The Sun. — London, England, 1824-06-16 00:00:00

41, iN -R X <3%, • „). En - 0 71. 44P arch' 3 /1 . -2 ay/4'4V riced hall' SUN. 47 sign NUMBER 9909 WEDNESDAY, JUNE 16, 1824. PRICE StVET4PENCkd ARMY CONTRACTS. Commissariat Department, Treasury Chambers, June 3, 1824. VOTICE is hereby given to all P ersons de sirous of contracting to supply the following Articles for the Use of the Army, viz.:— BREAD—To his Majesty's Land Forces in Cantonments, Quarters, and Barracks, in the under-mentioned Counties:— Cumberland, Lancaster, and Somerset. BEEF and MUTTON, to his Majesty's Land Forces in Cantonments, Quarters and Barracks, in the undermen tioned Islands : Guernsey, Jersey, and Alderney. OATS, to his Majesty's Cavalry and Artillery Horses, in Cantonments and Quarters, in the under-mentioned Coun 'ties : Cambridge, Cumberland, Derby, Gloucester, Leicester, Monmouth, Salop, Stafford, Westmorland, and Worcester.ll FORAGE, viz.—OATS, HAY, and STRAW—To his Ma !esty's Cavalry and Artillery Horses in Barracks, and Oats, in Cantonments and Quarters, in the under-mentioned Counties : Berks. Cornwall, and Northumberland. That the Deliveries arc to commence on and for the 25th day of July next; that Proposals in writing, sealed up, and marked '"Tender for Army Supplies," will he received at this Office in or before Friday, the 25th day of June next, but none will be received after Twelve o'Clock on that Da P r y. oposals . must be made separately for each County, and the Channel Islands to be included in one Tender; and each Proposal must have the Letter which is annexed to the Tender prtiperly filled up, by Two Persons of known property, engaging to become hound with the Party ten dering, 'its the amount stated in the printed Particulars, for the due Performance of the Contract ; and no Proposal will be noticed unless made on a printed Tender, and the Prices expressed in Words at length; and should it so happen that during the continuance of the Contract no Troops should be supplied by virtue of the same, the amount of the Stamps on , the Contract and Bond, paid in the first instance by the Contractor, shall he refunded to bins. Partieulackef the Contracts. may he had upon application at these Chasitbers - between the hours of Ten and Four. P. S. Samples of the Bread and Meal may he seen at the' Office between the hours of Twelve and Two. 1110NUMENT TO MR. WATT. A PUBLIC MEETING will be hel d at the XX. FREEMASONS' TAVERN on FRIDAY NEXT, the 18th instant, at One o'elock, to consider of the propriety of Erecting a MONUMENT, to the late JAMES WATT, as a Tribute of National Gratitude to him, who, by his Genius and Science, has multiplied the resources of his Country, and im proved the condition of all mankind. The EarI.of.LIVERPOOL, B.G. in the Chair.. LAW LIFE -ASSURANCE . SOCIETY, For granting Assurances "upon the Lives of All Persons, whe ther in the Army, the Navy, the Church, the Law, or in any other Station of Life., OFFICE, 60, LINCOLN'S-INN - FIE LDS. TEE BOARD of DIRECTO RS do hereby give - Notice That a GENERAL M EETING of the PROPRIETORS will be held at the Office of the Society, on THURSDAY, the 24th day of J une instant, at Eleven for Twelveo'Clock preeisely, pursuant to the Deed of Settle ment, t9,rece.iv.e•the Annual Report of the Directors, to Elect Six New Dkectoris in the" room of those who go out by . rota.; tion, anti ,ou„iither Affairs.—The Ballot will commence at a Quarter prt . st Twelve., and close at Three. JAMES ANDERTON, Secretary. N.B.—The Deed of Settlement now lays at the Office, to be aigno4l hsr the Proprietors, which they are requested to do pre cious to the above Meeting. PIANO-FOWIES AND HARPS CABINET PIANO-FORTE in Vouch and 'Pone, 38 Guineas, north ne th u 6 qualled 0 l a Rokewno. d Cabinet, inlaid with br ass , 80 Guinea ( s u f i i n w eas 60 ; Guineas ; New beauti ful Double:actioned Harp, 80 Guineas, cost 1201.; also Single-actions, at 12, 20, :30, and 45 Guineds late the property of Ladies; Squats Piano, 25 Guineas, May be seen at J. WATLEN'S, 13. Leicetter-place. --------- WORKS. .Just published, by R. ACKERNIANN, London, 911 HE SOUTH SEA ISLANDS ; being a R ; DeseripPon of the Manners, -Customs, &c. of their Inhabitants, and containing, among the rest, an interesting Account of the Sandwich Islanders. Two Volumes, with 26 -Coloured Engravings, price 12s. LETTERS between AMELIA in LONDON and HER MO THER in' the COUNTRY, written by the late WILLIAM COMBE, Esq. embellished with a Frontispiece, and printed uniformly pith the Miniature Tours of Dr. Syntax, by the same Author, One Volume, price ss. SPANISH PUBLICATIONS. VARIEDADES 0 MENSAGERO de LONDRES, Perio dico No. 111. This Quarterly Magazine will in future regularly appear on the tat of April, July, October, and January. Each Number will contain 11 coloured Plates and a Portrait of an eminent Character. Royal Bvu. price 10s. 6d. NO ME OLVIDES (a Spanish FORGET ME NOT), partly translated from the English, pp. 400. Illustrated with 13 very beautiful Engravings ; bound and gilt, in a Case, price Its. MEMORIAS de la REVOLUTION de MEGICO, y de la ESPEDICION del GENERAL MINA. One Volume, Bro. above 400 pages, with a Portrait of Mina, and Map, price 15s. DR. BOERHAAVE'S RED PILL, CELEBRATED ANTI-VENEREAL and A PURIFIER of the BLOOD. These pills are peculiarly useful to those who are obliged to travel, or to take medicine without interruption of business. By mild and safe operation, they strike at the root of disease, and quickly eradicate it ; thereby preventing the fatal effects to which thousands are victims. Copious directions are given with each box o by which the patient can minister to himself with safety and secrecy. A