The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-14 00:00:00

THE GREAT ANTI-CORN-LAW CONFERENCE. (SATURDAY.) The Conference met to-day, pursuant to adjournment, at Half-past Eleven o'Clock. At that time we noticed the follow ing Members of Parliament on the platform : —Mr. _o Ewart, o 111. P Mr. Scholefield, M.P., Dr. Boy/ring, M.P., Mr. -V nistoun, M.P., Sir George Strickland, M.P., Mr. Cobde n, M.P. P. A. TAYLOR, Esq., on taking the Chair, said, that" those whom the gods meant to destroy, they first deprived them of their senses," that was the old observation of an old Latin poet, and it seemed to him to be peculiarly applicable at the present time. Notwithstanding all the indications that had been expressed, n otwithsta nding all the dissatisfaction which the measures of Sir R o b ert Peel h ad created throughout the country , there were g ent lemen rthapabo n o e peop le o lle in fatuated, fatuated, from their position , as to be entirely o i judging of what was passing in the mi nds an of this great country ; that , dissati sfied with the stringency of Sir Robert Peel's measures, Mr. Christopher had actually come forward to increase the duty, proposed by Sir Robert Peel, ss. a quarter ; and Colonel Sihthorp had actually pro posed that the duty should be laid on corn on its coming into the country, and not on its being soli, after its com - ing out of bond.—( Loud cries of " Shame.") That, he thought, was evidence of the throes of the monopolists. Most of the Delegates would leave London to-day, but although their work in that room would be closed that morning their labours svould commence elsewhere--( Cheers)—when they arrived at their homes. He trusted the Delegates had imbibed in that room a large amount of boldness and confidence—(Cheers) — for he believed they would be both needed—( Cheers)—and that they would transplant it among their constituents and neighbours when they arrived at their own localities.—(Great cheering.) He believed boldness would be wanting, for he could not persuade himself that Sir R. Peel would have dared to intro duce such a measure into the country without being prepared to impose it and carry it out by force and coercion. He had no /doubt that Sir Robert Peel thought he would stifle public opi nion, and probably would denounce Anti. Corm law doctrines as seditious.—( Cries of " Let him.") Sir Robert would no doubt contemplate sue of two things ; either that he had shown the Tories all he could do, and that he expected to be .driven out of power, or that he would resort to means to coerce the people into silence.— ( Cheers. ) He (the Chairman) little understood what had taken place in that room, if Sir R. Peel could crush down the feelings of indignation so often eppressed in every part of the country. —(Cheers. ) Even if oppression did come, they must look to the martyrs of old, and bear it like them. Persecution, they might depend upon it, would soon be its own antagonist. 1 hey must look further than the present time of their disappointment; and if they did so, they might be assured that more prosperous and hopeful days would come. He thought it could be said with truth that agitation of the Cern-laws did contain within itself the germ of other admirable reforms.—( Hear, and cheering.) In the agitation of the Corn-laws was the germ of reform on the franchise.— (Cheers.) He had always felt it would be one of the most un wise things they (the Anti-Corn-law Association) could be guilty of, to merge the:Associaton of the Corn-laws into the question of the franchise.—( Cheers.) lie was satisfied that nothing could be more pleasing to their opponents than to withdraw them from the consideration of the Corn-laws and place them upon generalities. Nothing would please them better—nothing would more effectually damage the cause of progress and reform. lint there was no reason why they should not go on pari passu, why the one agitation should not be encouraged as well as the other, and he thought it would be seen that much impress had been given to the cause of the franchise reform by this movement. —( Loud cheers.) He thought there was another reform wanted —rather a mental reform than one which would lead to any thing snore substantial. One of the great evils of mental and moral obligations in this country had been a servile kind of reverence for aristocracy.—(Loud cheers.) A man no sooner rises a little in trade above his fellow merchants, than he looks over the place whence he sprung, and approaches with veneration the purlieus of aristocracy ; the poor until lately had always respected the rank, and tinsel. and power of great men. Had not this received a great shock? He believed it had.--( Cheers.) It was seen that the considerations of the aristocracy had al ways been based on sordid and selfish views ; this Conference had tended to shake that prestige, and much gold might be expected from that.—( Hear, hear.) The Church was not likely to be reformed till the feeling of veneration for that insti tution was considerably increased. It had been pretty clearly seen in the agitation of this question, that the high And honour able priesthood, the right reverend Fathers in God, and the whole of the hierarchy, down to the humble curate, had taken their stand against the suffrage—( Hear)—and when Sir Robert Peel brought forward his motion for Church Extension in the House, he would be met by the national cry of " Extend the church over the affections of the people before you talk of Church Extension." Agitation had its good if it had its evils-- the good of bringing man to man, and letting heart communicate with heart—of the re-action of one's own thoughts with great power and force on the heart of another. The work they were engaged in to-day was for the good of future generations; they were labouring for their sons. Their time for exertion would come soon, and they would have their field of labour as well as those who were now engaged in this praiseworthy cause. They must fulfil their duty in their succeeding age, that duty for which all men were sent into the world—to leave it better than when they entered it.—( Cheers.) The Chairman then read the following communications, which were met with loud and continued cheering from the enthusiastic and very crowded audience.:— TO THR CHAIRMAN OP THE ANTI-BORN LAW DELEGATES. Sir,—The writer , is a plain fanner, who had occasion to be in Ltinflori last Saturday, and who was subsequently requested by many of his friends and neighbours, favourable to a repeal of the Cern-laws, to attend the meetings of the deputies at the Crown and Anchor. He has done so, and from what he has there heard, is snore fully than' ever convinced of the necessity of their repeal. That they are ruinous to the interests of commerce and manufac tures we have innumerable and inelancboty proofs, and in the opi nion of the writer, and a daily increasing number of his brother farmers, they will ultimately ruin the farming interests also; and as a proof that restrictive laws on the importation of foreign produce have not benefited the class to which he belongs, he begs to state a few facts. By yourself, Sir, and to a great majority of the deputies, the Corn_ law of 1815 must be well remembered. It was to admit foreign corn when the average price of our wheat for the last six weeks of the quarter was at or above eighty shillings, but under that price to exclude it altogether ; thus, as far as e legislative measure could effect it, to keep the price of wheat at about 80s. per quarter. Under the full impression that such would be the case, hundreds offarms were taken, and agreements entered. into, for longer or shorter periods, but you may judge of the dismay and disappointment experienced when much of the crop of 1815 was sold at little over half the price that was generally expected from the nature o f the law just come into operation, and in the price of other kinds of farm produce a proportionate depression took place. The next crop of 1816 was a very defective one, and the consequence was an advance of price, so that the average price of wheat for 1817 was 945., and consequently the ports opened for the admission of foreign corn, and remained open until February 1819, when the price of wheat came below 80s. Now, Sir, as open ports, as was generally thought, hail reduced our prices to below 80s., we naturally expected that by shutting out foreign produce a contrary effect would have been produced ; however, we were doomed to ex. perience another and worse disappointment; prices kept regularly receding till December 1822, when the average price of wheat was 88s. per quarter. This was emphatically called the year of agricultural distress," and to great numbers it vas a year of distress. In a provincial newspaper not fewer than 150 sales of farming stock were advertised in one week, and hundreds and thousands of far mers fell to rise no more. Meetings were now held all the country over, and notwithstanding farmer disappointments, the omnipo tence of Parliament was still confided in and solicited, though in a tone rather subdued. In 1815, wheat could not on any account be raised for less than 80s., but now 655. was to be the price, and thousands of petitions were poured in to the House of Commons praying for its assistance to secure that object. In that year, or in 1823, a slight alteration was made in the law, but as it never came into operation it is unnecessary to notice it. The next grand movement was the enactment of the Sliding Scale Law, which, whatever might be its effects, was at least expected to steady prices. But another disappointment l Under this immaculate scale wheat has been sold at 84s. and at 325. So much for Corn laws and steady prices. It certainly has been slid ing and slippery enough, for as the price of cern \ slides up, the price of labour slides down. Witness the price of flour and of piece -work in Bradford. In 1831 flour was 2s. 10 1 Ad. per stone, and a certain piece of work 14s. 3d. ; in 1834 Is. Bid. was the price of flour, and 15s. 3d. for the same work; but in 1840 flour was 3s. 6d. per stone, and the I same work reduced to Ss. Now, Sir, this is in some measure the case in the agricultural districts; but then tie farmers choose the least of two evils. They must either give wages that will support a man and his family, or they must be supported at a much greater expense by the parish. This subject as regards agriculture might he much enlarged upon, and you will be glad to know that a growing conviction of the frightful evils of the system is now taking posses sion of the minds of many farmers. (Signed) CALEB ANGUS. —(Loud cheers.) The Chairman said he had also received a letter from Nottingham, which, with the permission of the meeting he would read.—(Cheers.) He then real the follow ing communication . TO THE CHM RMA N OF THE ANTI-CORN. LAW DELEGATES, LONDON. At a crowded meeting of the members of the Nottingham Anti. Corn.law Association, held on Thursday evening, Feb. 10, 1841, the following Resolutions were unanimously adopted with accla mation : That this meeting views, with unmixed feelings of indignation and disgust, the measures proposed by Sir Robert Peel, for the adjustment of the Corn-laws. That in bringing forward such a measure calculated to sacrifice the remaining commerce of the country, and the rights of the poor, to the selfish interests of an unfeeling and avaricious class, this meeting consider it adding insult to misery, mockery to want, and a flagrant trifling with the opinions and acknowledged rights of the millions. . ' That Ending petitioning has ceased to become efective, and that the prayers of a famishing people are treated with contumely and contempt, this meeting hesitates not in declaring that the people are determined no longer to be trifled with. That it denounces Sir R. Peel's measure as disgraceful to himself as a•Minister—in suiting to the Majesty of Heaven—and calculated to produce anarchy and confusion in the land of our birth. That in justice, therefore, to themselves, and trembling for the fate of their com mon country, this meeting denounces the proposed measure with re p ro bation and sco rn , a n d warns th e H ouse o f C ommons that un less the Corn and Provision-laws are forthwith totally and inane. d et: of lyabolished--th e secur i ty of property, and the assumed privi_ le7; a heartless aristocracy, will be greatly and deservedly en. siangered. That a public n me° ti g be held in the Market.place at t wo o'clock on Monday afternoon, to express the indi gnan t re p re b a . tion of the peopl e of Nottingham, on the cold and heartless insult o hs Corn- ffered to laws. their sufferings by Sir R o b ert P eel ' s proposed measure on t That these resolutions be transmitted to the Chairman of Dele gates now assembled in the metropolis' Nottingham, Committee.root Feb ii , 1842. Mr. O'CONNELL here entered the room, an d was , as on tionsformer occasions, received with loud and rep ea t e d m a n ifesta- of pplause. The following letter from the Se cretary of the Bradford United Club, addressed to the of the Anti-Corn law League was then read by the Chairman, of the Members of Bradford, Yorkshire,at.r SIR,— At a numerous meeting without the slightestgreate dissent, 10, the 1 84 Reform 2. Club last night, it was resolved Ist. That this meeting receives with the at dissatisfaction the proposition of Government on the torn-laws. 2d. That this Club will accept no measure short of a total and Immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. It was proposed that since the Government had stopped the sup_ plies of the people, and refuse d relief to their distress, it was time to atop the supplies of Government.