The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-25 00:00:00

existing.in the Co lo ' the House the 'tattoo ncluded Demerara.? r to the Hon. Gentle- Government had re . to the Hon. Gen had not received, r than the 150 r the 16th of the p r r second queition, the morial to which the 1 which included the Stanley) had not had memorial, but intle ;ive the Hon. Gentle. the Hon. Baronet passing - the • s would he talf.q,ltr, ing of the Bll',. qr4P . Gentleman, to allO ng a decided .ai!.!6° 6 ' o OM. g that the Wel he Excheque r ' which which he propeitc rl by the Chi (as we understeeal 'uncut, as opJainc" ur not ? The letter • so much of the silver allow , as prize-road. - 'P tu r e, that the 1.1 ted Fund. lie 034'1 ink that the EXCHEQugiI Oar lelotter of then Secrd ision of the law', oil- Government. in his opinion, t 11.; ''n, nor subject to tir e ° e papers were lairl 'n of the House to tits gyring in a Bill to eollA' legality nfivbielibttv ens not neecoarY I 1 louse to accedg,.s° 0 . 0 / large number, 0 marriage Vat to have the been the custoin_ terians and utenll7°7 - 3land to be lastrte, resbyterian Charm nt of the circalo' LsureWas bro4e it able to the 1100' of for the county rson named Stnith byterian clergP°.ll • a:3 subsevent l l l y of the Istal ° this he lead beep ounsel employed larriage was Walt, i was overruled, anon !rved for the decisi of last Hilaryhat ° frec ill he result was t ;tided that the ce: ;e invalid. lle v°' O tt: s oils in this & 0 gm. stion, 005 that tl.e Judges offeref n• him to 0 ",,1 vould say that eni-a led, they were betlll,l , 'ges as the law, 411 Ike the present tilt° no doubt whateol sbyterian clerglhe dal rtain, because t,re, there anyd elinfr ,ra „ that there 3 who celebate' )yterian persuasict had frolinentild lerefore, neccss3l( undergo Government 131'. 'ring in a 00; s married bY take the wl)° ig the present AlSed f u ll and fin al n. The Noble 140,7,, in g in a Bill on ta7 that opportunity 0: bad of Ireland, as theY " ce , Since the annonn4„ and the present n'im gratitude, both t,' knnpt congderatiedno The Bill to he 13' OS _ kb and families 'iv, ehers of. Like IZ , cful for the 0011,°°,c fu e r, Lord the Seere'al; the bcsubject meetin.6s 0„, t. A more 5.01 L.) understond2:o F.. 3, to say ' Wo uld wr ii , rnment, could Ilntdoi ;he clergy and tir e fectly ready to re du ty To thought it his ba e communieatioll° t be no doubt tbs . cla o d the strongest a relief. Tl3ey 111 1 •riages so contrse74 that those tualfrilp self, who was perfe,e, and, would not Mit, fudges was gil eth ile es were valid. a parties were leryttrit; e law. Hew °tbit 'd Eliot) to pa' s . bt t, individuals an any c rime ru"isVbei He would ab°,oll to the caution of oached. Tbe 1, 1 - 01 r.ugland. I f i c e . la 11 of great latitttu„,, in the law of rollth between tWo a je o , witnesses. ll' 1 ' ell law of marrisge c oJ ld he Ncble I o rd .e he introduce bb.l,' ler of means as possible. bs o use a fact tha t w t. 26th of January ot Le workhouse of ', te r ig deserted hen 0 , ; t o sad abandoned l i d ' bet his subject , s' n t ar(i S lescribett as b s/ acr e fact having oeen.,,to not feel that d'beq. t that had be t e ': 11. 0 not but fed lo3` a adopting ti ,c , anity dictate,. the Government °!3,1 act, to hive 1310 rie of reiresing,ooo .th of lk eland oaop, e used by the 05 Ow intrOCIUCCA cry, ;0 be of that d es 04 nisters had i!" embers of tbd r ' back days for g° r esby teflon c, tha t ins n 9 ary, for ! d not to acceropfef vhich did notc so very loVa iti till not turn r., portanee.---(11e300 on the stibjee„t'ivoS ind t then retive Ires o f a rroseir,oo s had preasi6 ii;ge he law of liWr,,ol' be.most grac.di- Opt ile has-ily olt '5 [rent felt it '0 ti !0 legalis e isliat,lo,:•e, five nie3i consideration o'o4 ti 1 'ard some g 6n b oti which had ye, he pro ved th .01 before d. Tation ifbecause ,. e subject to be felt no tune ise those inar p o posed by the l ee [l o n. and Le,,,1 w ed that ther 3: v ernmeM di n deV,t Ile adinitte ,;(jer3 require eon., b ee r to hav 5 e 131'...e done its (ItitY .70 ;ession haVe'.g:%lo mat t . atur e to that tel-,;io id occurred ) As rketroio, up the (iti°sog to time, in di pre?„ • ;r ing in e 1) 1 "' E oar tto thecons. it ad given nottei:ectio ith a Ion" =Pe 4-F: te. It litid aWal,s ed n o real gers on clivvionl,4 ht be colleetet!; 1' t hey would .111^ ie lobby, often:7-01.f! Ile& Ile r tl;e late venience tto icii •loll,3 ' s of tha the division .unning over e : e a WhICII indo they ought ("e ar, ) sat •ni Muntzythat 1,.114,41 le. Nothing coli, the House, tltl e given ~~ tiiieif aeit _ _.