The Sun. — London, England, 1849-07-03 00:00:00

fourttEbitten SUN OFFICE, Seven o Clock. CITY ELECTION.-(THIS DAY.) The poll closed this afternoon as the Guildhall clock struck four, at which hour both the candidates, accompanied by their friends, appeared in front of the hustings. The hall was densely filled with electors, who gave three cheers for Baron Rothschild, three for the people, with three for the Queen, and the candidates then retired. Mr. D. W. WIRE then presented himself to congratulate the electors on the glorious victory they had achieved in favour of the cause of civil and religious liberty, and as to morrow the poll would be declared, and would show to them a triumphant majority, he hoped he should have the honour and pleasure of telling them the exact result, as well as of demonstrating the influence it would have upon the country.—(Hear, and cheers.) He could not but express his unfeigned surprise and regret that his Honourable Friend, George Frederick Young, should have deluded a young nobleman to come there and contest the election, after all the respectable Tories and merchants of the City had de-. dined to do so.—(Hear, hear.) lt was strange, but no less ridiculous, that after every respectable man had refused to enter the field with Baron Rothschild, Mr. Young should have been obliged to go to the west end of the town to seek a young nobleman in order to fight what he knew to be a losing game--(Cheers.) But they would set them a good example—they would use their victory with moderation; but they would tell them at the same time that they were not to be dictated to or controlled. They did not intend to rest quiet in the city of London until this remnant of bigotry should be wiped from the statute-book, so that all men should be free.—(Cheers.) It mgt be that the House of Lords claimed the privilege of rejecting the Bill. Well, they would concede them that, and all their constitutional rights—they would defend the it privileges, but at the same time they would vindicate their own right to perfect freedom of election in choosing a fellow-citizen to represent them in Parliament.—(Cheers.) What right had the House of Louis to say that the gentle man elected by the citizens of London should not take his seat in the Commons House of Parliament? Perhaps they would say that if they had passed this Bill, the Queen would have been at liberty to make a Jew a Peer, but still that gave them no right to re ject the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Suppose her Majesty had made a Jew a Peer, and this Bill had passed the House of Commons, enabling him to take his seat—(A Voice—" But she can't do it") —they would then have had the singular anomaly of two branches of the Legislature opposed to one and one opposed to two.—(Hear, hear, and cheers ) Some one said the Queen could not make a Jew a Peer. Wby she had made two or three Baronets.—(Hear, hear.) She had sanctioned the appointment of Jews to the magis tracy, she had given her sanction to Acts of Parliament ad mitting them to municipal offices, while in the Speech from the Throne what did she do but give a recommendation to the House of Lords and their faithful Commons to pass the Bill ?—(Cheers.) So then they had the Queen with them —they had the Hcuse of Commone with them—they bad file electors of the city of London with them, and, finally, they had the Liberals of all the kingdem with them.— (Cheers ) It was useless, therefore, their Lordships attempting to make an example of the Jews. Let them rather hear the voice of the citizens of London—let them ratify their choice, pass the Bill and restore peace and tranquillity to the greatest city in the world.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Haan then came forward and was received with loud cheers. He said he was not going to excite their feelings ; he was desirous of appealing to their clear and dispassionate opinion upon the position in which the city of London had been placed through an act of one of the branches of the Legislature, which had not re sponded to the return of the city of London. In doing that be felt it to be his duty--(Cheers)— a fearless one, to draw the attention of those present to what had passed in the llouse of Lords, in the debate on the third reading of the Oaths' Bill.—(Cheers.) The Bishop of Oxford—(Hisses, and cries of " Oh, oh")—the Bishop of Oxfor a undisguised in his place in Parliament, screening himself with the privilege of a Peer of the realm, was pleased to say that the citizens of London had ,been bribed with Jewish gold.—(Cheers, and cries of " Shame.") Such was the twaddle of a prelate, a member of the Bench of Bishop, and such were the means by which the Bill was thrown out of the House of Lords.—(Cheers.) He was de lighted to hear tli.t the old friend of the people, Harry Brougham, had become again, after many hackslidiegs, the . friend and advocate of the cause of the people and the sup porter of civil and religious liberty. - ( Cheers.) That Noble Lord had in the most masterly manner advocated the second reading of the Bill, and put the Bishop of Oxford on the shelf, together with his stupid nonsense, for argument he could not call it.— (Cheers.) He (Hr. H.) represented the long shore men. He gloried in doing so—(Cheers and laughte )-- and being their representative, he asked would the citizens of London tolerate or quietly pocket the in sult that had been inflicted on them by the Bishop of Oxford, when he x aid,.. that they had been bribed by Jewish gold,?-4Cileers, and cries of " No, we will not.") He was glad to hear it.—(Cheers.) They were not going to allow the House of Lords to create a revolution in Lon don—(Cheers and laughter) -but that House had thrown down the gauntlet, and the citizens of London, to their honour, had nobly picked it up —(Great cheering.) The citizens of London had now that gauntlet in their posses sion, and the House of Lords might depend upon it that the champion of the greatest city in the world would not be worsted in the fight.—(Cheers.) That gauntlet was not in the hands of Baron Rothschild—(Cheers)—it was not in the hands of the Je.,v—(Loud cheers.) The citizens of London did not look to the Rothschilds or the Jews, but to the carrying of a great principle. The citizens of London would carry the Jews on their shoulders; they made their cause their own, and they would never rest satisfied till they bad given them as ample privileges as they enjoyed them selves. He trusted when another measure was brought in the Lords would reject it again.—(Cries of "If they do, we will return Rothschild again in spite of them.") He hoped that electiou, would open the eyes of the House of Lords.— (Cheers.) That body had sent them a young lordling, a young poet laurente--(Great laughter)—to teach the citizens of London their catechism with respect to their commer cial operations.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now what did that Noble Lord say ? He must confess that he had read some of his handiworka, and he was bound to say that he had not profited much by that reading, and was sorry that he had wasted so much time in doing so; but among the twaddle the Noble Lord peried—(Great laughter)—he had written, or thought he had written, the epitaph of the City of London in the fol lowing lines : " Let wealth and commerce, laws and learning die, But save us still our old nobility." (Great laughter and cheering.) It put him in mind of an old friend of his, a doctor, who wrote his own epitaph, in something of the following strain Oh, cruel death, how could thou be so contrary, As to kill thy best friend, the apothecary." (Great laughter.) Now who, he would ask, was the Noble Lord a most amiable young man, doubtless, and one of the sprigs of the aristocracy, but was it to be said that the city of London was so devoid of men of talent of Conservative principles, that they could not find a man of mind and comprehension to come forward, and were obliged to go to the west-end for one.—(Laughter.) He would say to the citizens of London, show to this young nobleman a generous sympathy and kindness, for could they doubt that he had been deceived?—(Cheers and laughter.) He bad written on sub ects in poetry that he -knew nothing about—(Laughter)—and he trusted he would ,go back to his papa, the great Duke of Rutland—(Hear) — and tell him that in the City of London he had not re seived a hearty welcome—(Cries of "He never will") that there they . blew great guns, but not for him.—(Cheers.) He hoped when the Lords threw out the Bill again they would have another lordling, and that he would find that in the city of London there were plenty of tar and feathers.—(Great laughter.) In conclusion, he trusted that the citizens of London would never rest till they bad carried out to the fullest extent the great - principle of civil and religious liberty—(Great cheering) together with electoral rights.— (Cheers.) Let them nail . their flag to the mast, and let their last prayer be that they . might have just, free, and open electoral rights for all sects and creeds. Proclamation was then made by the crier that the Hall would meet to-morrow morning at eight o'clock for the purpose of enabling the Sheriff to east up the poll-books, and that the official declaration of the poll would be made by the Sheriff at twelve o'clock. The Hall during the ceremony resounded with cries for Baron Rothschild. Mr. Alderman SALOMAITS then presented himself, and was received with enthusiastic cheering. He said it would have been far more agreeable to Baron Rothschild himself that he should have returned thanks to the electors, instead of re questicg him to do so, but the Baron was really so much excited and overpowered with gratitude for the victory he had this day achieved, that it might prove of serious consequence to him were he, in the present state of his health, to attempt to give utterance to the grate ful feelings that overpowered him.—(Loud cheers.) His friends had, therefore, thought it more advisable for the electors as well as himself that he should have one night's interval and a few hours' rest before he addressed them, so that he might come before them to-morrow like a grant refreshed, for the purpose of communicating to his the grateful sentiments he felt towards th em for the triumph they had this day achieved.—(Cheers, and some slight hissing.) He was sorry to hear that any one present re gretted even for a moment the vote wh' the tCLa .t of the City of London had this day c o m e to.—(Hear.) Duri ng the contest there were many who would rather that the Baron should not gain the day—(Hear,.hear)—but he felt confident that every true Englishman —every true free man—every true Briton—every one who possessed the blessing of liberty both social and religious, would consider, not that the citizens of London have gained triumph, but that this great country—this great king dom - had laid down a principle that would do it as much honour as any work that had ever been accomplished by the united hands of Englishmen.