The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-26 00:00:00

sg r r in 0120 • 'tint 11.0 OW' r ight h o -------"----------- bad tni n • gentleman was going to move any motion. He dithar:endered his place to him because he thought he was disti n e i ng' his duty by so doing; but he wished the horse . taw e 'iY to understand that he had not withdrawn . i t ie aft e ., l° !. but that he should take the first opportunity 4041Whitsuntide of bringing it forward on a motion of the m Pr * ( Rear.) He had 'certainly attended yesterday th e a tinc.' called by the amble lord at the head n of 'fil e d hY er t b nient, and if the right hon. gentleman had i ebl to a meeting of the same character, he should it alloy ' have thought it his duty to have attended . liii ( Laughter.) He should endeavour to restrict Ile tr usted the importan#, subject before the house, and lighi'"ted that he shonid be able to throw some oew The I iI 31: ! ti it- He wor A ld begin with the origin of the . war. a erdt , ristians in Tiy.key were a population increasing in fi e iit ° and intelligence. The Sultan was a mild and tiene- Ilsetiiirunler, auxtor.s to give their rights to all his subjects. , Petr a t e et mean '..0 say that acts of tyranny were not per t gllr etain 14 4 , t , h e provinces, but he denied that the central L th attli erntlyiscl anythin , to do with them. He believed q ,'" Put a a ,; a l° object of IFussia in the war with Turkey was . 4 srlc e , -- e l'd to this pro erity amongst the Christians in tsteei" ef an .d in this opinion he was confirmed by th -mania nese, l a „1, the late Emperor, and the circulars of Count "kilt cc . '". In the ultimatum presented by Prince 11m . - I.4 tee ea it was stated that Russia desired the the same ti lt ?! t he Greek C ' hristians in Turkeyshoul J i be the same L e tlit' o ," enjoyed by the memb .rs of . all the foreign . 4111-chi ill Turkey,After that ultimatum Prince leki '' ,, c- ',"fr left. Constantinople, and the Sultan is their -ru lail guaranteeing to the Greek . Christians e Its_ le_ religious privileges and immunities. Princ tt e n Qr bikoat ~.„, „ when he heard of this, wrote a letter .to l alt t o - D '''' v izier, statine that this Erman was LI direct tlitia,r 4 laia• He did'nat want the r.dig.orie, but the to '" the - P ri vileges for the Greek churches. He came next tote rnoaifications which Turkey had suggested in the the intertawil IV at Vienna, when Count Nesselrode said that 14!lateak_tation put upon , that note . by Turkey was the 0„ tar u" i nterpretation of Russia : there . was no power istieT e . tot excepting Prussia, which did not declare . urk t b ., sY agreed to it she would forfeit her indepeT i l *e old 1 1 "ea on this rejection that the war broke out. . e - consider ho f they were likel to oti l tain b el ie L Lr.the Greeks w commensurate with the privileges - "Jr p o i: 43 , aia insi s t e d they should have, and how far the I Tat ke'Le gave them these privileges. It hail been said t ° lllti war w ascommenced without sufficient objects, but :V; o l ee Y one fairly say that unless there had been some i _ r ona , Lat stake Russia would have gone .to war. If ' l .,'", acations had been slight, would Russia have goi e ' t ,ltli - ea t ° insist upon her interpretation of the note? a s -r iba e d a -i t,:l ti rte, he must say that he thought if this coun lc hi, - -the first assumed a dignified tone, Russia might - le ;I°ll to (Hear.) He attributed the war to ambiguous l . 4l4lefttaine and war. one of her Majesty's Govern k ad t j, e l with all dueresect to the right bon. gentleman St "' r a (Mr. Gladstone), he attributed that tone in a • tabiLti, easure to him. (Hear hear.) He now came to the Olio;`.t,tnistakes Which le el been committed. In the first .!• la eniLvnts stated that e a territorial diminution of Russia .‘th-e"etnplated. This was a premium to Russia to carry . t e , , , Dos - lait,v,:titedoperfieven ted . the Western Powers from reaping la ep e lv cse cf :ta t avi . iielion . t f li ro e m h i a t d . He - would now go to the con heard that the first two points 1r... - "let n ", importance • he totally differed from that 0441, -0 tne fir t point ' otbercapital mistake had been 141, 4e rta a l ri * a Th w e h p e r s op a sWe an in the first protocol emanated W desirous n to mix up the three t z !,1 1:411 • i v a tie l ! of Servia, Wallachia, and Moldavia W stlil, "uy did Austria wish to mix them up together i ? ti e .acitheen distinctly separate from the other in pr e ilc r: 1/1 41 41%it Austria wished to have the right of t . tOted;e- Prince Gortschakoff sa w through the scheme. 4.. N ), I ._7ct lest Austria should have a protectorate over roie' 4 „ use she would exercise her influence over the Sia,;"Pt?Pulation of Turkey. Although Prince Go . rtsc t ha : ~ ~. ~, stills, it did not appear that the British plemp a o a e n n , Isla ye ' ti lli e , or that he even knew whether there was er y Nroffik that at all in the province. Prince G o Is t: atliat iTre very cleverly avoided the difficulty by prop‘ t oe.d. 1 4: 1 ° 91Uestion should be settled after the treaty waslord Cilete'e (zi.r.Layard) was astonished that the noble 04 "qap - , lt er ii e,f .. the constitutional party in this country should 0 th e ' tayne to a protocol like this, which would de ia'aaet. "rihabitants of the principalities of the right of Z47ssit*;',l their own internal affairs, and would altogether k il e a tis hig prosperity and civilisation of the Christians . tr ee ! The Servians entered a protest against this ar lie,_ a ,',,Theysaid theydreaded Austriceven more than k• i e t oe' , 14i , Would take up arms if Austria bad a direct si, in in their affairs. He would ask what kraliti -z.ee conduct of the Porte with respect to the pun ' 14kte.1 1 ! Jibe Porte had strictly abided te agree- S PI 144 she had made The Porte hadnever inter eslotith the Principalities. It was Russia who h e a i d r a* 81PrOra the right of speaking to the Porte on th In , (03 z i ) e had assumed the right of protectorate.. .. 'ate but it had respected the rights of the Principa h i 411 4 ...*; I lvras Ressia which had invaded them. T 4: • h e 'Pesi a- t he ease in Wallachia and Moldavia in 18 _,. b tg a l granted to .. '4 0 ,,, at the right of interference was V.`,.. he p_i'vat . Powers, the interference next fthis country ' it,qtatC'elniitted to Austria. The point was the 4 44 g r eat -11 of the Danube. It was said that Russia had, ale c oncessions on this poiut,. n but, as far as he the concessions VII I ~. tliere was no great merit i e h., ta ‘ Pi e ., 7 , made, for they only emsounTtehdetonewLhtat pointhad bed by previous treatie • of t trePenierance of Russia. Au great m d a e k al e h t a n d e la fi e r e a n t kt;:1; he ,Fourtesy of allowin ,ket i N e ue would ask any g d i c p e l o om rse a , ti a st sk i f il ,b f a l would htaZki p t ke first offer? Of . to, once Gortschakoff undoubtedly was, would 4 0 . 14.71 41 / 8 the first offer, tkCrit " occ uis having refused to do so. Austria then made and great surprise was ex- T t Baal Turkish, a p h r , op fl o e s e e t d a ta r ti` et, , as she generally %Da L i llisia and Zli 'WU' Upon this point he quite agreed with the particularly 111 • 1- "d.o t4 D l- 1 . ( ,%, Il tati",,• l' ad te ste L n n e r ) d thatitwas very difficult to insure tii; t lare,7• Russia would find a thousand ways to escape N i , e int - „,*deubts had been expressed with respect to the Nh u l, 1 - ` b ,the words of the noble lord upon a former .oc thatest'iiit was never clear that the meaning e a'pe4 tu _ iits "%-i - Z, s _ r • Layard) and tithes had put upon . them was 4 - 7, n tke et 7A - .4%,,he meant with respect to the objects of the - "alsti e lleledestruction of Sebastopol and the Rus i ba tk eW ea4t r . 14 1 41 d quote a despatch - . of the Duke of th e „at h e ei il l ti; Raglan upon this point. The Duke ty A gilN o l t r atsi ezi z t tt , despatch, wrote n to Lord Ra.elan, say leteelat 9 of t. 3' k ! Goveum te e were of opinion that p 1 would be increase , 1 hope of a safe and Il llo r T *l44:'"°llr it 4 : o ll6 e eele" : 4l :l,l ac t te r il o ttl : t d i P u t ge h re a S t ew . ' f a o asa rtre e ss was reduced and the most important that the th.,14 difr. sh o , l , :a ;_ that it 1,3; aft ht Te . titti ea - 1 4. , _ uhdertak .t w eil as unless lt there were ienlesuar , is L . titne this Prevent i . was, it t -.,.. he C. 12 was the meaning . of the words of the Oval pgo . Nt , carne to the next point—the closing of the arel at ons a 1- --e ll ;ar ti it il h e eSee tl o l e d h . sa y that if the straits had c not b t ee n n . kl 4 th , - a ti e.. c lkoff would have a e ati`iasl l Z t stthi;_ If the straits had not been closed he be -140,ve t b, 74 . 4 o f RiZsOment Constantinople would have been • th ek T v. ort e to ta• As a great concession Russia would LNG, ‘e3 , w summon the fleets of the western powers - "lP....'her as in danger,The right hon. gentleman Il ad' m ka ka tor ° lford * by 13.. , i. 5 hr.- y a ,,, said that tinging up the fleets k .mi lly,..7ght o ,,'„ i tsult had been offered to Russia which r aee zi ntle ~i ; ,,,Ve war (No, no.) He (Mr. Layard) cer "k bed 1.- "uu that .the argument was that this had S , toad eclar t; 5tt 4 4 1 1. 1 :1. th e ri ~.a ion of war. Suppose, however,that tillate•tile, co to summon the . allie f dfleets,.would ,ek i t i e l , if thertler it a declaration o ade war? (Hear.) Zt Ai sz ti ..44,h e with respect str a it, , s it an w y- as co o nee t a l s i i e nn pa m rt of Turkey and 1 I ei l 4 14. Now for the fo n urth int, if it had been Loll "Y It Ivitild have been held up as a great conces 'N• Otat et ti t i a, that she had conceded the rights of a • ,N . 11,0,7. Did she concede anything in . .4 gt b.-. 4t a "" Was n treaty whichgave Rus l sia any pro- 111eit • ata. 6 _ r Zres e ,, rk ;Y• BY treaty it was y allowed her Z, a 7i re oe th „ . e„,aLtrjone through her amb only not even lilit7t. h etV:iinstastians in general, but in favour of the . ' g,. The Bttroricantit=es andnever those who ministered had ver admitted this 14671' ' l4l ),:tai e° B 4 l : e Lling the right of protectorate to the i fou t r 1 4 • 6 care knew well that the Greeks ;i c v n o e u w ld w als y t . ha o t telbat s 1 1 1 : 1310 I pro tictoorrattteGreeks. Shewould n her favour in Zi t iti li ft ti;etiresired. She wanted tohave all the four powers IZl,,Vlerei en e l t e !!ays, for she knew well u o p n on an th y e g c n o e n s - . '4 ta °14 44 11 . n light i a i each ae of t the four powers:_ upon to sacrifice ,i„ So, ,_ io ii .., i li q t i l lth e p o - r Perplexity to meet them, and that in this , 4 ),,Vey Woul d would be undermined, and every man 'NI' "g lik e •`" he sacrificed who would govern , with \Zit t t a gat moderation Within the last ten or ~welv. e Zatol r isti a , change hadtaken place in Turkey, and if , iSitkey,, - ", c ould he . left alone the time might come '' ' ev 'lid he able to a sume that position in the East lie:teei,3,!, liberal-tninded man must desire them Ne t the 4 a l3e ar, hear.) He would now sail the atten ,44l4lthale° to the concessions which Russia had 1 , got , 4 k th e - i ;_Qat and gain of the different powers con , ilierotke ,egotiations. What had been the gain and ) 41,, , righ t Y k • It was said she perhaps might be ble t 4' °lle h a d uti k of the Danube. But what would she 4 litrkt already lost an immense number of men ' 3 4 4 , , rah §, „,,,ef her fleet—her finances had been embar aOoilletnad been obliged to have recourse to a loan. er ' 11, 11 1ia :1 , Whi u k a ve confirmed to her Circassia and oth LI 11,,,' "Alt „„-su hitherto had not been admitted to belong ' ik. llll o_ thie o l r e she had usurpe an authority. What ''). -I.' Was The Greeks invaded . Thessaly and , • i tt lt e , 46 lOr ee ' d as to Pron9unee l d a t n act of brgandage, am what had been the con- Ile iik , V: to as retire, was e concerned ? Turkey had . , 'a' 4 4' j e c,_h d hZ a l ldemnit ey for that act of wanton aggres tttmt:" What been the gains and losses of Turkey.,l2 tuila.4pll),7olf,lad Russia lost and gained ? She had b o n s t t t` t a t e t ... l 3e h 44 iten and embarrassed her finances, s 7 . uct th. n ot suffered. She had given up the gua al. -14 0 1 te P r otectorate ; but she gained an extende . d it e$ Servia, and the power of interfering .aan i , Vleh l ) :1oi t , pre a s — ti she . gained the rigl i i n t t&Ceitrrcar Europe, 4 40.: I llteT lt 4e fatal toin thee i E n a t s e t re a s n ts d of this country, 0. 