--(The reading of this passage MS followed by a burst of applause, every one present rising an d loudly cheering)--and that a requisition should he got up from the Electors calling on Messrs. Busfield and Hardy to vote against the supplies. This was demurred to on the ground that Par;ia ment had not recommitted itself to the Government proposition, and was yet to be tried by Mr. Villiers. It is perh a p s worth y of ti 7.e _?nzicteratian of the Deputies whether such a course sh ould be adopter !ta the ultimatum. , I " . " l4 iliourned till ad law m o lte n the vote of the House on the Corn oh mad be given. ; i tiri . i:`,,,,.._ --- - 1. o :- 14.1 . ' lb . , A .skoL ,g 14.1. I have received other petitions for repeal in addition to the list forwarded. I am, dear Sir, y our obedient servant, W. S. NICHOLS, Secretary, Bradford United Reform Club The following extract of a letter from a gentleman in Derby,. to a 111. P., was next read by the Chairman : " No doubt ere this reaches you that you will have heard of the unpleasant occurrence which took place last night in the market place of this town, of the burning of the effigy of Sir Robert Peel, who was hung up on the large lamp in the centre of the market. place. I was told a train was despatched to Nottingham for the purpose of bringing soldiers—none could be spared, for there they were burning his effigy in various parts of the town. This, I fear, is the foreboding of some serious and dreadful events, for unless something be immediately done for the relief of the industrious and middle classes of society, to alleviate their sufferings and priva. tions, dreadful indeed will be the consequence, and woe be to those who have been the instigators and promoters of bringing the country into so dreadful a state by bad legislation."—(Loud cheers.) The following resolutions agreed to by the Free-trade So ciety of Sheffield was next read :- 1. That being now informed of the change proposed by the Queen's Ministers, in the detail of the Sliding Scale, by which the duty upon foreign corn is to be reglated, and regarding such duty as operating unjustly to enrich a small section of the community by a grievous burden on the remainder, this meeting denounces the proposed measure as utterly worthless as a means of relief; as as mockery of the patient forbearance of the people, and evincing a heartless disregard for the acknowledged deep suffering and in creasing distress of the poor. 2. That this Committee consider that a fluctuating duty on grain is peculiarly at variance with all sound commercial principles, and that so long as as a fluctuating scale of duty exists no steady inter. change of commodities can be carried on betwixt this country and countries where an excess of agricultural produce exists. That with reference to this town in particular, depending as it does to so great an extent on its trade with the United States of America, a fluctuating scale of duties on corn is especially injurious, as in the time which must of necessity elapse in procuring corn from so great a distance, the duties under the fluctuating scale would in al most every instance amount to a prohibition. 3. That it is the duty and interest of every Government to make the condition of the people as easy as possible, by allowing them the opportunity of freely exchanging the produce of their labour for the food which Providence has furnished for the use of mankind, unrestricted by any duties. 4. That with these views this Committee pledges itself to con tinue the most active exertions to obtain the entire repeal of these obnoxious duties. 5. That copies of these Resolutions be forwarded to John Par ker, Esq., M.P., and H. G. Ward, Esq., M.P„ and to William Ibbotson, Esq., the Delegate of the Society at the Anti.Corn.law Conference, in London. WILLIAM FISHER, Chairman. JOSEPH HOME, Esq., here entered the room, and was loudly and enthusinstically cheered by the assembly. The following letter, addressed to a Delegate from Coventry, by a friend of his in that town, was next read:— Coventry, Feb. 11, 1842. DEARSIR; I feel very much gratified with the intelligence con. tained in yours of yesterday, received this morning. The light in which Sir R. Peel's nitasure is viewed by the Deputies, proves to me they know how to appreciate the advantage the proposing of such a measure will give them over their opponents. When I first read the worthy Baronet's speech, I felt his propositions to be a di. rect insult to the people of this country, and violent indignation filled my breast ; yet, when I coolly and calmly reflect upon what would have been the effect produced by a partial measure, upon those who are now united in their opposition to the present law, it appears to me that it will ultimately prove of advantage to the cause. The Anti. Corn-law party will now have to bend all their energies to the struggle; they can now expose the hollow hypocrisy of these self-styled friends of the working men. The declarations in Parliament, and the extended exertions of the League and all the friends of free trade out, will have the effect of creating an agitation so intense throughout the country, that the people, instead of being satisfied with any measure short of total repeal (as I believe a great many at the present time would), will demand and obtain not only the abolition of the Cern and Provision-laws, but something else. A universal cry will now be raised in favour of an extension of the suffrage; the foul corruption that now taints the atmosphere of the House of Commons may be swept away. We have not been inactive here. There was a meeting of the Anti. Corn.law Association last night; it was numerously attended; but one feeling seemed to animate all present, contempt for the man who has so cruelly mocked the sufferings of the people. It was unanimously resolved to hold a town's meeting to express disap_ probaiton, &c. of the Ministerial plan, to send a strong petition to the Commons, and to adopt those measures that will be most likely to forward the interests of the cause. A numerously signed requisi tion was presented to the Mayor, who gave his consent without hesitation; the handbills are being printed, and the meeting will be held on Tuesday next- We are not aware (that is to say Messrs, Whittem, Edger, &c.), that there will be any further busi. ness from here to detain you in town ; all parties here seem very anxious to have you present at the meeting on Tuesday. There is a full report of your speech in the Paper of to-day ; I consider it does you great honour, which in some degree must be reflected upon this our ancient body. It is now very late; I must therefore conclude in great haste.—l am, dear Sir, your's truly, Friday Night, half-past 10 o'clock. J. B. BROWEN. The reading of these several letters and documents was fre quently interrupted by loud demonstrations of applause. The CHAIRMAN then proceeded to say, that before he sat down, he had only one observation to make, and he was in one respect glad he had delayed it till the last moment, because it had given him an opportunity, if his feeble voice could be heard of making it in the presence of those to whose attention he particularly wished to address him self—that was, to those members of the House of Commons who might happen to be present at that moment. lie begged most respectfully to draw their attention to the conduct that was pursued in the House of Commons in 1815, and to the manner in which the people's battle was then fought. Night after night every obstruction was attempted by the Opposition that could be possibly devised, to prevent the Speaker from leaving the Chair. Night after night amendments were moved, amendment after amendment, till at last Mr. Huskisson charged Mr. Baring . , the present Lord Ashburton, with being the came of the riots, by his pertinacious opposition. He thought, in cases of the last extremity, there was in the House of Commons too much quiet and gentlemanly forbearance. He believed that sometimes Members imagined they were ad dressing only private gentlemen in a gentlemanly way, instead of upholding sternly and strongly, and manfully and Itimestly. the rights of the people, and urging on them the - necessity of their sufferings being relieved. He trusted there were Mem:. hers in the House of Commons now, as obstinately opposed to Sir R. Peel's plan, as, former Members had been in the year 1815.—( Hear. ) Mr. GEORGE TnomesoN then ro e and said, Sir, as a sign of the times, and as one amongst a multitude of proofs of the deep and growing detestation with which the cruel mockery of Sir Robert Peel is regarded by an insulted people, I beg per mission to read an extract from a letter, this morning received from the noble town of Manchester; and you will not receive it with less respect than other communications, when I tell you that it refers to the course which a body of Ladies--( Tremendous cheers)--has thought it right to adopt—a body of Ladies en titled to the thanks of an afflicted country, and the admiration of the world. Sir, I refer to the extraordinary women who are now holding the Bazaar.—( Tumultuous cheers.) Sir, my informant says, that at a meeting of Ladies, held at the Bazaar yesterday, to consider what steps should be taken, in consequence of the denial of justice to the famishing poor, the following proposition was agreed to—viz., " We, the under signed, Ladies of the Bazaar Committee, resolve, that we will form ourselves into a Provisional Committee, to carry out a plan of passive resistance—(Loud cheers)--and for forwarding such other measures as the Conference at present sitting in London may deem best, for the obtaining of the total and im mediate repeal of the Corn-laws. That by passive resistance, we understand, that we will allow our furniture to be seized for the payment of Assessed Taxes."—( Vehement cheering and waving of hats, the entire audience rising and giving three cheers for the Ladies of Manchester, and one cheer more. ) Pray, Gentlemen, reserve a few cheers for succeeding parts of this declaration, for it is all so good that it should be cheered clause by clause.—( Laughter.) Let me continue. After stating that they will allow their furniture to be seized for the payment of Assessed Taxes they proceed, " without offering any resistance to the collecting officers, at the same time urging the people not to purchase the articles so seized.—( Immense cheering.) And further, we mean abstinence from the several taxed luxuries used in our homes.—(Renewed applause.) We adopt the above pledge for three months, and further pledge ourselves during that time to use our utmost exertions to preserve perfect peace amongst the people."—( Vehement cheers.) Sir, my correspondent informs me, that this pledge was numerously signed on the spot, and that it was to'lie to be generally signed by - persons attending the Bazaar.—( Cheers.) And now, Sir, let the present Government affect if they please to laugh at this movement, and say it. is contemptible and futile. Let the press, a portion of it, pour odium, and derision, and obloquy upon these devoted, and enlightened, and patriotic women ; though they should do this, I see in their movement a power, incipient at present, but which is the germ of a mighty move ment, which, by voluntary action, shall effectually cripple the win of the oppressors. They have stopped the supplies to the people.---( Cheers.) Why should not the people stop their supplies ?—( Tremendous cheers.) Let every man exhibit out i of his first-floor window a bold pla”ard with these words— " Until the Corn-laws are utterly annihilated, the Assessed I Taxes will be paid here in furniture, and not in money." If this Iwere done it would be very instructive to her Majesty's —no, not her Majesty's Ministers; but the minions of the landlords— ( Cheers) —as they posted through the country, as they went through the large towns and stopped to change horses, for them to peruse these pithy lectures on finance—(Cheers)--it would, indeed, make the subject to them one of awful importance (Checrs)—Let this be done that he who runs may read the doom of the Corn-laws.