single trial will prove their superior efficacy and power to subdue and expel disease, even when other remedies have totally failed. Sold by Mr. Johnston, 68, Cornhill ; Mr. Sanger, 140, Ox ford-street ; Mr. Ward, Holborn ; and Mr. Stradliag, Royal Exchange ; and all Medicine Venders, price 4s. 6d. per Box: FLUID EXTRACT OF SARSAPARILLA. ix this Preparation are concen t r ated all the AL Medicinal Properties of the Sarsaparilla Root, even to a perfect Saturation of the Menstruum with which it is pre pared. To such Persons, therefore, who, from various causes, would experience great inconvenience, or with whom it would be utterly impossible to prepare the Decoction, the Fluid Extract, which possesses the advantages of portability, and .of keeping in any climate, will be found a most desirable mode of employing this much-esteemed Medicine. The Diseases in which it has proved most beneficial ars those of the Skins such as Scorbutic Affections, Erup tive Diseases, Secondary Symptoms, &c. arising from a dis • eased State of the System at large. It may he taken either alone, or combined with Water, rendering it of the saute strength as the Decoction. Prepared and Sold by Butlers, Chemist ' s No. 4, Cheapside, St. Paul's, and 220, Regent - street (near ;he Argyle Rooms), London ; 20, Waterloo-place, Edinburgh; 34, Sackville street, Dublin ; aad by the principal Medicine-Vender s throughout the United Kingdom, in Bottles, at 4s. 6d. and 7s. 6d. Be careful to ask for "Butler's Fluid Extract of Sarsapn cilia." STRICTURES CURED BY a new Method the above troublesome Complaint is entirely eradicated, (without the use of Bougie or Caustic), whether of long or short standing, ex .cept constitutional, as well as all weaknesses generally ac companying it, and in a short time the whale system is re established, being one of the greatest discoveries ever made. .By JOHN LYNCH, 44, Duke-street, St. James's. Respectable references will be given, if required.—All Let ters postpaid. (WPM price of the Medicine is Four Pounds a parcel. A perfect Cure for Bilious Affections and Obstructions in the Bowels. *** Secresy will be observed. Just published, price ss. dd. Bvo., the Third Edition of .1 PRACTICAL TREATISE on NERVOUS, BILIOUS, and INFLAMMATORY AFFECTIONS, with a new Method of Curing Strictures without the use of Bougie or Caustic. By JOHN LYNCH.—To be had of the Author, 44, Duke street, St. James's. PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JUNE 15. SLAVE TRADE. The Earl of LIVERPOOL laid on the table certain Papers relative to the Slave Trade. BILLS. The Public Works Exchequer Bills Bill, the British and ' Irish Fishery Bill, the Salt Duties Repeal Bill, the Weights and Measures Bill, and the Irish Mining Company Bill, were read a third time, and passed. NEW BILLS. Mr. PEEL, and others from the Commons, returned the Five Peerages Restoration Bills agreed to by the Commons, brought up the Marine Insurance Bill, the New Churches Bill, and several private Bills. Viscolint MELVILLE presented a petition from the Under writers at Lloyd's, against the Marine Insurance Bill.—Laid on the table. • The Earl of HA RROWBY gave notice that he should move to-morrow, that the new Standing Orders be suspended, in order to propose the second reading of a Bill founded on ex actly the same principle as that on which those Orders had al ready been suspended. EQUITABLE LOAN COMPANY. The Duke of ATHOL presented a petition front the Work men of the East India Docks in favour of the Equitable Loan Company's Bill.—Laid on the table. • , The Earl of LAUDERDALE presented petitiona against the same Bill from the parishes at St. Anne's, Limehouse, Poplar ' Old and New Brentford, St:. George in the E a st, St. Paul's Shadwell, St. Mary Stratford ; Bow, All Saints, West Ham, Christ Church Surrey, St. Botolph Aldgate, St. Mary's Newingion, Fulham, St. Mary's Overhead, Kensington, Ham mersmith, St. Andrew's Holborn, St. George's Ilanover square, St. Clement's Danes, St. Margaret's and St. John's, Westminster, St. John's and St. James's, Clerkenwell.—Laid on the table. • Earl DARNLEY presented petitions from Deptford and Greenwich, in favour of the Equitable Loan Company Bill.-- Laid on the table. Lord REDESDALE presented a petition from the Royal Exchange Insurance Company against the Marine Insurance, Bill.—Laid on the table. CATHOLICS. Earl DARNLEY rose to present the petition from the Ca tholics of the County of Monaghan, according, to the notice which he had given yesterday. The Earl'of HARDWICK claimed precedence for a motion which he had to make respecting the second reading of a Bill ; but after a few words from the Earls of LAUDERDALE and LIMERICK, the claim was withdrawn. Earl DARNLEY then stated, that late as it was in the Session, he should have thought it his duty, to propose some measure on the subject of the Catholic Claims, had such been the positive wish of the petitioners; but, as they had left it to him to follow his own judgment, he should not go against the general feeling of the House, which seemed to be, that it was better to wait till the next Session. The Noble Earl, however, recommended to their Lordships to consider the claims of a great majority of their Catholic fellow subjects in Ireland.