— (Loud cheers,) He would not repeat what had been said throughout this contest about sinking the name of Roths child, an I treating the Baron as the beacon of a great prin ciple. It was the cause of civil and religious liberty they had been struggling for—a cause which had worked out such vast and beneficial changes, such great and glorious reformations in this country—a cause which insisted that no law should interfere with the conscience of a Wan or with the duty he owed to his Creator. Let it go forth, from this day throughout the whole countr y that !Ye'Y than might have the privilege of worsh i pp in g his God according to his own conscience—that no punish ment,no penalty, statute-took to on' the no disability should henceforth re mainagainst any British subject. be put in force the majority put into his hands; -- (Cheers.) He had just had they had not been able but, of course, at that time otwheaver, had been made poll. Sufficient calculations, to make out the _t a l the a ohfs'aher to enable him to announce London for a vast between 3,4')0 and 3,soo—(Cheers) now done; he was majority was any candidate had enjoyed in the city majority than many years (Renewed cheers.) sure the electors would be glad to obtain a little they had been working hard in the great andregloaxdati cause, and as he had been, labouring with them, he knew that y must by this time require some little rest.—(Hear, he ar I n coi.clivion, therefore, he trusted the vote of to-day wouldr convey throughout the kingdom the feeling of the City of London, that those who may be chosen to till high stations and places in society—that he and others who by their suf frages and he looked forward with a pleasureable ambition to the attainment of the honour—might be elevated to the office of Lord Mayor, were equally worthy[of a seat on the green benches of the House of Commons.—(Cheers.) Three cl:eers were then given for, the Baron, and the occu pants of the Hall quietly dispersed. LYCEUM, THEATRE.—The performances at this theatre last evening were for the benefit of the veteran Harley, who revived on the occasion the drama of Inkle and Y.arico, ar ico, which was so grea t a favourite in former days. 11<irley was as gay and bu o y a nt as ever, as though time had matte noimpression in the his v o l a til e temperament. Mr. John R?eve lent his aid the popular song " The Humours of Greenwich lair," and the performances concluded with Bold your Tongue, and The Seven Ch amp i ons of Christenkm, THE LONDON G.AIZETTE. (THIS EVENINC 4.) LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE JUNE 30, 1849. The remains of her late Royal High nese the Princess Sophia were this day removed from the catacomb under the chapel in which they were placed it! fter the funeral, tande General deposited inthe Cemetery, vault prepared eeset.. g r e for n! their reception in h The Lord Chamberlain and the Vim Chamberlain of her Majesty's Household were prey eat, and also Baron Knesebeck and Sir William Martins. At the Court at Buckingham Palau a the 29th day of June, 1849, present the Queen's Most I :xcellent Majesty in Council; this day the Right Hon. Sir David Dundas, lint., was, by her Majesty's cowman d, sworn of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Gout soil, and took his place at the Board accordingly. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, JULY 2. The Queen has been pleased to appo int the Hon. and Rev. Gerald Wellesley to be Residont Chaplain in Or dinary to her Majesty, in the room o.f tt.e Hon. and Rev. Charles Leslie Courtenay, resigned. DO WNING•STREET, J - UNE 30. The Queen has been pleased to ap point Daniel Ro bertson, Esq., to be Colonial Secretary .for her Majesty's Settlements in the Gambill. WHITEHALL. JULY 2 The Queen has been pleased to press nt the Reverend John Tulloch to the church and psis h of letting, in the presbytery of Meigle, and county of Forfar, vacant by the transportation of the Revere ad John Ross Mac duff, late minister thereof, to the parish of St. Madues, in the county of Peeth. BANKRUPTS. Robert Millar, oilman and pickle-mcrchant, Princes - - street, Spitalfieldt, to surrender July 1 , 0 and August 17, at half-past one, at the Court of Ban kruptcy. Whit more, official assignee, Basinghall-streat ; Burr, Devon shire-street, Bishopsgate• street. William Tomsey Creech, license d vie' nailer, Brighton, July 10, and Aug. 17, at two, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basinghall-street; Nichols, Cook's court, Lincoln's Inn; Kennett, Brighton. John Barlow, engineer, Wharf-road, City-road, July 13, at half-past one, and Aug. 17, at ,one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official a ssignee, Basing hall-street; Messrs. Phillips and Voss, laualersbury. George Kirtland, coal merchant, Bletehington, Ox fordshire, July 13, at one, and Aug. 18, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, official assignee, Guildhall-chambes; Woedraff, Lincoln's Inn- ' fields; Knapp, Woodstock. Edward Mumford, miller, Great .Vaplestead, Essex, July 13, at one, and Aug. 18, at eieve,e, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, official assignee, hers, Basinghall-street; Bromley and A..ldridge, ll Gracham y's. Guildha inn; Sperling and Harris, EsseX. Henry Miles, builder, Greeuwieb._July I.l t _at .. two, and . b B h 11 Green, official assignee, Guildhall-churn er., Aug. 1a at halt-past twelve. at the Court or lia. a .. s tt i r p u r pt a c) : keeper, Ai d- d co e u rs r g t, a l te V . lE r b . f e o t e , k j . uly 12, at twelve, and August 9, at eleven, at the Court of street; Jamesß ii CS 't r i O w cke a r n , d h T ot a e r l r l a t n ee t p , Bankruptcy. Bc.ll, official assignee, Coleman-street buildings; Heather and Moyer, Paternoster-row, Edward Burbridge, tobacconist, Picca6filly, July 12, at half-past two and Aug. 9, at 12 , at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee. Coleman-street buildings ; Kernot, Wethecle- street, Oxford-street. John Hooker, painter, Deptford, July 11, at one, and Aug 9, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. hnson, official assignee, Basinghalk.treet ; Bristow and Tarrant, Bond-court, Walbrook. Beztleel Blornfield, corn dealer, Kelvedon, Essex, July 10, at half-past two, and August 14, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Ethwards, offici-1 assignee, Frederick's-place, Old Jewrt ; Sharp, Field, Jackson, and Newbold, Bedford-row; Craig, Braintree, Essex. William Gibi,?ie and Thomas Provis Ackerman, drapers, Whitedross-street, July 17, at one, and Aug. 14, at two, at the Court of auce - rriptcy. Groom, official assignee, A t.ci:ureh-lat.e, Loinbai - d-street; Ash urst and Son, Oid Jewry. Edward Gibson and George Sturt, bee - leers, St. Albans, Her tfordshire, July 10, at half past two, and August 14, at one, at the Court of Baukrurecy. Grog Alschurch lane, official assignee; Sedgiove, George, Barnet. Alexander Denoon, merchant, Adam'eecourt, Old at twelve Broad street, July 14, at cne, and Aug. 18, , at the Court of Bankruptcy. Green, official Guildhall-chambers; Hughes, Kearsey, and Mesta man, Bucklersbury. William Sedgley, f,rmer, Barton•on-the-Heath, Wa, -- wickshire, July 17, and Aug. 21, at ten, at the Birming ham District Court. Valpy. official assignee, Birming ham; Gillam and Thomas, Birmingham. Thomas Winter, builder, Nottingham, July 13, and August 10, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court. Bittleston, official assignee, Nottingham ; Fox, Butlin, and Duffy, Nottingham. Charles Curtis, corn factor, Nottingham, July 13 and Aug. 10, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court, Nottingham. Bittleston, official assignee, Nottingham; Bowley, Nottingham. William Ireland, grocer, Crowland, Lincolnshire, July 13, and Aug. 10, at eleven o'clock, at the Birmingham District Court, Nottingham. Bittleston, official assignee, Nottingham; Stuart, New lan, Strand ; Wright, Bir mingham. John Miller, tinman, Sheffield, July 14, at ten, and August 25, at twelve, at the Leeds District Court. Fret man, official assignee, Sheffield; Tattershall, Great James's-street, London; Marshall, Sheffield. Richard Edward Saxton, jeweller, Crich, Derbyshire, July 13, and Aug. 10, at eleven, at the Birmingham District Court, Nottingham. Bittleston, official assignee, Nottingham; Nicholls, Birmingham. Thomas Dalton Hammond, druggist, Kingston-upon- Hull, July 18, and Aug. 8, at the Leeds District Court, Kingston-upon-Hull. Hope, official assignee, Leeds; Hicks, Gray's-inn; Holden and Son, Hull. Benjamin Lord, coal dealer, Blackburn, Lancashire, July 17 and Aug. 21, at one, at the Manchester District Court. Putt, official assignee, Manchester; Allcock and Dixon, Burnley; Cragg and Jeyes, Bedford-row. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. (From the London New Price Current, July 3.) SUGAR.—To-day there was a further decrease in the sup ply of Raw Sugar brought to market, and holders displayed firmness ; still operations were not upon a larger scale to ' supply home or export orders. British Plantation was only in limited demand for either the pan or scale, still the rates obtained were fully equal to Friday for all sorts. The pur chases amounted to *290 hhds, &c., including a public sale of 150 hhds 13 trci Barbadoes at te 13s duty, which went at firm rates ; fine yellow 42s to 435, and middling to good 39s to 41s 6d. REFIKED.—To-day the market for Refined goods pre sented a dull a-pect, and prices declined to 50s Gd to 51s for brown Lumps, and to 51s 6d to 52s for Standard Lumps; there is also an enlarged supply. Bonded Crushed Sugar is still dull of sale at 28s 6d to 293. MAuarrxus.—The market has been less freely supplied with all sorts for several days past, and former rates are sup ported ; none has been submitted to public sale, and by pri vate treaty only small purchases have been made by refiners and grocers. There is only a moderate quantity in first hands, and prices rule above those current for West India Sugar. LAST INDIA.—This afternoon the quantity of Madras Sugar offered at public sale amounted to only 300 bags which sold at stiff rates; good grocery yellow fetched 39s to 40s per cwt. There was no public sale at Bengal. FOREIGN. —To-day there was no public sale of foreign sugar, and by private treaty little business was concluded, whilst there were sellers rather under former rates. Cocew.—This afternoon Trinidad cocoa met with atten tion, and 200 bags at public sale sold at full rates, and went at 44s to 48s for red, 42s 6d for grey, and 35s to 45s for damaged. COFFEE.—To-day the market for Ceylon had a quiet ap pearance, and 72 casks 232 bags Plantation at auction were only in part sold at firm rates • fine 70s, good 60s, low mid and mid 50s to 565, fine fine ord 46s to 495. Native is held for 353 to 365, but met with little attention privately. Mor.AssEs.—The market continues firm for West India, and 17s to 21s 6d is the value of low to fine quality. A cargo of Cuba to arrive has been sold at 19s 3d per cwt, buyer to pay landing charges. For Bengal Treacle more desire is evinced to sell at 16s 6d to 17s 6d per cwt for low to fine. TEA.