14 NZ, N'eh,e,tp towards the ruin of Turkey ? (Hear , 2% ; 4 . a 0 " jlad France and England gained ? We hacl• , • ' ' s a , N tl il li sti;: o rl ° 1 18 battle or two, and met with a gloii "ma .t, ii i , .. We had shown the indomitable courage . 's,, i'eeti th e nigher qualities of our troops, and had ,'1.14,,e„ lest ? ealilitary reputation of our cnen. But what !., :11%Cles I t i th 'Y e had shown to the world corruption and 1,. ti at e, had we have mismanaged a great war $ 1 t: 1 1 1 : 4 1. F ra li°tal government is not eo good as it might S''s tog/4 W e gained anything ? She had gained pretty a %kt gain u ' l(i g a lted. And what had Austria gained iNeS: k vi h a st ir Was with Austria. (Hear.) And she had lost itt.:st.ietk;ef ibi:hltaiteshad she gained ? She hart gained the 4,,Vti, Pri nti -Yantibe, the right of interfering in Servia . 4 1 .. 1 i t. Itti a tt e retail:le , a right which gave her power in tt her position at home. She had lost rli;knetrialvas still allowing us to fight her battles for trt,tti, e ,titri, could carry on conferences at Vienna, but 14 - 4 41 . ti e ;CL l ad ): to keep out of the war. The difficulties of te. k .. 4 t f l u eil e e !' ll "Posed by the noble lord, but those dif . m th ziated for two years, and they existed when (PIS I' l 4 th : treed of the 21 of December. That treaty ih,t,4 41.(14.. in case the re-establishment of the general , t:sa o% W ot ect be conceded in the course of last year the , I ,i si N for 01;'t !leYberate without delay upon effectual Laty . that ti * ' l inng the object of the alliance. But it was Z.'io e (lie.,,.,ere Was a secret article attached to tha . t belitti‘egaio,t,RA-ustria then entered into a hostile combi tajetoblval t o , "'la. Now, he wanted to know bow long laio„'a th at e ° „°ll Playing in this manner ? It was pre- N e °3 'cl le Nt ith re „ l ' a u r ia, country should be placed la such a the ace o ,, , le, u. to Austria. She had done us immense h ~,i,i),, , I „,p, tion. of the Principalities, because by that 4 (1 qt4e 4 . " ned enabled Russia to pour her troops in 0 14 hi flt , Th e ta,,,, right hon. gentleman (Hr. Gladstone) tpqpri n l e -..,,,,rlificent superstructure on the sand. What te , 1445,ad gi.2l argument in favour of peace? Why, that ' 14i 4 '. b.: l nto xi, 1411 9 made concessions until she came t r o . t k 4 itt 0,4.0nd therefore we ought not to press her fu I„,tZt the leaki‘ to Make her some concessions. Now Russia i PaOsh re% rig Preposterous demands. She demanded 1 %0 had Ll' , should be expelled from Turkey. It was - IN til t ,'" the, P rincipalities, but she never had any tet t C heers. And yet we were asked to ... .... THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 26 1855. 'which he could form a Government suited to the exigencies of the times. (Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerialists.) What has happened since then to enable those gentlemen to present themselves with more confidence before the country, and to offer to take charge of the great interests of England? I leave the house and the country to determine that question of pre ference between them and us. This at least I will admit in their favour, that, judging from the speeches of the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire and the hon. and learned member for Enniskillen, I think, not withstanding the very different opinion expressed by the noble lord the member for Lynn, that if this house and the country were to transfer the conduct of public affairs to their hands, we have a pledge that to the best of their ability they as ould carry on the war with as much vigour as we have done, and for the same objects for which we are contending. I see no difference in that respect between their proposition and the course which we are determined to pursue, and therefore the appeal which they make to the house to transfer the conduct of the Government from us to them is not founded upon any censure of our policy, bet simply upon the assertion that they could with more capacity than us carry on the same system of policy of which they approve ; for in fact their resolution —setting aside "the ambiguous language and uncertain conduct" — is a vote of appobatiou of the Government. (A laugh.) But there is another alternative open to the house. I allude to the right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford Uni versity, and those who are going to vote with him for the amendment of the hon. baronet his colleague in the repre sentation of the University. Th a t is a party who repu diate the notion of approving peace at any price, but a patty that, at all events, would be ready to accept peace upon conditions which I think, and which the people think, dishonourabl to the country and dangerous to the future interests of Europe. (Loud cheers.) I venture to say, without any disrespect to those gentlemen— some of whom I have good reason to hold in the highest respect, and where talents are well known to the house and the country - that i a Government were now formed of their party, I think not one of them would b 3 re-elected to sit in this house. (Cheers and laughter.) I say, then, the choice lies between the two sides of the house, and I contend that we have done nothing to forfeit that good opinion which the hon. member for Aylesbury was pleased to say was formed of the present Government when first constituted. We were supported by the good opinion of the country because it was thought we were going to pro secute with vigour that war which the country has una nimously declared to be just and necessary. We have adopted every possible means for that purpose ; and I con fidently expect that the result will show we have not been undeserving of that confidence with which the country hailed our advent, and that we shall be able to realise the just expectations which the nation has formed. The fate of war and of battles is in the hands of a higher Power. It is not for men to command success ; they can only do everything in their power to obtain it. That we have done. In a cause which we consider to be just, necessary, and honourable, we confidently place our trust in a higher Power. If we succeed we !kali have the satisfaction of re flecting that our sucaps has been brought about by the perseverance with which, without proclaiming from day to day the different steps we have taken, we have laboured to achieve it;. while if, on the other hand, we should fail —a contingency which I will not permit myself to antici pate—we shall at least have the consciousness of feeling that our failure was not owing to any want of diligence or exertion on our part. lam persuaded that, whatever may be the decision of this night as to the relative merits of parties here—whatever may be the decision - of this house as to where the power of the executive Government shall reside—l am confident that the country is in earnest in the war in which we are engaged, and that the people of England will give their support to any Government that will honestly and with energy execute the will of the British nation, while they never will sanction any Mi nistry which will abandon its allies and desert that policy which has Ceeniursued up to this moment in ' deference, not merely to the principles of justice, and to a sense of the national interests and honour, but in accordance with the will and feelings of the country. Therefore, so far as the best interests of the country are concerned, I look with comparative indifference to the re sult of this motion. I feel that, in whatever hands the Government may be placed, the will of the people must and shall be obeyed. (Cheers.) That will is, that Eng land, having engaged in a just and necessary war, in con cert with our great ally and neighbour, France, it must and shall succeed • and lam confident that, although it may be the duty Of the Government to exhaust the means of negotiation as far as they can be pursued with honour, the people will never give their support to any adminis tration that should, in expectation of the success of those negotiations, abandon the performance of its duty in the preparations of the means for war. We have not shrunk from that duty. I defy any man to accuse us with justioe of such a dereliction of duty. lam persuaded that events at no distant period will show that, in claiming from this house and the country a vote of approbation of the man ner in which we have performed those great duties which . devolved upon us, I am not overstepping the limits of the. facts, and that it is without justice we have been accused of shrinking in any degree from those exertions which the country has expected at our hands. (Loud cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI--Sir, if I were under any necessity of callinc , evidence to vindicate the propriety of the conduct which I have pursued and the justice of the course which I have taken, it would be the speech to which I have just listened—(cheers)—from the noble lord, who has positivey informed us that, in the fulfilment of his duty to. carry on with effect the war in which this country is engaged, he warns us not to be dissuaded from the course which is before' us by any hope or prospect of any negotiations. Is this the Minister who only ou Monday last—(Opposition cheers)—evaded every inquiry—who to every question that was urged, I will not say shuffled, for thst may not be a Parliamentary word, and I certainly do not wish to use it, though arose to my lips in the heat.of d.bate—(laughter)— but who certainly used every artifice of language—that the House of Commons should not obtain from him a sin- gle expression which should give au indication of the po liey of the Government, or the resolution at which they had arrived on the great question of peace or war. (Hear.) Is this the Minister who only on - ..)londay last would not sanction a motion that was to be brought forward by the member for Manchester, that „would have given an opportunity to the house to offer, after a proper discussion, an opinion upon the practical results of recent negotiations which he had placed upon the table ? Is this the Minister who has declined over and over again to move that addrass to his Sovereign which I say as a real Minister of the Crown, and as one pretending to lead this honso; and the opinion of this country, ho ought, in the first instance, most sedulously to have proposed ? Is this the Minister who for, I will not say weeks, but months, has boon the object of suspicion and distrust of the country, because no one—(cheers)—could for a moment believe that there was auy earnestness in the intention of the Govern ment to carry on the war ; and who deprecated in this house, in every instance, that inquiries, oven inquiries (hear, hear)—on the subject should be made, lest they should interfere with the course of delicate negotiation ? (Hear.) Is this the Minister who only on Monday last pre vented the discussion to which I have referred on the ground that negotiations might possibly be taking place even at that moment, or might occur at any moment, and who this night assured us that negotiations could not take place, although his own colleague but a few days before had informed us that the brother Minister whom he had left at Vienna was perfectly authorised to pursue negotia tions. (Hear.) Sir, I say that what has occurred in this debate not merely on the part of the noble lord, but the speech which we have just listened to, has fully vindicated the course which I have taken, and will justify the motion I have made in the eyes of the country. (Hear.) But only last Monday night there was to be no discussion in the House of Commons on this groat and absorbing subject. Sir, I gave this notice, and there is not a shade of opinion in the house that does not immediately, in the form of an amendment, offer multiplied evidence that every person in this house, and every section of opinion, wish and feel it their duty to express their opinion definitely upon the subject. Those who believe that peace might have been obtained upon the conferences that were held—those who believe that the war has not been prosecuted with