— It was the firm conviction on his mind, that till they were granted order and peace could not be established in that coun try. It was impossible that sheyhould be any longer governed by the sword, and by the sword alone. After the petition should have been read, he should move that it be laid on the table and printed. Viscount CLIFDEN entirely concurred in the sentiments so ably expressed by his Noble Friend. The Earl' of LIVERPOOL objected to the printing of the petition, on account of the inconvenience of the practice. The petition was then read and laid on the table. NEW CH URCHES. On the motion of the Earl of LIVERPOOL, the New Churches Bill was read a first time, and ordered for a second reading to-morrow. SCOTCH JUDICATURE DILL. On the Order of the Day for the third reading of the Scotch Judicature Bill, ' Viscount MELVILLE stated his 'objections to some of the provisions of the Bill. As he approved of its general principle, however, he should not oppose its third reading. The Earl of LIVERPOOL was thoroughly convinced that' a greater boon had never been offered to tiny country than that which was offered to Scotland by the present Bill. Their Lordships had prefaced its proposal by the most perfect in quiry which had ever been undertaken. It had been entrusted to a Commission of 26 persons, amongst whom were to be found, not only the best informed individuals of both countries, but in every branch of the law: for it consisted of Judges, Counsels, Advocates, and persons most conversant with the Common Law, with Civil Law, and with Equity. The Report on the table was the result of that inquiry, and was signed by the whole of the 26 names without any material difference of opinion. The Bill now before their Lordships was little more than a transcript of that Report. By adopting it they would not close the doors to future improvement; but it was impos sible that they should adopt a measure with more previous in. quiry and a greater collection of information. The Noble Earl then added, that the regulations adopted for the interior business of the House with regard to Scotch appeals would greatly facilitate the administration of justice to Scotland, and prove highly convenient to their Lordships. The Duke of ATHOL admitted that all Members of the Commission had been actuated by a sincere desire of benefit ing the northern parts, but he much doubted whether those to whom the measure was granted as a boon, would consider it in that light. In order to ascertain their exact feelings on that subject, he thought that it would have been better to print the bill, and to postpone its passing till the next Session. The Duke of MONTROSE was understood to approve of • the measure. Earl ROSSLYN acknowledged with gratitude on the part of his country the boon granted her in the present bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR should not do his duty to the House, or to Scotland, if he did not say that he most fully ap provedof the measure. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. IRELAND. The Earl of LIMERICK having moved the second reading of the St. Patrick Insurance Company Bill, Lord REDESDALE urged the necessity in Bills of that na ture of introducing the names of the partners in the preamble. The LORD CHANCELLOR thought the suggestion per fectly just, for it might happen that when such a Bill should come into operation, not one of the original Members of the Cor poration should belong to it. After a few words from the Earl of LAUDERDALE, The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that he should move in the Committee that all the individuals mentioned in the Bill should be answerable to those who dealt with the Company, until a certain time after the passing of the measure. Lord REDESDALE observed, that as the Bill stood, the only person really interested in it might be the individual who brought it forward. He also mentioned a case in which the only members of a pretended Company were the two persons who signed their names as Secretaries. The Earl of LIMERICK said that the Bill had been put into his hands by individuals who had informed him that it was founded on exactly the same principles and ground as the one which had lately been passed by their Lordships. The LORD CHANCELLOR hoped that in the Committee the Noble Lord would be so good as to say who those persons were. After a few observations from the Marquis of DOWN SHIRE, the Bill was read a second time. COMBINATION LAWS. Lord ROSSLYN rose to give notice that he should more the second reading of the Bill, for repealing the Combination Laws, to-morrow. EQUITABLE LOAN BILL. Lord HARDWICKE moved that she Order for hearing Counsel against the second reading of this Bill should be discharged. Lord LAUDERDALE objected to this Bill. The very first clause gave the privilege of lending money to any amount, and was therefore a virtual repeal of the Usury Laws for the bene fit of a particular company. The Pawnbrokers, who were a most respectable class of traders, had petitioned to be heard by Counsel against the principle of the Bill, and if that prayer were not granted now, he should move that Counsel be heard in the Committee. The Earl of LIVERPOOL did not know until he came down to the House that any order had been made to hear Coun sel in opposition to the principle of the present Bill, or he should have objected to that order in the first instance. Ile therefore thought the order should he discharged. He said this with respect to the principle of the Bill, although he disap proved of many of its provisions as they now stood. The mea sure in itself he considered a public and important one, but the support he should ultimately give it would depend upon the nature of its details. This was not the time to listen to private parties against a Bubhc Bill, but let it go into a Committee, and there Counsel might be heard. Lord LAUDERDALE said this was the first time he had ever known it to be maintained, that private individuals were not to be heard against Public Bills which affected their rights. The doctrine was new and as