—There has been no public sale, and by private treaty the quantity on offer is not upon a larger scale. Former rates are well supported for black, and a good busi ness has been concluded, whilst common sound Congou for cash is not to be purchased under 8d per lb. In the value of Green there is no variation to record, and of ord and mid many parcels have been disposed of, but good and fine met with little attention. RICE.—To-day there was a better demand for East India P a r t iv fill t l e r l ye i es, ana . :2•= k n en 6o w 3 hi b t a e g . s ,ff..... 73 e 7 p *t ac s k s ets to ß___ c_ en s g 6 a d l , sold d damaged 5s to 7s. SAGO.—To-day the demand was better, and 123 boxes at auction sold at 20s 6d for good small white pearl, being the full value; 120 tins St. Vincent's Arrowroot 6id to 8-id, but 165 barrels Tapioca were taken in at is to is Cid per lb. SPICES.—This afternoon at public sale 364 bags Zanzibar Cloves were sold at stiffer rates—fine at Sid to 81d, mid and good 7id to 74d, damaged Gist to 74d, damaged 61d to 7id ; also 7 bags of Statks at 31d for sound, and 2d to 2icl for damaged. Pimento is greatly wanted, and 408 bags sold readily at stiffer rates—good went at 3/d to 4d per lb. SPIAITS.—Prices are not higher for Demerara Rum; still orders continue to get upon a larger scale, and since our last 200 puncheons have been sold at 2s to 2s 2d for 32 to 38 per cent. over-proof, and choice marks at 2s. 3d. per gallon. . For Leeward Island there is a firm market, and a good demand exists; whilst the sales are 160 puns at is 4d to is sd, and small parcels of fine brown at Is 5 1 / 2 d. Holders of East India display firmness, and have obtained is 3d for 140 hhds proofs, and at which there are not free sellers. Sales to a fair extent have been made in Jamaica by exporters and home dealers. The value of 20 to 29 per cent. over proof is from 2s 2d to 2s 4d, 30 to 36 over is 2s 5d to 3s,lbetter sort 3s 2d to 3s sd, and choice marks 3s 6d to 4s per gallon. Brandy—Cognac best brands of the vintage of 1848 at 3s 6d to 3s 8d ; 1847 ditto, 4s 3d to 4s 5d ; 1846 ditto, 5s 3d to 5s 3d; 1845 ditto, 5s 8d to 5s 10d; inferior brands, 2s 3d to 2s 6d. Bordeaux, 2s to '2s 26. For Geneva the market is firm at Is 9d to Is 10d for pale, and fine 2s 3d to 3s 3d. For British made Spirits the trade is firm at Os Bd, and Gin at 8s 3d to 8s 9d for 17 and 22 per cent over proof. FniuT.—Fine Currants are much in demand, and as sup plies are small, prices rule firm at 40s to 41s. For low and middling sorts there are, however, few buyers, and sellers are ready to accept 34s to 38s, as the market is we;l sup plied. Raisins are wanted, and for prime Valencia holders fi rmly demand 425 per cwt. Prunes find a more ready sale at improved prices " rater;ofhome m there ° d . e - al ei Holders srshoorweexv r pe e rttaehsirtr?es, quantity uo r i n imt i ial.ke a e n d d i s require p esi ti o n founFl yth formereorpinaerrt competition on the 10th o; 13,787 chests, Spanish is held for purchases. or public has been increased to shippers or e dealers Lit tle the part of sl r li rmaetaaiemfar2t7hsertoar2rBis quiet at tle desire is evinced to operate, and arri vals prices still tend downwards and rule for low to fine. For British refined the 30s to 30a 6d, and a desire is evinced to sell. Nit t ra i t s is wanted at Ils 3d to Ils 6d, and small parcels a6tolflSso9dda per cwt. _ COCMNEAL.—The parcels offered at public sale were fur the most part sold—Honduras silvers middling to fine at 38 10d to 4s 6d per lb; Mexican silvers ordinary damp 3s 6d to 3s 7d, and black 3s 10d to 3s lid per TALLOW. —Holders of Russian evinced firmness, and re quire 38s to 38s 6d per cwt for fine P. Y. Candle on the spot. For delivery in the last three months of the year the rates asked are 38s 6d to 395; but at present there are not many buyers. It is expected that lower rates will not prevail. The public sales of 405 casks and 433 boxes of South American went off at steady rates, low to fine realising 33s to ; and 49 casks New South %Vales, at 338 9d to 36s 6d for ( irdinary and middling. Home melted hos been only in moderate request at 46s to 375, net cash. For auction 1,000 pkgs, Tallow are daclAred. Rough Fat is quoted 2s Id per stone. Oils.—To-day at auction 20 tuns Sperm Oil went at 721 to 73/, inferior 681 108, vkr)r low 551 to 601, and 60 tuns of Southern 261 15s to 301 lOs fo r low to fine. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. (THIS E VENING.) HOUSE O.F LORDS. Their Lordships assembl ed at Five o'clock. BEER SHOPS. The Bishop of NOR Wl' presented a petition from the inhabitants of St. Gi.les•in-the-Tields against tile spread of beer shops. THE MAH_RATTA WAR. The Earl of ELLENItOROUGH rose to state the circumstances under which i booty taken from the enemy in the Mahratta war in In dia had been granted by the Crown to the East India Co mpany or to the Indian army. This property had been transferred to the East India Company, which was in pc int of fact the Government of India, but that transfer in no way respected the private interess of the individual directors of the company. Ac cording to universal custom, with certain reservations as her Majesty might he advised to make, the booty in question had been made o ver to the Court of Directors and the Indian army. Confiscation implied power over the object confiscated, bin the property in question, situated in the state of Lahore, belonged to the enemy in the Mahre=ii war, and it could not be rightly confiscated by the Governor-General of India according to the principle which he (Lord Ellenborough) had laid down, for that property was not in the power of the Govm.nor-General of India. That property, consisting of all the state jewels of Lahore, was acquired by war, was retained by right of conquest; it never changed hands, arid belonged, therethre, to her crown, ral of India had no righS to dispose of it. It was a matter of policy, Majesty in right of her and the Governor-Gene ral this property as the law di recta, without throwing any as well as of justice, to deal with difficulties in the way of it a legal appropriation. If this booty, which belonged to the Crown, as he contended, were not conceded to the army of India, the army of India would have no rewm - d whatever. The Marquis-of LANSDOWNE said he would inter pose no objection to the production of the papers for which the Noble Rirl had moved. The question was, how far the state property . of Lahore was to be consi dered as booty of war, and. how far it was to be consi dered as state property 'liable to the provisions of a treaty? He held in his he nd the treaty applicabls to the case in hand, one of the articles of which was that nil the property of the state of whatever description and wheresoever it should be found should be con fiscated in part paym , nt of the debt dive from the etate of Lahore to the British Government. Upon that treaty rested the right of the East India Compimy to the property which they hn,d acquired, and the Tight of the Queen of England to the precious atones to which reference had been made by the Noble Lord. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought the most re gular mode of proceeding would be to leave her Majes iy's Government zo settle this question viit the Cutlet of Directors. He must do the Governor-General of India the justice to say that his Noble Friend (the Earl of Ellenhorough) was mistaken if he supposed that the t.ansactions in quecition recently performed in India had not been well and maturely considered by the Noble Lord in his recommendation to the public autho rides of this country. Mier a few remarks from Lord GLENELG, Lord BROUGHAM said the Governor-General of Iti6a could not change the nsture of the propcivy in question by any thing that he did. It the property was booty, using the word " confiscation" was a little inconsistent with all idc aof treaty. Confication :teemed to him to exclude the idea of contract. _ Lord ELLENBOROUGH replied. There was, in his opinion, enough in this case which rendered it in the highest degree necessary that this matter should l e fully and judicially considered. After a few words from Lords CAMPBELL, and BROUGHAM, . . Lord ELLENBOROUGH consented to withdricw his motion. (LEFT SITTING.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. POOR-LAW (IRELAND) BILL. (Continued from our Ai ternoou Edition.) Mr. FAGAN admitted that if they had str;ficient workhouse room in , . Ireland, it would be well to adopt the workhouse test by refusing out door relief to. able bodied poor, but as such was not the case, he thought the course proposed by the Hon. Baronet could mt be safely acted on. He must, therefore, oppose the c 4 lause. Mr. CONOLLY S thought that it was the boil nden duty of the Government to make some modilleatiton in the ruinous system of out-door relief, or do away; with it altogether. He would support the clause of the Hon. Baronet the Member for Waterford. Mr. STAFFORD thought it would be better that the clause should be postponed till the third reading or the Bill. Sir W. SOMERVILLE had not been able to .elieit from any Hon. Member who had spoken by what means they proposed to preserve the lives of the people if they did away with out-door relief. He admitted that abuses were inseparable from the system, but it was surr aundcd with as many safeguards as possible, and wo Li/Ist be abandoned when it could be done with safety. He t rusted, therefore, that the Hon. Baronet would withdr taw the clause, and allow the other portions of the Bill; to be proceeded with. Sir H. W. BARRON withdrew the clause. Colonel DUNNE then proposed the followinc , clatsoe: "And be it further enacted that in any electoral 6 division , where the rate-payers of any townland, or union of town lands within such electoral division, shall undertalse and satisfy the guardians of the poor of the union in which such electoral division is situate, that they will au pport a proportion of the poor of the electoral division, will Leh pro portion shall seem to the said board of guardian to be a lair proportion of the poor (taking into consideration the entire amount of paupers liable to be relieved under the poor-law, and the valuation and extent of the townlands aforesaid and the electoral division), then it shall be lawful for the board of guardians to exempt such town land or townlands from any rate, except a rate :or union and establishment charges; and in case any pauper within such townland or townlands should appeal to the board of guardians against the support affurde d to him or her by the rate-payers of such townland or townlands, and it shall appear to the guardians that such complaint is well founded, then the board of guardians shall re lieve such person or persons appealing, and charge the townland to which such pauper or paupers appealing shall be chargeable ; provided always, that should the decision of the board of guardians be disputed, either by the pauper or paupers appealing, or by the ratepayers or any ene ratepayer on their part, then an appeal shall be given to either party to the magistrates end assistant barristers at the Quarter Sessions next ensuing, whose decisions shall be final. He was convinced that unless the House adopted some such step as that contained in his clause, there would be but little chance of any