sufficient energy—those who, I was going to say, have confidence in the Government—but no amend ment of that kind has been proposed —(hear and laughter) —but those who wish to have confidence in the Govern ment, all those representatives of opinion in this house have preferred amendments which are to be placed in the hands of Mr. Speaker. Every amendment that has been proposed is a just vindication of the resolution I have pro posed ; and, whatever may be the fate of that resolution, it has at least elicited this great good—that we have ob tained something defini(e at last from her Majesty's Minis ters. (Hear.) The noble lord for some time pursued that course of observation from ancient habit which for a long period he has been in the custom of addressing the house on the subject of the existing war, merely to avoid any allusion to the future, scrupulously to shun any expression of his opinion, but carefully to enumerate all the more elaborate catalogue which he gives of the means which a parvenu is in the habit of taking to recommend himself to his mistress. " I have a house in town, I have a house in the country, a fine gallery of pictures, a well-stocked wine cellar"—(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Ministerial benches, and counter cheers from the Opposition.) In that way the noble lord for some time has informed us of his Sardinian Contingent to assist the army in the Crimea, a medical department which has been placed on the best footing, and those various other things which he has so often recounted. But the noble lord felt that the time was come when this was not sufficient; he felt the time had come when he must speak explicitly respecting the intentions of the Government with regard to peace or war; and the noble lord has at last made a declaration which he has refused on every other occasion to make. He has made declarations perfectly inconsistent with all the in timations that he favoured us with on Monday and on preceding nights. The noble, lord now stands forward as a Crown Minister, who will be satisfied with nothing but that achievement, the obtaining of which was per fectly inconsistent with the negotiations which he has been carrying on during the last few months. (Hear, hoar.) Then, sir, I am told that ambiguity of lan guage and uncertainty of conduct are expressions which it would be difficult for me to prove. (Hear, and laughter.) Why, the whole course of this debate has entirely esta blished the accuracy of theie phrases. Not a member has risen, whatever views he may have taken, whatever policy h e might recommend, united with the noble lord in the council, or severed from former connection, who has not made use of these very words. Every remark and argu ment has only proved how accurately I selected important incidents of the past. "We have a fleet in the B a ltid," ' says the noble lord • " we have a fleet i n th e B lack Sea, we have a medical department, we have a commissariat store, we have many other establishments of which we may be proud." The noble lord reminds me always in these expressions which described the language of her Ma jesty's Ministers as ambiguous and their conduct as uncer tain. I need not go to further evidence than that which has recently passed under our eye and sounded in our ears. What language can be more opposite to that which the noble lord expressed than that which the same noble lord has just now uttered? (Hear.) What conduct can be more contrasted than that which the couictry(yHnohuoeata,drp:rrihore,evaaeshrioda.n)sl s a eu re cithiho b eu e is c re om re to believe he was pursuing only a week ago, and that which there ‘ t v h er a e t he Amr nbyoi,wg not oti Ambiguity y l la ofs gentleman s language,i sto be uncertaintyrule o o ahissnc addressed dfn conductleuscs ioe vg ea run failed tleoculsethooludslevotrhdesV avmeroyngexupsr.essNiossonuuwisb.pj, s m e e v m er b a e l r a t c h eu a s t a lv i h o r s u th rg e ei fi t rs a t ga d in is s c t u f s h si e on c b their councils were divided on the question of peace or great w st e i r ll e t n h o e t re i war. That was felt to be a groat calamity at that difficult period. We all knew that we were governed by m en o f abilitysen timents ; magni tude. How were we met then ? We were told that thee suspicions were without foundation ; that those were imp:- tations n wa u s u m iso o n re u t p h o a n n a a which the imagination of faction alone could make. What has not occurred since then to demonstrate the accu racy of our suspicions ? What light has not this debate thrown upon the distracted councils of 12 months ago, when the Parliament of England was called on todecide upon' this important question? And who can refuse to attribute to that want of union in the councils of the Queen the feeble, uncertain, and ambiguous conduct of this war, and the iecleTietothnoe f ty th at h I give up our rights in exchange for the renunciation of her i their capital. We might possibly have been obliged to preposterous demands. She had incorporated provinces have afforded them military assistance to enable them to empire. into her vast empire in spite of us , an d he would ask, if d efend the heart of their empi The treaty between England were to retire in dishonour an d dis g race, wheth er Austria and Turkey has enabled Outer Pacha and his valu the whole of Germany would not at once fall under the able army to co-operate with the troops of England, actual dominion of Russia? (No, no.) An hon. gentle- I France, and Sardinia, in whatever operations they may be man said " No, no." He was sure the noble lord at the called upon to perform. Now, then, the Russian Govern ' head of the Government would no t say " No, no." ' Had anent has been obliged to keep a ver y considerable army on we succeeded in inducing any of the minor states of Ger- the frontiers of Galicia, in order to watch the proceedings many to take part against Russia? No. And why? Be- of Austria. Austria has therefore kept upon her frontier cause they were afraid of Russia. If we were to fail in our a large Prussian force which might otherwise have been expedition, and withdraw our troop s f rom Sebasto pol , tho directed to other p o ints. It is, therefore, un true to say honour of England would be s acrificed in the East, and her that the p osition of Austria has' been of no advantage of prestige would be gone, like that of ruined Venice or de- the allies. With regard to the negotiations, would it serted Genoa. The right hon. gentleman admitted that as have been polite and right for England and France to we had proceeded the demands of Russia had di m i nis h e d. have refused the good offices of Austria to obtain if That surely was a reason for proceeding still further. He possible the assent of Prussia to those terms of had listened with great interest to the peroration of that. peace which had been settled between the three right hon. gentleman, but really he must say that the gen- Governments ? If we had so refused, we should justly tlemen of that school to which the right hon. gentleman have exposed ourselves to the severe censure of this belonged seemed to fancy that the house gloated in war, house and the disapprobation of the country. We mi g ht and wished to make war for war's sa ke. He was s u rprised indeed be blamed if, trusting to the chances of the to think that the right hon. gentleman , after sitting so ne g o tiations, we had abstained from taking those measures short a time near the hon. member for Manchester, s h ou ld wnich are requisite for the vigorousprosecutton of the war, have already become so mush contaminated—(laughter)— but this has not been the case. Although we have been and he could not help considering such cont a mination a negotiating at Vienna, we have omitted, nothing that we great misfortune to the country. (Hear.) He thought could p o s s ibly have done to prosecute the war if no nego this war might have afforded a glorious opportunity of tiations had been taking place - We h LV.3 adopted every doing a great good. England might have sustained her measure which wrs in our opinion calculated to place our ancient reputation and maintained the character which was army and navy in a fit state for operations in the cempaign displayed by Cromwell when, on being invoked on behalf which is about to open, and what has been the result ?We ' of the Rill iois, he said, , 4 y o u ar e a miserable people, but have in the Baltic a fleet which as soon as the ice disaP you aro of the same religion as ourselves ; Youshall not be pears is ready to blockade the Russian fleeting its own ports, oppressed ; England will defend you." An hon. member as was done last year. We have in the Black Sea a fleet near him said, "That is what Russia does in Turkey." cspable of any service which they may be called to per- Now, he had never known Russia interfere when there form; and we have an army—of late exposed to lament- i i was a real case of oppression, but she generally interfered able sufferings, but whose sufferings are nov over, and when the Greeks were gainiug too much intelligence. who are now in a state of perfect efficiency. The health of He would state to the house what, in his opinion, might that army is good; its equipments are complete; the be done on this subject. It was admitted that the declare- ceunni4seriat arrangements are good; the hospital esta tion of war had put an end to all treaties. Now, why re• blishments are excellent ; and there is nothing omitted vivo those treaties ? Why not say to Russia, " The treaties to render that army fit to undertake any service which it are at an end—we will put an cut to all this protectorate may be called to perform. Assain, the French army has —no protector ate is required either in the principalities or been reinforced ; we have the Sardinian contingent fight in Servia" ! The inhabitants of those provinces did not ing side by side with our troops ; and wo have a dread the Porte, but they did dread Russia and Austria. large Turkish army in the Crimea. Altogether we With regard to the Christians, the Porte could not and have something like 200,000 men there ; we have, would not dare t , interfere with them. He would abolish in short, done everything which it was humanly all protectorates. But if it should be thought necessary to possible to do to carry on the war, in addition to the nego tiations in which we have been engaged. I deny altogether have some mission at Constantinople to hold communica t tion with the Porte, why not authorise the representative that the language we have held has been ambiguous at all. of some liberal Government like Sardinia to submit to the Much criticism has been lavished on the conditions in re- Sultan to wch we ave ang. ng to th any act of oppression ? for when an act of oppress g t hi hird and most material ee point negoti , I must ti remark Passi on the man e sion was brought under his notice, it was very speedily re- nor in which my right hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone) was dressed. (Hear.) There was one good proposal in the pro leased to treat that question. He said you have come to tocols which had not been carried out, and that was the propose' for the union of the principalities. Now if that an agreement, either actual or prospective, on three of the had beencarried into effect, Russia would have been obliged fo poits and now you are quarrelling about one half of th fourth point. That is a very convenient method of disposeto remain on the defensive—she would not have dared to ing of the matter. (Hear, hear.) But supposing the re cross the frontiers, and Turkey would have been enabled maining half of the fourth point had been the possession of to husband her resources, and might have been enabled Ho St. Petersburg—(hear)—supposing it had involved some to extend her commercial enterprise. (Hear, hear.) great diminution of the territory of Russia—(hear)—my w would no refer to what had fallen from the noble lord right hon. friend might have said the same thing. But it • (Lord John Russell.) The noble lord said that Bomarsund is not mere arithmeticalcalculations but far higher-interests endangered the northern powers, but there was not a word about that fortress in the protocols. He gave a touching that we have to consider. Why, the third