-7-77.7„,„,.................. ,- -,........—.—_—.......55e the see act 7raeY. They all knew the very di ffi cult nature of was not in a prosperous state. . They were told by Hon. Gen ethal,a, s cu ati pa i tion of the Reeorters, and it was very desirable that tlemen opposite that the manufacturers were protected, and, a ad r a r•la li d not do "nything to increase the di ffi culty. He ' therefore, aid they, the agriculturists ought to be protected. this 'kin e ,frequently in the public notices a statement of • 111 denied the truth of that statement. How could an export and .541 ' When we returned to the gallery, we found such log country of surplus production be protected by any duty on t h at heart had rion. Member upon his legs, and we understood similar articles exported from other count . , ies ?—( Hear, hear. ) per ~,I, how said so and so.' -- (A lasigh. ) It generally hap .As well might it be said that if the Prussian Goyernment wet-, elitr,„_ nowever, that what was given in such cases was ver to impose a duty of 10s. a quarter upon the importation of T he atst Hofforn %hat had actually been uttered.—( Hear, hear.) foreign corn into Danttic, corn at Dantzie would be raised 10#. !i:, 4_,,l)a.erAsleinber concluded by proposing that at : future a quarter. Every one must ace the fallacy of such a statement, th e ~. 7 , of this Hou e neither stranger.; in the ailery nor and this was the fallacy by which it was atttorp'ed to be prove,' , shall be required to withdraw, ex g cepting , by that the manufacturers were protected, The manufacturers a4,1,1941t0n for that purpose. wanted nothing but justice—they took nothing from vary its thou g ht PEEL thought the 'House ought not to the landed proprietors, they wished to give nothing to them. di e t, as asat,se in requiring the withdrawal of strangers when He hoped that in the course of time what the manufacturers scan ~uusurs were taking place. At all events there should be now claimed would be conceded to them as a matter of justice, the He tong case of inconvenience show n i n or d er to i n d,„ and b eca ► use it would promote the int crests of the agriculturists Th ere w s to depart from its ancient and uniform practice. themselves.—( Hear, hear.) He should vote for total and im- Pros seedt a s already precaution taken for the publicity of their mediate repeal of the Corn-laws, because he thought that the Si t ; tol, h ee_s `a: e s s ;,i tthfreergenfocrne:iiin that respect there was no necessity agriculture of this country required no protection. In the evi- Ina s e Presence of straneers when divisions were taking place • (knee which was given beforethe Committee by Scotch far happened the' that art of the House ' mers in the year 1836, it was stated that the Corn-laws were ffi is 7as usually occupied by stranger ' s was p. m the occasion the reverse of advantageous, and th it 565. would he a fair re math, _ o wns, required by Hon. Members . IT;or, the whole he munerating price for corn If this was true of Scotland, it r a t eet ;: s t see that there was any such pro . ofs of public inconve- must be equally true or this country. Why did not the English 4 rasi ent sho wn es would justify a departure from the usual and farmers adopt the Scotch system of agriculture ; why did they a, Practice of the House. '". 1 1GL take a system which forced them into larger expenses ? If the Ostle r ( , lONBY thought the present practice was most same system as that of Scotland were adapted in England, with tasealdeTt contraslietory. The rule should, in his opinion, be the same outlay of money and the same rents, it would make a Nlr. w A , , • difference of one-fourth in the produce of the land in Ens:land, Piety a r "•!•a•ACE said he perfectly concurred in the pro- compared to what it was at the present.--( Hear, hear.) 4,0 4 , rescinding the rule, and submitted that the rule The Right Honourable Baronet, the Member for Dor se . °the relaxed. He was, therefore, determined to eap poa t chester, had stated that the manufacturers, notwithstanding •d' l. t . arta of the lion. Member for Birmingham. the distress, had increased their works; but was it any won eatieroviVßlNG also expressed his intention io su rt the der? In 1835 and 1836 and were very profitable, te mor e rid th . e Pon. Member for Birmingb- m. • .Nothi l rg could reg ard to . thamions or absurd than ta there was a good foreign and home trade, and the capitalists had reason to suppose that it would be a good investment for af e Q ue t , e admission and w: e rules of the House with their money. He attributed the reaction to the succe s sion of t . hdr ‘ awal of strangers.