adequate relief being ex tended to Irish pauperism. From conversations which he had with boards of guardians in his neighbourhood, he was sure that such a plan was one which would be of great use. Mr. C. LEWIS reminded the House that this ques tion had been very fully discussed and determined upon on the occasion of a Bill having been proposed by the Member for Strood (Mr. Scrope), and after the rejection which it met with there he hoped that the Hon. and Gallant Member would not press his clause. Sir A. BROOKE thought the clause could not be carried into practical operation. Mr. P. SCROPE thought that the system of support ing able-bodied men by out-door relief was a very per nicious one, it would be much better to employ them in cultivating the land which lay untilled. He should support the clause. Mr. FRENCH wished to contradict a charge against Irish Members of taking but little interest in this Bill. He could confidently stato that every Irish Member at present in London was then in the Hou.o_ After a few words from Sir W. BARRON, —saw G. - Gum - sr ..ished to recal it to the attention of the House that the principle of this clause was identical with that of the Bill introduced in the early part of the present session, and which had been rejected by a ma jority of 166 to 41; and it would be found that the ma jority of the Irish Members had voted against the Bill. Mr. GROGAN suggested that the Government should adopt this clause, and modify it so that it might be re ceived favourably by the House. Lord J. RUSSELL was in doubt whether Irish Mem bers, and especially the Hon. Member who had spoken last, were or were not in favour of this clause. Ho re membered that such a plan had been introduced many years ago by the Duke of Richmond, but wh en it was dehatedwhether this should be made compulsory, it had been satisfactorily shown that such a course would be fail of dunger. After a few words of explanation from Mr. GROGAN, Mr. S. CRAWFORD could not agree with the Noble Lord that this clause was identical with the proposal of the Hon. Member for Stroud. That Hon. Gentleman's plan made it compulsory for boards of guardians and the ratepayers. to enter into these arrangements, but tb is clause partook more of a voluntary than a compulsory character, and he was quite willing to support it. Mr. A. STAFFORD was atraid the clause would in flict too much labour end trouble on the boards of guar dians to admit of its working with facility. He was fearful, too, that even if the machinery of the clause could be put into operation, it would have a tendency to de press the condition of the pauper, and for these two reasons, although he did not disapprove of its principles, he felt bound to oppose the clause. Mr. ROCHE also thought the clause woul work prac tically against the poor, while it would perpetuate the evils of townland rating system, and overturn the very prin ciple upon which the poor law was founded. The guar dians, under the existing law, were bound to support the poor in co - : ain circumstances, and in a specified manner, but establish the system proposed by this clause, and the poor would be subject to the mercy of the ratepayers. Colonel DUNNE only wished the Committee to pro nounce for the principle of the clause and be would modify its terms to meet some of the objections which had been urged against it. Lord C. HAMILTON quite approve mode in which approved of the prin ciple, b ut h e was decidedly averse to the the chute - was propf , sf d to be put in force. Mr. F&TZSTE FRENCH really could not understand, then, why the Noble Lord should not,sup port it. The Committee then divided, when there appeared— Fur the (dame ... 18 Against it ... ... 80 Majority ... ••. —62 Sir D. NORRICYS then proposed the following clauses :-1. Whereas in many unions large sums are due to contractors and others, for the payment of which the outstanding amount of uncollected rates is insuffi cient, be it enacted, that the Commissioners for the no ministration of the poor-laws in Ireland, shall cause an account to be taken of the debts which shall be due on the 29th thy of September next, and also of the probable amount of rates which may be expected from the outstanding collection; and if it shall appear that iu any electoral division, in which the expenses for the relief of the poor have during the year exceeded five shillings in the pound of its valuation, the debts due by it shall exceed its probable assets, and that a rate of sixpence in the pound, in addition to the five shillings maximum rate, would be insufficient for their payment, it shall be lawful for the Commissioners to require the board of guardians, or the paid officers in charge of the union, to borrow such sum as may be required on the security of the rates of the union at large, but on condition always that the sum so borrowed sall be re paid, with interest, by instalments extending over a period not exceeding ten years; and the instalments and the interest payable thereon shall be the first charge on the rates of such union, and the treasurer of Such union shall be bound to pay off the instalments and interest as they become due, out of any money which may be in his hands to the credit of the union, or to advance the amount thereof and charge interest on such advance. and for so doing the- order of the Com missioners shall be a sufficient discharge: provided always that the union at large becoming responsible for the debts of the electoral division, shall not affect the sepa rate liability of the electoral division for the debts due by it. 2. To enable boards of guardians to raise the union rate in aid at any period within the current year. Sir G. GREY said the clauses were open to great ob jection and opposed them. Sir D. NORREYS then withdrew the clauses. To clause 63, Lord NAAS proposed an amendment to the effect to repeal so much of an Act for the more effectual relief of the destitute poor of Ireland as enacted " that any covenant and agreement whereby any person liable to pay rent, and entitled, under this Act, to deduct therefrom any rate, or any portion of any rate, shall have covenanted or agreed, or shall hereafter covenant or agree, to forego such reduction, shall, so far as such rate is concerned, have not fleet, be repealed, except as to anything heretofore done or now pending under this Act." Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he felt disposed to vote for the amendment. After some discussion, in which same opposition was offered to the clause, The House divided, when there appeared— For the clause... 71 Against it 10 Majority_ _ ... —6l Lord JOHN itUSELL intimated that he proposed to proceed with the Bid on Thursday, at twelve. The House then adjourned until Five o'clock. The House resumed at Five o'clock. PETITIONS. Lord SEA HAM presented a petition from Durham. in favour of the People's Charter. Captain PECHELL presented a similar petition from Brighton. Mr. T. DUNCOUBE presented a petition from Edin burgh, praying that an Ambassador might be appointed to the Republic of R:)me. Mr. B. OSBORNE presented several petitions from Middlesex, in favour of household suffrage. Petitions were presented in favour of the Charter by Mr. Villiers, Mr. George Thompson, Lord Dudley Stuart, Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Bright. Lord DUDLEY STUART presented a petition from Mary!chime, praying that the government might recog nize the Roman Republic. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Falkirk against the Marriage Registration (Scotland) Bid. METrOPOLITAN BUitIALS. Mr. WYLD wished to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if his attention has been directed to the statement of Dr. Simon, the officer of Public Health for the City of London, as to the cause of cer tain cases of cholera within the City of London ; and also if it be his intention to introduce any measure dur iug the present session of Parliament for the pt eventien of the interment of dead bodies within the City of London. Sir G. GREY said ho had not seen the report of Dr. Simion, but having made inquiries yesterday, in conse quence of the notice of the Noble Lord's question, he had no doubt that cases of cholera had occurred i❑ certain localities from causes which injuriously affected the public health. As to the other question, the Go vernment had under their consideration a measure to prevent inv-rments in towns; but he was afraid it was not sufficiently matured to be proceeded with this session. ihIE AMERICAN MAILS. In reply to Mr. WYLDE, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated with reference to the refusal of the persons in charge of the mails, coming by the last American packet, to allow the correspondents of the London and other newspapers to see the files of Awerican newspapers until after the general delivery of letters, that in consequence of the Noble Lord's question he was unable to give any definite answer with respect to it.] METROPOLITAN POLICE. fen had been granted in the year 1834, 1 and the result had been to satisfy the House and the public at large, that the management of the police fOrce was carried on in the best possible manner. No difference had taken place in the manage merit of the force since that inquiry, and he could not see any reason why another inquiry sh ou ld b e grante d . W i th I regard to the increase of the expenditure, and of the number of the force, he was willing t afford all the information in his power, and that would be desired by the Noble Lord. The original Act required that the expenses of this force should be paid by a county rate of 3d in the pound ; and by a subsequent Act ed in the pound . was fixed, and in cases were this was not sufficient the Treasury was authorized:to supply 2d. in the pound; and 60,0001. was now paid from the Consolidated Fund. The counties included in the metropolitan rate were Middle sex, part of Sussex, Surrey, Kent, Essex, and Norfolk. Some of the counties were below the average of the property-tax valuation. Kent was 22 1-13th below the average. The Right Honourable Baronet then concluded by moving for a return of the increase of streets and houses in the metropolitan district ; and also of the population in the same, with a view to acccount for the increase of the police expenditure. (LEFT SITTING.) MORTALITY in the METROPOLIS NUMBER OF DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES REGISTERED IN THE WEEK ENDING SATURDAY, JUNE 30, 1549. Epidemic, Endemic, and Contagious Diseases ...*349 Diseases of Uncertain Seat ... 59 Tubercular Diseases ... 190 Diseases of the Brain, Nerves, and Senses... ... 145 Diseases of the Heart and Blood-vessels ... 37 Diseases of the Lungs, and other Organs of Respiration ... 105 Diseases of the Stomach, Liver, and other Organs of Digestion... ... ... 70 Diseases of the Kidneys, &c. Childbirth, Diseases of the Uterus, 8. . .. . 1 Diseases of the Joints, Bones, and Muscles ... Diseases of the Skin, &c. Malformations... ... Premature Birth ... •• Atrophy _ _ Old Age Sudden ... ••• ... 46 Violence, Privation, Cold, or Intemperance 93 Causes not specified ... ... 3 ... ... 36 DEATHS FROM ALL CAUSES ... 