dangerous as new. The LORD CHANCELLOR thought that Counsel should be heard. Those who originally brought the Bill into Parlia ment had framed it in such a manner that hardly a day passed without their being obliged to recede in its provisions. For his part, he considered it a private Bill, for he had asked for a copy of it, and was told he should apply to the Agents of the Com pany. When a public Bill was on the table, it was certainly irregular to hear Counsel against it on behalf of private parties, but the present measure did not seem to him to come within the rule. The House then divided on Lord Hardwicke's motion, when the numbers were— For discharging the Order= Contents - - - Non Contents - 17 Majority - 9 On entering the House, we found Lord LAUDERDALE on his legs, opposing the second reading of the Bill. The object of it was to enable great Ca pitalists to destroy all private Traders. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, unless the Bill came out of the Committee completely altered from what it was, he should certainly oppose it. It was now most objectionable, and if it came from the Committee in any thing like the same state he should have a motion to submit to tneir Lordships on every sentence of it. Lord REDESDALE objected to the Bill. If stolen goods were pawned' with a pawnbroker, he was liable to a-prosecu tion. but this Company was not. He also thought the influence of the many greatecompanies at present establishing upon the Government of the country well deserved attention. Varl WESTMORLAND expressed his)aerfect concurrence in the sentiments 'of the Noble Lord who hadDjust sat down, and should vote against the Bill. The House then divided on the second reading, when the 'nuThbers were: Contents - - 17 Not Contents - - 14 Majority - - —3 The Bill•was accordingly read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday. :or, - • On our return to the House, the Bankrupt Laws Consolida tion Bill, rthe Great Session in Wales Bill, and some others, went through Committees, and were reported. • Mr. TIERNEY from the Tax-Office presented Papers re specting the redemption and sale of the Land-Tax for the year 1824.—The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The Report of the Southwark Bridge Bill was brought up and agreed to, and the third reading ordered for to-morrow. Colonel WODEHOUSE presented .a Petition from Nor wich, praying for a repeal of the Duties on Coals carried coast wise.—Ordered to lie on the table. ATTA I NTED PEt RAGES. The LORD ADVOCATE brought up the Report on the • Reversal of Attainder Bills of Viscount Staffbrd, the Earl of Mar, Viscount Strathallan, Viscount Kenniuir, and Lord Nairn. The Bills were then read a third time and passed. 111 r. Payne Knight's Donation Bill was read a third time and passed. The Customs and Excise_Orders Bill was read a third time and passed. • • The House went into a Committee on the Revenue Officers Bill. The report was received, and the Bill read a third time and passed. SUPERANNUATION BILL. Upon the report of the Superannuation Fund Bill being brought up, Mr. MONCK said that he felt it-his duty to oppose the mea sure. his objection to it was, that it went to impose 50,000/. a-year additional on the public, whilst it took away from the public servant the stimulus to provide for his own wants in old age. After a few words from Mr. 13 UXT ON, the Report was agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be read,a third time to-morrow. Mr. FORD presented a - Petition front Belfast, against the Warehousing Bill.—Ordered to be printed. PUBLIC ARREARS. Sir J. MACKINTOSH rose to present two Petitions. The first was rather addressed to th e lenity of the War Office than to the interference of the House. It was a petition from Mr. paymaster of the Wallace Fencible Infantry. Twenty-four R. Bell, who became surety for a Mr. Workman in 1798, then years ago Mr. Workman ceased to act in the capacity of pay master and sent in his accounts. A balance, however, was now - at this distant period claimed from Mr. Bell as his surety, which balance Mr. B. contended might have been re covered from Mr. Workman himself if due diligence had been used by the War Office. He (sir James Mackintosh) was Counsel for that gentleman some years after that date in an action which he brought against his Colonel for imputing disloyal sentiments to him, so that so far as publicity went, there could not be any extraordinary difficulty in the way of finding him. He did not mean to say that the War Office went beyond their legal claim in this demand, but he con tended that it was a great hardship in this manner to be called on to pay money as a surety so many years after the date of the transaction, and when, for aught that was known, all the parties might be dead. The Statute of Limitations was an Act which met with the concurrent sentiments of all mankind, and he saw no reason why the same law should not apply to cases of this kind. For were individuals given timely notice of their liability, they might themselves find the means to recover of their principals, or put themselves in better condition to pay.