—(Prolonged cheering.) Mr. T. concluded by reading the following extract from a letter,from I Warrington, addressed to the Rev. Francis Bishop : The Tamworth Doctor has at length prescribed, and a pretty pill he has prescribed. It has given great dissatisfaction even to the Tories, and, indeed, to all classes in the commercial world. It will rapidly hasten repeal. We must agitate, agitate, agitate l Let every reflecting man, aye, and in this crisis, every woman too, ad. vacating the repeal of the Iniquitous food tax., recollect that Eng land expects every man and every woman to do his and her duty. The proposition of Ministers has occasioned unmitigated disgust in this neighbourhood. The CitAt amax then read the following extract from a letter received from Manchester : The meetings—for there were two, one at the Lealtue they wß cheered a Rooms, and one in the Bazaar--last uight, were very li vely, fine sight to look upon the crowd in the B azaar, unanimously, and with all their hearts. The feeling of disap pointment, disgust, and indignation, could hardly be stronger. I am, dear Edward, your affectionate father, ABSALOM WATKIN, P.S. I have just signed a requisition to the Mayor fora public meeting. He also read an extract of a letter from Stockton, in Buck inghamshire, speaking of the distress and embarrassment of the neighbourhood, and stating that having petitioned for a repeal of the Corn-laws without effect, they had come to the determination to sign no more. Mr. LEWIS, a Deputy from the district of Stroud, begged to be allowed to say a few words as to a communication he had received from the city, which would show that their meetings here had not been altogether useless. He had conversed an hour since with a merchant of considerable eminence, who, through his whole life had been a bitter Tory of the most ram- , pant school, and of course a staunch monopolist; he said, " I understand that you are a deputy for Stroud; well, you and your fellow-workmen in this business, have by your speeches and statements which I have read, though I have not attended any of your meetings, completely changed my opinions, and henceforth, I am Anti-Monopoli s t t o th e f u ll extent, and from this moment go with you heart and soul."—(Cheers. ) The CHAIRMAN said he was desired to request that those deputies who had any facts bearing on the Corn-law question, would give them in to the Statistical Committee, which would sit every day during the ensuing week at Brown's Hotel.— ( Loud calls for Mr. Hume and Mr. O'Connell.) Mr. BARRETT WADDEN stated that he had come there pre • pared with some facts which he thought of such importance that they would acquire additional force by being given to the as sembled delegates, and scattered over the whole kingdom. The only question he wished to put to the Chairman was, whether he should have an opportunity of stating those facts to the meet ing? He should be the last man to interfere with the judi- I mous calls that had been made for Messrs. Hume and O'Connell. The CuAiassAr said it was difficult to answer the question , just now proposed, but he hoped Mr. Wadden would postpone any statistical details until a fitting opportunity. Zr. Hussiz, in obedie n c e to the unanimous call of the meet ing, rose amidst lone cheering, and said that although he had not been present durini , any of their previous discussions, yet he could assure them Ze was with them heart and soul. He felt unwilling to intrude himself on the meeting, as he thought THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 14, 1842 those gentlemen who had been appointed Delegates were the best medium through which the feelings of the people should be made known to the country, but he could not resist the request of the Committee to appear on the present occasion. Every person must be aware that, from his earliest political career, he had urged upon the Legislature and the country the necessity for the total abolition of all those restrictions which tended to impede the manufacturing interests of England. He had, therefore, to look back with perfect satisfaction to his own efforts, humble as they might have been ; but. at the same time, he had to look back with great regret that the suggestions which he had offered, when they could have prevented calamity, had been neglected until they were driven to the last extremity. He could have no hesitation in saying, that if be were in the House of Commons he should have designated the prosition of Sir R. Peel as a cold-blooded insult.—(Loud cheers.) After five months' deliberation— after holding out the hope that he would bring forward some measure for the relief of the prevailing distress—he (Mr. Hume) had certainly a better opinion of the intellect of Sir R. Peel, than to suppose he would treat the people as he did. He (Sir R. Peel) declared in the House of Commons that he be longed to no party, but that he would bring forward such mea sures as, in his honest judgment, he thought would relieve the country. After such a declaration as that, he never met with such a disappointment as when he read Sir Robert Peel's plan which, in point of fact, was no improvement whatsoever upon the present one. If the small modification which he proposed 14 years ago, when he made a proposition to abolish the taxes, had been acceded to, these restrictions would now have been nearly abolished. But those times were gone by now. —(Loud cheers.) His opinion was that nothing could secure the country from the calamities at which every good man must shudder, without the entire removal of those laws.—( Cheers.) He spoke not of the Corn-laws alone, but of the Provision laws in general, and all those restrictive duties which prevent our industrious fellow-countrymen from earning an honest and independent livelihood.--( Loud cheers.) 'l he people were not now the idle vagabonds that wished to eat the bread of idleness. He was an old tactitian, and had often expressed his opinions on matters connected with the markets; but he believed that at no time before were the affairs of this country placed in so critical a position as at present. Sir R. Peel confided in the House of Commons not having discrimination sufficient to see his scheme—not to see the farce between him and the Duke of Buckingham. Such shallowness of intellect would be ridiculous in any man of the most ordinary capacity. He (Mr. Hume) could not believe that Peel, as a reasonable man, could have gulped the pledge which he had given a few months before to bring forward some remedy; and now he brings forward what must be considered an insult from the laudlord's Parliament. They could expect little better from_ a Parliament constituted as the present was, composed of deputies from the landlords, deputies from the clergy—in fact, they were nothing more than an assemblage of the deputies of the aristocracy and of the monopolists. He often had regretted to think that men of capital, holding high positions as bankers and merchants, took the part of the Tories, and supported re strictions. It had fallen to his lot to study the character of different classes, and he found that as men increased in wealth and became landed proprietors, they forgot their former position and those with whom they toiled, to join a party who tried to de. prive the people of that share of liberty to which they were entitled under a constitutional government. To those capitalists he would address a few words. Let them look upon the present system—capital was wasting away —property ere long will be scarcely , able to maintain them in the situations in life in which they are placed, and what must Sir R—Peel think of those men who would support him, whilst he was crushing to the ground those interests upon which they had been raised themselves to their present posi tion? He rejoiced to see so many delegates from all parts of the country, as it was important at the . present juncture to have such an array of public opinion.—( Cheers. ) It was therefore his sincere wish that they would teach the mo nopoly-men—Stanley and the rest--that they would not give protection to the few at the expense of the many. He there fore trusted that on separating, as he understood it was possible they might separate to-night—he trusted that every man who was there, and ,every one who read the accounts of what had taken place there—he hoped they all would consider that per haps on him depended the repeal of these iniquitous laws.— (Cheers.) Let every man feel that he himself was the com mencement of the agitation, and then they would obtain their wishes. He spoke deliberately, because he had heard in the House of Commons and elsewhere that when the people of Eng land shall show a desire and determination of obtaining justice for themselves, the Legislature must yield.—( Loud cheers. ) Let them therefore bring the subject forward in every town and village—let every man come forward and assist in the object, and let them not satisfy themselves with a simple meeting, but let every man get up and record his aye or no with respect to the principle of this taxation. If they would go on that princi ple, they might with perfect confidence look to the result. In a population of 1,000 men—take the ladies in addition, if they pleased—( Hear, hear)—but let him have the men, and out of that thousand men let them see how many there were amongst them who refused to denounce the oppression of their fellow-men. If they , did this he had no hesitation in saying that Sir Robert Peel and his party would not be long before they changed their course, or yielded to others to take their situation. He (Mr. Hume) thought that now an opportunity was offered for the Whigs to come forward; let them come forward, then, and join in the ranks of the people.—(Loud cheers.) Let them demand the repeal of these laws—no hold ing back—no fixed duty—bat a total and immediate repeal. He was proud to see that many of the Whig aristocracy had shown a nobleness and disinterestedness of purpose, and he was sure that if full evidence of the justice of the cause of the peo ple was shown to tsem, they would come forward and heartily join in the great cause.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Hume) there fore hoped that the result of the insult which had been offered to the public would induce those who had hitherto proposed a fixed duty, to come forward and demand a total repeal.—(Loud cheers.) Not only a repeal of the Corn laws, but a total re peal of all restrictions on the importation of every thing which tended to add to the expenses of living, and place the labourer of England on the same footing, with respect to food, as the in habitants of other countries ; by which the country would be continued in its present high situation. England had many advantages, and she had many disadvantages; but she occupied a position in the world, and he would ask what England would be, now the dearest country in the world to live in, what she would be if it was the cheapest ?—(Hear.) Place England in the same situation as France with respect to provisions, and he cared not if the people were insulted by comparing the comfort of the Prussian with the Englishman. It was not to say this man has Is. a day and this man 6d., but they must look at the state of comfort of each, and the state of happiness, morally and physically. Let him ask Sir Robert Peel if there was any thing in Prussi a like the protection which existed in England? Was there any country in the world like Britain? He was sorry to say Ireland was worse, and England was fast progressing to that state of destitution which existed in Ireland. England and Scotland would come to the same footing by the same baneful legislation that devastated Ireland. What they claimed was equal laws, equal constitutional rights—this it was that they claimed, and this he hoped they would obtain. —(Cheers.) He would not enter into statistical details, they heard them from day to day and year to year. He would make one al.usion to a motion which was brought forward by the Marquis of Chandos, now the Duke of Buckingham, for the relief of the land e d i n t eres t. H e (M r. H ume) stoodforward on that occasion. He had just returned from travelling on the Continent ; he had visited many of the manufacturing towns of the Continent, in Germany, France, Belgium, and when this motion was brought forward he was well enabled to judge of the situation of each country, and he showed the difference on that occasion between this country and those of the Con tinent. He showed that so far from the landed interest having any claim to be exempt from taxation, and have a monopoly over their fellow-countrymen, that they were exempt from taxes on the land, which were paid by the landed proprietors of other countries; and what was more, the amount of millions which were paid by the people to the taxes, did not fall on the landed aristocracy. He would only say, that the Committee of Inquiry on this subject, which was formed in 1836, had shown that the taxes paid by the landed proprietors were not one-eighth of the taxes of the country. The farmer who paid 3001. and 4001. of rent, said before that Committee, that he could hardly mention any taxes they paid, they were so trifling, the principal being the tax upon his horse, upon which he rode to market. Hence the taxes of the landed proprietors were altogether unequal to that of other nations, whilst the working classes were burthened to an enormous extent. New taxes were levied in 1841, and he would first state the facts, and then draw his conclusions. In 1841 Mr. Baring proposed to raise two mil lions and a, half of money by additional taxation. He (Mr. Hume) informed him that the plan he was about to adopt could not succeed—that two and two in political economy did not make four. The taxes we paid then were upwards of fifty three milliens,and profits were higher, and provisions cheaper than they were at present. Things were dearer now and profits were low, and then the people paid equal to 73 millions of taxes compared with the times when profits were high and prices low. The mode of increasing the taxes was only a means of reducing the revenue, and the best means of increasing the revenue:was by reducing the taxes on the necessaries of the people. This he had represented to Mr. Baring, but the additional taxation was levied, and what was the consequence ? Instead of the reve nue coming up to fifty-three millions, notwithstanding the ad dition of two millions and a half of taxes, the revenue fell 200,000/. 