—(Cries Itlr ia s ,; ° ", , question." .‘ ° bad harvests in 1837, 1533, and 1E39, which operated lain bat it . "' lst r Z ar'' • ' h Was i m „,,. . ....tressed a few observations to the House, riously oa the Bank the England with regard to the currency. ar and 10 ,, .1 . -esibl e to catch them owing to the noise at the He had hoped that the Government would have given into the o Question, eli at t i tk liaer ' s d a 7 r t " f`` ' question," " Divide," Arc. whole system of their commercial policy, and have seen that era w e_ e then ordered to withdraw, and the House the systems of monopoly and restriction had oppressed the ener r ftn there appeared gies of the country. They were reduced to trade with only a n': .the Motion — 5 l sl thirteen millions of people, while they might trade with the 'Against it ... 187 whole world. He thought that this country would not be in- Sir • —l36 aired by freearade, and he would therefore vote in favour of the Si r at. atr;TROPOLI TAN IMPROVEMENTS. total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. tensieers,."oß moved for a Select Committee, to take into Mr. VILLIERS STUART felt that the disc ussion on the labia, th ey any plans for the improvement of the metrop olis, he ought not o h s , present question had run to such a length . that _ I P e t 4 ine e e Y ' H aar deem worthy of consideration •, and also the to trouble the House with his views upon it, but he thoug ht iatteh a Presented to this House i ii e the last . Parliament for the avert se °I . the inthe was only conscientiously discharging his duty as the-re , a nd crests of the proprietors of Waterloo, South- presentative .. of an agricultural county (Waterfo r d), and that ately 0, Vauxh all-brillges, in order to their being immedi hn t h( e ) ed to th a county in Ireland. in stating his determination to vote -in e use of the public free from toll ; and to re- Etaia their °Pinion as to the expediency of adopting any of the ( favour of the motion of the Hon. Member . for . Wolverhampton ously give a vote (Mr. Villiers). Before they could conscientiously [fir, se it a °eents and also as to the best means of carrying Pert, ' into ' for the continuation of the Corn-laws they mus t . all feel that es tal ~,.....,.e ffect; when the following Members were ap- the deepest respon sibility rested upon them, of acting under the ,r,y, Air..a.u...eliatthew Wood, Sir R. H. Inglis, Sir Win. strenst conv iction that practical advantages would arise to g00dt.,,,,i ealmer, Sir . R. Peel, Mr. Pendarves, Conel the country fro mthe continuation of those laws. Ile (Mr. Stuart) ha I attentively considered the arguments of the Hon. a h "ley, a i . " • a s Tufnell, Sir T. Fremantle, Mr. Barnard, Mr. (• a W illi a Planta, Mr. Alderman Humphery, Mr. B. Wood, Gentlemen ‘ who came forward in support of protective laws. The 447 aeel d wason, Sir B. Hall, Mr. Kemble, Mr. Hawes, n ailvantass w hich they sought by protection was the maintenance the c u l tiv ation e of the soil, which they contended would not p‘,.),'',!,a2ld Mr. Masterrnan. • rso Ala IatreRATF.S AND COUNTY-RATES. be continued if the Corn-laws were repealed. There were are ?,! t el'a le vic t lOUSE moved to reprint an " Account of landlords and the farmers or occupiers. It appeared t o w . o p t a h rt e iesinterested and concerned in the cultivation of the .aia'rattonts, of h E y assessment for poor's rate and county-rate in sell — the him that those persons would be actuated, like most persons, a torti eas, Itsa' u a a h.gland and Wales, in the year h e wi n gt2.sth e by a sense of self-interest. The best security that the . CUltl- r A k p, s n of am ' e r!allguishing the amount, and be_prrro vation of the soil would go on was the immense production of a lp a "s, o n ~.,V, levied in each county on land, on dwellina this country at the present moment, which amounted to 4 5 . aaaantat aa ,'"it's and factories, and on manorial ' profits and '+v.. 14,, millions of quarters of grain. It was a well known fact that if they were to seek over the whole world they could not get . a , 'ICE 'OF COMPTROLLER OF THE EX e C4 lO It 41 SI B CHEQUER. CHEQUER. supply of ail sorts of grain amounting to