— The Noble Lord (Palmerston), he was sure, would rejoice at any expression on the part of that House which should relieve hiin from the necessity of enforcing the rigorous execution of his public duty in this case. He hoped the House would say something which should satisfy the Noble Lord that he would not forego his duty to the public, if he abstained from pressing this claim. The Petition having been brought up and read, Lord PALMERSTON observed, that the War Office could not be chargeable with any harsh proceedings towards Mr. Bell, when it was considered that he had not become volun tary surety for Mr. Workman, that public money was placed in his hands. It was true that in 1800 he gave in his accounts, and in 1808 they were examined , and the result communicated to Mr. Workman, his agents being furnished with abstracts of the accounts. The agents at that time demanded the names and addresses of the sureties, with which they were also furnished. It could not, therefore, be said that no notice was given to the parties. In consequence of the great pressure of public ac counts, this claim, with others, had remained in arrear. Arrears of public accounts were in a regular course of revision, and this particular one had taken its turn. Considering Mr. Workman as dead, every item that could admit of explanation had in con sequence of the delay been struck out of the balance, which was in consequence diminished 1,164/. All that it was sought to recover was 150/. which consisted of double charges, over computations, a charge for an officer after he ceased to belong to the corps, and a sum which the paymaster had drawn over and above. These sums, it was obvious from their nature, were as strictly due as any debt that could be imagined. So far from the length of time being an argument against such a claim as thi s , he thought Mr. Bell liberally treated that he was not called on to pay interest on the sum. Mr. HUME o b serve d, that this was one i nstance among many of gre a t h ar d s hi p . He contended th a t t h e li m i tat i on o f seven years o ug h t to a pply e qually to publi c as to p r i vate ac counts, for it was a very great evil that old accounts should be thus ripped up many years after the death of all the principals concerned. The balance in this case was known in 1808, and therefore there was the less excuse for its not having been pursued. M r . W or k man was Chief Ju s ti ce o f N ew Orleans for seven years after the disbandment of the corps to which he was paymaste r so that Mr. Bell might have recovered the ba lance from him, had he known he was liable. He should ever maintain that this inquisitorial power of the Secretary of the War-Office ought not to continue. Mr. H. GURNEY said a few words, which were inaudible in the gallery. • Sir J: MACKINTOSH, in moving that the petition be printed, observed that the Noble Lord had made out a very good case against Mr. Workman, but none against the Surety , for whom h e b egge d th e equitable consideration of the Noble Lord. He had no reason to suppose that Mr. Workman was dead, and he hoped the publicity usually given to the pro ceedings of that House would be the means of advertising him of the situation of his Surety, in order that he might relieve him. The petition was then laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. • A Messenger from the Lords announced their Lordships' as sent to several Public and Private Bills—(For which see Lords' Report.) SLAVE TRADE, Mr. Secretary CANNING laid on the table various papers relative to official correspondence on the subject of the Slave Trade. . Mr. BROUGHAM said, that he had intelligence from sources in whose accuracy he had the highest confidence, that the Slave Trade was still carried on in the ports of France with as great vigour as ever it had been before the abolition of the trade by England, and before the French Government pretend ed to have a wik'h to aid that abolition. The papers were then ordered to be printed. . SOUTH AMERICA. --, - Sir J. MACKINTOSH rose to present the second petition of which he had spoken. It was from a body of Merchants who were engaged in trade with the countries formerly under the dominion of Spain, hi South America. The prayer of the petition wa s , th a t the House would do what was expedient to the recognition by this country of such States as had actually established their independence. The subscribers to the peti tion were persons of the most eminent and respectable nature in the commercial world. There were 117-merchanti, who were members of considerable firms in the city. These stated the opinions and wishes - of probably more than three hundred per sons engaged in the trade with those countries. Ainong these names he might:cite the name of - Baring, of the firm of Baring, Brothers, and Co., a firm which, without offence, he might cer tainly place at the head of the .commercial world in this coun try, or in Europe. BeSides, he found the names of Sir John Lubbock and Co., Sir RObert Shaw, Chairman of Lloyd's, and many others w'hieh,,although not known to hint, were probably equally respectable. It was not his` intention to go into the vast questioo ahich this subject opened, and which he should reserve Kw another opportunity. The house was aware of the anxiety which prevailed in the commercial world, and amongst the public at large, that the Session should not close without,some explanation being obtained upon this interest ing: 4ibject. As he did not mean to discuss the question ad versely; 'he certainly considered - that a petition was the best opportunity for,obtaining such a discussion as the nature of this case re jutted: It charged the acts of Government with no cen sure,nor , fettered them with any pledge as to a line of future conduct:. He merely resented a petition, and sought an ex planatien ona subject in everyrespect entitled to the considera tion of the House. He hoped, indeed, it would be seen in this transaction that he most iinpartially discharged his duty as an individual Member of. Parliament. He made no attempt to apply this Petition to the purposes of party, although he did not shria frbni avowing that he did belong to a party professing anti