point contains two p description of the corruption taking place in Germany , but portions. The one was to attach more closely the existence o we were going to lighten the bonds. Nay, more, the noble of the Turkish empire to the balance of power in Europe. lord said something about Polish nationality, and held out My right hon. friend might have treated that matter with hopes that he was going to put himself at the head of the comparative lightness. The Turkish empire has ever since movement for administrative reform. Were these the the treaty of 1841 been recognised as a portion of he views of the Government ? If so, they "should have his Europeah balance ; but do you preserve the country from , , vote. But he should like to have an assurance that all aggression by saying that it forms part of the European sys this was not to end in such a disruption of the calm as tem ? That is, indeed, an admission of a principle, but in they had lately seen, and in the noble lord again addressing point of actual value it affords little security to thecountry them from a remote corner of the house. They had the to which it refers. The second part of the third point is what is really valuable. That was, that the preponderance same thing last year; the noble lord made warlike speeches, of Russia in the Black Sea should be made to cease. It but in the dissolution of the Government it appeared that half of it was for war, and half for peace. Let there be was that preponderance which was the great source of either war or peace ; we could not have half of one and danger to Turkey. and it is the cessation of that prepon half of the other. Last year we commenced war with a derance that would afford to Turkey the greatest security. dvided Cabinet. Were we to carry it on under similar So long as Russia has in Sebastopol a large fleet ready at 1 circumstances? (No, no.) An honourable member said any moment to sally forth, yell to carry with it large are " No." Last year the house could not get up the tnies, it is perfectly evident that Turkey i of exosed to a standing danger, and that the existencethat fortress peace party in the Government. They abstained from and of the fleet which it shelters is a standing menace to all declarations of their opinion ; and the house had her. It is obvious that the greatest security that Turkey now ne declarations similar to those of the noble lord could have, would be the reduct i on of the naval prepone from those members of the present Government who derance of Russia. But I understand that my right hon. were suipected of being in favour of peace. The re friend said, it would be humiliating to Russia to reduce . suit of thsse half-and-half measures had been a certain amount of disgrace. It was owing to them that the expedi- that preponderance. If Russia be sincere in her declara tion to the Crimea had been put off until the last moment, tions that she has no intention to invade Turkey, or td and the troops were sent to Malta in the expectation that make any attack at all on her independence or her integ they would have to be brought back. He was in the great- rity, I say it is no humiliation to her to make that reduc est difficulty as to what course to take in the division which tion. (Cheers.) But it is said there would be danger to was to close this debate. As an independent member he Russia by the dimunition of her naval power. Turkey might bringa large fleet from the Bosphorus or from the knew not which way to turn. That was the feeling of Mediterranean, country ti e did not know whom to trust. He had ex- Mediterranean, and threaten the Russian forces. This is defied that h right hon. gentleman would bring a the first time I ever heard of security being required by definite motion, but he had been deceived. He did nee the wolf from the lamb. (Laughter.) Then, on the other attribute that to the right hon. gentleman, upon whom he hand, we are told that the best security would be the believed great pressure had been exercised. It seemed to opening of the straits to all powers, and the ability of the him that the only way out of the difficulty was to support Sultan to call on his allies wheneverhe was threatened with the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster danger. But if you open the straits you expose the Sultan (Ur. Lo e e),' which seemed to him to embody the general to the presence of the fleets of all nations in front of his feeling of the house. The feeling of distrust was gaining so very palace, and to the greatest possible danger, and that much ground in the country that there was danger of its it a condition to which no independent sovereign would aspw submit. cnoayyws temtorh anro nefuacallingt,steseilthreatened Then e. nid o i aw t ft, ohiihtsreahst tiro sk:etadanttigyhs assistancee e nro danger. t, ,Ba l t Ti a mth n oeai fr ; ehkr o mie u syf l eooa d rcul krlaiefeel referred t‘avonyt whenever et nhbs have eiuynytoe,rtrt t ”hi h al i t : producing the most fatal results. He entreated hon. mem bers on both sides to express themselves definitely, and let the country know what they meant. Never, perhaps, had man posiessed more power than did the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) when he acceded to office. How had he treated the country? Had it been creditable to that if Russia is threatening Turkey, and if an expedition is august assembly, had it been creditable to a man who was preparing at Sebastopol, any treatyisto deprive the Sultan at the head of a great nation, which he might have led to of the power of calling to his aid the fleet of any nation honour and glory ? He would not recall the scenes which that may be ready to assist him whenever danger is ine lied again and again been enacted in that house; they were pending over him? But we are contemplating in this ar. too painful. These were great times, and he called upon rangement not a period like the present; we are contemn tne noble lord to show himself worthy to hold the reins of plating a period when peace shall have reduced the navies Government—worthy of the position in which he was of England aucl France to ordinary peace establishments. placed, and of the confidence which the country haul re- (Hear, hear.) But if it should be the system of Russia to posed in him. The country would willingly go to great maintain a standing army and fleet of enormous proper expense in support of the war, for they believed it to be tions after the armies and fleets of England and France just, and that great results must come out of it They shall have been withdrawn, the S ultan wod l d be at any were not afraid. They were not disheartened. They were time threatened with danger ; and this is the state of not sick of the war, but they were sick of those who had things we are providing against. (Hear, hear.) It is the conduct of the war. (Cheers.) • all very well to say—" When the Sultan is is danger let Lord P ALM ERS FON—Sir, the hon. member who has trim call you to his assistance." That argument implies just sat down has truly said that this is a great country,that there is to bo aggression on the part oeßussia. (ar.) that we are at present in a great emergency, an d that the I remember sow() years ago, when all the armies of the country will follow any leader who will lead it to honour continent were swelled to an enormous amount, and when and glory. In spite of what has been said by the hon. all Europe felt that such large forces could not be brought member, and by any of those in this house or out of it who into the presence of each other without the danger of con, have found fault with the Government, I venture to affirm Eliot, a proposal was made that France, Austria. and Prussia that those who are entrusted with the conduct of affairs should disarm. This was agreed to by those three Powers; but when it was proposed to Russia, that Power said, will, as far as human power may afford them the means ..We think a general reduction of establishments a very lead the country through the struggle with honour and eood thing; but it does not apply to Russia; we have glory. I cannot say that I think the motion of the right only 800,000 men, which is our regular peace establish , hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) is one which is altogether . ment—(laughter)—and therefore we will have nothing to befitting the greatness of the occasion, and the magnitude do with carrying this project into execution." That which of the subject. I could perfectly understand a great party appeared to us, to France, and to Austria, the best security should think the power ought to be transferred to them, against danger to Turkey from Russia was to call on and that those in whose hands it is placed are not Russia to renounce that local means of attack which equal to the task which has devolved upon them, and should created at all times danger to Turkey, whom she pretended call upon this house to pronounce by its verdict the trans she had no desire to injure. (Hear, hear.) For her own for of power from those who hold it to those who wish to defence a fleet in the Black Sea had been proved to be posses it. But if that were the course which the part . wholly unnecessary. For the defence of her coasts and opposite was prepared to take, I must say that the mode her ports any amount of naval power that she has must to which they have resorted for taking the opinion of the be unavailing, and must retire from the presence of house is, I think, one which is fisting to the subject. I the fleets of England and France. Against Turkey ' hardly like to descend to these verbal criticisms; but, if she needs no defence, and as respects England and you want to find fault with the Governmen t, y ou should France her fleet is unavailing, and, therefore, there is no find fault with something they have done. You should say pretence why she should not limit her power in the Black that you disapprove of certain conduct. But what is it In Sea. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman who spoke last, and regard to which the house is now called u p on to ex p ress ,have that others, extended their view to a wider range. They it s dissatisfaction? Its dissatisfaction is in v ok ed u p on have imagined any of t h ose f our points fall short of " ambiguous language and unc ertain conduct But, sir, the future security of Turkey. I think " I deny that our language has been ambiguous. I deny nothing could be more inexpedient for a Government than that our conduct has been uncertain. (Ministerial cheers.) to hold out expectations beyond what they see their way If the party opposite are prepared to call down upon us to accomplish. We are engaged in a great operation in the the censure of the house, they ought to have laid down Black Sea; we trust we shall be successful in that operation better grounds than those stated in this resolution. How and we think that success will lead to obtaining those con ever, I pass by that, and accept the challenge they have ditions which, in conjunction with France,we think we have given us. 