1,217 Population Average weekly Deaths Enumerated, Deaths, 1844-8 in the 1841 Five Springs. Weoa. West Districts... 300,711 . . 145 ... 190 North Di:Arias.. 375,971 .. 185 ... 205 Central Districts 373,653 ... 168 ... 246 East Districts ... 392,444 ... 207 ... 251 South Districts.. 501,190 ... 2.38 ... 325 Totals... ..... 1,948,369 ... 963 ... 1,217 Males Females ... ... 476 *ln this number are included 124 cases of death by Cholera, 34 by Scarlatina, and 45 by Typhus Fever. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, July 2. SOUTH AUSTRALIA. Lord MONTEAGLE presented a petition from certain in habitants of New South Wales, stating objections to the amount required to give the franchise to the colonists under the present constitution. In consequence of the great alter a ion in the value of property, it was found that it hod the effect of greatly limiting the electoral body. That was a prayer which of course would require to be very maturely considered by their Lordships. Ile would, however, take advantage of the presentation of the petition to ask his Noble Friend the Secretary for the Colonies the question of which he had given notice—namely, whether it was the intention to proceed in the present session of Parliament with the Bill for altering the constitution of the Australian colonies? It might be said that it was irregular in him to allude to a I ill which was not now before their Lordships; but he thought, under the circumstances, he was justified in doing so, because the Bill was yet in the other House of Parliament, and in the month of August their Lordships might be called upon to pass it.—(Hear, hear.) I hey had already had examples of the mischievous effects of such hasty and ill considered legislation. It was only necessary to refer to the case of New Zealand, in which, after their Lordships had passed a constitutional Bill, which, when it went over, had to be suspended, because it was altogether impracticable. They had another pertinent example in the case of New South Wales, to which they gave municipal or district councils. That Bill was passed without adequate inquiry, and, when it got into the colony, it was found so unsuited to the case and to the times that the Legislative Council applied to Sir George Gipps, the governor, to sanc tion them in suspending the law, and in acting contrary to it.—( Hear, hear.) Sir G. Gipps saw the necessity of the case, and was compelled to give the local legislature the power of suspending an imperial Act. For two years this was the case. For two years the local legislature was al lowed to override the Imperial Government and Legislature. That was a state of things which he thought so dangerous, so fraught with evil consequences, that he thought he was justified in calling upon the Government to give them time for mutually considering any future constitutional Bill.— (Hear, hear.) He was still farther supported in this view by the papers on their Lordships' table. He found that Sir Charles Fitzroy, the present Governor of New South Wales, had expressed his opinion that cersistance in the proposed Bill would throw the colony into confusion and cause great dissatisfaction. But there was one ground on which he specially objected to the course which had been adopted with reference to this measure. The Secretary of State, in intro ducing a Bill for the constitutional regulation of the colonies, referred it in the first instance to the Board of Trade and Plantations. He objected to this course on constitutional grounds : he objected to it because it gave rise to a divided responsibility. He contended that the Secretary of State for the Colonies was bound to give his advice to her Majesty on colonial affairs on his own responsibility, and ought not to be allowed to shift it upon others, or refer such matters to the Board of Trade. Lord BROUGHAM—Board of Trade and Plantations. Lord MONTEAGLE—True; at one time it had control over the plantations or colonies, but we now had a Secretary of State, specially charged with the functions of Colonial Minister, and he must repeat his objection on constitutional grounds, that that Minister should refer so important a question to the Board of Trade. In the papers on the table he found there were the strongest objections stated by the colonists to two Chambers, but on looking carefully at the language of these objections, it would be tound that they objected to having two Chambers, if they were to be com posed as the one was, mainly of nominees of the Crown. Looking at the important and various considerations involved in this subject, and remembering that they were now in the month of July, he could only say that he thought their Lord ships would lower their own character, arid the authority of the Imperial Parliament, if they proceeded with so important a measure without opportunity for more mature deliberation. —(Hear, bear.) He might, indeed, appeal to the Noble Lord in a twofold capacity. He was present, not only in his capacity of Colonial Minister, but as the sole representative of the city of Melbourne in Port Philip. They were em powered to send six representatives, but they had declined to exercise the privilege, and had selected his Noble Friend as their only representative.—(A laugh.) The question bad been laid before the law officers of the Crown, who had de cided that the people of Melbourne were not restricted by the laws of the colony as to their choice of representatives, and might, therefore, if they so pleased, elect a Peer of the realm, and the consequence was, that his Noble Friend sat there holding an office, the duties of which, with all his abilities, it was impossible he could discharge, and an example of the evils arising from the hasty, ill-considered, and crude legislation which he now called upon the Government to delay. He hoped, that at all events, their Lordships would be allowed till next year to consider so important a measure. Earl GREY said it was certainly irregular to make a speech in presenting a petition, upon a measure not before their Lordships. At the same time there were reasons which occasionally justified a departure from the usual rules or the House, and he would avail himself of the op portunity of giving a short explanation of the nature of the Bill which had been alluded to by his Noble Friend. But before doing so he must be allowed to trouble their Lord ships with a few remarks as to the charge of unconstitu tional reference to. the Board of Trade. He must re mind their Lordships that from the earliest times it had been the practice to consider all important ques tions referring to the colonies to a Committee of the Privy Council. In the lapse of time it was found that these affairs were too multitudinous to be well managed by a Board, and for that reason a Secretary of State was appointed, who was charged with conducting the correspondence with the colonies, but it was still the practice to refer all important questions to Committees. In reality there was no shifting or division of respon sibilities. The whole Cabinet were responsible for its acts as a Government.—(Hear, hear.) But practically it was impossible to get the consideration of the Cabinet to all questions, and therefore he availed himself of the advice of the Board of Trade and Plantations. In point of fact these measures came before him in the shape of a re• port from that Board, and he, as Minister, and a member of that Committee of the Privy Council made a minute upon such reports. There was, therefore, nothing either irregular or unconstitutional in the practice, and the Noble Lord, when Secretary of State, himself had sat on such a Com mittee with him (Earl Grey) when he was Secretary at War in a former Government, on the state of the currocy in Jamaica. With respect to the Bill now before the other House of Parliament, its intention might be briefly stated. Its main principle was to leave the Constitution of these colonies as we found them, and to change them as little as possible. but at the same time to give them the power of altering them from time to time and adopting them to their own wants, subject to this limitation, that such alterations should be approved of by her Majesty, after having been laid before the Imperial Parliament. Thus, any reform in the Constitution of the colonies was virtually to be effected by the colonies themselves. He thought it a principle of great importance, and one the adoption of which should be delayed as little as possible. As to the objection to two Chambers. In point of fact the ground of objection in the papers was not what. the Noble Lord had stated. The great objection was to the interference of Parliament at all. When once a Constitution bad been granted, the colonists depre cated all further Parliamentary interference; so that it would be seen that all was in accordance with the feelings of the colonists, as expressed in these papers. The Bill further proposed to divide the district of Victoria from the other parts of New South Wales, and it gave to the colo nies with constitutions thus formed the power of forming, if they thought fit, a Central Comeitutional Assembly, to dispose of matters of common interest. But such a Central Assembly could not come into operation except it was de manded 'by the legislations composed as he had described. It was intended to omit the clauses creating a common tariff among the provinces. The arrangement could not be made without supplying a number of details which it would be objectionable to supply here. With that alteration, it was his anxious desire the measure should pass this year, in compliance with the request of the colonists themselves. The present state of things was most inconvenient and un just to Port Philip. If the measure were postponed now, he would not be sanguine that they could entertain a better period for discussing it next session, pressure of business affecting questions of domestic interest. Such was the course the Government intended to take ; and from commu nications which he had with persons connected with the co lony, he was sure that any postponement of the Bill would be much. regretted. Ile might add, however, that if btriuus opposition were offered to the measure, he feared it might not become the law of the land. Lprd LITTLETON, without going into the merits of the Lord DUDLEY STUART rose, in pursuant to no tice, to make a motion for a Select Committee to inquire into the manner of making the assessment in the several counties for the maintenance of the metropolitan police, and into the expenditure thereof; as well as into the general administration of the force, and espe cially into the recent annual increased charge of upwards of 35,0001 on the county of Middlesex. He trusted the House would bear with him while he briefly stated the grounds upon which he made the motion. A motion for a Com mittee of Inquiry on this subject was not only not unusual, but not unreasonable. Some years ago a great many such Committees had been appointed, and he hoped, therefore, that he would receive the support of his Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Treasury. But there had been no Committee upon this important sub ject for 15 years, and he must say that the above was a reason for his motion being acceded, ; to. There were, however, other reeasons.