limit the war within narrow bounds, he thought they ought to maintain friendly relations with Austria so long as she remained neutral, because they could not injure that state without injuring the balance of power in Europe. It was easy to say that Austria might be reduced to a fourth-rate power, but her answer would be this—lf you go to war to pre serve the balance of power, remember that Austria is as necessary as a counterpoise to France, as Turkey is as a counterpose to Russia. For these and other reasons he would preserve friendly relations with Austria, but he doubted the wisdom of that policy which had so earnestly solicited her alliance. Suppose you had attained that alliance, what would you have gained ? He said " Better leave Austria alone, bide your time, don't offend or irritate her, and inevitable events will bring her to your side." Ho thought that our attitude towards Austria had been much too supplicating. (Hear.) He now came to the pro blem laid down by the right hon. member for Manchester —if we were to continue this war, of what shape was the war to be ? Was it to be o f a arge and comprehensive character, ultimately involving changes in the governments of Europe ? He warned them against raising hopes which they might not be able to satisfy. (Hear.) He would not admit that there was no hope of the restoration of Poland. He would not prejudge what might be done with the Crimea when we got it ; but he would not encourage vague language which it might suit one minister to use, and his successor to repudiate. Woe and shame to the British statesman who should raise nations against their rulers, not foreseeing that in those constitutional changes to Which their governments were subject, they might promise to-day that which their succes sors would withdraw to-morrow. (Hear, bear.) Those nations who hoped for democracy must not look to foreign soldiers, or the votes of foreign popular assemblies. They could not receive liberty as a boon or extort it as a right, exceplrit was signed at their own Runnymede and under the shadow of their own oak. (Cheers.) Therefore, let them confine this war to the object for which it had been begun—the integrity and independence of Turkey, with such guarantees for the future as statesmen might de vise, and victory might enable ua to obtain. (Hear.) That conceded, he was not going to ask what new fortress was to be attacked ; that was no affair of the House of Com mons. Matters of strategy must be settled by the allied cabinets, and in councils of war. That house could judge only of results ; and although the end of the war might be' purely defensive, if they warted to drive Russia into terms they must grapple with her wherever they could. (Cheers.) The noble lord the member for Lynn had said that there was nothing so impolitic as humiliating a foe in support of hi s when you cou ld not crush him, quoting Machiavelli scholastic Russia, m proposition. He warned his noble friend' against th e a tt emp t to reduce the gran d sc i ence o f ax b i u ul t s. we We could could statesmanship true, crush crush h not, i e t r w a a t s . tempt to be anything more than Russia. (Hear, hear.) It might be said that William of Orange could not have crushed Louis XIV., or that the burghers of the Netherlands could not crush the house of Austria—but William of Orange did crush Louis in aggressive action upon Holland, and the burghers resisted successfully the house of Austria. In the same way, his noble friend might depend upon it, we could crush Russia in her at- tempts to injure our ancient ally. The right lion. gentle. man the member for Manchester had asked when, if the policy indicated was followed out, would the war end ? He (Sir B. Lytton) believed that if we were only in earnest in carrying it on, and limited it to its legitimate objects, it could not last long. In these days war was money, and it was impossible for any power to sustain a long war with a short purse. The pecuniary resources of Rus sia were already becoming exhausted—her trade was almost annihilated —while her recruiting system was being carried on in a way which, besides draining the country of its adult male population, inflicted a heavy loss upon the lords of the soil, and incalculable misery and discontent upon the people. In conclusion, the hon. baronet expressed a hope that when it should be asked what service the pre sent generation had performed, history would reply that it drew the sword to protect the weak against the strong, and that it had not sheathed it until it had redeemed the pledge given to humanity upon the faith of two Christian sovereigns, and vindicated' the cause of justice and liberty. The LORD ADVOCATE thanked the hon. Bart. not only for the clear exposition he hat given of his own views, but also for having successfully disposed of the arguments of those who were the opponents of the Government in the present debate. It had been said that the country had drifted into war. He altogether disputed the accuracy of that stateme n t. N ever had a war been entered into by the people of this country with so much deliberation. It was not a war of passion —it was a war of dynasties—it was a war of justice