that quantity. The Hon. Baronet, the Member . for Wiltshire, had told them e h "arts o r th a H ORP rose to move, pursuant si to notice, for were e4,lg . rolk, _,,e . , n umber , of days on which Lord on ffi t ,. a., e,a .1 as of the prosperity of the country at a period when pric e s universally high. - But it should be remembered that the BPtuf t..'2, 1 _ the Exchequer, attended at the . o office of the Hon. Baronet referred to a time when this country was at war, aataetnh er. Taaaquer, from the date of his appointment, 9th and ;viten its army and navy were raised to an unprecedented 1 ,1•710 e i hi c 'dy, to the sth day of January, 1842, being the scale. Every meet at that period Who was not required for the at a a'alce h as b o p return of the appointment and present tenure r ttary • a. made H of 4 ,l aa „ . to the House Commons , dated 19th r service of the country found there was a demand for his labour; and it was, therefore, no wonder that though the price it ever,4 -- ..,.1, also a return of the number and amount o. of fool was then high, there was no distress in our streets asts"4)te?e,;le rfachequar bills signed and issued by Lord But the poor man even at that time lost by the Corn-laws the is le s im e ntr uself, and the periods and . places at additional amount which he paid for bread, and with which he ial •cul h„ a, bills have been severally signed and liab le ••Y hi bills (luring the above period." The Ho- might have purchased other comforts. There could be no I danit t t ad Gallant Member said that he had yesterdaythat under • ta ces cheapness of food was doubt, but . any circumstances n , lo ta ed to his t. . ... cia ard this mot. 'gilt Hon. Friend his intention of - bringing .. in itself a blessing to a people. He thought that while the House was constituted as at present, agriculture had no real bp ,° 1 decided ton; and he experienced from him . no egpres danger to apprehend either in this country or in Ireland. They 11 ._ nesi ta „_ assent upon the subject. He had, in addition, could afford to be generous, and if they were to be so they had iretptreseat"ataaveln saying that, though he was partial . to " rnrnent and though he placed the most M it% co • •' • ' the power to place the law on a proper footing. On these .k e e % alit , s, in the integrity, the manliness, and the talent grounds he should give his hearty concurrence to the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton. chat as a,74 1 ,)/1. Baronet at the head of that Gcvernment, Mr. AGLION BY could not consent to give a silent vote on las he w as .;._‘? say, partial as he was to that Government, 4111 slay he 'nneendent of all Governments .—( Laughter .) this s ubject. It was not altogether unknown that Members of a. e ai„,, entered that House he pledged himself that as long that House had occasionally spoken one way and voted another, `" i n ''''' have the honour of a seat in it, he would continue 44.4 l'"de nt )1 • ' ' moving for th • • gentlemen and on this question he believed they would find that that would be the case to a very great extent. Many et th as w a , a , ...enaber. His only motive in these rap e f tliien , .17:11V that the public might be put in possession who were opposed to the Corn-laws, being alarmed at the pecu liar wording of the measure proposed by the Hon. Member for sc l . ant ea.,!`set, rormation on the subject . By the Acts of Par a.'', he nne a: a for remodelling the office of Comptroller of the th,•itWolverhampton, felt it their duty either to vote against his ; s 7 •ea a4`, namely, the 48th of Geo. 111., sap. 's enacteda the tail and sth of William IV., cap. ls, for though he did not altogether 1, motion, or not to vote . at all. He (Mr. Aglionby ) had come i t to a different determination ; he felt it to be his all Exchequer bills should be pre approve of his Hon. Friend's measure, had brought s i t ed la tt e o ?eul th numbered at the Exchequer Bill-o ffi ce, and paramount duty to vote for it. The reason which _ . ger. Now by the Comptroller, or Assistant-Comp- him to this conclusion was . the extreme distress at present ''hoist exist "cav h country, for which he had in vain looked for a re tail ; of t e (Colonel S.) should suppose that the ing in the Had a moderate fixed duty been proposed, that would ...oft. Goose medy. asl ( e, nt• bills in any other place than the Exchequer 1 met his views, and would have received his most unquali /a thes anted a violation of those Acts. He would a