—(Hear.) The police force formed a fund of anomaly to our constitution. When first established it was resisted on the ground that it was not altogether in harmony with our old fashioned notions of constitutional liberty. It was felt to be no more nor less than an army which was paid out of the pockets of the people, not by money annually voted, but right and which he thought it would be admitted, ought not by altogether a n Act o c f ons on a Parliament nt ; a with our notions system of whichwas what was to be watched with a jealous and vigilant eye. Another reason for asking for this Committee was that in a short space of time the expense of the force had been materially increased, asid a heavy additional burden had been placed upon the inhabitants of the metropolis and of the surrounding districts. The Noble Lord then entered into a statement to show how great a burden had been thrown upon the public to support this great force, now amounting to an immense number of men. file increase of expense had been 25,000 L, and the police, for whom they had so much to pay, were not so ad wieable in their conduct as many persons seemed to believe, since there were many cases on re cord in which the police had greatly exceeded their duty and oppressed the people. Doubtless, it might not appear in this light to fine ladies and gentlemen who were glad of the assistance of these well dressed men, to enable them to find their way to their carriages; but such was the fact. But let the House inquire whether the pe people say that wereofthes wherever ameopini there w opinion, and if they a policemanheyspok e the truth they there it o ff h e a n p e p e e n e h d e s that policemen they were most unscrupulous in their there h'as a pettywer e tyrant.—(Cheers.) r e ) es W to be a n n testimony; and yet, upon the uncorroborated testimony of a policeman men were convicted and sentenced to the most degrading punishments. In saying this he did not speak without the book, since he could show that a man was sent for trial, charged by a policeman with the most horrible offences, and that the jury, after hearing the case for a few minutes, stopped it, and acquitted the defendant. By the returns it appeared that from 60,000 to 64,000 were continually taken into custody and charged with offences, but the fact that out of that number 2,000 were discharged showed how ill the police dis charged their duty. Now this was a state of things that ought to be looked into, and if the House were to inquire into the matter they would see why the number of police was so much larger than it should be ; why it was kept up like a large army in 1847, when there was peace and quiet. Indeed, the Govern ment said, because there were apprehended dis turbances in 1848, they were unwilling to allow the number of the body to be diminished, But they should be diminished in number, because their present extent interfered with the comfort and liberty, and character of the people. The effect upon a people thus constantly tyrannised over must be bad. He thought that inexpedient x p p e o d l police t on force publicwtis kept gr a e u t p d s cheaply, to h they should in qu i re i nt o all these things, and if it ave anda diminu tionthat was it of their num b er, why, then, the pee le pl could be show n t h at t h ey behaved perfectly well, or Governmentwould be satisfied ear t o i npay mind for them.—(Hear.) h h e a m t not a But t a ke n let t h h 3 e , surprise -upon thi s matter, since notice had been given were they r by his Honourable Colleague, who he regretted was unable to attend from ill health at the close of last session. He might occupy the House longer upon this matter, but he fell that he should stand a greater chance of the motion meeting with its approval, if he were, without further preface, to move it. Si: G. GREY sa id t h at he thought there was but one opinion in the House with regard to the metropolitan po lice force, as to its real value and efficiency. He did net think it necessary to enter very fully into the statements of the Noble Lord who had brought forward the present motion. With regard to the imputations to which the Noble Lord had thrown upon the conduct of the members of that force, he could only say that in cases where they had been detected in the practices which the Noble Lord charged upon them, he could only say that in cases where the magistrates did not punish them, the Commissioners of Police, sanctioned by the Secretary of State had always availed themselves of the summary power which they possessed, and discharged the men. With refer ence to the motion of the Noble Lord, he did not think that he had laid sufficient grounds before the House to justify the granting of a Committee. He had oen fined himself entirely to empty allegations, and had produced very little evidence to support them. And in these very alterations these was nothing new. Ott similar inquiry this which yeas sOught -of this House in 1813, when Mr. Tierney made a sim' motion, though no doubt th e M em b er 'f or M ontrose t' wen r voted against that motion. Doubtless it' I had framed my motion differently I might have fished for a stray vote . here or I might have :aught one there—(Hear, hear)—but that was not my object; I wished to bring the state of the cot entry fully and openly before the House, and to state frank! v .... 1i ,, is my duty to my constituents and to no) self— tbe r. why I cannot give toy confidence to the present Admit iistra tiou. Ido not over! ok the fact that there may be round many who will tell the House that the Gov, rnruent et thi s country is carried on upon right principles, but not ea "' the right men, but my op i n i n i s this—that ii England is to be governed on Whig principl es , I pre f er tilt it should Le so vented by Whigs. --(Hear, hear.) Consio,:ling, tin 33. t h e t the system ot gesernment pursued by the prossOnt Mita ;str , o t h e o T ,e ls o t o o t t a h o e the u d o e g c e a n y e o ro f os, hcoot certainly an o untry,lgive otloorenin,p i a,:oraolifl sing . oppiaition, and I take this opportunity of laying before the House the reasons why we are in opposition. I want to know why the condition of the people of England should thus have been deteriorating It is quite true that the 1p re slat Government are not formally responsible for all t the measures in operation during the year 1846—the ahem ion of the tariff, for example; but I apprehend they will not shrink from that responsibility.—(.. Hear, hear," from the Treasury bench.) They supported sod accepted those r aea tircs, a°d from the statement which the Noble Lord mad e oft the subject, we have every reason to believe that hi. c not being then in office was merely owing to an accident, and that but for that accident he would have been the Mit later to open the Parliament of 1846, and himself have pro posed similar measures. Onecause of this distress is that, not - withstanding the continental. ctaivulsions, the goods esr - potted are equal to the great years of 1845 and 1.116 , yet the declared value of goods in those years avert ige4 1 59,500,000/., hut in 1848 it was only :53,000,0004 so that on c working people fir that same quantity of goods receives 1 6,500,0001. less in 1848 than in 1845. The first reason, am 1 perhaps the principal reason, that will be assigned for the 3 decline and decay in the condition of the country, will b 3 the famine iu Ireland, of course, the investments in rail wit' y undertakings naturally, the operations of commercial speed - lotion for several years, and the continental c nvulsions ft .r the purpose of completing the climax.—(Cheers.) -TI ie ifnEtaosumtriotinopieLeti—intsn_loreland, no doubt, was a great calamity, but it In i 5 r l s a s f c u e r n t o o t n e t r r 13 c ' ( 4 )1 tl fl o o n i e u i l e r e s i : destroytit to o i ti p v ihtni flourishing gh eir foreignp disturb reseto C r h ta e dpe—o p s e i a tni c oo e nt . to (surfer d p res i s s oo: o r t to agriculture he a attributed h o u r t exhaustoato tha t our cause.fina c l es e i nt a et l rr l at n t d h ye a , t pli a : tio r . e t HOUSE OF COMMONS, July 2. • STATE OF THE NATION. ' test against all these being imputed to the Irish famine. have not heard much of speculation in foreignn I s l considerable stress has been laid on railway investin • I Mr. DISRAELI rose to bring forward his motion— " That this House will resolve itself into a Committee of . presume I need scarcely remind the House that railway e' ' a 'e in the whole House, to take into c o ns ideration tle dertakings have been goin g on f or a very long time, and no state of .the nation." He said—l r i se , Si r , t o m a ke ' one expected from them an y ot h er t h an b eneficial re sul is • but now those who a pp rove d o f them (like all e ; 'lr a statement to the House on the motion of which 1 ties engaged in unsuccessful speculations) turn round . : and I have given ~ notice. I do so, because in i begin to abuse each other. Those, too, who lay the as lost my opinion great and general distress pr eva il s I stress on the effect o f suc h i nvestments are the middle cl ass, in this county Hear hear)—and because I be. that only class said t o b e competent to the governm en tof y — ( this country—they tur n roun d on t h e ra i lway invest , ne nta, , lieve that this great and general distress has be: n and impute to them, as it cause, evils of which they cet its inly progressive since the formation of the present have not been the moving principle. On the contrary a it is Government. The Noble Lord and his colleagues ' toy full persuasion that w e d o not su ff er f rom any s vat it o f i capital, because it is at this moment notorious that ai ty man have possessed the government of this country for three with good security can get as much money as he wa tens. I years, uncontrolled and unscrutinized.—(Laughter;) repeat, then, it is not want of capital that has diminish e l t the They have passed all their measures—they have not commerce of England ; but then, we shall have the . CI lan had to encounter an ordinary opposition.—(Hear.) i cellor of the Exchequer accounting for it all up on h i s f a - No body of men h a v e en j oye d t h e government of this 1 vourite ground--the continental convulsions. Now, Is ho aid like to see the data, the facts which justify that cool ass un tie country heretofore under circumstances E 0 favourable ' thin. I say that they ought to be investigated, and I ha ye as those possessed by the Noble Lord and his col noiedaottebtt that, e if they were, it would be seen that the ( lig s leagues. That being the case, one is inclined to contrast e c t up - y inwlBe4nB,orsr o c ‘ , , r n el g it t io o n ot i l n ier lB . 