and of necessity; and he did not believe the country would stop in its course until the object for which the war hat been commenced had been achieved. With regard to the origin of the war, when the right hon. member for Manchester said it was owing to the tone of the press 'and of the supposed impossibility of England and France entering into an alliance to resist Russian aggres sion, the right hon. gentleman conceded the point that the Emperor of Russia was all along waiting fur the opportunity to attack Turkey. The interest we had in defending Turkey was this :—That through the sides of Turkey our own liber ties were menaced. We had a plain and obvious danger to ward off, and the question now to consider was, how best we could place Turkey in such a position that the liberties of Europe should be secure for the future. It by no means followed, when the war was actually commenced, that the status quo should be the condition of peace. The right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford had said that we ought not to raise our terms as the war went on ; but the principle of altering the terms according to the altered state of circumstances consequent on the war was admitted by Lord Aberdeen himself, who increased the terms upon which his Government were prepared to treat for peace as the war went on. The terms upon which peace might be negotiated on th e one side and on th e other must always depend in a great measure upon the re sults of the war ; and the results of our military operation, even before the recent successes, were certainly not such as should induce us to accept lower terms than those origi nally proposed, but the contrary. (Hear, hear.) The main demand was the limitation of the Russian preponderance in the Black Sea, as embodied in the third point. The only effectual means of carrying out that object was by the measures proposed by the allies, for it was clear that if the other proposition were adopted—viz., that Turkey should have the right to call in the fleets of France and England if she were menaced—in the event of France and England not being agreed, or either of those po vers not being agreed with Turkey, there would be no protection for Turkey. Looking at the result of the debate, he did not think the Emperor of Russia, or any power in Europe, could now entertain a doubt that the opinion of the House of Commons and of the country was that we had entered upon a war upon just grounds, and were -determined not to relinquish it until the end we had in view was attained. (Hear.) Mr. COBDEN moved the adjournment of the debate. Lord PALMERSTON trusted that the house wou allow this amendment to be disposed of. He considered that the amendment on which the hon. member would wish to state his sentiments was the amendment of the hon. member for the University of Oxford (Sir W. Heathcote). Mr. COBDEN begged the noble lgrd's pardon, but it was on this amendment that he wished to state his sentiments. Mr. DISRAELI hoped that there would be no difference of opinion on this important point. There were several amendments on the paper, but it appeared to him that this was the real question on which the opinion of the house was asked—whether the conferences were to • proceed, or, as it was understood, to be closed immediately —was this, had the best means been employed by Government to esta blish the equilibrium, and put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea. A more important question, or one more deserving the consideration of the House of Commons could not wall be conceived. When the noble lord at the head of the Government announced, before the recess, that he intended to support the first part of the mo tion of the hon. member for Kidderminster, he (Mr. Dis raeli) told the noble lord that he must be prepared for con siderable debates in consequence of that declaration. Not only was the whole question of the policy of Government in volved in the discussion, but much more than that—the future means by which peace was to be maintained. He might also take that opportunity of answering the remarks of the Lord Advocate, and perhaps he might he able to show him that the subject was of much wider character than he seemed to suppose. The learned lord imagined, acting under the instructions of the Government, that there were no other means by which the preponderance of Russia could be possibly checked and controlled. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought, however, that it was the duty of the House of Commons to enter fully and completely ino this discussion; that the first part of the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster was the real business before them ; and that all the rest was " leather and prunella." (Laughter.) The noble lord, therefore must not suppose th a t th e y could proceed to an early division upon a subject on which it appeared to him the discussion had only commenced. The debate was then adjourned till this day. The Mortmain Bill was read the scowl time. TENANTS IMPROVEMENTS COMPENSATION (IRELAND) BILL. On the order for going into committee on this bill, Colonel DUNNE hoped the Chief Secretary for Irelano would give the house