na t attention of M a •d ve assent. In the course of the debate there had been many a( ea g leV t him the House to the evidence of Lord Bank allegations of distress, which on more than one occasion had ten s igi" . self on a late occasion in the trial of the been denied. He was surprised to hear the Hon. Member fur th, t he ti es ' s . T omkins, respecting this matter. He need not Wiltshire state last night that the operatives in his &strict, , L , , , ,d e0, t , ,e, that with the met. from which . he would read so far from being in a state of distress, were in a state ct .' i , se s , 4, he alluded to, he had no connection in any one way of comparative comfort, and in proof of this assertion he re (l4 . asil e , uf'," lion. and Gallant Colonel then read part of the si aird al • Iwhich occurred a few re c' •isc e a t „ onteagle on the tr ial , . (erred to the Operative Cons . Conservative dinners. He (Mr. Ag lionby) did not know how these dinners were got up . He hat eel i n °e arie Court of Exchequer, stating that bills had been t h i ari ou , could only say that the state of the operatives in his district (th„ 1 ' Mad parts of the country. He contended that he s very different. He hld a report in his hand . from the (-(ali e mat iolation of the Act of Parliament. Ile wa . (11 ‘ . '" aat Colonel) E I b'll • his life Isa ac eltt era _, never saw .an xc iequer iin . opqratives ot Car is e, l' I w hi ch contained so many important facts that he hoped he should be allowed to make a few ex e„,,... e we ,,,!, put for the sake of the public, he trusted his tracts from it, premising in the first place that lie did not be him , (1 7 be agreed to ; indeed, if it were not . too much lieve the statements contained therein were at all too highly ai ni e- a tti (a atitt r from a friend in office to a friend out of ( tts,. e reterner)—his Right Hon. Friend might . have sho wn coloured. In the Report of the Committee of Operatives in that town it was stated that the greatest destitution prevailed t he " Sibtl he meant to make, in which case he lia,„,3atili e , 'oral) would not have troubled the House, or put amongst the working classes • that there were hundreds of . ., ` m e .° "Pelts f• the House article of furniture; that houses containing scarcely a single .. a t eor io , e. or there was not a man in re a_ l a more than he did. T h e "R te the beds were of the most - wretched description ; that • Tie n Clt aa ta n allCK seconded the motion. the grates had little and in some instances no fire dartao4 g a r) LL . OR of the EXCHEQUER gav e his 'n them ; and that the countenances of the suf iferers indicated the greatest w ant and wretchedness. eat 1 1 5 t 1 ant Friend full credit for being actuated in his 1 ,,, It h e cLutat House by independent and honourable motives ; There was nothing exaggerated in that statement, nothing him h a te in placing it before the V i . s .eth e a k Lue Chancellor of the Exchequer) were not die- which would cause dinto that est a that the,e were 6,000 11'} te n d w4t r t r e !° the motion, he trusted his Hon. and Gallant House. It l a as i p si e e ar l e rho roi were Report receasing only Is. lid. per head tettt e h e agave him credit for acting in the same manner. peo ple for their maintenance, He held in his hand a petition which 1 41 a a il( he Chancellor of the Exchequer) presented a taut p • tat t' • had been trait ented to the Hon. Member for Carlisle, and it h e !lend time since , he asked his Honourable and Gal tter to look it ' ' whether not had did pro eee , .at and then judge or he. was agreed to at a public . m g meeting held in that town, con fi rm- It stated that in the statement to which he had referred. • th eo aet aceo laith the present motion; but his Hon. Friend in g consequence of the distress. which existed, a charita b le . he h a 4 id, l 4..', s ce• .He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) mittee was formed, combining all shades of political °pi -11, ,d e ta e _s O t he did not hesitate to repeat now, namely, that c?ni Toties Conservatives, Whigs, and Radicals—all basing hqis u o . i n tEt,ll . .s to the production of accounts of this nature, nion— , trA t ilo n. ' G r nend having given notice of his motion, he (thecommo n object, that of relieving their distressed but one . , , reaer.Ge,.,_r entle man)consulted his Noble Friend, the Comp- townsmen. . T . T his petition, which was drawn up with great a i ` su itre a, ao l al of the Exchequer, as to