'I heard the speech of m y ri g ht honourable a right to demand. I think our duty is to confine ourselves friend who spoke last night ( Mr. Gladstone) with to that in which we see our way—to that in which we are adnairation no doubt, but also with considerable now engaged—and in spite of all the mischances tint have pain ; because it appeared to me that taking the whole of happened I think we have turned the point, and, with re his speech, especially the concluding portion of it, his sect to the Government with whom we are contending, opinions wee® averse to the war , adve rse to the expe lie having refused the fair conditions which were offered it, tion to the Crimea, adverse to the terms of peace upon we aro now in a situation to feel confident that we can which we have proposed to conclude the war, yet my right carry on the operations of the war with that fair prospect of hon. friend was a party to all these things. I regret that success which England and France are and must be bound any circumstances should, since he quitted the Government, to attain. (Cheers.) If it were otherwise, it would not have so entirely altered the opinion of nay right hon. friend. be simply disappointment in a particular object ; it would It appears that there are those who think we have not been be, in fact, the abdication of a proud position, and we sufficiently vigorous in the prosecution of the war, and should sink to the condition of a second-rate power. those who wish to drive the country to peace upon terms (Cheers.) No man can be insensible to .the calamities which I think were not consistent with the honour, dignity, which war entails ; but I say there are things worse than and interests of the country. With regard to the subject war. (Cheers.) I say dishonour to a country is worse of the war, I think it is unnecessary to go into details. Lts than war ; the physical evils which would come upon a justice and necessite have been admitted by all but a small country worsted in an arduous conflict would be far greater n umber of the members of th . s house. The necessity arose than any which the temporary calamities of the war could not merely from the events upon which the rupture took ' indict ; and therefore I say that that party, be they whom place. Fora long period of time it has been the standing they may, who would induce this country to abandon the policy of Russia to endeavour to weaken and crumble down, contest in which it is engaged, and to make a peace on in and ultimately to appropriate, Turkey as her own posses sufficient grounds, which are neither satisfactory to the sion. It has been openly avowed of late that that was the honour of the country now, nor as a security for the future Policy of Peter, Catherine, Alexander, and Nicholas. It —I say that that party, if their opinions prevailed, would was the settled policy of Russia which broke out upon a exercise the most fatal effects on the best interests of the particular occasion in a manner that rendered further pas country. (Cheers.) But I say the house is called on to siveness impossible, and drove this country into a war for night to pronounce its opinion on two great and important a just and necessary cause. I fully agree with the hon. mem questions. First of all, on the existence of the Ministry. her who has just sat down that the nation feels that be- That, perhaps, vvoukl be a matter of very slight impor ing in the war we are bound to carry it on with energe ' tance if this was a sugar bill, the imposition of a new tax, and vigour, and to conclude it by a peace which shall or anything of that kind, and it would be one on which not only be honourable to the country , but shall accom- Parliament might decide simply on personal grounds. But plish the purposes for which the war was commenced. That there is a far greater question at issue than that ; and purpose is the protection and defence of Turkey, not merely that is the policy of the country, the conditions on which from any sympathy which we may feel with her as an in we a,re to stand among the nations of the world, our alli dependent state, but because the balance of power in Eu ances with foreign Governments, I could almost say the rope—an expression which involves the great interests of future reputation, the honour, and the deep interests of the civilised world—is concerned in preventing the cedes - the nation. (Cheers.) The obvious object of the motion sal power of Russia from extending over those wide and of the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) is that this house important territories. We have been told that the war shored pronounce the present Government incompetent. has been calamitous. We are ready to admit, in beginning Well, who is to succeed us? (A laugh.) We are told we have suddenly on a peace establishment a war with a gre at an- not shown administrativeability, and that we are not united tagonist after forty years of peace, that it would not but - among ourselves. I deny both the one and the other. be expected that in the administration of the different de (lranical laughter from the Opposition , ans weredby counter partments there should be mistakes and mischances, which cheers.) Is it in the opposite ranks that w e are t o l oo k for occasioned great evils. But it has been said that we made that perfection and unanimity which is to characterise a a great mistake in going to the Crimea. I contend that Government equal to the present emergency (a laugh)? w as precisely the expedition which we ought to here un- The Usher of the Black Rod here advanced to the table dertaken if we meant to bring the war to a speedy and and summoned the house to attend at the bar of the House successful termination. It is said, " You ought to have of Lords, to hear the royal assent given by commi ss i on t o sen t your army to Bessarabia. You ought to have held out certain your hand to Austria and gone into the field side by side with O n the return of the Speaker, your Austrian allies." If we had gone to Bessarabia—if • Lord PALMERSTON resumed : I think I have some your armies had entered the principalities and reason to complain of the impatience of the other house in gone into the interior of Russia, they would have been not waiting for the censure which the right hon. gentleman fighting far away from their communications, from opposite is desirous of inflicting, but in prematurely admi their basis of operation, from their supplies and nistering the Reel' (A laugh.) I was proceeding to say reinforcements, and there was no point which, when that the question which the right hon. gentleman has achieved, would have produced any ,conclusive result, or brought forward is an invitation to this house to declare led to any decisive issue of the contest. We went to the Crimea and to Sebastopol, because it was ro be the Black Sea that the present Government doosnot possess les confidence, and is unworthy of its support, and the natural inference that the danger to Turkey principally lay ; cause, if we is that some other party is entitled perferably to the con& had succeeded in taking Sebastop ol and ca p turin g the fleet, deuce of the house and the country. One reproach againstwe should have given Turkey securi t y from the impend those who now form the Government is a supposeewant ing danger. That being the blow which, when struck, of unity of opinion and a supposed disinclination to ad would best accomplish the purpose of protecting Turkey, ministrative reform. Now I ask the house whether they and would, on the other hand, deprive Russia of those means of aggression which were most to be apprehended, see on the benches opposite greater unity of opinion than they see on this side ? Why, if we take domestic affairs, that was the place to which our troops could m o st advan -1 ask whether the opinion of the would-be Government tageously have been sent. It is said that w e p ut ourselves inciter upo a of the verhieat too much in th e h an d s o f Austria, that we trusted to ne whicn h relates to the mode i g n h w st hi importance, ch the people are namely, th to he gotia.tions, and by that means did not prosecute the war educates!, is to be taken from the right hen, gentleman with sufficient vigour. That is totally unfounded. I think the member for Oxfordshire ? (Cries of " oh, oh," from it was sound policy for this country to accept to the ut the Opposition, and cheers from the Ministerial benches.) most the good offices of Austria. It was good policy to en- If we are to judge them by our information, by their fo deavour, as far as possible, to get Austria to our side—in reign policy, I would ask whether the foreign policy of the field if we could —and if she was not prepared to take that would-be Government, especially upon the matters arms and fight with us, at all events to have her friendly, and in policy concurring with France and England. Thu_ t now in hand, is to be inferred from the speech of the We have at 9 Austria to declare herself an active e honourable and learned member for Enniskillen, or from yea have accomplished. It has that of the noble lord the member for Lynn—whe ther it is to be war with vigour or her good offices. neutrality. Let not the h France. (Loud cheers.) Againpeace at any price? with lity has net been a powerful military capacity, it was not long ago that the bead of that respect to administrative e ea a yg s i t n e the that benefit the n o e f n t h r ear . party had a commission to -- form an Administration, se o tn f og? t a : l ig ei engaging e w,a r ni a t, t ih i ol Turkey o w o f ed E t n toh g ecl defend ns,asiii i l . t , m nh i ar and the noble earl, putting the good of his country diversionlf insteadinfavouorf beyond all question of personal ambition, or individual warily Turkey in that direction, principalities she had an army ou the frontier to - in a e rmies to advance to feelings, greatly to his own credit, confessed not the party that belonged to Jura the elementsthat he had oi been oblia4dio keep Turks would have) I-.i•. . . , . misoeni:tltthasllaylte(bl uttnlevephosiviceyhao 1 . great share of calamities which have befallen us in conse quence ? (Cheers.) Sir, it has been objected to the motion which I have placed in your hands that it is not in accord. ance with the speech I have made. It has been said that the motion does not in an unmistakeable manner express the policy we propose to follow, and which we ate pre pared to recommend. Well, sir, having been some time in this house, and having seen during that time much of the conduct of its affairs, I have had much experience in the motions which have been drawn up in this house and offered for its adoption ; and I can truly say this, that I have been called upon as a member of Parliament to give my opinion upon motions that were drawn up by men of unrivalled sagacity and experience in Parliament, and I never knew any motion which was not most critically re ceived, and in which great errors were not discovered by those who had previously resolved to vote against it (Hear.) lam prepared to maintain the propriety of the resolution, in every respect, which I have laid upon the table. lam prepared to maintain not only its propriety but its frankness—(a laugh)—and precision. The hon. member for Kidderminster, in a speech of great ingenuity, following in that respect some other member who preceded him, seemed not only to intimate, but, indeed, I believe, declared, that it was my duty to have expressed clearly the terms upon which wo held a peace ought to•be obtained, or the objects for which the war ought to be prosecuted. And no doubt there is upon the paper an amendment by the hon, member for Kidderminster, which, coming from him as it does, I have conned more than once, for he is a man who does not write without thought—(a laugh)—but I am bound to say with respect to motions of that kind, that I see very grave objections which I cannot help think ing that, upon reflection, gentlemen of the talents and i igenuity of the honourable member for Kidderminster will find not unworthy of their attention. You must feel that it is the last thing the House of Commons c m do, in motions proposed t o be adopted by its mem bers, in any way to interfere with the terms on which peeco and war should be proclaimed. Therefore, being dissatisfied with the language and conduct of the Govern ment, especially with respect to recent negotiations and the conduct of affairs with reference to the great question of peace and war, all we could do was to ask the house, if we proved our case, to express an opinion that there was ambiguous language and uncertain conduct on the part of her Majesty's Ministers with reference to the great ques tion of peace cr war, and at th same time to show that there was no ambiguity in our language or uncertainty in our conduct, we publicly declare that we are still deter mined to support her Majesty with all our means in the same spirit as when we first addressed the Crown in an swer to her Majesty's gracious message announcing that, war had been declared. I say then that the resolution I have moved is proper and loyal in its language, and per fectly adapted to meet the present contingency. If the noble lord disapproves of the resolution because it is a vote of want of confidence in the Government, why does not he simplify the question at issue, and allow one of hisTriends to propose a vote of confidence? What can be more in convenient than the position in which the leader of the house has now placed it ? If you negative my resolution, will the adoption