1:k low the revenue of the former years. It was then that he had represented to the House of Commons that the only tax that would benefit the revenue was a property-tax.—( Loud cheers.) They most relieve the industry of the country, and if they relieved the taxes on the industry of the country he had no objection to taxes being levied on personal property.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) The rich landed proprietor did not pay one quarter the amount of the taxes of the country in proportion to the poor man. He came to that portion of Mr. Thompson's statement to the meeting relative to the resolution of the ladies. He hoped no step would be taken that was not constitutional. He wished to see the ge neral taxation reduced, and he would tell them how they had the power to stop the exchequer by constitutional means. The Exchequer received five millions from the duty on spirits.— ( Hear.) He counselled them, therefore, if they sought to teach the unchristian heart of their oppressors, that their cause was worthy of their notice, to shew to them the effects of these laws—the destitution, the disease, privation, and death, which ensued from these laws,—let them refrain from the use of spirits, which would deprive the revenue of five millions of the taxes, and thus would they not only confer a blessing on the country, but great moral blessings on themselves. Could they not imitate the example of Father Mathew in Ireland ? The revenue in Ireland had greatly decreased in consequence of these exertions, but he was sorry to say that while it had de creased in Ireland, from this source, it had increased in Eng land many p . l a t c h e a s tt h h e e H agitationa s o e Gentlemanmwb o e u r fdor progress, The Right Hon. Member for he did not know how seriously xlr. u i n h e e only wished he was Member for rural places. He (Mr. Hume) recollected thought think it would go on? He (Mr. o then told ) him he thought it would go Cheers.) ( Hume) It had been said that their agitation would create schism ihdinthe amongst class and class. They would show, by their determined to these laws, how fallacious was th e opposition r(gCasrehkseisner g s d , and laughter.) He idea.—(Loud cheers.) Now, there were five millions o f money received from the dut y on spirits.—( Hear, hear.) It wa s i n t h e i r power to put a stop to all this.—( Cheers. ) Five millions more were received from beer.—( Hear, hear.) He would not say that they ought to put a stop to all this, for sometimes he thought beer was, a neces ' sary.—( Cries of " No, no.") He thought there were circum stances in which it might be allowed to be a uecessary, but it it was very possible for them to effect a great reduction in this branch of revenue. Now, as to tobacco—why should any man of three millions a year on that, to which it was irs their po wer poison himself to swell the revenue?—( Hear.) There was a duty to put an esd.—( Hear, hear.) With respect to the revenue derived from sugar, he could not ace that it was possible to interfere with that, for sugar might be considered almost a necessary, especially to young persons and females. Indeed he was sorry to say that it was already too dear for them, and they must not do anything to deprive them of it.—( A cry of " When do you have wine," followed by cheering.) He had no idea of persuading the poor man to dispense with spirits, aee whilst h e a ll owed the rich man to drink wine.--( Cheers.) If he joined i n such a movement as he recommended, he would feel him se lf b ound to set the example, and to abstain from wine.—s H ea r, hear.) Thus they had the command of and d est if t o theya sufficient only 2 a o nr arrangement m of nrtegveivneue th;e re duce that expenditure, they would bring th e G overnmen t to could n b u y m a b s association ci a t to io a sense of their duty.— (Cheers, and a laugh.) So long as they furnished the Government with the money, they would continue to insult the people.—(He., hear.) The electors, indeed, had it all in their own power; but what was to be expected from that body as at present constituted, when they turned him out in favour of a Corn-law man in such a town as Leeds ? (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) What could be expected when they returned, instead of him, the man who said that he would protect the agricultural interest, at the expense of other inte rests?--( Hear, hear.) Now he had shown how it was in their power to bring the Government to terms without doing any thing illegal. But if they were to combine to resist the payment of the assessed taxes they would be liable to prosecution.— (" Hear, hear," and " No, no.") He had pointed out twenty millions of taxes; of which every man had the power to withhold his portion.—( Hear, hear.) As to the landed proprietors— and on this part of the subject he could not say that he wits disinterested, for he and those belonging to him de pended upon the land —but he would tell the meeting that what made the land of England valuable and enabled the country to bear up against long-continued and wicked wars, was commerce and manufactures. —( Cheers. ) To them was owing the competition in the neighbourhood of manufacturing towns, which raised the value of land three or four hundred fold.—(Hea . r, hear.) He questioned therefore the policy of the landowners, even for their own sake, in im- I peding commerce and manufactures.—( Hear, hear.) The moment trade fell, revenue declined ; and if the landowners persisted in their present policy, they would find themselves with diminished rent in a ruined country, amidst a beggarly population.—(Cheers.) The people were told that they had a heavy debt, and for that they had to thank the aristocracy of former times.—( Hear, hear, hear.) But did the Conference think that the landed proprietors would consent to tax their own property to save the fundholders ?—( Hear. ) He had visited many of the manufacturing towns on the Conti nent, and he was convinced that nothing could save England from further destitution and misery, but taking off the shackles from trade, and giving the people a fairchance of getting bread, instead of living upon begging and subscriptions.—( Hear.) A DELEGATE asked what did Mr. Hume think of Extension of the Suffrage as a remedy ?—( Cries of " Order.") Mr. Hume had no objection to tell the Conference that he was a staunch Suffrage man, anal he trusted that he would see such an extension of the suffrage as would give the people a fair representation—( Hear, hear)—they wanted nothing but equal rights to all.—(Hear.) He could only tell the gentle man who put the quesion, that when the time came he would not fail to state his opinion, and to assist in obtaining such an extension. In the mean time he wished every man to do his duty and become an agitator. He wished every one to do as he had recommended, and he could tell the Right Hon. Member for Ireland that perhaps on him alone might depend the turning the scale in favour of justice to England.—(Cheers, and loud cries of " O'Connell," " O'Connell.") Mr. G. Troaatesoe came forward and said that it was for the meeting to determine to whom it would be pleased to give a hearing. But he wished to tell them that it had been determined by the Executive Committee, that before the Mem bers of Parliament spoke a statement should be laid before the Conference as to the destitute condition of their fellow-coun trymen in different parts of the kingdom. But having given this explanation, he was bound to say at the same time, that it was for the meeting to hear Mr. O'Connell, or any other gentleman first, or hear a gentleman from Bolton, who was deputed by the Committee to inform the Conference of the state of things in that and other parts of the country.—(Hear, hear.) That gentleman would also explain to them the known cause of the distress. But if they preferred to hear Mr. O'Connell, very well. Mr. O'CONNELL said he hoped the meeting would allow him to remain silent until the statement of the Executive Com mittee had been made.—( Hear, hear.) The CHAIRMAN then said that the task of communicating the information of the Committee to the Conference, was entrusted to Mr. Henry Ashworth, of Bolton, the well-known correspondent of Sir Robert Peel.—( Cheers. ) Mr. ASHWORTH then came forward amidst loud cheers. He said he was aware under what disadvantages he appeared before them after the exciting topics they had heard this morning ; but notwithstanding that, he believed it would be his duty to lay before them some disclosures which had reached the Com mittee this morning. On the first morning of the Confe rence. permission was asked that the Delegates should give information to Sir R. Peel of the state of the places which they represented, and that the Delegates would show that the Corn laws produced the distress, and not Joint Stock Banks—(A laugh )—nor the over-production ofimanufactures—( A laugh ) nor the immigration of a !ricultural labourers—nor improvements of machinery—nor fluctuations of the fashions.—(Cheers.) In order that the meeting might arrive at a proper conclusion with respect to the real state of trade in the country, he (.11r. Ashworth) would draw their attention to the state of trade in the county of Leicester, which was one of those places where the hosiery trade was the principal business, and which would show what were the effects of joint-stock banks, improvement in machinery, or immigration of the poor working classes in that county. In 1815 there were, in Leicestershire, 16,000 frames ; now there are only 14,000 ; therefore the increase of joint stock banks, improvement in machinery, or immigration of the working classes, had not much effect upon that branch of trade in Leicestershire. In 1815 there were, in Saxony, not more than 4,500 frames; in 1841 they had become 25,000. From that the meeting must infer whether joint-stock banks, or the increase of machinery, had produced any changes in Leicester shire and Saxony. There has been no improvement in the stocking frames of Leicestershire, nor are they worked by power; in Hinkley, the popu'ation was 15,217 i • the state of pauperism there was mos t di s t r essing, and might be exempli fied by stating these facts—the sum spent in relieving the poor in 1836 was only 2,000/. ; in 1841 it amounted to 4,2401. —an increase 110 per cent.—( Hear, hear.) In that town thirteen of the friendly clubs were shut up from inability of the members to pay up their suoscriptions—one , third of the work men of that town were out of employment, and 500 heads of families in it are in the workhouse breaking stones.—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") In Loughborough the population amounted to 19,589 human beings—it was pretty much in the same situation as Hinkley—pauperism and want of em ployment were equally harrassing in both. In Derby wages had fallen 40 per cent. since 1836. In Nottingham the popu lation was 53,080; the number of persons relieved in the week ending on the 22d of January, 1842, was 10,580, about one fifth of the entire population--( Hear, hear)—wages had fallen considerably since 1836; although there had been no improve ment in the machinery employed in their trade for the last forty or fifty years. In the workhouse there was a large number of young persons in good health, and well able to earn the means of subsistence, if they got employment. H e wou ld next call the attention of ! the meeting to the state of menu faetures in the West of England. In the woollen districts of England—Frome arxdSomersetshire ; a few years ago amongst the most floutishingin the kingdom ; but •now they were fast declining—the population in 1831 was 14,300 ; in 1841 it amounted to 12,200, being a decrease of 2,100 • the Poor rates in 1826 were 5,391/. ; i n 1840 , t h ey amounted to 6,6611. ; one-sixth of the houses were uninhabited, the rents reduced by 50 per cent.—( Hear, hear)—out of twenty-eight woollen mills in those towns twenty are only partially em ployed, five are void altogether, and three of them con verted into corn-mills. The fact was that mill property was worth only one-third of its value a few years ago In Bradford, in Wiltshire in 1820, there were 19 manufacturers, of those nine had failed altogether—eight had withdrawn from business, and only two existed at present.--(Hear, hear.) Mills and premises there which 20 years ago, were let at 1,2001. a year, were now rented at 300/. a-year. Cottages which in 1820 produced 90/. a-year, wer e l et i n 1840 for 20/. a-year. 