ample opportunity to consider and discuss the amendments which he proposed to introduce into the bill. ➢lr. HORSMAN said his amendments would appear on the votes to-morrow, and ho proposed to bring them under the consideration of the house on Thin-slay next. Mr. S. FITZGERALD said it was ludicrous to suppose that the houso could discuss the amendments on so early a day as Thursday. Lord NAAS also' thought that more time should be allo wed. Lord PALMERSTON then said the discussion would be taken on Thursday week. The Grants of Land Bill was read a second time. ORDNANCE BOARD BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Mr. STAFFORD hoped that a measure for the recon struction of an important public office would not be read the scond time without a full discussion. Col. DUNNE complained that no clear statement had yet been made in the changes in the Ordnance Department. Mr. MONSELL said he was anxious to make such a statement. He would postpone the second reading till Friday, EPISCOPAL CAPITULAR ESTATES BILL. The Marquis of BLANDFORD hoped the house would go into committee pro forma upon this bill, in order that he might introduce certain amendments and alterations. The bill then passed through committee pro forma, and was ordered to be reported on Friday. NATIONAL GALLERY, &c. (DUBLIN) BILL. This bill passed through committee. EDINBURGH LANDS BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. SEWERS (HOUSE DRAINAGE) BILL. The Lords' amendments to o this bill were considered and agreed to. YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS BILL. Mr. ADDERLEY obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the Youthful Offenders Act. The house thqn adjourned at half-past twelve o'clock. The departures from the port of London for the Aus tralian colonies during the past week have comprised nine vessels, of the aggregate capacity of 5,270 tons. 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LAW 1 - 2‘ 7 TELLIGENVE (THIS DAY). ROLLS COURT. KATE V. SMITH.--JUDGMENT. In this case, which came before the Court upon mo tion at the last seal, The Master of the Rolls, on taking his seat this morn ing, stated that since the case was before him he bad carefully read the papers, and was of opinion that he ought to make no order upon the motion. It appeared that the plaintiff while a minor had got considerably into debt, and had given securities the day after he came of age to the extent of upwards of 12,0001. The bill was filed to impeach those securities, on the ground that the plaintiff was not liable to pay them ; and, also, for an injunction to restrain the de fendant from proceeding with an action-at-law to recover the amount of the bills given by the plaintiff. An in junction was obtained, exparte, for that purpose, and a motion was made at the last seal to dissolve that in junction, on which motion his honour now gave judg ment, declining to make any order upon it, except that the costs should be costs in the cause. His Honour then proceeded to hear motlons. All the other Equity Courts beard motions, it being a seal day, hut nothing of the slightest interest occurred in them during the morning. COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH. (Sittings in Banco.) CLAYTON V. FENWICK. Mr. Hill, Q.C., and Mr. Addison were for the plain tiff ; and Mr. Temple, Q.C., and Mr. Unthank for the defendant. This was an action for trespass for removing certain turnpike gates placed on the road from Newcastle-on- Tyne to North Shields, and came before their lordships for their opinion with reference to the various local and general acts bearing on the question. The plaintiff was clerk to the trustees for putting into effect an act for repairing these roads passed in 1831, and the defendant was the surveyor to the Corporation of the borough of Tynemouth, enforcing the public Health Act of 1848. On the 7th January, 1852, the Council had occasion to use the North Shields road with carts and horses, and pass over the sites of former turnpike gates, on which the plaintiff caused bars to be put up, and refused to let the horses and carts pass without payment of toll. The defendant then removed the bars and passed over the roads, which was the trespass complained of. The roads and branches passed within the borough of Newcastle-on-Tyne,Tynemouth, Shields, and othertown. ships. The question for their lordships' opinion was, whether the trustees for putting into execution the Ist and 2d of Win. IV., chap. 72, were entitled to collect tolls within the borough of Tynemouth, and which de pended on the point whether the local Board of Health were authorised, in a provisional order they made in 1851,- to direct the Towns Municipal Act to be incorpo rated with the Local or Improvement Act, so as to make it of force within the borough of Tynemouth. The tolls were mortgaged in a heavy amount, and assuming they were put up on the road within the borough in a legal manner, the tolls collected there formed a very material, if not principal, part of the fund from which the pat-ties who have advanced the money were to look for repayment, and that these tolls were mortgaged prior to the passing of the General Board of