of any of the amendments be equivalent to the expression of confidence in the Ministry ? If this motion is equivalent to a vote of want of confidence, either the noble lord must meet it with a direct negative or he does not clear himself from what he represents as an attack on his position. Let me ask whether what has occurred within the last two nights has not justified the course we have taken ? Have we not had an ex pression of feeling from the noble lord which a week ago no one would, have anticipated, and which is wholly in consistent with the past conduct of the Government ? The noble lord has repeated to-night the commonplace ob servation that while carrying on his negotiations he was also carrying on his war, but he never answered the obser sution I made yesterday on the subject. I say you cannot tarry on negotiations permanently while you are carrying on war, and at the same time carry on a war effectively ; for by so doing you depress the spirit of the people, and damp the ardour of your allies. (Cheers.) Then the noble lord has treated us to some remarks as to who may be the suc cessors of the present Government if it is displaced. Ido not know what the gentlemen who sit below the gangway and were recently his colleagues may think of this esti mate of their electioneering prospects. (A laugh.) I ob serve by the public prints that some of these right hon. gentlemen attended the meeting at the noble lord's office, and there were paraded as his most distinguished follow ers. Could they be conscious when he addressed them in that animated style that the noble lord had calculated the duration of their career ? that at this very time those use ful, though less celebrated members of the party who are supposed to be intimately acquainted with all the chances of our political existence, had in fact numbered these great lights of our assembly as dead men in their books. (Laughter ?) But the noble lord has supposed that we may be the coming men. He thinks there may be some diffi culty in the arrangements from our divided opinions. He has particularly impressed on the house the inconvenience which her Majesty might experience in finding amongst her councillors my two right hon. friends who differ on the subject of education. But when I hear of a coming Government with divided opinions, what am I to think of the right hon. gentlemen and noble lords before me ? They no doubt have no questions on which they are divided in opinion. The question of church rates is one on which the following of the noble lord is distinguished for its irre sistible numbers and influence. (Laughter.) I believe that on the ballot they aro all agreed. The division on the motion with respect to the conduct of the consular branch of the diplomatic service, showed what a powerful and united Government this is ! Some of his followers in °free, particularly the Secretary for the Admiralty, are no 'doubt bound to the Government by every tie since they have acceded to the views of the hon. gentleman with re- ' motion of the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucking hamshire because it implied a censure on the Government, and in his opinion it was not desirable to change the Govern ment at the present crisis. A decisive majority of 100 had Pronounced that such a change was inexpedient, but the great question raised by the lion. member for Kidderminster in his amendment was not yet fully debated. The noble lord had threatened him and those who sat near him with their consti tuents. He should be rejoiced at an opportunity of stating his views upon this question before his constituents, but such an opportunity had not yet been afforded him. Ho hoped, therefore, that the - first business after the recess Would be to resume this debate, for it was impossible that due jus tice could be done to the question at that hour in the morn ing ; and if, therefore, they should go to a division, he should certainly vote in favour of the adjournment. If he understood the noble lord rightly, all negotiations were at an end. He had heard that to-night for the first time. The speech, too, of the noble lord (J. Russell) last night placed the state of our relations with Russia on a new footing, which appeared to him would lead, if not to an interminable war, at least to the commencement of a war of 30 years' duration. (Cheers, and " Oh, oh ! ") Although lie was not satisfied with the declaration of hon. gentlemen opposite as to the policy they would recommend, yet the speech of the right hon, gentle man (Mr. Disraeli) laid down principles which appeared to him to afford a prospect of a fairer settlement than that an nounced by her Majesty's Ministers. (Loud cheerio., from the Opposition benches.) The right hon. gentleman declared that in his opinion there were only two modes in which war could be conducted with Russia—one was the revision of territorial arrangements throughout Europe, and an attack on the ex tended frontier of Russia ; in fact, a war of nationalities ; and he expressed an opinion in which he concurred, that a war of that description would be interminable, if not hope_ less. The second moile proposed by the right lion. gentleman was, that the war should be conducted on the principle bf protection to Turkey, so that her independence and integrity should be preserved, aud that that operation should be effected without the invasion of the territory of Russia. He was prepared to defend the step taken by the Government, of which he was a member, in attacking the Crimea ; but with respect to the future policy of this country ho was con vinced that the view of the right hon, gentleman was one which, if steadily pursued, did not exclude the hope of peace, while the announcements of the Governinent, that the nego tiations had been abandoned and that the ground of war had been changed, was not a question of terms, but that terms being abandoned the war was to assume the position of a war of nationalities. (Cheers and cries of " Oh.") A more serious question thanthis was never raised in the British Par liament, and full opportunity ought to be given for the dis cussion. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—A. very important question had been raised by the right hon., gentleman, but in the first place he must utterly and entirely deny what . the right hon. tmtle man had attributed to him. (Cheers.) What he said was, that the object of the war, beyond the immediate defence of Turkey from the aggression committed by Russia; was secu rity for Turkey for the future. . (Cheers.) He said that -.the Government had endeavoured to obtain that security, but he had never gone beyond that declaration. He had said no thing of nationalities. Ho said the plenipotentiaries of France and England were precluded at Vienna from entering upon the question of diminishing the territory of Russia, but never, either with regard to territory or to nationalities, had he given utterance to any expressions which would justify the remarks of his right hon. friend. (Cheers.) He conceived that wlMn security for Turkey was obtained we ought not to hesitate for a moment to make peace with Russia. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman had referred to what had fallen from the right hon. member for Buckinghamshire. He (Lord J. Russell) understood the right hon. gentleman opposite to say that we could not at the same time carry on negotiations and conduct a war, and • he declared that the negotiations ought to be broken off and that the war should. continue. That was his decision, and how from that state of things he was to evolve peace hereafter he knew not. (Cheers.) With regard to the question now before the house, there was one deslaratiem included in all the propositions that had been brought forward—viz, that this house would continue to give every support to her Majesty in the prosecution of the war till her Majesty should be able to obtain a safe and honour able peace. He thought that, before they separated for the holidays, the house should agree to some declaration which would contain these words— (eheors)—that being a decima• tion in which all parties concurred. (Hear.) The motion of the right hon member for Manchester might be taken ou an early day after the holydays. (Hear.) Mr. DISRAELI begged to congratulate the supporters of the noble lord on the majority of that evening,. but, at the same time, had to remind them that, no sooner was that ma jority obtained than the noble lord (Lord John Russell) had risen and recanted the speech which had called forth the ob servations of the right hon. the member for Carlisle. (Cheers and " No, no.") Only yesterday we had a picture drawn not of the power only, but of the policy of Russia, which equalled the spirited pencil of Dante. The house was affrighted as the noble lord drew his description of a power and active policy, which proved that he thought this kingdom was in danger from the engrossing power and systematic aggression of Rus sia ; but no sooner is the majority obtained—a majority which had expressed no confidence in the Government—(Oh, and laughter)—than the noble lord, when his attention was called to this remarkable statement, immediately rose and recanted the views which he had given. (" No, no:") It was another edition of the Sebastopol speech, which the noble lord recanted the same night in which it was delivered. (Hear.) And yet he was told the language of the Government was not ambiguous. {Cheers.) This was a motion which concerned the honour and. interests of the country, and could not be disposed of without discussion. He had told the noble lord that the last division would be only the beginning of a pro tracted discussion, and he repeated that to hurry to a deci sion now upon the important motion before them would be impolitic and indecent; although he felt the feeling of the house to be quite distinct that no more discussion could take place at that moment. (Hear.) Mr. S. HERBERT thought the house had been perfectly right in deciding at once upon the last resolution, which was one of great importance to be settled in declaring the opinion of the house as to in whose hands the Government should be intrusted. But now that it hail decided a great question as between parties, it was called upon to decide upon a question affecting the country,—to dispose of, without discussing, two motions on which the meaning of words required to be mi nutely weighed, He was not now prepared to come to a decision upon those resolutions which related to a subject the most important which had occurred since he had had the , honour of a seat in that house. It would be indecent and spect to the necessity of army reform—(hear, and laughter) —but I think there never yet was a body of gentlemen less remarkable for their union of opinion than the gentlemen who now fill the offices of Cabinet Ministers. All that is required to show bow admirably they agree is that the noble lord the member for London, when he has recovere.l from the great exertions of his exhausted instructions should introduce a reform bill, or something of the kind, to show how compact is the alliance of their united bodies. (Divide, divide.) That cry of " divide" must allude to the division in the Government; for lam not aware that I have trespassed upon the house an unusual time. • Then the noble lord treated us with a stale taunt as to the in ability of Lord Derby to form a Government because he had not political friends competent to form a Ministry. If that were•the case I should leave tho observation unnoticed, but inasmuch as there is no man in this house more cog • nisant that the statement he has made is—inadvertently, of course--erroneous than the noble lord—(oh, oh)—he must permit mo to say that upon reflection ho will see that ho has not the slightest foundation for the assertion. Lord Derby refused to form a Government because it was his opinion that England was in such a condition that the gra tification of individual ambition was no longer to be thought of, but that the formation of a strong Government was an object for which every sacrifice should be made. Lord Derby and his friends might h.ve sat upon that bench or a similar one in another place if they would have taken the Government without being assured of that corn ' manding majority which they