'There were then 462 looms upon broad-cloths, of that number there are now 316 idle, and only eleven are fully employed— ( Hear, hear) —in 1820 the average production was 620 pieces per week, and last year it was under 100 pieces a week—the quantity of meat and bread consumed in 1820 was four times the amount in 1840._( Hear, hear.) In Stroud and its districts there were 100 mills at work in 1831 ; in 1841 they were reduced to 63. The total, in 1831, was 8,170/.; in 1841 it had declined to 1,4251. In the County of Glouces ter in 1831 they had 3,200 looms at work ; in 1841 they were reduced to 1,333—a decrease of 50 per cent. The number of manufacturers in the County of Gloucestershire in 1830 was 80; in 1841 they were only 42 ; those which had failed since 1831 were 50. '1 he number of inhabited houses in Stroud was 1,602. The reduction of purchases in groceries and plain apparel there had decreased 40 per cent. for the last 5 years. in full 1,000 persons had emigrated since the deetine of the woollen trade. The number of looms employed in 1831 were 410 ; in 1841 they were only 1 2—(Hear, hear)—and poor rates had advanced immensely. At Westbury, a dealer in ready-made clothes used to sell to the amount of 40/. per month in 1831, now he did not sell 21. worth in the month. All these facts tended to corroborate the statement he (Mr. Ashworth) had made, that those changes were not attributable to the operation of joint-stock banks, the emigration of the working classes, or the improvement in machinery. Again, in Kendal, the population was 11,700; the original and principal trade of that borough was manufacture o f woollen goods, called endal cottons. The export trade was chiefly with America; but since the home trade had been restricted, the manufacture of Kendal cottons had diminished from 33,000 pieces to below 1000 pieces per annum. Rochdale, which had a large export trade of flannels to the United States of America, had undertaken an extension of the cotton manufacture; but Kendal being placed more remote from the seat of the cotton manufac ture, and not possessed of cheap coals, had not been able to sub stitute any other class of employment for her industrious people. Th ere f ore , t h e resu l t was, that the population of Kendal had continued almost stationary, or he (Mr. Ash worth) might say it had retrograded, for it had actually in creased only 137 for the last ten years. The amount paid in wages has been computed at a reduction of 15,11'•01. per annum. Since the period when the trade was considered in a healthy state, towards which the working classes had received in ad dition to poor rates the sum of 1,1201., which had the effect of eonverting honest workmen into poor broken-spirited paupers. Those poor people were compelled to flee to the workhouses for the means of subsistence—the result of that state of things was, that the butchers sold one-third less meat, the provision dealers less of flour, cheese and the superior class of food, and more of the coarser classes of food than formerly. The sale of clothing, &c. for the poor was reduced three-fourths, but it was increased for charitable distribution.—( Hear, hear.) The poor would not in their present distressed and miserable condi tion be trusted. One-tenth of the whole population in Kendal were receiving relie£ During the last three years the expenditure for the support of the poor had become nearly doubled —( Hear, hear.) In the Dispensary of Kendal, in 1837, there were 2,723 cases, in 1840, 4,050. Mr. Ashworth then proceeded to state that the exponents of these facts, which he had stated, very properly asserted—" That the strength and sinews of the poor man are his patrimony, the liberty to use them his birth general laws of an all-wise o r ifgthhte, Britishand that Constitution, itis consistent and th e with the pri nc ipl es Creator, that he sh ou ld no t b e cr ippled to selling his labour t o whom he best can ."—(H ear hear, and loud applause.) As to , thatborough, which consisted pursuits, there and the sum ao of them , the borough o f K en d a l, h e (M r . A s hworth)sn should also state, h.h consisted of 55 to wns hip s engage d in a gricultural with referen ce to th e P oor -l aw U n ions of was an increase o f p au p er i sm in , .: derivable f rom t h e dis trictsll,eranadgrsiocludltuartalhlh prices, perhap s 70 s . a quar t er , immedia tely in a large numb er o f th os e townships . — (Hear, 1 raised for the re li e f o f th e poor hadi nn i e n h er (a e Hs as e3 e a d or;p ienr hear. some) instances 75 per cent., and probably as cent. It was asserted, th a t suc h b ene fits as were Corn-laws, applied chiefly to Essex and other in the South, who se crc p s weree a, after the harvest. g r t a h l e ly d , e h pr a e d ss b i e o e n n s of trade. , as a unequal manufactures gene rally, town, was connected with extent, with the g otker The crops in the north were late, and are greatly influenced. by he adducedthese • in places to which he had referred ; and . nof Prescott, which to T a h n e the country, it had not been greater where joint-stock banks had influenced trade, than in other places ; on the contrary, he stances to show that whatever distress might have existed in believed that where those banks had exercised an influence, and where machinery had been most imp roved, there the de pression h a d been least felt. Leeds was a woollen dis trict, it had been more or less influenced by joint-stock banks ; and in that town there were about 13,000 people, whose average weekly earnings were com p uted at under a shillin g a h ea d per week. The deterioration of mill property, within the last three year., was such that it only retained one third of it s original value. 7 here had been closed, from 1838 to 1841 thirty-nine houses in the woollen trade, eighteen in the flax trade, sixteen in the mill making trade , sixteen in the wool trade (besides sixteen retired from business), nine in the worsted spinning and stuff trade , who s e unit ed liabilitie amounted to 1 ,451,000/ , exclusive of fai lures i n the neigh bourhood, which would raise the amount probably to two mil. lions, or upwards. Two hundred thousand pounds less was paid in wages now, than in 1835 and 1836. The production of cloth from that district was about two-thirds what it was from 1833 to 1835. In Bradford thirty failures, all connected with the wollen trade, had taken place in one street within the last three years ; the bad debts amounted to two millions, within the last four years. Three-fourths of the woolcombers were on short time, With regard to the loss of our woollen 39 600 trade, some_ id ea might be forme d of th e a d vance cf the trade on th e C ont i nent and. in America. From a woo l broker's circular whi c h h e h e l d i n hi s 'hand, it appea re d t h at the wool exported from thi s coun t r y in 18 was ,000 wei g ht ;in 1840, 900,000 weight ; in 1841,4,130,000 weight. The cotton manufacture had also been stimulated by joint-stock banks, influ enced by improvement in machinery, and still more largely in fluenced by the influx of agricultural poor. Many parts of the country were in a dreadful state of distress ; but all branches of trade had not felt it to the same extent, and on the whole he did not think the depression of that trade exceeded that on the hosiery and West of England trades. In Manchester the ' sum expended for the relief of the poor in 1826 was 25,0001., in the last year it was 38,000 i. The patients admitted into the dispensary in the Manchester district during the six years of cheap food, ending 1835, amounted to 54,000 ; the number admitted in the six years of dear food, ending 1841, was increased to 169,000. The deaths in the dispensary had increased in the same proportion. He would not detain the meeting by going through the whole of these imp neant details, as the% would probably be laid before the Delegates in some other 'form ; but he could not conclude without making one or two statements with respect to the town of Bolton. In seven of the principal branches of trade, there had been a falling off of wages to the amount of 1,7001. a year. There were other trades in which the falling off amounted to 30,0001. more. Com paring the condition of the people in 1835 and 1836, and their condition in 1840 and 1841, it appeared that they were worse off in their purchasing power now, than formerly by 140,0001. a year. There were now in Bolton upwards of 5,000 persons whose earnings were not more than 144 d. a week, and if they allowed for fuel, soap, and one or two other articles, they had about 11d. a week for food. At the same time, in their prisons the cost of food for each prisoner was twenty-three pence. It would not be woaderful if the working people of Bolton should ask double amount of sustenance in a prison ra ther than starve upon their present wages.—( Hear. ) Mr. STURGE wished to make a single remark upon what had fallen from their indefatigable friend, Joseph Hume ; and he was sure that he would be the last man to throw cold water upon a great movement in which the ladies had set the example. His ft iend gave them a caution not to act illegally tty refusing to pay assessed taxes. Now he belonged to a Society which he believed was not remarkable for breaking the law.— (Mr. O'Connell proposed three cheers for " The Friends," which were given with great enthusiasm.) He was perfectly satisfied that the ladies of Manchester had hit upon the right method of bringing the most aristocratic Ministry in the world to terms, and compelling . them to surrender at discretion ; and he trusted that -their example would be followed.—( Great cheering.) The Society of Friends had acted upon that prin ciple 150 years with respect to church-rates and some other things. He had had what he might call the pleasure of having his sofa taken not long ago out of his room ; and he had lately refused to pay the armed police tax in Birmingham, and had had other goods taken. He would leave the Lord Mayor of Dublin and the Member for all Ireland by and bye to explain the law of the case.—( Laughter.) Mr. HOME wished, with the indulgence of the Chairman, to explain what api eared to be a difference between himself and Mr. Sturge. Mr. Sturge was quite right in saying that he woulff not throw cold water on their proceedings. What he intended to caution them against was, the committing them selves to a public resolution to refuse to pay taxes.—( Hear.) He himself was the chairman of a meeting of the Political Unions when a similar resolution was proposed; and he was told that it subjected himself, and all who agreed to it, to a public prosecution.—( Hear, hear.) He wanted them to imi tate the Quakers—it would not then be conspiracy; they might separately agree, yet not in conjunction. Mr. G. THOMPSON said the mystery was now cleared up, and he was sure the meeting would take the hint.—( Hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL was then called, and three hearty cheers having received him on his rising, he said, Gentlemen, I readily obey your summons, I bad almost said I cheerfully obey it ; but I have so much to say that I f ear I s h a ll f at i gue you before I sit down, for this is the time when words ought to be things, and when the situation of the country ought to be distinctly under stood, and the determination to right themselves from the odious and sordid classes of the aristocracy ought to become general. —(Loud cheers.) I would I had the power to rouse the country to a sense of the necessity of the crisis, and to the pow erful exertions that should be made to put down this aristocracy, unless you should be resolved to become their willing and con quered slaves.—(Cheers.) Your masters were abroad, and they insisted on continuing your masters ; and the question was whether the people of England would consent to remain their slaves, and not only forsake their masters, but bring them to a proper sense of their duty.—(Cheers.) It is now universally admitted (admitted even by Peel and his followers, as well as by every human being, that the distress was now be come universal, and was not confined to any particular place or locality.--(Hear.) Take any particular circle of the country, and it will be found that from the circumference to the centre the distress is universal.—( Hear, hear.) It is admitted that, from Paisley to Taunton, and from Bath to Aberdeen, there is universal suffering, distress, and destitu tion.—( Hear, hear.) lam not exaggerating —nay, it would take more time than you or I can afford, to describe its extent and its intensity. Peel admitted it ; and Beckett, whom—oh ! shame upon them—the men of Leeds subatituted for my Hon. Friend. There is this geod, however, that those who denied the distress a few months ago, were now forced to admit the amount of distress.—(Hear, hear.) But is it casual distress—is it accidental—is it produced by any parti cular season ? Peel, to be sure, said it was something in America which caused it ; but that was one of the most auda cious sophisms that was ever thrown out by man—( Hear.) He said that the distress of America produced the distress of this country, and that the exports to America were much less; but he did not recollect that those exports were paid for in rice, and tobacco, and cotton, and that they would be a great deal more if you were allowed to give them value for their corn, which the Americans produced in abundance.