Health Act, and the attempt to incorporate the 50th sec tion of the Towns Municipal Act, so as to make it a binding enactment within the bor o ugh o f Tynemouth. North Shields Local Act reserved the right of the mortmees. The grand question was, whether if the 50th section of the Towns Municipal Act did not apply, and the trustees of the roads may, in certain places, erect toll bars, collect tolls, and repair the roads, whe ther they were justified in doing so at the particular places they had erected them. Lord Campbell, at the commencement of the case, observed that the plans provided for the guidance of the Court in the case, by the plaintiff, were so complicated as to rather mystify than elucidate the case, extending over as much paper as would cover the area of the Court, and directed they should not be allowed in the costs ; and Mr: Justice Erie remarked that the interlacing of so many acts of Parliament, and sections of the acts, made this a very complicated case. The arguments had not concluded when we went to press. COURT OF EXCHEQUER. (Sittings in Banco.—Before the Lord Chief Baron, and Barons Alderson, Platt, and Martin.) JOHNSON AND OTHERS V. SHREWSBURY AND BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY COMPANY. Mr. Raymond appeared to show cause against a rule obtained by the plaintiffs for a review of the Master's taxation of costs, in the matter of an arbitration between the parties. It appeared that the action was for a breach of contract entered into between the plaintiffs, who are contractors with the defendants, for the working of their line for the term of seven years, but which was broken off before the expiration of that period in consequence, as was alleged by the defendants, that - the plaintiffs bad worked the line improperly. The learned counsel sub mitted that there was nothing in this case to distinguish it from many others of a similar kind, and there was nothing to take it out of the general rule and practice. Baron Martin observed that surely the Master must be the best judge of the taxation of the costs in question. The Chief Baron said that the reason why the rule bad been granted in the first instance was because the Master thought the Court might fortify the opinion that all the Masters seemed to entertain, that two counsel ought not to be allowed in an arbitration case, which was one of the questions arising in this case. Baron Alderson also observed that the Masters were guided by general practice and discretion, and if they were not trusted to the Court would have to tax the costs in every matter. Mr. Raymond having been further heard, Mr. Phipson argued at some length in favour of the rule. The Court finally decide.] that the rule must be made absolute in the matter of reviewing the taxation of part of the costs, and that the question of counsel must be left to the consideration of the Master. BANKRUPTCY COURT. (Before Mr. Commissioner Fonblanine.) The power of the Court to grant execution for costs. IN RE BERESFORD. This bankrupt was described as of Portugal-street, Lincoln's-inn-fields, cabinetmaker, and to-day was ap pointed for his last examination. Mr. - Lucai cpposed on behalf of the trade assignee, who was the only creditor who had proved his debt, but his Honour, after hearing Mr. Chidley, allowed the bankrupt to pass, reserving all questions as to conduct until the certificate meeting. Mr. Lucas then applied for an immediate execution to issue from this Court against a person named Davison, for costs in a petition to dismiss the assignee for mis c,nduct. It appeared that Davison, who is a friend of the bankrupt, sought to prove a debt and choose him self assignee, but from doubts his Honour would not admit the Roof, and the assignee was ap pointed, and as there were no assets he made inquiries in the belief that property had been concealed. Davison then petitioned the Court to dismiss the assignee, but his Honour considered that the charge was solely to get rid of the assignee, and dismissed the peti tion with costs. Davison to avoid this petitioned the Insolvent Court, and the present object was to get an immediate execution before he could obtain protection. His Honour said it was a very unusual application, but it would be granted. LLOYD'S SHIPPING-(THIS DAY.) LONDON, June s.—Wind and weather this day at noon, S.W. ; light breeze, and cloudy. FALMOUTH, June 4.—Wind, S.W. Arrived—Ontario, from Batavia, for Rotterdam ; Tivamore, Buenos Ayres, and sailed for Southampton • Ann, Rio Janeiro. PORTSMOUTH, June S.W. Arrived—Crusoe, from Trinidad, and sailed for Hamburg ; Courier (transp or t 50), Constanti no pl e ; Rockeliff (transport 130), Abydos ; Canterbury (transport), Cowes. CONVES, June 4.—Wind, S.W. Arrived—Caractacus, from Singapore, and sailed for Hamburg. PLYMOUTH, Juno 4. —Wind, S. E. Arrived—Shooting Star (transport 48), from Polsrnouth, for the Crimea. CHATHAM, June 4 . — Arrived—Priscella, from Sierra Leone. SWAN SEA. — Sailed—Carleton, for Coquimbo. Arrived —Commodore, from Cuba. CROMER, June 4.