believed to be necessary to carry on the affairs of this country. The noble lord elected to carry on affairs with a very weak Government. The noble lord, by suddenly avowing a policy utterly inconsistent with the instructions which he had given to his own diplo matic minister—the noble lord, by suddenly taking a course which we all know, from his own expressions, he could not a week ago have meditated—the noble lord, by his pledges to-night that he intends not only to prosecute the war, but to prosecute the war for objects which last Tuesday he could not have anticipated, has clearly shown that this motion of mine has extorted these admissions from him. The noble lord, possibly, by these means, may defeat the motion, but this is only the first of many motions which he will have to mtet, now the policy of Government by this discussion has become more explicit. The noble lord may rest assured that this is but the beginning of his Parliamentary campaign. He must know that he will have now to marshal his force's, and to show that he has that strong Government which Lord Derby thought was so essential to the government of the country. An hon. gentleman has noticed the remarks which I made on the conduct of the recent plenipotentiary at Vienna. It was the hon. member for Kidderminster (Mr. Lowe), who, I think, said that these observations were not fair, and that had not the person been a minister of state or a member of this house they would not have been uttered. Well, sir, I will make this admission to the hon. member for Kiddermin ster. It is always more agreeable to me to make remarks of that kind upon those present than upon those absent. If the conferences at Vienna have been conducted in a man ner most pernicious to the public interests, and the pleni potentiary has committed the most gross errors, I am pre- , pared to assert that it is not merely the right but the duty of a member of Parliament to bring this conduct before the house, and to ask its opinion upon it. I say that in those observations upon the noble lord I merely did my duty. (Divide.) I say that the noble lord at the commencement of these affairs committed a most gross error in acknow- ledging the rights of Russia over the Christian subjects of Turkey, which right Count Nesaelrode now tells us never did exist. T say that, by his false interpretation of the treaties, the noble lord was one of the principal causes of the war. Is it not a duty to bring these things before the house ? Am I to be stopped by the observation of the noble lord that he considers those remarks too strong ? I say the noble lord by his fatal admission of the protectorate of Russia- !destructive to their character to allow such questions to be treated as mere postscript to a party debate. The noble lord had complained of having been misrepresented by his right bon friend (Sir J. Graham), and surely the accuracy'of that complaint was a matter of importance. , Now that the i outs. try was called upon to enter upon A new Russian war. when the prospect of other interference was hold out, ho (Mr. Her- 1 bort) called upon the house to vindicate its privilegeg, and not to allow the convenience of a few days' holidays to inter fere with their ditties .at, this important moment. He for one would not consent to dispose of the matter until he knew the opinions of the Government upon this new Russian war. Mr. BARROW, though differing with the right hon. gen tleman.upon the resolution, agreed with hiffi as to the im propriety of deciding without discussion, and equally as much to proceeding at that time. Mr. ROEBUCK inquired of the Speaker whether the house had not the power to revoke its decision as to the ad journment ? The SPEAKER said, it had never been the practice for the house to revoke a decision formally adopted upon the same Lord PALMERSTON said, that at that hour of the morn ing he did not feel able to resist the feeling of the house for the adjournment of the debate. (Cheers.) The debate Was then adjourned. NEW WRIT. On the motion of Mr. HAYTER, a new writ was moved for Bath, in lieu of Mr. Phinn, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. LIMITED LIABILITY. Mr. BOUVERIE obtained leave to bring in two bills re specting the law of partnership, and the bills were read a first time. The house adjourned at a quarter past 3 o'clock. Mr. Pugh paired with Mr. Ewart against Mr. Berkeley's motion on the ballot. Mr. Pugh paired with Mr. Milligan for Thursday and Friday. Mr. B. Coles paired in favour of Mr. Disraeli's motion with Mr. Bagshawe against it. Mr. h. W. Grey's name was accidentally omitted from the list of members who attended the meeting at Lord Palmer ston's yesterday, May 25. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. ( From the Times of this day. ) It is said to be an ancient practice of the Court of Rome that on a certain festival of the Church a preaching friar mounts the pulpit for no other purpose than to impugn the faith, to distort the truth, t o d egra d e w h at is right, to vindi cate what is wrong, and, in short, to defend the cause of the Enemy of Man. A similar ceremony was performed last night in the House of Lords, and the speaker who assumed the strange office of the Devil's Advocate was no other than Lord Grey. The Peers who followed, and answered with the feeling of statesmen and of Englishmen this interminable and extraordinary harangue, thought fit to pay Lord Grey a com pliment on the sincerity of his motives, as they could find no other pretext for the customary civilities of Parliamentary debate, but it requires au effort to join in even that faint compliment, for it is not easy to comprehend the sincerity of a man who wanders through a labyrinth of sophisms until he finds himself arrayed on the side of the ene mies of his country. The wretched deserter who skulks on a stormy night from the pickets before Sebastopol until he is snapped np by a pulk of Cossacks is struck with dishonour from the roll of the British army, and incurs the punishment of death if he falls into the hands of the Provost Marshal ; but that military offence may be more venial in its motives and less injurious to the public service than the desertion of a British Peer, bearing a name once illustrious in the public service, possessing great powers of intellect and of oratory, but of so frail ajudgment and' so perverse a temper, that in the very crisis of a great national contest he throws the whole weight of his authority and his example on the side of the enemy of his country., Lord Grey was entirely at liberty, as we all are, in the exercise of that freedom of debate which is the birthright of every Englishman, to criticise and con demn the policy of the Government,' to dissent from all the principles on which the Minister .of the Crown have acted, and to deprecate what he conceives to be the effects of this war. On these points we acknowledge the consistency with which he has adhered to what he terms the cause of peace. But when he was driven by the necessity of his own logic to go further—not only to censure every act of the British Go vernment and its Allies, but to justify every act of the Czar —not only to impute to the men with whom he has hitherto acted during his whole life a criminal blindness of "liciyn and t n h d e 219 a disgraceful levity in action, but even to pronounce 319 British House of Peers an elaborate defen p c o e li o t Majority — —lOO the good faith, the moderation, and the , The announcement of the numbers was received with loud Nicholas of Russia, we are astonished that his own moral cheers by the Ministerial side of the house. f ical the c c o hara nduc c t te o r i d G sense did not recoil from so monstrtohuse aarvcomneeliuitsiasonL. We are perfectly willing to take orGrey The SPEAKER then put Sir F. BARING 'S motion, upon unjust ma r and ke d which, has stated it. Be it so, that to pro n v u e ss t i h a i unnecessary each successive step of s ha w s ar been Mr. LOWE moved his amendment, • • C o nstantinople was the modest claim Mr. GIBSON (amid mingled cries of " Adjourn," ~ Di- by candour,. honesty, and the desire of peace ; that Prince vide," and " Agree") moved the adjournment of the debate Mens . chikoff's mission to until Motiday week. of friendship ; and that Prince Gortschakoff a proposals at Lord GODERICH opposed the motion for adjournment, Vienna were fresh loaves of the Russian olive branch. Is Lord upon th e groun d th a t it w ould be most improper to separate Grey content to try the issue and to take the verdict on thcs 3 facts, and, if they are disproved, to abandon the paradox which for so long a period as a week while this subject was left f n. he has attempted to dress up in all the dignity of an opinion ? a state of uncertainty. It behoved them, as guardians of the before To make out the appearance of a case he was compelled public interests, to decide this important question t oul to misrepresent but positively to in • - c n i o dent i y n these ' transactions, and the moment vtelliteseevesrLiens-- adjourning for their own pleasure and amusement. (Hear, hear.) for the ad- sive events are restored to their true form and meaning the Mr. It, PHILLIMORE support ed the motion whole structure of falsehood and delusion cr um bl es into- the dust. If this were all, and if Lord Grey's reputation as a in expiation of journment of the debate. statesman were the only sacrifice required Lord PALMERSTON said that, although the . house was these absurdities the result would be indifferentto the world. But we cannot conceal from ourselves the fact that, as far as late, yet, considering the importance of the subject before them, they had better proceed. He had no objection to the first part of the amendment of his hon. - friend the member for Kidderminster, which merely recited a fact, but h e ob- such a speech has any force at all, that force is used either Peace more difficult to be jetted to tbe second portion of the amendment for the same to prolong the war by rendering sonaetfur purchased at the expense as he had done to that of the right hon, gentleman attained, or by causing peace to be reason echo oe but well in Ilk the ew indignationtha that the member for Buckinghamshire, because it contained a of the honour of the Allies, Here, among the people of Eng ta unnatural ea country.spee e h willa le of interference with the prerogative of the i l n a e nd ee , princip I Crown. • Sir J. GRAHAM observed that be had voted against the public see to what shifts the -- partisans of moo-at-any-price When w a 1 thee a w a k e n Lord J. RUSSELL—I never used the word " protec torate." (Cheers.) Mr.DISRAELI—I have the papers by me. I believe the word is " protection." (Cheerefrom the Opposition.) Wh a t difference is there between these words ? I say that in the treaties no protection whatever was granted to Russia. Is this quibbling between the words "protection" and " pro tectorate" to save the noble lord ? I say that when Russia found the claims for which she had not the shadow of a basis were in this despatch acknowledged, sanctioned, and granted by the English Minister, her course was clear. (Cheers, and cries of "Divide, divide.") I say that when the Plenipotentiary went to Vienna he commenced the negotiations by another admission equally fatal to the in terests of this country. (Divide.) The noble lord says because I criticised the conduct of a Plenipotentiary in the most awful service that a man could possibly be en gaged in, because I showed that he was utterly incompetent for that service, arid by his conduct has achieved great disaster for his country, I have degraded the debate—de graded the debate on a question of peace and war mainly dependent upon the conduct of the noble lord. I will not quarrel with that. I will leave it for the country to decide on this point whether I have done my duty or not. The noble lord says I have degraded the debate. At least I have tried to do this—to prevent the noble lord from de grading his country. (Cheers.) The house then divided upon Mr. Disraeli's motion. The numbers were— For the motion Against it,. are driven, what tr. tter indifference they profess to the min. ! tarp honour of England, and bow ready they are to plead the cause even .of our enemies, public opinion will do justice on their clumsy and