46 and ha th n at th w e li c ich . - I re n i t c s i the situation of England at the present moment with what it was at the period when the Nobl e Lord and his convulsions; and what I want is, that than causes el ' h e m ild colleagues assumed the reins of power. I need not recal be laid bare before the House in lull detail. At pr. Esse; at, to the recollection of Hon. Gentlemen the state and condi we have them not, and in this day of rapid p ra tion of England at the ceromencement, I would say, of the gress I cannot help expressing considerable surprise the it we year 1846. In all its relations profound tranquillity pro- should be now, late in 1849, without sufficient inform ',ti on veiled throughout Europe, and it any of those criti- as to our condition in a commercial point of view dui int ; a period which elapsed between this and 1846. lem pers sad ed cal conjunctions that will always be occasionally occur therawould . bano difficulty whatever in giving us t4f se :tie ring in the complicated transactions of great states tails at a much 'earlier period ; and I hope the Fresh lent of / the Board of Trade, who, lam bound to is always dy dtd ever arise, so great was the influence of En g l an d , ant i so justly great, that the kindly mediation of to attend to any suggestions of advantage a t y o , public be reiness, our country uniformly resulted in the amicable will give his attennen to the subject. I have, how ever, a battlement of those questions at issue. at that return of the total exports of cotton goods in 1818. ill 'n hear moment also our colonies, atter suffering great viciesi- of continental convulsions which have caused a dimi matelot% tudes—l will nut stop here to say vicissitudes which were of our exports ; but it appears that in 1848, notwithsti citing the cones quinces of our inconsistent legislation,--but the continental convulsions, there was an immerse in grease in the export of cotton scud s . —(H ear. hear.) Reim. tattler after enduring great vi c i ss i tu d es, our co l on i es h a d re conciled themselves to the new position in which that in cot i t B . 4 n B gcoJs thee f l o ya in s a o u ne - half she entire i f our exp or ts; ii increase e in ex p o o u r r t e o spi t o h , e t p o r f ec c e o t t i t i cl og they were placed ; and great, as some thought, t 3 g:t e iods of 88,000,000 yards o insuperable as were the difficulties with which they hats e'ear. There is another reason why I doubt wheel of to contend, there had existed in our colonies a quality there has been a diminution of our exports. I which I fear no one can pretend exists at tee present am indebted to the courtesy of the President .of moment—hope.—(Hear, hear.) At that period. the Board of Trade for a return which has only just been can le the commencement of 1846, our export trade had reached I pleted of the entire imports and exports during the yeas 1 an amount which never before had been achieved 1847 and 1818. I find from this return that on contrast i by the people of this country. At th at per i o d t h ose t h e muc h ma li gne d year of 1848—the year of continents a various classes that form what is pop u l a rly ca ll e d th e convulsions—with the great ye a rs 1845 an d 18-16, there ha 5 agricultural interest were prospering, not so much by the - been no diminution in the quantities of goods exported.,- ; ,-; enjoyment of what is called high prices, but by being en- ( hear, he a 1.) The average The o f f g t o h o e d e s x d o e r n t o s te o s f t i lsee s4 ,5 abled to produce from theeoil a greater quantity of produce and ci 1816 . was 133,000/. The total value of the expo! -0 than they had for many years, and being sure of a in the year 1848, in consequence of continental convulsi of fs, market where that produce would be disposed of. was 132,904,00 U. ;nearly the same amount. But lass et the significant fact—the average of 1845 and 1846, in ( le", At that period the state of Ireland, if not en tirely satisfactory to those who were its reel Glared value, was 59,500,0001., but the declared value of friends—it still it were the victim of political empiricism, 1848 was only 53,000,0001. (Hear, hear.) That is a ntt et and the only cure for its evils was still to be importaut consequence, full of instruction, and I recommee ,d considered —if still it were to be sent mes . lion. Gentlemen—and especially the advocates of free trai le sages of peace was, neverth e less, com p are d enrefully to consider th a t result, and if they can, satisfy with its present state, one only of comparative torily to explain it. We have it here upon the records of 11 to happiness.—(Hear, hear.) And, finally, i n h er Government that the working classes o f thi s country receive 4in 1848, 6,500,0001. less th an th ey o b ta i ned i n 1845 and 181 16 Majesty's Exchequer there existed a sur pl us fur the same quantity of goo d s exporte d .— (H ear, hest -.) revenue between 3,000,0001. and 4,000,0001. sterling. Now, Sir, it mays perhaps be said that in fixing upon tl ta. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to draw a still fur- commercial year concluding at the beginning of 1646, it ia, 'they comparison between the state of the co un t r y an d contrasting it with the commercial year ending in 1849, J• its state when Lord John Russell came last into power. am taking an advantage of the Government, because ei 1 Notwithstanding all the sacrifices that have been made have the tables of the Hoard of Trade, which give us retort I to th l e ose by the colonies—sacrifices which no body of men ever t s i e f n t t he y c e o a m r, m a e n r d ce lovfhtichlei s c i o io u w ntr a y eo f z ie fo e u r r ab m ie on i t n h c s re l se th i e n p ra ri !. yet before. endured and met with equal spirit—the) efaxrpforrotms. wishing c an assure hin were told that they had to make stilttheFight s H d o v n a . n G t s e g n o t l o e f ma th n ee thatts table ! E s : 3 ,12 ; but I am bound to say that in this evidence that has be M greater exertions. Not satisfied with possess offered us of the revival of trade, o a e n o d os t e he ue m nc o e r s e e sa a ti e s t frtg ing an ample surplus revenue, and discreetly administering it, we were told that the tea duty must be condition of our workmen, taken off immediately.—(Hear.) Notwithstanding we revel - se, and reasons to make me view the future c x ondid . on of possessed the greatest influence in our external relationr, the working cl asses o f t hi s country w i th increased gli enm• and mainly secured the tranquillity of Europe, that There are, I think, 65 articles of export enumerated in the did not satisfy us. What we wanted to pos tables of the Board - of Trade; and of these I find that 41. ex sees was nettling else but perpetual peace and hibit a great depreciation in value. I find that a I anger cosmopolitan tranquillity. --(Laughter and cheers.) Welt, quantity of goods was exported from this country ins the four months of 1842 than in the first f our mont h s o f 18 48 ; Sir, what has been the consecpsences of these aspirations? but that those goods have been export e d at a mac 1 1 , di this table the most e l a b orate and most authentic evideThree years and a h a lf h ave elapse d and we have upon furnished price. In nine of these arti c l es i t appear s eci of the condition of th e people. I apprehend that Hon, there has been a slight appreciation. There are fifteen Gentlemen will agr ee w i t h me that the best test articles where the gross value alone is given, and not the of national prosperity is the employment of the great quantity and theretbre it is not calculable what may bet the appreciation or the depreciation. Upon the 41 articles - (. 1 0- mass of the working classes.- - (Loud cri es o f "H ear, fireciated, which were sold to foreigners in the first four hear")—of the working population at a fair rate of pro- months of this year, for (in round numbers) 13,000,0 01.11•, fiteble wages.—(Hear, hear.) I mean, by profitably ' here would have been received, at the prices obtained last wages, wages that will leave a profit to the em- , ear, 14,685,000 . .On the nine articles appreciated I here reretrolatnisinteitraetasine o t t e p s r e ice fir t s o t tl f ie ou a r ro m o o u o n t t h o s f 04f4,10804091; whichßtit tt a l ployer; otherwise the wages enjoyed by th pr t e h c i ia s t d io e n p were told exhibited such satisfactory evidence of the revival employed would have very little prospect of lasting (hear, hear.) The rise and fall of pauperism, especial!, 4 trade, there is positively a net roefciaptriioc,ei to or s e when there are great fluctuations, are the best test of th, vi, h„, , :mount of o t _ ,7 h great is ' a ?tle.—ms depreciation which de (Hear, hear.) I will mention two. .or • state of the body politic, and especially we consider the condition of the able- bodi. o Place. There e on cotton goods export ea, noon (Hear, hear.) Now, when the Howe eempared with the price of 1848,0 f 6 - 46 000/ • irpon , r is employed in considering political systems, all sup- woollen goods exported in 1849, as ' . ' compared with 1848, of ported by great ability, aud when there is such rivalry 295,000 .; upon.linen goods, of upwards of 100, 001.; 'end of economic theories, we are very apt to pans, upon metals, of upwards of 400,000/. How are you to -,ex and take general views of affairs, we are vets slain this? How do you account for this depreciation? You apt to forget, or rather not to be consciou inay tell me the raw materiel is cheaper this year than it of the changes which are occurring hour! was last. - (Hear, hear.) But the fact is, that the raw en a t renal is dearer than it was last : year. I will tak e th e art i cle up in beneath us, and a b ou t us, an d t h e a l terat i on is not drawn which the greatest depreciation takes place -that of cottea 1. to theist, results until they are reelfseo. It we look to th l'he average _price of the fair quality of cotton for the fin;t state of the able. b“died poor in England at the corn- !our months of 1848 was 4 5 1 4 d. and one- third, and in 1849 it meeceinent of 1846, and the condition of the able-bodise was ' , early 414 d. Now, a farthing in the pound upon cotton poor in England, up to the last perioe eno light appreciation of value ; yet the English workminn when we have authentic information on th, has been obliged to receive for his labour 646,0001. less thee'. subject, we find a startling result—Bear, hear)— he di , l last year. I think, S:r, this proves that which I haw lam not bringing before the House any factitious state- taken occasion frequently to impress upon the consideraticat ments, nor any an .nymous letters—no correspondence, how. of the House—namely, that you have made a mistake as to ever credible, excepting that which is officially authenticatee rite principles of profitable interchange between nati ons .-- to the House. 1 avail myself of no illegitimate mode of (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe it is continental convulsitiaa bringing forward or supporting the statement which I have or railway investment, or commercial speculation, or the to make, and I trust I shall not be met by any data or in- Irish famine, that ha, caused this decline in the exchange.. formation resting on slighter grounds than those on which able value of the English workman's labour. It is the hos. my own propositions and conclusions are founded. The tile tariffs of foreign nations.