acting upon constitutional principles. The Petition went no further than to ask for the recognition of those States which bad established their independence, which were the very words of 'one of the State Papers on the subject. The word mime ' diate was the only expression he could object to, since he had no desire to point out the precise time at which an act of this nature ought to be done. With respect to the state Papers, to which he had already alluded, it would be his duty to recall the princirial points to the attention of the House. It might be matter of regret, and it was admitted to be so in the documents them selves, that so much forbearance had been shewn to the feelings of Old Spain in this affair. In every other respect he could not but applaud these documents. He should ever consider that they contained the most grave maxims of international law, urged by the most unexceptionable arguments, and expressed with -that precision, circumspection, aria dignity, which would ever render them the models as they were the master-pieces 6f this kind of writing.— (Hear, hear !)—They had been misunderstood, he Was sorry to say, in some respects by thoe who ought to have-known better. On this account it was, that he was anxi ous to enter into an examination of them. In doing this he would advert to the stage to which these papers had atready con ducted the great question itself, and then call upon them to con sider how the future progress of that question was likely to be effected by them. It would be necessary for him in the execution of his task to go back to some of the first ele ments of international law, before he proceeded to notice a ny of the passages in the papers themselves, on account of the confusion into which some persons, who were better informed, had fallen. The word " recognition," which had unfortunately been introduced into this question, had become a source of infinite confusion. It-'had two senses, both widely different from each other, add which had in fact hard ly any thing 'iii common. The ' first true legitimate sense of the word, as a term of international law, was the recognition of independence in a State over which the party recognis ing formerly held sovereignty—a recognition which Spain had been doomed to make oftener than any other kingdom of Europe, and with greater obstinacy than any other. Thus the independence of Holland and Portugal had been recog nised. This was where a hostile a violent breach had taken place. Such a recognition was in fact no more than an abstinence of the exercise of Sovereignty. Such was well known and understood in the laws of nations, and might be considered to include a new state of all foreign dependencies. The recogni tion, however, here spoken of as between this country and these states, was of quite a different nature. We had no dominion to abdicate, no domestic or other breaches to fill up. Recogni tion from us was subject to no charge upon the law as it stood between parties so situated. Such an act on our part would be making no alliance with these States, it would be giving no guarantees, no aid or assistance, no approbation of. the means by which they obtained their independence. We had had no right to pronounce a decision, aye or nay, upon those events ; but we were entitled to pursue any course which was re quired from us in the assertion of our own right, or the maintenance of our just interests. He was not saying that England should declare whether they were wrong or right in their quarrel with the Parent State; but he thought we ought not to scruple to deal with the Government of South America, as with a Government possessing power over a considerable portion of the waters of the globe, and no small extent of the land. He should not have dwelt so much on this subject, had he not found that many men of powerful mind and great information were misled with re spect to it, in a way which he could hardly have believed possible, had he not witnessed the fact. Hence the differences which prevailed on this question. The recognition of the United States of North America was wholly an advantage to the party recognized. In the present case he called for the recogni tion of the South American States, not for the benefit of those States, but for that of British subjects, that they might be ena bled to proceed with their commercial pursuits in an easy orderly regular way, and that differences which should at any time occur might be more readily adjusted, and thus prevent the breaking out of a new' war. These were the reasons which led to the establishment of diplomatic rela tions with Foreign Powers, and such relations were just as ne cessary where new States were concerned, as in the case of old Governments. America overnme for nts. our T ownhese kwsearee. He now proper not say it wasour duty tobeform edwith South duty to do so on account of the South American States, though he at the same time considered the duties of humanity bound us to promote the welfare of all mankind. But admitting that it was for the English Statesman to direct his peculiar attention to the interests of his own country, it was for these that he called for the recognition of South American Independence, and not for the sake of South American States. Having said thus much of the principle on which he grounded the call which lie had made, he would now call the attention of the House to what had been the ancient practice of Europe. The first in stance to which he would adyert, was that of the States of Holland. These after a revolt against the tyranny of Spain, and after a contest of fifteen years duration, declaring them selves independent in 1581, shortly