—The body of a boy, identified as William Robertson, of Glasgow, belonging to the sloop Brothers, of Maldon, has been picked up from the wreck of a sunken vessel, off Baeton. (PER ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) LIVERPOOL, Tuesday Morning. Wind, S.W. Arrived—Julian Maria, from Santander ; Martaban, Valparaiso ; Oliver Jouadan, New Orleans ; J. Howe, Charleston; Asia, Karasundp. Off Port—Princess Victoria, from Maranham ; Walter Scott, New Orleans. QUEENSTOWN, June 3. Wind, S. Arrived—Van der Palm, from Poo-chow-foo ; Peraever_ ance, Buenos Ayres ; Orwell Lass, Callao ; Sultana, Genoa, DUBLIN, Juno 4. Wind, S.W. Arrived—Marla Terese, from Bordeaux; Maria Aurelia, Amsterdam ; True Bess, Caen ; Cores, Dantzio. ------ (BY SUBMARINE AND BRITISH TELEGRAPH.) GRAVESEND, Tuesday 10.9 a.m. Wind, S.W. ; tide, five hour's Olaf ebb ; from weath ßiga ; Arrived, June 4-z Otta and , Lady Sandys, St. Rat's; B e tt y an d Origon, Riga (prizes); St. George, M a t anzas. Arrived, J une s —Palm, from Antigua ; Venus, Nord koping ; L a P ou l e, Gravolines ; Leo, Guernsey ; Neptune, Skieve ; Alb er t, S tettin. Sailed—J us t yn, for Bombay. DEAL, Tuesday, 9.39 a.m. Wind S.S.W. ; fresh. Passed—Mary and Jane, from Marseilles; Adam Van Ross, Havannah ; Rattle, Melbourne ; Aid, Jamaica; Commonwealth, St. John's—all for London. Anchored—John Henry, from London, for Calcutta. Passed—Commodore, from London, for Balaklava. LONDON FARMERS' CLlZ7l3.—Last evening Mr. J. Bailey Denton, of Stevenage, Herts, read a paper "On the Economy and Cost of Good Roads," at the Club House, the York Hotel, Bridge-street, Blackfriars ; Mr. Shearer presided. After a long discussion, in which several members took part, the following resolution was agree(: to—" That, in the opinion of this club, the formation and maintenance of good roads is worthy of far more attention than it 'has yet received ftom the agriculturists, and that a better system of management, both local and general, is a matter of economy very desirable." LITEPATUBE. .Ib-- Sustace Conyers. A Novel. By James _Hannay, author of "Singleton Foe tenoy," " Satire and Satirists," arc. 3 vols. Hurst and Blaekett. We have here presented a stirring and sparkling rOalanCe whose dashing and vigorous kindred to the e l emen t chosen style seems for the theatre of its exploits -_ " The open sea ; the blue, the fresh, the ever free "-L-and whose spirit exhibits a fire and animation worthy of the chroniclers of those " hearts of oak " who are born to rule over the mighty waters. The story relates the adventures of a clever and enthusiastic youth, who early de voted himself to his idol —the sea. "Those who go down to the sea in ships, and occupy their busi ness in great waters" were ever the objects of his envy and admiration, and to serve under "The flag that braved a thousand years The battle and the breeze" was his day dream and his night vision, as to be enrolled in the baud of naval heroes was the pin nacle of his early ambition and the bow of promise to his after years. The feelings he experienced on .first giving a definite expression to his wishes are well described. It is said that there is no way of accounting for the mysterious longing that seizes some for the sea than by supposing that some men are born sailors as others are born poets. " Their case is like that of the sea-bird, which has been hatched far away among the rocks and caves. When it comes to its strength, the nameless Want seizes it ; it rises into the air, and, with a sure instinct, makes for the eternal waters. These sea urchins of England have the sea-bird's eagerness ; they must follow their instincts or they pine. The genius whispers your part is there. Come what may you and the sea have a part to play together; it has been arranged from the beginning of the world, and you must fulfil your destiny." Yet Eustace Conyers was to learn, as all must, that there is disappointment in the realisation of the most cherished plans, and all was not sunshine with him when he first joined the service. To put up with hardships and rough usage he expected, and to be misunderst oo d an d kept back in his course ; but he did not exp'ct to meet with the chill of in difference when he was burning with enthusiasm, and to see all around, or a great many,. regard as a business employment, or a dull task, the profes sion that he believed the vocation of heroes and the passport to glory— " The spirit of your fathers Shall start from every wave ; The deck it was their field of fame, And ocean was their grave.". Such was the tenour of Eustace's thoughts when he became a son of the sea. His youthful heart that had glowed with fervour w h e r e "Bl a k e an d m i g h ty Nelson fell," sunk within him at the uncongenial nature of his companions. Ho was fortunate in having for a friend Walter,, Lindsay, who could sympathise with his feelings while discouraging their indulgence. He led him to look on his work with his own exalted vision, to measure it by his own lofty standard, without regarding or regretting that others did not or would not act likewise. By this judicious training, Lindsay pre vented the young enthusiast from becoming unjust to others, or unfair to himself. Eustace bad his reward. Where he had fixed his labour, there was his mind's energy employed, and his - heart's devo tion centred. The