injudicious attempts to withdraw us fr.onu this contest. But abroad, on the continent of Eu rc , Pc, and more especially in Russia, the effect will be more, injurious. There the poison will be circu latedrequhßenrs: without the antid ote, and the nation to which we are o )posed in arms willt r ea d i ts own justification in the language o all a th ß e ri c ti o s n h ce P ss ee ie r n . s that can Accordin g to to Lord required o y e to has urg in e ad the e limitation of her naval forces is t• insult her ; to demand se curities for the independence of Europe is an offensive and unfounded suspicion • it is for ourselves, on the• contrary, to make concessions and to relax our demands. Lord Grey can. not have so slight a. knowledge of his own countrynten as to doubt that they would reject with universal scorn so ignoble a proposition ; but he might also have foreseen that this lan guage is precisely that which is most likely to induce the Russian Cabinet to persevere in its pretensions, to reject th e last chances of peace, and to fall back on the arguments of Prince Gortschakoff, endorsed as they are by Lord Grey. The cause of the Allied Powers against Russia was briefly but forcibly stated by Lord Clarendon, who followed Lo r d Grey, and by all the other Peers who addressed. the House. Nothing could be more striking than the effect of the memo rabic words quoted by Lord Clarendon from a speech ,by the late EarLGrey, wbicli sounded like a remonstrance from the tomb against the recreant language of him who now bears that once honoured name. The Foreign Secretary st a t e d clearly and firmly his unabated conviction of the vast designs of Russia against the independence of Europe, of the enor mous preparations she had made to execute those designs, and o f th e necess i ty o f a dh er ing without modification to the full objects we have pursued in this war. These being the opinions we 'have unijormly- defended, we beard them with pleasure from the . Minister most conversant with our foreign relations --and—with the negotiations said to be still in progress ; but, taking our stand upon this broad and intelligible basis, on which we rejoice that Lord Clarendon has placed the policy of the Government, it may fairly be asked what negotiations are at this momentipossible, and whether even the concession of the Four Points, if it had been made by Russia, would really have provided against these dangers, and attained our object ? To these questions we can only answer, that we prefer the chances of war to_the chances of negotiation on such terms, and that we shall be infinitely nearer a safe and lasting peace after one decisive engagement than upon the acceptance 'of a string of preliminaries. That we believe to be th e h onest opinion ofP li ent and of the al one country, and on that principle ar am can the Government carry on with success the foreign •• - • relations of the Omni and the operations of the w ar , .. , PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS. —MAT 25. PROSECUTION OF THE WAR. Order read, for resuming adjourned debate on amendaeat proposed to be made to question (24th May), " That this house cannot adjourn for the recess without expressing Its dissatisfaction with the ambiguous language and uncert a i n conduct of her Mesty's Government, in reference - to the great question of peace or war; and that, under these ciretu n _ stances, this house feels it a duty to declare that it will con tinue to give every support to her Majesty in the prosecution of the war, until her Majesty shall, in conjunction with her allies, obtain for this country a safe and honourable peace (Mr. Disraeli). And which amendment was, to leave out from the , first word. " house" to the word " feels, " 'in ord er to insert the words "having seen w ith regret th at the Con ferences of Vienna have not led to a termination of hostili ties :"—(Sir Francis Baring). Instead thereof—Question again proposed, " That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the question." Debate resumed; question put. The house divided—Ayes, 219 ; Noes, 319. AYES.-219. Adderley, C. Forester, Col. Morgan, 0. Alexander, J. Forster, Sir G. Mowbray, J. Annesley, Earl of Franklyn, G. Mullings, J. Arbuthnott, Gen. French, F. Mundy, W. ' Archdall, M. Freshfield, J. Naas, Lord Arkwright, G. Frewen, C. Napier, J. Bagge, W. Fuller, A. Neeld, John Bailey, C. Galwey, Sir W. Neeld, Joseph BatMe, H. Galway, Viscount. Newark, Viscount Baldock, E. Gaskell, J. Newport, Viscount. Bankes, Rt Hon G. George, J. Noel. G. Barrington, Viscount Gilpin, Col. H. North, Col. J. Barrow, W. Gladstone, Capt. J. Northeote, Sir S. Bateson, Capt T. Goddard, A. Oakes, J. Bective, Earl Gooch, Sir E. Ossulston, Lerd Bennet, Capt P. Graham, Lord W. Packe. C. Bentinck, G. Greaves, E. Pakenham, Capt. E. Beresford, Rt. Hn. W. Greenall, G. Pakington, Sir J. Bignold, Sir S. Grogan, Edward Palk, L. Blackburn, P. Guernsey, Lord Palmer, Robert Blake, M. J. Guinness, R. Parker, R.' Boldero, Col. H. G. Gwyn, H. Peacocke, G. Booth, Sir Rt. Gore Hale, R. Peel, Gen Bowyer, G. Halford, Sir H. Percy. J. Bramley-Moore, J. Hall. Gen. J. Portal, M. Bruce, C. , Hamilton, Lord C. Repton, G. • Buck, L. W. Hanbury,Capt.Hon. C. Robertson, P. Buck, G. Hayes, Sir E. Burnout, Col. G. Buller, Sir J. Henley, J. Scott, F. Bunbury, Capt. W. Herbeft, Sir T. Seymer, IL Burrell, sir C. Hill, Lord A. E. Shirley, E. Burroughes. H. Horefall, T. Smith, W. i Burrowes, R. Hudson, G. Smith, Abel Butt, G. Hume, W. Sotheron, T. Butt, I. Jones, Adm. Spooner. R. Cahbell, B. Kelly. Sir F. Stafford, A. Cairns, 11. Kendall. N. Stanhope, J. Campbell, Sir A. Kennedy, T. Stanley, Lord Chandos, Marquis of Ker, D, Stirling, W. Chelsea, Viscount Kins., J. Stuart, W. Child, Smith Knatchbull, W. Sturt, IL - Christopher, Robt. A. Knight, F. Swift, R. Christie, Samuel Knightley, R. Thesiger, Sir F. Clinton, Lord C. P.P. Knox, Col. B. W. Tollemache, J. C c l o t b v s e o , l ß d. . 3. C. Cocks, T. S. Colville, C. R. Conolly, T. Corry, H. T. L. Knox, W. S. Lacon. Sir E. Lantion, 'W. Trollop% Sir J. Tudway, R. Tyler, Sir G. , Vance, J. Vansittart, G. Cotton, Ma',or W. Len n ox,LLelnd Le s lie,c' IC. I.l'. I'. Ir r ad l . A.F. . Vernon, roll, S i rO. J. . Davies, D. A. S. Davies, J. L. Bering, sir E. B. nod, .T. W, Lindsay, Col. J. Lisburne,Ear', Lockhart, W. Lowther, Col. T,owiticr, Capt. nu dvor:11, Sir J. T. Lucas, F. Thai., C. G. Lu-libi,:ton, ( - 1. I:uncombe, Hon. A. Lytton, Sir (1. Duin...otobe,,O. Mae.irtney, G. Liuncniobe, Ilon.W. Macgregor, .lass Mind" G, Macgregor, John D no e, C. I. Mac Nat. P. Vernon, L. Vivian, J. E. V yvyan, Sir R. Disraeli, Yyse, Col. Waddington, D. Waddington, H. Wa'cott, Admiral Walpole, S. Wel by. Str G. Whiteside, J. Whitmore. H. Wigram. Loans T. Dm P. 0,0, • Maddock, Sir T. 11. 1111:lams. T. Egerton, W. Mai. tare, J. Woodd. 11. Egerton, E. C. Aralins, tr. Wyndham, Gen. Eindev. Vis. Mandeville, Yin. Wyndham, 11. Far,ll; am, E. March, Earl of Wynn, Lieot.-Col. Ferrer. .1. Atomise'', V. Wynn, Sir W. Fellowei, E. Ti ax w. 11 , J. wynne. W. Fcrzu.on, Sir J. Al ea.. sir H. Yorke, F. Miter, Sir B. Miles, W TELLERS Fitzgerald, W. Michell, W. Taytor, 4'ol. F.llett, B. Mitchel', T. Jolliffe, Sir W. NOES-319. &eland, Sir T. Fitzroy, Hon. IL O'Brien, C. Acton, J. fitzwilliam. C. O'Brien, J. Adair, 11. fitzwilliam, G. O'Connell, D. Adair, R. Foley, J. O'Flaherty, A. Alcoa., T. Forster, C. Oliveira, B. Anderson, Sir J. Forster, J. Osborne, R. Antrobus, E. Fortescue, C. Otway, A. Atherton, W. Fox, W. Owen, Sir J. Ba'nes, Rt. Hon. M. Freestun, Col. Paget, Lord A. Ball, E. Gardner, IL Palmer, Bounden Bring, H. Gibson, T. Palmerston, Visa . Baring, Sir F. Gladstone, W. Patten, J. Baring, T. Glyn, G.. Paxton, Sir J. Barnes, T Goderich, Via. Pecheli, Sir G. Bass, T. Goodman, Sir G. Peel, Sir R. Baxter, W. Gordon, A. Peel, F. Beaumont, W. Gower, F. Pellatt, A. Beckett, W. Grace, 0. Perry, Sir T. Bell, J. Graham, Sir J. Philipps, J. Bellew, T. Greene, John Phillimore, R. J. Berkeley, Admiral Greene, Thomas Pilkington, J. Berkeley, H. F. Gregson, S. Pollard-Urquhart, W . Berkeley. C. Grenfell, Chas. Portman, W. Sethell, Sir R. Grevilic, Col. F. Powlett. Lord W. Biddulph, It. M. Grey, Sir G. Price, Sir R. Biggs, W. Grey, R. Price, W. Bland, L. H. Grosvenor, Ld. R. Pritchard, J. Bonham-Carter, J. Grosvenor, Earl Ramsden, Sir J. Bouverie, Hon. E. P. Gurney, J. Reed •J. Bramston, T. W. Hadfield, G. Ricardo, J. Brand, 11. B. W. Hall, Sir B. Ricardo, 0. Brocklehurst, J. Hankey, T. Ricardo, S. Brockman, E. D. flanmer, Sir J. Rice, E. Breit herton, J. Harcourt, G. Rich, H. Brown, 11. Harcourt, Col. F. Robartes, T. Brown, W. Hardinge, Hon. C. Roebuck, J. Bruce, Lord E. Basile, Alex. Rumbold, C. Bruce, H. A. Iltstie, Archd. Russell, L.ird J. 3ulkeley, Sir R. Headlam, T. Russell, F. C. Burke, Sir T. Heard, J., Russell, F. W. Butler, C. Heatheote, Sir G. Sadleir, James Byng, G. Heathcote, G. Sadleir, John Cardwell, E. Ileatheote, Sir W. Sawle, C. Castlerosse, Viscount Heneage, Geo. P. Scholetield, W. Caulfield, Col. J. Herbert, 11. Scobell, Capt. G. Cavendish, C. Herbert, S. Scrope, G. Cavendish, G. Bervey, Lord A. Se.illy,F. C ayley, E. Heywood, J. Scatty, V. Challis, T. Higgins, G. 0. Seymour, Lord. Hindley, C. Seymour,W. Hogg, Sir J. W. Seymour, W. D. Horsman, E. Shafte, R. Howard, C. Shee, Sell% W. ce C hhh Chambers.eaaepmtl li b in a ers . , v J 7 M . M. Clay, Sir W., Bt. Howard, Lord Shelburne. Earl Clifford,Col.H. M. Hutt, W. Shelley, Sir J. Clinton, Lord R. Ingham, R. Sheridan, R. Cohbett. J. M. Jackson, W. Snslth, J. A. Cockburn, Sir A. J. E. J erm y n , Earl smith. J. Be. Coffin, W. c Cogan,Joll i er , 00te SirWll, .. C. H. H. H E . F. Cowan, C. Jo h nstone.KKl (Ke e e :ir Ke a ting, hn ng w:vrn : .T. A. .8. S. r . 3. sa t is tgnit is o ntit . h ryilia b erd ' y : :77,w.;._.3,‘G.anitisstitr W. .. , Cowper, W. F. King, F. startle. IA G. Craufurd, E. H.S. Kinnaird, A. Steal, J• ', . • Crook, J. Kirk, W. Crossley, F. Currie, Raikes Dalkeith, Earl Talbot, C. Dalrymple, Viscount Davis, Sir H.*. r: Lee, Tancradra• cs engtaayningboagsrdtou.tocn,shnA:e.:..„o../i..1i0n.11 gssssuttruttrelettiverthtit;:7:.:„.,,,,;(:, w. sir C. Lemon, - Thompson, . Dashwood, S'r G. H. ' Deedes, Pi'. Led% gir G. C. Denison, E. IL Lindsay. W. Thornely, T. Denison, J. E. Thornhill, W. Littleton, H. Dent. J - Lockhart , A. E. Tomlin,G. De Vera, S • L 0,,,,, R. TownShelXl, Copt. J. Dillwyn, E. Luce, T. Traill, G. Divett, E. -Sr mackfe, 3 . Tynte, Col. C. Drum lanrig ' ' • Mackinnon, W. A. Uxbridge, Earl Drumm ond, H. M'Cann, J. Vane, Lord H. Duff, G. meTeszgart, Sir 3 . Vernon, G. D D D n a u t n ff eam e, j iir 3. t M li m ar a l g o b i rl:bar: R i :), D . ; • Villiers, C. H. viscous Duncan, G. _ Walmsley, Sir J. Buncombe, T. Martin. J. ''' waiter, J. Dan das, F. Massey, W. 'Warner, E. D E Eas : n r i tgarY ag te' Sitan e j , : V V is is c c c o ol un nt t M ath eson,ll l ll7A t l a t lo a: h : i h i ese Ei ) .ll ). vorrth i . 6 i , . r .s j i . r w. WW ww 4a h ki atm rPar a l n ' s. k w Ll .,. . ord Egerton,Sir F. Mills, T. Watson, W. • Elcho, Lord Wells, W. . Ellice, E. Ellice, E., jun. Milton, V iscount Whitbread, S. Elliot, J. Moffatt, G. Wickham, H. R. Emlyn, Via , W ilk i nso n ,ilknee W. Esmond% J. Evelyn, W. Mona, Viscount Wilson, 3. Mon creiff, J. Ewart, W. Monson, NV, Wise. A. Ewalt, J. Wood, Sir C. Morr;s, D. Feliden, M. Wortley, J. S. Mostyn, T. Wyndham, W. Fenwick, H. Mowatt, F. Wyvill, M. Fergus, J. Ai untz, G Ferguson, Sir It. Murrough. J. ' Ferguson. J. Norreys, Sir D. FitzGerall, Sir J. North, F. Fitz Gerald, J. O'Brien, P. TELLise Harter, W. Mtilgrav*, Zan [ ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Pills have an exr ordinary effect on Liver and Stomach Complaints. r. Charles Wilson, of 39, Princes-street, Glasgow, statesin a letter to Professor Holloway that he had suffered for a long time from a disease of the liver and stomach, for which he could obtain no relief from the medical profes sion ; therefore, he determined . on trying Holloway's Pills, at which time be was in a most wretched condi tion ; . but, humanly speaking, these Pills have saved his life,he is now restored to perfect health, to th e our . prise o f state h e MY in.— Sold wa ys ,Bstablishments, 244, by all eil . rn wh ed o ie h in a e d Strand, L on don, MA 600 1,,f4,46-lane, New York.