after the murder of the first Prince of Orange, who fell a victim to the fanatical zeal of a man whose family, to the shame of the Government which could act such a part, was ennobled by the crime thus perpetrated. His father was ennobled because he had assassinated one of the best Princes in modern times. It was in 1581 that the States of Holland declared themselves independent, but it 1648 that the pride and obstinacy a the Spanish Government was not till treaty of Westphalia. Thus it was sixty-seven had they named, re recognized p th r e ete hlepen by d a en w ce ar years ye . ars p .b id efo t r h e le were so far relaxed as to lead to their formal recognition by the declared at the period he House believe that all this time the rest of Europe looked quietly on and formed no relations of commerce with the States of Holland, and made no provision for the speedy adjustment of differences which might arise because Spain refused - to recognize the independence of such States? -Such was not the case. All Europe received Ambassadors from them, and all Europe sent Ambassadors to the Hague. Treaties offensive and defensive were concluded with by all other powers, with the exception of the German branch of the House of Austria. With that single exception, there was no State in Europe which did not send a Minister of the first consequence as Ambassador to the Hague. England—not England at war with Spain, but England at peace sent an Ambassador to the States of Holland. Nor was this all. In the year 1604, she distinctly ref Used to relinquish any connection which she might have with the Hague. Yet at this time the Marquis Spinola, one of the greatest Commanders in Europe, was in the Netherlands at the head of a considerable Spanish army, and never failed, in the manifestoes which he put forth, to call the subjects of those States " rebels against the . King, his master." He now came to speak of the revolt of the Portuguese. It was in the month of December, 1640, that event took place, which plac ed the Prince of Braganza on the throne of Portugal: Thir= teen months afterwards, in January 4642, a treaty of peace and amity was concluded between England and PortugaL It was twenty years afterwards before Spain recognised the inde pendence of Portugal, but the course pursued by England • was never the subject of complaint on her part. To come to' a memorable part of our own history, when Cromwell had es tablished a republic, over which he presided as Protector, all the Powers of Europe sent Ambassadors to England. For" this no complaints were made when Charles the Second was' restored to the throne of his ancestors. Why ? Because the necessity of doing as they had done was admitted. They sent Ministers to watch over their own interests, andby this had expressed no opinion against the rights of Charley IL ; they had .offered no insult to the claims, and committed no' outrages against the authority of the heir to the Crown. It' was fitting that they should contrast this conduct with the in- - dignation expressed by our ancestors at the time of the Revolu- - tion on the recognition of the son of James 11. by Louis XIV. And why was this ? Because that Prince was out of possession. He was not acknowledged at home, he could do nothing for the protection of the interests of British subjects, and it was regarded as an insult to the people of England, that a Prince should be recognized as their Sovereign by a Foreign Mo narch,-whom they themselves, were resolute not to recognise. , Nothing could be more differing, he should rather say contrast.,, ed than the two cases ; the distinction seemed to be this. - Art ' usurper in power might be recognised without offence, because this was necessary for the interests of the subjects of States re cognising him ; but the most just claim of a Prince out of posses sion could not be recognised, because it was not so-called-for by the interests of other States, without offence to 'those who re fused to acknowledge his authority. The conclud Of -France towards our North American Colonies was different: She had' not offended England by the Treaty of Peace and Amity which• she concluded with them, but the same day on which that treaty' was concluded, a league, offensive and defensive, was signed. It hid long been the policy of France to encourage the colonists. This was seen from aposthumous history of M. Bouillf,who had been Governor of,Martinique in 1768. He there tells that it was a part of his instructions to watch over the rising discontents of North America, to encourage and to foment the same so far as this could be done without giving cause of war. This was In a time of profound peace. The conduct then of France was very different from what he would recommend. Franceleagued with our revolted subjects, so he must call them, meaning no disrespect ,to the 'English States, who ought to be ever dear to- • us on the other side of the Atlantic. But looking at what they were then and 'at the course which France had taken, it must be manifest to every one that in taking that course and form-. ing an alliance with them, she had given a most just cause for war. He would now refer to the documents Which had been presented relative to the question, and shew the Honk in what state it rested. He would say nothing ofe . the statute of the 3d of George IV., the provisions of wbi64 . recognized rlefacto• the separation of the Colonies from Spain, and gave thioSe Drivi- • leges to the, subjects of South America which were Owned to • those of every other country. Be would 'lint dwell drethis nor on the notice which had been given that'anisufs *Mid be'esfae-• • blished for the regulation and protection of our . cdrilitierce.