interest increases when Eustace and his friend Lindsay join the " lovely Lotus," whose noble and h onoura bl e commander, " ontfichet," was a striking contrast to the smooth and uncertain "Moggy." Here Eustace distinguished himself by saving the life of his persecuting enemy, the first lieutenant, who was for ever annoying him by petty tyranny and unfounded charges. This incident increased his popularity among a community ever ready to ad mire the noble and generous as to applaud the free and daring. A painful ordeal had to be passed through by the Lotus and her crew. She was ordered to the coast of Africa. This was in deed a touchstone to naval ardour, and a refining fire to put aside the false from the true in the de clarations of attachment and devotion for the ser vice. It is truly observed that the sufferings of those whose record is, "Died on the coast," is not duly appreciated, nor are their services rightly esti mated. "Let the Englishman honour those gallant gentlemen, for they lived and died, not with the inspiration of all Europe looking on, but far away arhong rank dews and barbarians, where body and soul are alike weary, and were faithful to England when England was little thinking of them. To follow Collingwood's or Nelson's pendant into the smoke rising from a shattered and ruined enemy's fleet, the thought of it kindles the spirit as with a ray of sunlight ; but to lay down your life in the sweltering steerage of alO-gun brig, with mawkish water nauseating your lips, think of those fine fel lows, oh countrymen, and do a little stroke of wor ship in honour of the unsuccessful and unknown brave." Eustaco met with a singular adventure. He was entrusted with the care of a captured schooner which was detected in the slave trade. By mischance ho was given a very bad selection from the Lotus' men. After some time they con certed with the crow of the schooner and mutinied. The unfortunate Eustaco was confined in the cabin for several days, and his sufferings may be ima gined. To die far away from the presence of friends or even honourable enemies, with no pros pect of his name being cleared before the members of his profession, or the memory of his death being softened to the hearts of his family. At last he found the door open one morning, and rushed on deck. Here all was deserted, and he de termined to try for himself. "He was at bay;" he thought that he represented the brave men of the Lotus, and was the descendant of a family that had adventured much by flood and field. In a small boat he contrived to reach a shore at some distance. This proved to be Brazil, where he was happy in meeting with an enlightened friend in Don Emanuel, a proprietor of a large estate there. He found an agreeable resting-place in his man sion from the perils of the deep, and the plots and manoeuvres of which he had been the object, and to which he had nearly,fallen a victim. Eustace Conyers was ambitious of becoming a hero, but he was not desirous of being a martyr ; and while he would joyfully have yielded his spirit in battle, Looking proudly to Heaven from the death-bed of fame," he was not averse to find himself on terra firma, having narrowly escaped murder on the high seas, without even the prospect of a trial " looming in the distance," in which his countrymen might have dealt justice for his untimely fate. After a short time in the fascinating presence of the delightful Don Emanuel, Eustace rejoined his beloved "Lotus," where he was fairly and kindly received by his commander, Montfichet, who carried his lofty ideas of honour, and his principles derived from a long line of august ancestors, into the details of his daily life, and the concerns of his noble profes sion. After some hard service, during which some gay spirits were consigned to African graves, the good ship was recalled to her native England, where a new era is entered upon by our hero. He left an inexperienced boy, but he returned an in telligent and observant young man, eager as ever, but more stedfast, and as kind-hearted, but more noble-minded. His home was delightful, but soon new charms were found to fascinate the re cently-returned wanderer. Elizabeth Sycamore was the graceful heroine whose presence was to gladden the bright scenes of his regained paradise, and to shed over his existence that mellowed splendour and prismatic beauty which renown when he had sought it and family affection when he had rejoiced in it, had not as vet foreshadowed or foretold. For his energetic and practical temper a magic spell was woven in the serene superiority and calm unworldliness of the heiress of the Sy camores. He regarded her as something pure and perfect from the coarse and actual. "Her eyes are like the fishpools in Heshbon, by the gate of Bath rabbin," he exclaimed to a friend, thus showing by so exalted a metaphor how high her image was set up in his mental vision, and with what great thoughts be pondered over it. Succeeding duties and difficulties are then introduced, to make out What is called romance, but what all know too well might as well be named reality. The skill of the intellect may refine and emblazon with the splendour of rhetoric and oratory, the