—(Cheers.) No. The distress is not casual. It has been coming on gradually, and stealing, and that is the w oe f u l na t ure o f the malady.— (Cheers.) But four years ago the distress was less ; three years ago it was more ; two years it has been increasing ; and now it is universal and overwhelming distress.—(Cheers.) Now, people of England, let no man delude or deceive you. You are not likely to be relieved from this distress by the pro position of Sir Robert Peel.—( Laughter. ) If you were in a position to compete with foreigners, frightful as is the distress there would be a hope of its termination.—(Hear, hear.) But if you could undersell Germany, Belgium, France, and the Hanseatic Towns, of what use would it be to you now? What prospect of mitigation for you of your distress ?—( Hear, hear.) But foreigners are even underselling us in our own market.—(Hear, hear.) What prospect of relief from Peel and the proposition he holds out ?—(Hear, hear ) Five or six months ago he was lecturing to some of his friends. He turned from side to side, shook hi, head, and did nothing. —s Laughter.) But he proposed no remedy to cure the disease —( Hear, hear.) He had the audacity, to be sure, to prescribe a plan of cure.—(Cheers.) But how or in what respect it is d fferent from the present I cannot understand.— ( Hear, hear.) I remember it was said of a philosopher who found it difficult to discover the distinction of differences— " Who could not see What difference there could be 'Twixt Tweedle-dum and Tweedle-dee." —(Cheers and laughter. )—We had Tweedle-dum before, and we had Tweedle-dee now, and that is all. —(Laughter. ) In the late debate he (Sir R. Peel) said in answer to me th,A the question was of " awful importance." That was his expres sion, and he was right ; but how was I met ? Why by a state ment of vulgar figures, with 5 before 52, and 4 before 51. ( Cheers and laughter.) Thus he met the " awful importance" of this most awful crisis. —(Cheers.) And that is your states man—that is the leader of the English nation!—(Cheers.) ( The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the foreign relations and the position of England, and the state of America, Cabool, Affghamstaw and China, arta the danger of imposing taxes for the support of the war in the latter country, while they were starving at home.) The condition of the people is discredit able to the nation and the Government.—(Cheers.) The question is between the operatives and the aristocracy, and I know who will be the winner in the contest.—(Cheers.) The people will not endure to be beaten with injustice and acorn, and if they did they would deserve to be beaten. Nay, more there is another proposition perfectly understood, that cheap corn, on the contrary, means high wages—( Hear) —and dear corn sinks wages ; so that the developed aspect of robbery, as committed by a sordid aristocracy is, that on the one hand they sink wages, and on the other raise the price of food. In what country is this done? In a country renowned for its common sense. The Frenchman dances better ; the Spaniard has a gr .ver carriage ; the Italian more flippant, the German more serious and plodding, but the man who has common sense always as his favourite and dis tinguishing quality, has been hitherto the Englishman. (Cheers.) What then has becom e o f hi s common sense now ? I remember telling a story of a Frenchman boasting of the in genuity of his countrymen because they had invented tuckers and ruffles; but John Bull observed to him, we added the shirt to them. Illustrating, thus, the truth of the principle that Englishmen were, of all men, most guided by common sense—Englishmen, who possessed more ingenuity than the inhabitants of any country in the earth—Englishmen, the first in the arts and sciences—Englishmen, who were never beaten in arms, who have invented and made improvements in ma chinery until they have almost made it to think and execute the functions of sentient beings—Englishmen, whose skill, in dustry, and patient trial, are the admiration of the world. Oh ! are these the people who are to lie prostrate at the feet of an. aristocracy !—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Peel, to be sure, told you that the people were worse off in Prussia ! %hy ? lam sorry for it ; but I want to know, if the Prussian has nothing to eat but sourcrout, is that a reason that John Bull should not have enough to satisfy his wants ? But there is another view to be taken on that subject. The Prussian nobleman is hardly better off than the Prussian serf, or at leant the people of the middle classes.—( Hear, hear.) But your nobility, your aristocracy, are surrounded by all the luxuries that the earth can produce. I will take Peel at his own comparison. The Prussian serf might be worse off than the English slave, but the English Nobleman enjoys the benefit of all the skill, ingenuity, and industry of Englishmen. He absorbs all the advantages of your science and labour—all the luxuries arising from it. Oh, people of England, you are labouring not for yourselves but to increase the luxuries of a class—( Hear)—that has the beastly cruelty to tell you that you shall not have food except at their discretion. Certainly it is not creditable to the people of England that a Parliament such as the present should be returned. You re- echoed the cry when I spoke of my friend Mr: Hume being rejected from Leeds ; and it is a disgrace to the English people that he isnot irs Parliament.—( Hear.) And why is he not? Because the constituency is not extensive enough—because in those which are called open places, in general there are 100 or 50 persons who turn the scale; and it requires a sacrifice of private property, which my friend is too honest to himself and others to make in order to buy the votes. Formerly seats in Parliament were bought openly and at once from a single individual, but now they were bought from many. At the last election, was there not, as it was pretty generally known, 1,50 W. given fur two votes in a certain borough.—( Hear, hear, and cries of " Name.") I have no objection to name Harwich.-- ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) I always call things by their proper names. Oh ! the Members had nothing do with it ; but some good-natured friends did it without their knowledge.—( Laughter.) It is discreditable that the people of England, who have ever been remarkable for their love of human freedom, should be the first to think of voting for the enemies of the country. They would not allow their Kings, as the rest of Europe did, to tax them at their discretion. Englishmen have always had a salutary horror of letting their pockets be picked without their consent. It is an established rule that Englishmen should not be taxed except through the medium of their representatives. To be sure the prin c ipl e does not apply i n p ract i ce , because they are not your repre sentatives. I deny that the present House of Commons is the representative of the English people. It is the representative of the corruption of the rich and the intimidation of the aris tocracy—what were called the Duke of Buckingham's bucks— (Laughter)—the 50/. tenant at will voters—the venal freemen of Liverpool, and other towns. The people of England ought not to be calumniated by saying that the present Parliament is their representative. his an oligarchy, got together by the force of bribery to swindle the public money into their own pockets.—(Hear, hear.) Well, now, I have not announced a single proposition that could not be demonstrated, or, rather, is not demonstrated by the Tory enunciations. What I want to know is, will you put up with all this ?.—(" No.") Will the people of England submit it. Why if they do, they may ; and if they did not choose to act as the people of Ireland did during the last famine in that country, namely, to approach the sacra mental ceremonies, receive the extreme unction, and go to their cabins to die—let them go to their clergymen, and prepare for death; because death is approaching—death is in the streets—it is in the lanes and alleys—it is in the cellars and wretched ha bitations of the poor, from which food, and comfort, and heat, and light are excluded.—(Hear, hear, and some interruption from an individual in the throng, who asked what these obser vations of the Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman had to do with the question ?) Me. O'Connell went on to observe, that it seemed to him that when the question was whether food was to be cheap or dear, death by s t arva ti on h a d something to do with it. --( Cheers. ) Even an Irishman might be permitted to have just so much common sense as to see that a man earning six shillings a week could buy twelve loaves if the markets were open, and now that he was nut permitted to get more than eight for the same money, the want of the other four might produce death in hi. fa mily, not immediately, hut in the apse of a few weeks, by the slow process, upon his little ones, of continued inanition. He (Mr. O'C. ) believed his friend %elm put the question must be from Chusan or some part in China, to think that the people of England could live upon Celestial favour.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) The Right Hon. and Learned Gentleman then went on to deprecate riot or tumult on the part of the people, and advised continued petitioning to the Legislature, and that their wants must be ultimately atter.ded to. Let them send 100 petitions up one week and 1,000 the next. With regard to what Mr. Hume had said on the payment of taxes, he was right in point of law. A public agreement not to pay taxes was a wrong thing. There might be prosecutioes for such conduct. But he (Mr. O'Connell) wished to knew who would prosecute the Lancashire witches. Not one of the aristocracy would dare to prosecute any of the Man chester ladies.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) The ghosts of the operatives murdered by the starvation laws, could not, if they appeared before the aristocracy, frighten them more than would the idea of prosecuting Mrs. Brookes. He ( Mr. O'Connell) thought there would be some magic in the sound. The ladies of Lancashire had peen long celebrated for their witchery. The Lancashire witches continued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, is a name that sounded like magic to the young, and what prevents the auditory nerve of the old being also delighted with the sound.—( Hear, hear. ) They are all that painting can express, or youthful poets fancy when they love. No, the Lancashire witches are safe.—(Cheers.) They are more, their example will be irre sistible.— ( Cheers. ) I do not want any man to join in their agreement--(Laughter and cheers)—but all my life I have had a taste for passive resistance.--(Laughter.) There is no law against a man's putting his hands in his pocket and not taking them out at the command of the tax-gatherer.-- (Laughter and cheers.) We tried this where law is cheap, in Ireland; what was the result of the first movement? The result was that we abolished Church-rates altogether, root and branch. Stanley himself swept them away when he saw that Paddy was determined not to say.—( Cheers.) 'I here was no aereement, mind—(Laughter)—but he refused to pay when lle saw it was time to say he would not.—( Hear.) We also made an experiment on tithes—it was not successful to the same extent, but we struck off one-fourth of the tithes.— (Cheers.) These are Paddy's precedents f or y ou . M y friend near me was quite right in saying that your resolution not to use excisable articles would speak trumpet-tongued , against the Ministry. But h er e, aga i n , P a dd y h as a precedent for you. The last ticket I saw signed by Father Mathew was No. s . l,o7l.—(Great cheering.) The defalcation of the re venue in consequence is 63.000/., on a revenue not exceeding 5,000,000/., being more th an a t i t h e o f t h e w h o l e. Th i s is the' kind of tithe I wish to see taken.—( Laughter.) I have the happiness to say my brother teetotallers—(Loud cheers)—for I taste neither wine, nor spirits, nor porter, nor any fermented liquor. I have now been a year and a half at it, arid now I am two years younger thee when I be gan.—(Cheers and laughter.) Nay more—it is said Paddy is unsteady.—( Laughter.) Now the minutest calculation that can be made shows that only one out of 300, or rather less, has failed in keeping the pledge. The number of teetotallers is in creasing. and happiness has been the result in the country which used to be so subject to destitution. Ireland has become a corn importing country during the last two years, and the bread consumed has been quadrupled —(t tear, hear.) Oh then take the advice of my friend—sroclaim the pledge of non consumption of excisable articles, and corn will be rapidly imported into England—the nails of the aristocracy will be paired, and their tusks will be drawn out.—(Cheers and laughter.) This is a noble idea; but it may be said that it is not practicable. I never heard that an Englishman was not able to do what any other man did. It was never said at sea—it was never said in the loom—it was never said in the factory—it was never said in the Senate. Paddy has done it, and why shouldn't John Bull ?