— Nor would he dwell on the suspension of that purpose which' followed the lawless and unprincipled invasion -of Spain, which suspension, he must say,• was' founded on the most le- , gitimate of all reasons, on a wish pot to distraCt , and em- . barrass the Government of that country at that -moment of aggression. So strongly did he feel our' this subject,. that he had thus refused to present a petition'on'this Subject ; and he • believed- an Hon. Friend of his had done the'same, as fornci • p u rpose under. Heaven would he have done aught that might gi ve an additional impulse to the injustice then in tribtion: He would now refer, to those admirable documents' of which he had before spoken, and remind the House of the state in r which they left the question of recognition. In a letter, dated • March 31, 1823, addressed to Sir C. Stuart from Mr. Secret.— tary Canning, the . Right Hon. Gentleman had thus expressed himself " With respect to the Provinces in -Arnepica, which have - thrown off their allegiance to the Crolkn of Spain', time and the - • course of events appear to have substantially decided their sew paration from the Illother Country; although the formal re • cognition of those Provinces, as Independent States, by his" Majesty, may be hastened or retarded by various external dr.: • cumstances, as well as by the more or less satisfactory progress, - in each State, towards a regular and a settled form of Govern ment." • Here the course of proceeding was contrary to the views of Spain, as it made the recognition of the South American States to depend on other circumstances than the rights and preten_ sinus of the parent State. He next came to the conference" between the Right Hon. Gentleman and Prince Polignac, of October 9th, 1823. Though every man must have been ac quainted with these papers, he felt so strongly the oblivion into which they had fallen, that he considered it necessary tir repeat part of them to the House. It was,there stated by the. Right Hon. Gentleman— " That the British Government were of opinion that any at tempt to bring. Spanish America again under its ancient suit , mission to Spain must be utterly hopeless ; that all negocis tions for that purpose would be unsuccessful ; and that the prolongation or renewal of war for 'the same object would be only a waste of human life, and an infliction of calamity on both parties, to no end." Here England 'again furnished a fine contrast to the course which France formerly pursued. Acting thus disinterestedly was, in his opinion, true policy. He rejoiced that in the con ference to which he had alluded the Right Hon. Gentleman had declared the recognition of the States of South America would not be made to depend upon the decision of any other Power. —After stating the disposition of England to wait a reasonable time for the recognition of Spain, it proceeded— " But that it could not wait indefinitely for the result; that it could not consent to make its recognition of the New States dependent on that of Spain ; and that it would consider any foreign interference, by force or by menace, in the dispute be Spain and the Colonies, as a motive for recognising the latter without delay." He would read no more, and he would only ask if the re ports recen tly current did not go near ly t o justify that interference England had declared she would consider n e cessary when any Foreign P ower use d f orce or menace against South America. In the d ocumen t s before them " Great Britain perhaps here unnecessary t o refer, but it pleased him to re g e ht w ed ou s h o l to say na t ot he e • c s l h a e i m cl e a d i m a e free o t t r h a i d n e g , nfoott herself." r s r eherselflf., , a r l o o alone, s b p u a t r f a o gt r allap paragraph, the it world. wa s peat such sentiments overtind over again, for though philoso. phers had often warmed the hearts of generous men by advo a f e w weeks after the conference, the President eating such sentiments, it was seldom that they had found their• way into the dispatches of Statesmen. He observed with plea t d States in a manly speech, worthy the great Eng lish which he belonged, had adopted the sentiments o s t i f r teiniteahtat nation United t u t Without nglish r adi i t o Commonwealthst h e H o o r use d , e l h i expresse the Right Honourable Gentleman to Prince Po. twoathem) on different sides of the Atlantic had the same feelinks• on this subject. Their feelings coincided as nearly as pos sible with ours, but the United States had, if possible,' a nearer and closer interest in the result of the contestjhan we had. There was one point on which both agreed, that while the war continued between Spain and her colonies, neither trad a right to interfere, but if Spain should be put forth as one 'of the fangs of the Holy Alliance, if that beastof prey, (the Holy Alliance) should attempt to use Spain as one of its fangs to extend the arbitrary authority, baneful influence, and de greatE testable principles over America which they had unfortunately but too well succeeded in spreading over Europe that they would be resisted in both countries Liberty would resist them• in America ; Liberty would rise up against them in England. He admired the State Papers called forth from the present Ministers on this occasion, but no Government that ever ex. isted could have acted here in opposition to the principles on which they w ere f oun d e d . If any vile slave, if any infatuated bigot were to take office under the influence of a combination like that of the Holy Alliance, the people of E n g lan d wotiht 4 exert the power which even yet remained to them, and hudi