treasures of the fancy may adorn and ornament with the jewels and precious stones of imagery, while genius gives vitality to fancied creations, and makes sparkling by its lustre and glorious by its touch ; but the truths of time are eternal, and nature is the same whether we chronicle her in joy or sorrow, hope or despair, because finished and fashioned with a master hand, because a master mind has shown how the noble spirit bears suffering, and the pure heart has seen heaven through the vista of its tears, the trials of the upborne soul and the consolations of the trust ing one are not imaginary. In the nameless mar tyrs of the world there have been many prototypes there are and will be. In the present instance Eus tace Conyers met with what might have been seen and expected all along. The mistake was that he, as well as the rest of his fellow-creatures, only looked to the present, not to the future. To use the lan guage of his vocation, in the calm and lull he for got that storms might lower, and he, unheeding and unprepared, might find himself "drifting amon breakers." In the f o ll ow i n g the g passages of th e narra tive many striking characters may be met with. Mr. Conyers, the f a th er of Eustaee, whose love for the ancient and romantic was touching and in teresting, although out of date and antiquated. Mr. Sycamore is graphically described as a man of utilitarian ideas, notions as *plans, and principles. As a boy he ~asAkesti butterfly ?" hat was the use of a ,p4suggested nothing but the navigation laws," poet was, a hurdy-gurdh" "Whose march is o'er the rnouuta,in wave, Whose home is on the deep." The Louvre. By Bayle St. John. Chapman and Hail. .. A very agreeable and instructive volume, con taining a large amount of original m a tt er o b tained from the most reliable sourccs and presented in an attractive manner. Besides a very copious bio graphy of that vast and gorgeous museum of art, in which the creative energies of. many ages and nations are attested, the elite of its contents are pointed out in their respective localities, and criti cised i n a f ear l ess but genial spirit—a good id ea bein g a t d ie same ti me g i ven o f th e treatment, of art in F rance . Th e narra tive is intersp e rs e d w ith anecdotes an d p ersona l r eminiscences; and t wo lith og raphed ground plans of the building lend their aid to a comprehension of its all but incom prehensible intricacies. A 2- .n ccount of the Life, Opinions, and Writings of john Milton. By Thomas Keightley. Chap man and nail. Somewhere about a quarter of a century ago, the author tells us, he conceived the idea of ,en deavouring to rende r the noble poetry of Milton more intelligible, and, consequently, -more attrac tive and useful to readers in general, and the re sult is an annotated edition of the poems now in the press, and the present volume, which is chiefly but by no means exclusively, intended and adapted to serve as a companion or introduction to it. The work is divided i n t o t h ree parts; the first bio graphical ; the second expositional, setting forth the poet's opinions by quotations from his writings, with explanatory and critical re marks ; and the third illustrative of the mean ing and beauties of Milt on ' s writings both in prose and verse ; a learned and able gc I n _ troduction to The Paradise. Lost" cOncluding the volume. Mr. Keightley is at no pains to conceal his admiration of the illustrious poet —an admira tion, however, characterised and modified' by mu c h learning, discrimination, and critical acumen. Without pledging ourselves for the correctness of all his conclusions and opinions, critical and other wise, from some of which we decidedly dissent, we feel bound to accord him the merit of having per formed his task with commendable skill and fidelity, and to have produced a work well calculated to further the important object he has so long had in view. MONEY MARKET COI/"..1/ ERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. • CITY, Two O'CLOCK. The Cotton Market at Liverpool yesterday closed with a very buoyant appearance, and, as compared with Friday's rates, all kinds were id. per lb. dearer. The sales were estimated at be tween 35,000 to 40,000 bales (2,000 of which were taken for export, and 10,000 on speculation), com prising 400 Pernam and Maranbam at 2d. to 24d., 600 Bahia, 1,500 Egyptian at 2kd. to 20., 12,000 Surat at 61d. to 80., and 50 Sea Islands at ls. to Is. 4d. per lb. The Railway Share Market again firmer, at the full prices of Saturday. The ship Rattler has arrived in the Dowfla from Melbourne. She left January 21, consequently her dates are very old, and it is not yet ascertained if she has specie on board. The remainder of the Overland Mail, via Southampton, has arrived, and the letters have been delivered this morning. Accounts from Hamburg state that the last loan of 50 millions of silver roubles contracted by Russia in 1854, and of which the official quotation had been prohibited, was nevertheless readily sale able at 90k. M. de Struve, long the Russian Am bassador at Hamburg and Oldenburg, had resigned on account of ill-health, and State Councillor de Kondriaffski remained charged