—( Hear, hear. Here some confusion occurred in consequence of an interruption by a person in the body of the meet.ng, and a cry of " Turn him out !" was heard.) Oh, don't turn him out, I like to be interrupted, as it gives me an opportunity of addressing you again.--1 Laughter. A voice—" You ought to have put a little more water in you. grog before you came here." Great laughter_) Oh, you have not put spirits enough in yours, for if you had you would not taik such nonsense.—( Laughter and cheers.) Don't in terrupt me now again until I am done. I don't care how much I am interrupted after lam done.—( Laughter and cheers. ) But after all, can you have any chance of opposing the aris tocracy, backed as it is by the army and sustained by the Church, unless y ou un i te toget h er all the ho nest operatives, and all the commercial inhabitants of the country. I may say by way of parenthesis, that without a teetotal movement being made in Ireland, a great many of the Catholic clergy have joined, and also several preachers of the Dissenting congregation, but 1 believe not one clergyman of the Established Church.—( Cheers.) A GENTLEMAN-Oh, I know one. Mr. O ' CONNELL-Oh, I am glad you do.—(Cheers.) But you must have all the people of England with you, or you have no business to think you can conquer. It will not do to have the middle classes alone, though they suffer exceedingly. It will not do to have the operative classes alone. Let me see the magic mind that can combine the operative and middle classes. Now let no one think, that in what I am going to say I am about to censure one class or the other. Hear me first before you condemn any particular phrase that may seem to have any thing offensive in it. The operative classes say that the middle classes do not sympathise with them, and that they would be content if they Gould get a franchise for themselves, without insisting to have it extended to the operatives. The middle classes again say that the operatives have become exclusive, and will not act with any one who will not go the whole hog with them. Now there may a little common sense in both accusations ; but whether there is or no, this is the time to put an end to every delusion ; and I ask you would it not be an arrant delusion, if the middle classes were to say to the operatives, we invite you to join in the fight, but you shall not share in the victory ? They ought to agree upon some avowal respecting the exten sion of the suffrage. Now, it has been said—indeed, I have said it myself, that the words Universal Suffrage do not intend what they mean, for no one would think of giving the suffrage to the convict, to the person under age, to the female sex, to the lunatic, or the idiot. The words are, therefore, inaccurate. On the other hand, Household Suffrage was mentioned. This would not let in the operatives, for the great mass of the operatives live in lodgings, for, alas ! they cannot have houses ; and there never was a period when they were less likely to hare them, unless some change be speedily made. But another phrase has :teen suggested, and I think it is more favourable and proper--it is the Manhood Suffrage—the suffrage of every one who had at tained the age of man.—(Cheers.) This would be perfectly consistent with the principles of the British Constitution. I threw out this expression then, and I hope it will dwell in the minds of the people, and set them thinking; but however you agree as to the name, I hope we shall, f rom thi s t i me f ort h , see the middle classes embracing the operatives, and the operatives extending the right hand 05 fellowship to the middle classes, and that the heart will be in the hand when it is offered.— ( Cheers.) You are coming to a time of great struggle, Eng lishmen. You have in history, that when Jack Cade and Wat Tyler hanged an Archbishop of Canterbury and a Lord Chancellor, during an insurrection which was caused by the oppression of the aristocracy upon the universal people of Eng land, what was their excuse when the insurgents were put down, and carried by hundreds to execution ? •• We rose in insurrection because we were miserable."—( Hear, hear.) You are come to a period when the operative classes are miserable again. Remember, that insurrection had only the effect of loading the chains of the people. They were soon defeated, because their forces were tumultuous, unorganised, violent, forcible, and sanguine. But a poi iod is now arrived when the greatest revolution may be achieved by the force of public opinion, and by peaceful combinations, with out endangering the social state, or the relations of private life ; but these may be made more sacred and prosperous by taking away grievances, abolishing oppressions, and giving jus tice its full range. The humble individual who addresses you comes from a tumultuous country, irritated by 600 years of ceaseless oppression, whose peasantry have been hunted from their hovels—( Hear)—and even at the present day, it occurred last week—they have been obliged to burrow holes in the church-yards to shelter them.—( Shame, shame.) And yet that country, however, by all the bad pas ions that such treatment must have produced, have allowed (pardon my vanity for saying it) the individual who is honoured by your attention to rule the whirlwind and direct the storm, until he succeeded in achieving a victory, glorious in principle and sa lutary in its results—for you never would have have obtained Parliamentary Reform if Ireland had not assisted you.— ( Hear, hear, and cheers.) You never would have gained Municipal Reform if Ireland had not stood at your side, and you shall have Ireland Low struggling again to obtain justice for England.—(Cheers.) I shall call her organised Ireland, for though the organisation is not military, there is a tact natural to the cause of temperance that gives Ireland a power she never had before, and she can exercise that power with a power and effect such as no other nation can exhibit.— ( Cheers.) With this example before you, in your present state of suffering, with your present knowledge, will you, people of England, longer submit to be trodden down ,by the Aristocracy ?—( Cheers!) How much better than you are they? Is slave written on your foreheads—is master marked on the brows that wear their coronets? Are they superior to you as a class in intellect? Juit listen to their speeches for an hour in the House of Lords, and then hear the speeches made by the operatives within these walls.—( Loud cheering.) The mumbling, broken tooth—(Laughter) —and the gaping, half articulate, and entirely ungrammatical sentence, have made me exclaim, after listening to them, And are these the men who are to legislate for the English people ?—( Cheers. ) Is it for these the people are to starve? Is it for these the ope ratives are to lie down and die. Oh no. We are men as well as they. Indeed the question is, whether they are men ac well as us.—(Laughter.) I have sometimes imagined —no dis credit to the Lancashire witches—that the pantaloons were ill placed on some of them.—(Renewed laughter.) I know this that if England does not rise, not with the strength of a giant refreshed with wine, but with the strength of a giant and with the wisdom of a Solomon,—if she does not rise, not for the s:sughter or of blood, but for principle and exertion-- (Cheers)—if she does not tell the Lords that the people will not crawl upon their feet—(Cheers)--if she does not tell the Lords it is our House, and the money -changers must be swept away"—(Cheering) —if she does not do this she will be swept away herself., Yes, people of England, the eyes of the world are upon you.--(Cheers.) The monster of Russia, on his throne of ice, is looking at you, to see if you are ready to be worse than his own serfs, for they have plenty of f00d.... ( Great cheering.) The Americans are looking at you, to see if you are like your sires.--( Cheers.) Yes, America, with but one black spot OR her escutcheon—Negro Slavery I North and South America are looking, to see whether you are worthy of the times of your forefathers.—( Great cheering.) They a"e asking, Are these the descendants of the men, who at Runny mede made the tyrant Monarch sign the Charter, declaring two things—first, that religion should be free, and that the food of the people should be untaxed ?—( Cheers.) They are asking, Are these the descendants of men who, more than once, com pelled tyrant Monarchs to reconfirm that which wis not it the Charter, but which had been obtained by the determination of the people —( Cheers. ) They are asking—Are these the men who, in the last century, found an imbecile Monarch on the Throne, and sent him to wander in a foreign land; I said, be fore, we live in happier times the M onarc h , now en the Throne has to wish foreign to her people —( Cheers )—and no inclination adverse to their happiness.—( Cheers. ) It is delightful to see the example she displays in her domestic happiness.—( Cheers. ) The wife leaning upon the husband, and Loth of them smiling on their infant children.--(Ch eers.) And it is delightful to think that that weakly being is the most otent Monarch u p on earth.—( Great cheerin g .) T here is no 'question between the :Monarch and the people but how to preserve them.—( Tre mendous cheering. ) The danger is in the aeistocrac are for their own selfish interest, and by that means weaken-ing the throne, and eclipsing the glory of the cousitry.— ( Great cheering.) Why did the Duke of Buck irgham retire ? h— ev( de C i t h e s u e f o r p s rp . 0 ) se eodm H m e t oh thought o s ug n h osn t e 0. sense. —(Great that t G i r t he aet would csuhpepe gain roirnt ged .) H him a little Lau—th some trenched on a littlee—( me ghter woueld mustbe itt e alteration would be made that would injure ) the at landlord.—(Cheers. ) Does 'tot that speak a forgone conclusion—does not that say they are determined to support their own class at the expense of the whole communit y? — (Cheers.) I impeach them in the pre sence of the English people with treason.—( Tremendous cheering.) I impeach them ill the name of Ireland.—( Cheers. ) They have lost my confidence.—( Cheers.) I impeach them in the name of the Industrious people of Scotland.—(Loud cheers.) I impeach them in the name of the wise, the common-sense eop le of England le of Ere , the prudent people land.—(Chee r s.) I impeach them in the name of thePe`w,i,i tlift would starve th e Q ueen ' s su bj ec t s , c f entlangeLingt:; security of our beloved Queen's thione.—(Cheer'.) Y ou ,„;aal listened to me ong—( Cheers) —I perceive that MY q 7 0,0 does no', frighten you.—( Cries of " no.'") There doe s , ,01 breathe on this earth a being more anxious than In.Y,s e t ra order, or one more anxious to get rid of every shackle i t 'l o - v human convenience, or upon human food.—(Cheers) country stood high in battle, it was never defeated in in u „" b ;l ir ie. was never exceeded in ingenuity.—(Cheers.) Engles_ --000 with all these qualities, with a memory of what your an i 7 i l dreo have done with the interests and happiness of You r c that at heart, call upon you from this room to cornmene,b, agitation which will restore prosperity to your country.. Right Hon. Gentleman sat down amid the most treatenn" cheering, which lasted fur several minutes.) Mr. THOMPSON rose, amid cries of "Cobden." The CHAIRMAN briefly explained, when Od a Mr. l'numpsom came forward am id s t l ou d cheers. Heber he came there to gr a tif y no personal feeling, but h e had earnestly requested by th ose w h o f elt anxious that out o f e ;4l mass of information which this bo.ly posscssel, those facts stwy ld io be selected which were o f most i mportance, tha t they u'wha be applied to their respective purposes by OW „fare were present, in their respe c ti ve ne i g h bourhoods. H e s tood tO O them at the express desir e o f th ose parties to make a sta tement_ the authenticity of which th ey m i g h t d epend, for the Puri' e . exposing the wicked and hy pocr i t i ca l cry in the House o f Logr, h , garding the sliding, slippery scale, that the Corn-laws were for.;lii benefit, not of those who made speecees in the House of Lord : hi for the occupiers of th e l an d , t h e cultivators of corn , and. b labourers employed In thei r serv i ce. K nowing that this been the statement put f orwar d for years to sustain the „„gt, laws, and, having a d es i re to test the truth of tbts statement, he took the opp or t un i ty o f v i s i t i ng the town °filo, fp town in Cumberland, the residence and seat of the Rigid Sir Robert Charles James Graham , Bart., late of Pembroke s, of East Cumberland, now o f Dorchester, and one of her Mai ,. j est, o c ; 4 , ; principal Secretarie s o f St a t e f or t h e Home Department .—("o{ and laughter.) He visited that property. and he lectured 0° s ir estate to a number of friends at the Graham Arms, wh ere James was wont once a ye ar t o d e li ver a l ecture to his indepe tu rf ye - nnanry and intelligent peasaii try—(Laughter)—a I . et „ e r, of the most satisfactory kind, for it was delivered after Olio whilst the wine and the p ewter was yet on the table; its !Last would be the improve men t s l a t e l y di scovered by the Agric" y, Society, and praises l av i s h e d on t h e i ntelligence, skill, an d ja • old nuity of his farmers. It c ou ld not f a il to b e a most interes ting sat sfactory lecture.