—(Hear, hear)— bi fi w-.c.. you bans House at present has before it the report of the Epglish to encounter, which no policy of yours has yet modified, and Poor-law Commissioners, which very plainly shows the state which the system you are pursuing aggravates in their coat and condition of this country at this time and in the year sequences.—(Fleur, hear.) I have oaten taken occasion to 1846. Within that time the increase of the able-bodied state - the principles upon which I think the theory of red. paupers has been 71 per cent., and the increase of paupers procity in commerce depends; but hitherto I have done so generally, taking all classes, was not less than 41 per cent. with all the disadvantages which, in an assembly like this, The report of the Commissioners shows within that time an any one must endure who appeals only to abstract reason,. increase in the expenses of the poor amounting to not le ss Now, however, we have practical results befo , e us—in the than 25 per cent., and the report further shows that the the sufferings, unfortunately, of the people of this country; number of able-bodied poor relieved in the quar t er en di ng an d i n t h e decl i ne of our wealth—which illustrate t Lady-day, 1846, was 382,417,whi1e the number of able-bodied theory. It has been said, indeed, that the principles upon poor relieved in the quarter ending Lady-day, 1848, was which the reciprocity system of commerce is based are 666,338, while the number of all classes relieved in the quarter incontrovertible as far as they go, but that they ending Lady-day, 1846, was 1 , 332 , 0 - , ' 9 , and that in the quartet only apply to direct trade between nations; and inasmuch ending Lady-day, 1848, was 1,867,541. From the same authen- as the transactions of the world are carried on very little tic statements it appears that the expenditure for the relief of by direct trade, they are in fact of no influence in the con the poor for the year ending Lady-day, 1846, was 4,954,2041., duct of affairs. But I think the critics who are so prompt and that for the year ending Lady-day, 1848, appears to be to make these observations are little acquainted with the 6,180,764/. I venture to think that, with such facts as th ese theory of commercial reciprocity. In my opinion we can before me, I was excusable—nay, f u ll y justified—in bringing only encounter the hostile commercial tariffs of foreign such a motion as this before the House.—(Cheers.) When countries by countervailing duties, and I think such a sys- we find that within the short period of three years the in- tem occasions not scarcity and dearness, but cheapness and crease of the able-bodied poor has arisen to the height of 74 abundance. I say that one of th e pr i nc i pal causes of the distress of the people of England is, that you have estab per cent., I say that the state of the country does demand an fished a new commercialsystem, which mistakes the prin knowinquiry y this House of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) I ciples upon which . exchange can take place be that very many ready reasons may be given for these thata profitablehe consequence deplorable results, and I have not forgotten that the Commis- tweet nations ~ . of your adopting this is to render British labour of a sinners have given some reasons on this subject; but all system less exchangeable these evils may be accounted for without altering the result that its result must be dimin • value; if diminution of profits and 'on of wages; and that you • de -the stern facts remain unchanged. I am aware that the pressi persist in your system, instead of finding means for ameliorating the condition of great extent of manufacturing depression is said to account and increasing for what has taken place, that the immigration, from Ireland the people, t h e resources of the country by the foreign commerce upon which you rely,. you will only into England has greatly contributed to it; but I take upon further depression and myself to say that the House will fall into a very great ..securereuce the labourer, not further diminution, till you. mistake if it supposes that manufacturing depression is suffi called the continental ' level, to what is popularly but below the continental cient to account for such extraordinary results. I have level— (Hear, hear)—for the whole scope and spirit of now before me papers supplied by the Poor-law Con'" y our system is to o render the . labour of this country tributary missioners setting forth the condition of twelve agric.ut to the labour of tural counties and twelve manufacturing counties ncluroiang contending ain t s h t eLc s o t t i i l n e trles„ This is the great result of the period from 1846 to 1848; yet, though ave , been unnecessary ag ainst tariffs by free imports. It is for me to say that, holding these opinions— county the manufacturing depression must this country .. opinions, as I think, justified by the stern facts , with which much felt, and the immigration from Ireland to we chiefly endured, yet those results are not sufficient to account o for all, nor anything like all, that has beenim ir t t l e l d e lt9 forei gnfated On co a mmer t ce; and which Ican d n o o e t s look to our exports, stimu sys em not increase, but wheals manufacturing causes. The average increase of the rates r Per cent , while diminishes the profits of the labouring classes and the manufacturing counties appears to be 89 b Il ut e 16*, .and the capitalists,. as a source of the renovationof • this country. that of the agricultural districts was a all classes o of the poor Hitherto, in England, w hen our increase of the expense of maintaining 25cent. (241). under per sufferingfromdepression, the industry in our manufacturing throughout England was somethinlgcounty, the increase was districts has been sustained by what 'is popularly called the In Hereford, a purely agriculture Buckinghamshire,l regret to say it home market. Now Sir, I with , have observed that great con is2l per cent., while in ' • the state ' of fusion subsists 22 per cent. Considering, then, drat this is. tto be the first duty of this House common use, and I have heard Hon. Gentlemen in this the country, I conceive i to cuter upon an examination of the subject, and lam of opi- House u se i t , on t h e same night, and in the same de neon that this is the right form in which to bring it under bate, and attribute to it, very different mean the noticeal-the House.—(Cheers.) I perceive that my Hon. ings. The Hon. Member for the West Riding, in Friend the' Member for Moutrose has given notice of an dilating upon the value of the home market, has always amendment to my motion ; that Honourable Gentlemen formed his estimate of it by the quantity of articles of is fond of giving notice of amendments, which is somewhat foreign imports which are consumed by the various classes surprising, for he does not generally succeed in carrying his that consti tu t e w h at i s called the agricultural interest ; and amendments. Mr. Fox has been heard to say, that there he has said that the consumption of a million of peasants, was at play not only the pleasure of winning but the plea• and 200,000 or 300,000 farmers, and a few proprietors, how eure of losing also. Now, the latter source of satisfaction is , ever gra.t might ha their consumption of articles of foreign one that my Hon. Friend has very often enjoyed ; and, o n I import, cou ld not b e compared with the demands of all the the present occasion, he was so intent upon securing it that 1 nations of the world. Now, that is not my idea of what is he gave notice of his amendment before he -even heard the , meant by th e h ome mar k et. I do not undervalue the terms of my motion.—(Hear, hear.) }trope some c h ance ob- I power of consumption of the various classes forming the serv a tions, I imagine that he objects to it on the ground of ; a gr i cu l tural interest, but this is not my idea of the home its not being sufficiently detinite—•on the ground that I have market. I think it is of great import lice that we should not laid before the House a set of resolutions; but I think have correct ideas on this subject, aud I wall put before the almost every Ben Member mita agree with me, that the Ilou,e e '.et i coaceiva to la. la c oat 1110 01 th e h o m e inara coor 6 e which I am taking is the regular and c.otstitutictial ; 1- , 1., and 0 ; ‘, j;,iiuencc, ~, inch it exorcises tny,n tbie, count rv, c o urse, that it is intelligible, and cannot be mistaken. Be- 1, will put it before the House eii a gr,at authority—one aides, if I recollect right,' the Hen. Gentleman was a Member • with which Hen. Gentlemen opposite will not quarrel—the proposed scheme, supported the proposition of his Noble Friend on the cross benches. The Bill, however, fell short of what it ought to be, by not giving statutahle security to the colony Lf having their local affairs administered by local legislation. He saw no indication of such a principle in,tho Birl. Lord STANLEY ridiculed the idea of discussing at so late a period of the session a measure containing principles of such magnitude, and detcils of so great imp,rtance. If the Noble Lord attempted to carry through any portion of this important Bill during the present session he would unques tionably fail, for >trenuous opposition would be offered tv it both in that and the other !louse of Parliament. Earl GIZEY saw great difficulty in separating what the Noble Lord opposite had termed the "comprehensive" from the "simple" portions of the Bill. The petition was laid upon the table, and the conversation ended. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented the fourth re port of the. Commissioners of Chat itable Donations, and in presenting some returns connected with the amount of bu siness before the Court of Chancery, be expressed a hope that his Noble Friend (the Lord Chancellor) would almost imme diately be able to resume his duties. AUDIT OF RAILWAY ACCOUNTS BILL. Lord MONTEAGLE moved the second reading of the Audit of Railway Accounts Bill. Lord LONSDALE disapproved of the measure, which he regarded as an unjust interference with private speculation, without any prospect of benefit accruing. When those searching inquiries were not made by Government into other companies, lie did not see why such interference should be caused in the case of railway companies. He then moved that it be read a second time that day three months. Lord MONTEAGLE said that as the Bill had been so fully discussed and approved of last session, he did not see why there should be any necessity for dividing on it now. The Earl of YARBOROUGH said that he did not think that the railway companies were dealt fairly with, because they had no opportunity of knowing this Bill, as it had bear printed on Saturday, and proposed to be read a second time on this day (Monday). He should therefore support the motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Lonsdale). Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared— Contents • ••• ••• ••• ••• 10 Non-contents ... 5 Majority ... —5 The Bill was then read a second time, and their Lordshirs adjourned. THE SUN. LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JITL Y 3, F 49.