with his functions. The circulation of the Bank of the Netherlands on the 31st May was 92,451,205 Els. The accounts current were 16,817,734 Ils., and the specie was 101,540,367 fig. (There has been a partial reaction in the English Stock Market, notwithstanding the continued re ceipt of favourable intelligence from the seat of war, and the abandonment of strong places in Cir cassia. The Hebrew party have been among the sellers, and it is said that there is some demand for gold for exportation. Rumours have also ;been circulating respecting a probable French loan, but all this is natural after a continuous rise, and s rith a heavy Bull account. Some are anxious to realise profits, while others are emboldened to sell upon the chance of a reac tion. Consols have been 91 and since 911 4, which are a b ou t t h e current rates. The New Three per Cents. have realised 92i to 4, and the Reduced 91' to Bank Stock has been supported at 2081. The %ilium is at 4a y prem. The New Annuity brings 16 13-16 to Exchequer Bills are 20s. to 235. prem. Foreign SecUrities have .been mostly nominal. Turkish Bonds have been in fair request, however, at 82k to ; . Mexican Bonds are steady at 22k, and Brazilian at 1001. Spanish New Deferred are quoted 18k. The following are the nominal prices of foreign stocks :—Grenada Deferred Bonds, 6/ to 7i ; Mexi can, 22 to 22i ; Peruvian, 68 to 70; ditto Three per Cents., 48 to 50 ; Portuguese Four per Cents., 43 to 45 ; Russian Five per Cents., 99 to 101 ; ditto Four-and-a-Half per Cents., 89 to 91 ; Spanish' New Defeired, 18k to 18i ; Ditto 3 per Cents., 38 to 381 ; Ditto Certificates, 4 to 4k ; Ditto Passive, 3/ to 41. In the English railway shares there is a slight reaction, but sales are not pressed. Upon South Western the further " call" is quoted as paid up. The principal dealing has been in Caledonian, Lan cashire and Yorkshire, Midland and South-Eastern, The foreign lines are firm,- and fuller rates are in some instances paid. Grand Trunk of Canada and Madras has been very buoyant. The Colonial Mining Market is dull, and San tiago de Cuba and United Mexican are lower. Crystal PalaCe Shares are scarcely so good. Aus tralasia Bank are firm. BRITISH FUNDS THIS DAY.—CLOSING PRICES. ( From, the Offieial Bu.lness done Bulk Stook ... . 91 iiiii Shut 92 iiiiii iseo Line Annuities, Expire stl) Jan., , 1859 3i 16/ 13-16 Ditto 30 Years, ExP-r° 91 i i 4 i i ' $ 3NT per rr 3 () ue Cent.rt Cent .(ißeducedis AnnuitiesAAnn Annuities it ei : N Consols .or Account, 10th July Omnium 4 :3 20 DAY. exchequer Bills, 2id, 21000 . 23 20 23 2500 ~ ..... 23 20 23 small ie ß rC o Eji nd ut3 s d B , ll. s lF p B e Os r Bll C E e 3 u l pertG..N. ... . P . .U.. Cent FUNDS ...... ............... 1 E K c i cb a deP Brazil ianci o ß r u Bonds Grenada Bonds, I . i per Cent. .. . ......... 16t Ditto Deterred, 1i per Cent .............. 6i • 'oexican 3 per Cent. . ...... . ......... Ditto for the Account..... .............. ---- ............... 22/ g ru P I D a r) knii Ditto Ditto t t i i S ta t l Ditto fl33i3°lrvlt4lsDeferred, Account,Years, A 6 p .c ; p e E oe r u r x r i n CP nc e te rn 3 l n. et . s l) . . . e. t. °. . . r h. . . . t . . h. . A . . . . e . P 61 . . .°. . n. . . . . e t . . . . . . t . . . ' l . . . . " '. . . 1. . . . : 88 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 . . . .. . . .. . . .. . . — 81 ; 8 8 3 ! Ditto Small ..,, • .......... .. 82i Venezuela Bonds, 4 } per Ce;t. ......... . ... 284 Ditto Deferred, 1/ per Cent . ........ 12 - Ditto 4 0 ' ' 9,1 4 THREE O'CLOCE. ................... IfrsoeCi::.:: ce th e rt a i u fi o ea ve te e s ; a bl; ... . iondon. Ditto Account, 10th L . ; ............ 9-1 i 2 1 x d E A .DVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Pills singularly effi canious in curing Liver Complaints.—Mrs. Bebbington, of Bark-street, H u l me , was afflicted for a very long time with a liver complaint, palpitation of the heart, and pains of both shoulders, headache, giddiness, bad app e . tite, and restless sleep, together with other nervous Symptoms, for which she took almost every medicine generally recommended for such disorders, but being unable to derive any benefit from them s h e determine d to give Holloway's pills a trial, and by persevering with them for a few weeks,. she has been restored t o a pe r fect s tate of health, which she still continues to enjoy.- Sold by all medicine vendors, and at Professor wa y's establishments, 244, Strand, Londoa, nd(l3o, Maiden-lane, New York. &0., arc. " The one thing the world :wanted was common sense." Fiom such a man not much rea son cr y feeling co u ld b e expecte d , an d h e was a stumbling block. e toe march of Eustace's eagle course, and tile terror of his daughter's quieter steps. With such materiails for workig ont his structure it is not surprising that the author has produced an interesting and entertaining story. It shows real life, and demonstrates right feeling. The most considerable portion is devoted' 'to the contemplation and representa.tiOn of naval affairs, which is a study that his always been consonant to the tastes and congenial to the spirit of a country oggel .tied zt ig Dfil la la g ll c'', r;,l or •