—(L aug ht er. ) H e (M r. Thompson) held :los hand a statement, which m i g ht b e rel i ed on, as it bad been ts by himself in the district of which he had been speaking, a h o which it referred, t ouc hi ng t h e tender mereies of t h o se t ' bet sustained the Corn-laws, on the hypocritical plea that were for the benefit of the occupiers of land, the cultivators of,;:r the labourers on, the s o il.—(Ch eers.) He dare say it wou ld bet, : membered, that sixteen y ears ago Si r James Graham wrote s.: called called " Corn and Cu rrency, " w hi ch referred to the conduc t landowners t their labourers, and which also entered into the if or - retie) , question. Sir James Graham had forgotten his book, t not, wished he could ; b u t t h e pu bli c had not forgotten it. •V°ol. the month of February, 1839, lie made a speech i n the } lto Commons, on what subject ? On the subject of inquiry, " o r the people asked to be heard by counsel at tb ° 44,. of the House, and solemnly affirmed on the that the Corn.laws were acting against the best interests °' ciety ; he (Sir James Graham) made a speech on that oca to which was called, in the papers of the day, "the speech of( night," " the speech o f th e season, " " one of the fines t eo jo g heard;" and the peroration was so grand, it was beyond anY t i ,rt that ever preceded it, and they left it alone in its glory..- ( 11 cheers.) This peroration contained the life of a farmer na o f own estate. He described him as rising to the call incense-breathing morn, going forth mid the chirrupPingol• feathered songsters,—cheered by th e magn ifi cent views 011,61 him, fanned by th e b reezes that wound their —O, along the perfumed vale—then a little healthful labour—t be c o turn home—the ivy.covered porch—the woodbine and honelt u e o peeping in at the window—th e snow . w hi te napkin—the ear dathe—the hearty dinner. Then a little more healthful labot:ah, r the return again —the smili ng b a b e an d rosy children—the ~# stantial supper —the sound and h ea lthf u l s l um b er —rise, breaa' tb a and labour again. Th e S a t ur d ay n i g h t—the Sabbath rnoracof_ time-honoured edifice—the edifyi ng discourse—the *° dinner—the chapter in Pilgrma's Progress, where the b e p a tiful vale is described an d t h e pear l y gate ; thus theY leg their lives in healthful inoffensive exercise with the smile e s, proving virtue. If they abolished the Corn-laws, said Sir .1 0 1 i p all this happiness would b e dispersed, these men w ou ld be sent the manufacturing district s , w hi c h h e d escr i bed as the sin k s t,. 0 ° . quity and infidelity, where they would be oppressed by monste ri d b the shape of men. He (M r . Th ompson ) went to this estate, and 0, a meeting at Longtown ; there were a good many of the . jo b 0 , tants of the town an d th e ne i g hb ourhood there; t pl. scribed to them their happy con di t i on as he had just done tn meeting—they looked exceedingly vacant—(Hear, and a lang l He said, "Is it really t rue ? I s thi s t h e actual Garden of Pa rade with the river of Eden flowing through it ? What happy t ueS ;bll must be, who live in thi s p ara di sa i ca l state, under the patriwrol sway of the knight of the bright sword."—(Cheers.) They 100 exceedingly vacant. He told them there was one thing / 1 sif struck him very forcibly. It was, that all those blessings which James Graham had enumerated, seemed in the bulk to be a ver! cheap lot.—(Hear, hear.) He could not tell how much it eo it oro , Right Hon. Baronet, th a t men should be called up in the 00, ing by the song of bi r d s, or regaled by the freshening bi„op as they proceeded t o th e i r labours. These were very e"ra advantages , but of course the man who so eulogised ?? 1 0 .. would himself resemble nature in his bounty to his own ye antry. Therefore, in his conversations with those tenor's observed to them—" in addition to happy cottages, to the 5° 0; of birds and healthy recreations, you no doubt get goodr i lo suppose we say 20e. a week." The rep l y was, "N o. " qta let us say 15s. ' " No." " Then let us say 123." " get Bs.' —( Hear.) " No," said another, " some on us °ilia get 65."--(Cheers and laughter.) He had heard of plough °e n .T ha st that neighbourhood who wer e i n the rectipt of five silver sh",,, f t and their food ; he asked if it was t rue ? The answer was" jot Then said he, " If you get Ss. a wee k , and have nothing t° 100 to pay your rents, and furnish your tables with food, of cones of ot are enabled to store yonr shel ves w i t h t h e periodical literal° tjo the day—(Laughter)—to place the surplus of your wages 1 ( 1' 1°0 a farmersu g t e . ) savings-bank, and to do something for your benefit and that ° t met e country—(Laughter) —y ou must be happy men, indeed I" . r e erate d m Into to the understand conditionhi him.--(Laughter.) h ( didt inquire i s r ee •in a ti e la tti t e d n is a ttic ,.:, ,,t b h e , wanted to know whether Sir James Graham's disinterestedness House of Commons, hadbeen displayed by him upon his Pr°Y-$ What did he find ? Within s i x wee k s after th e a rrival of the R te Hon. Baronet at Netherby, he went to his parlour. He had privs':, interviews with his tenants; and he who seemed so desirous rig stimulating their industry, and w h o h a d b een In t h e h a bit of gi y lectures on the breeding of cattle, on ploughing and thatching , the rotation of crops, instantly raised their rents from 5 to 3 5 r ov . cent.—(Hear.) Now these were i mportant facts; arid Sir J. Gra P ,' - when he rose to tell of the h a p py cond i t i on of agr i cu ltural lob ° la., ers should be greeted with one un i versal groan. He might sl' io • gentleman—he did not mean t o deny it. He was a schoillr,',.o. - ( Mr. Thompson) was sure, f rom the number of classical quo taln",, he had scattered throu g h ou t hi s work upon " Corn and Currency' for the purpose of enlight en i ng and educating the farmers and t 0 vio peasantry of the country. He (Mr. Thompson) was sure be a learned man—he w as a great man, and, therefore, he did l o O wish him to be treated with personal disrespect ; but, asa Pub be man, his conduct at N e th er b y oug h t to be generally known, an a ka - wished that meeting to receive the statements he was ahout to 1 0 4 without abatement, without susp i c i on, for he could assure es`the gentleman present that he came there charged t° „op very muzzle with proofs that Sir James GC WS had made the Corn laws the means of augmenting ho s rents for years, and that he was now making t v or• the means of bringing him an additional income of 4,0001• a"' ja g —(Loud cries of " H ear, h ear. " ) That hypocritical plea of his he g the farmers' friend, and d o i ng every thing for them and notOba for himself, should b e scattered to the winds or consumed blot execrations of the public.—(Cheers.) He would now read f a following communication which he had received from a faricer•oo - the district in quest i on, and which was well deserving the attell of the meeting : the Gt As a farmer, I beg leave to state the effects I consider o f existing Corn laws have had upon the rent of land and wage agricultural labourers, in the neighbourhood in which I resod The land, since the passing of the Corn law in 1815, has bee n 0. vancing in value progressively, as instances of which, I may T., of than that several farms on the Netherby estate, the pr operu t o Sir James R. G. Graham, Bart., has been advanced from 9 5 ° t he per cent., the particul ars o f w hi ch I annex. Consequen tli o, farmers even under Sir J ames G ra h am are now beginning °hos cover that the existi ng l aw on l y benefits the landlord, and -att hitherto proved a delusion to th em , an d a scourge to the i r s et!" and labourers, d " Farm servants may b e di v id e d i nto two classes, the ma r r y and single; the former h ave f rom 9s. to 10s. per week, with soil' tage to live in, and on an average I calculate the number o f t families at five each, co nsequent l y t h e 9s. or 10s. per week hai per, procure food, clothe s , an d fi r i ng for the whole family; and alth bet, it consists mostly of oa t an d b arley meal, potatoes, milk, and pael rings, when they can be procured, as I of my own k now ledge that many of them don't taste butcher-meat once in six to u ' h e, consequently to them it must make a very material differenc e " ther they purchase their food at a high or low price. at " Single men -servants are generally hired by the half-ye ar ' a f, stated hiring.days, held a t some market-town twice in the Y „tift • and are lodged and Victualled in th e i r master ' s : house, conseVe,"..ife when provisions are selli ng hi gh, the farmers invariably conlo, to do with as few servant s o f t h at description as possible, Parfrtheif larly in the winter half-y ear, on account of the great cost of to victuals. And from the same cause more servants enslea/ ° "" h e. procure half yearly engagements ; consequently, the supP l lof comes greater than the demand; hence, a fall of from 15 to .2 cent. frequently takes place. "1. Rent of Rosetrees Farm previous to Candlemas, otl 4471. 10s., then let on a lease for nineteen years at 6041-, 10 ., lately offered to the present oecupier at an advance of 15 64 ric e i • but declined; but has since been let to another for thit 1108 , - a nt. consequently this farm h as b een advanced about 80 Pe r - since 1823. et o "2. Rent of M oss b oun d Hall Farm previous to ...en I„ 1 1816, 3501., an d t h en let at 5261. 101., being an advance 50 per cent. ep os " 3. Rent of Moat F arm at this time 3351. , and now let, t° t g) at Candlemas, 1843 , at 416/. being an advance of ab out per cent. a " 4. Rent of ' Linton Farm at thi s t i me 2861. now let, to - on at Candl emas next, at 3531., including some ter to new building " : be erected by th e t enant, being an advance of about 25 Per ceber " 5. Speard F arm now let at 2451., avid lately let to 3n ,, -L efl' tenant at 3061., t o b e entered on at Candlemas next, being vance of about 25 per cent." oft ° These (continu e d th e H on. Gentleman) were but specimens - tender mercies of th ose w h o would seem, in the House c, aent mons, to have caug h t up the mantle of Wilberforce, so e l ;I t bia were they in their a d vocacy of the rights of the farmer, and , a be' claims to presteetion•—(Hear.) He had laid these statemen t s g, • fore the meeting, that they might see that the Captain ° l' m a lf - - Peel's D.agoon Guards in the House of Commons, was i t ' s tg , man who had ground down his tenants and la hc- h -e a r ar.'' 1 the lowest possible condition .--( Laud cries of " Hear, -ed Sir James Graham said to his tenants—" You have impro v ed Y etj a r property by the expenditure of your capital upon it. h oil" • 2i skill and industry, and to the application of science, to w h' e ' the beam} , and fertility of my farms, and my gratitude is in P ro ;or , tion ; persevere, and you shall find, that when I come to renew. leases, lam not ungrateful nor forgetful." Such WS ; set. guage adopted by the Secretary for the Home Department o sde previous to renewing the leases of any one of his tenants, i t , l i c es he. inquiries with respect to the amount of capital, a nd 9 o r a l. was ;possessed of sufficient for several years, he refused a r a n s 01 It was true, he gave small premiums, 1/. 10s. to this plough ni _ _ o nes '2l. 10s. to the thatcher, and he brought his lady to grace th e jut but he got more than cent. per cent. upon these trifling pr etty a r ! .. He increased the rents of his tenants when he came to ar ose newal of their leases, and that was th e m a nifestation of tny,, r e- tude of this ne plus ultra of Pro. Corn-law humanitY. [ wog ift gretted to find that Mr. Alderson was doing the same cum ber* Westmoreland which Sir James Graham was doing it the Pe e ll land. The handwriting was upon the wall, the spirit o f . _ ich it bes- , • were raised, and nothing could quench the extent to which Cor°' now been raised but the total and unqualified abolition old the „ in that laws.—(Cheers.) It was the desire of his friends around Also that the facts he had stated should go forth to the world ; and those although he did not wish publicly to state the names of authe? whom he alluded, yet if any gentleman wished for full truth s tic information, he should be most happy to prove theeero his assertion upon the most authentic information. —(Cohllowing ,re- E. E. Rawt.sps, Esq. ,of Liverpool, proposed the f ot - solution : a t the P age " That the Delegates attending this Conference, crisis of the Anti-Corn-law movement, would strongly r ll . o i ty Of , to the various Associations throughout the country, t he tfte jly Confirm - meeting throughout the ensuing week, to espeelat. e Resolutions adopted at this Conference, pledging h or can' to vote for any M em b ers o f P ar li amen t who may no t vote, an &dates who will not rote, for the total and immetti te re sat. A r one wh , Mr. , vial be meeting door Ar. amino. all r i the to m In hi part lion, Prot) add third Than Zils4 Gent) to sit