his power to give such care, contained an impor tant statistical statement. The faint • roost ea st as to his opinion in the case and the Noble Lord lies of the sufferers were t here . divided into trades. Amongst the rs 57a • cotton-spinners, e t an iio e,d' that, as far as he was concerned he was trades there were of handloom-W cave ee t t i lt .lein ao r `° give the returns. Thus he (the Ri " bt Hon. 39; bleachers and dyers, 20 ; and bricklayer?, 40; masons• and glaziers, 9; thi s ladg m was balanced between two considerations :in his carpenters, joiners, and sawyers, 28,, pa inters P • t it • °ti t , that it sufferers whose of tailors, 27 ; shoemakers, 40 s besides other 1 , rien t i ' , a nd, aa , was not advisable to produce returns occupations . were miscellaneous. The total number of families ct ia and t h e at° the other baud, the anxiety of his Hon. th er 'I , q l , ll , atoble Lord concerned in this motion, that the I 1 . than one-fourths of the population; whose was ,61 ,or more to more than Is. 2d. per li e Clare, he thole be presented to the House ; h and, and, on the whole, weekly earnings did not amo unt The pu blic looked with a great deal I‘httll4d b etter ( Right Honourable Gentleman) thought head.--( . Hear, hear.) • that so large a portion of it rel iv e a nrd glae way in this case to the wish of the of suspicion on the House, seeing They thoug ht this was the he "ld also ' tie (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) consisted of landed proprietors. ej on the li e raatt that • . d reason they upheld a system that bore so s everely i l sa e ,er ea t ' at ~if a different course were pursoe , Let them do something more ,ear, , -tea [h a , „ the facts might be, an impression might , starving people..—(Hear, hear.) act ed ' la n sanere was something to be concealed.—( Hear, to. this impression. He spoke quite disinterestedly on remove a t t ,,, the h WO he yielded, he begg ed to say that he consi- this point; for neither he nor any one belonging to him had is„, 4 eta a a a mber of attendances 'means been connected with manufactures. It was by the 1 :tel he tq l ,..'a thi;', ut iless or ability a man gave was by no . . . .. lived, and he loved it. But he could not justify a cies s mono th e , i t r.f ea," e , t an. th 1 in aeree fur office, and, ceitain certainly, t 0 poly, held by landlords. He would th - refire vote for the . total leeile tie time than Noble Lord must have kept a beterfac and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws, convinced that this was a e , state his regret ° °tiler gentlemen did. Friend, He had only for.. Ula Bic) uot that his Hon. in making his the only sure mode of relieving the distress of the country. as„. hur t ' refrain from observations on the case as it • Mr. lIENE AGE reminded the house that there wer . e .s a "sste i a e n , th e m Y "me before the :louse in the fullest manner, and, great many landowners amongst the small e an a c t l ta ni c i k dd n le o,, c . .las m - a t de , ee - i,',4hor a , e t ali tirne, persons might be attacked by those who whom this measure would ruin. IThe na th in e fundholde's. The 'weeted th of the details of the uestion he trusted it would be on the landholders was former y made .. cue h a Ir Y • • " at neither 1 q Noble ' Lord shrank from the cry was they were a small body, living at the . expense of the a• . ana 1 . cr se nor the to he about It, Mee,' , Its (the Chancellor of E b , r's) r e s erve people. Au inquiry at the Batik proved thcrn Lats, a y I ,,, ic„cd,,d f tale xc equt • e the same 7a.,,e ir.calaturttly s;it th • front an unwillingness to occupy s . 270 000. lie beieved the landlords to be about this would li[ 44 ' 11 h a subject that would soon came fully nun .i . , . • ' ler • vat taking their income at 39,000.000 1 4 Thos majority ea . , ala i , not give more than an average of 1501. to cacti,tbstemiousness. air ‘rPtitt " O had muchpleasure in finding t' ttl . Right r th en ian . ia is, of these people oily lived by hard work ant a present Corn sehe e , e, . corisidered it not incen,istent with his duty to Mr. HORSMAN was . of . . opinion that the tires in their effects; an g w I tu red it' . ss. /AI •• ' , 1 laws were unjust and impolitic, and hurtful ea as, th n ermation. sits k ~r. I aring ss genera Hon. Member fur 'talt with '1 at the m ereand he believed the manner in whic h . the a . - rt .i , • frankly the . Government communi t the ember ti,,, .ia r Pulite the more go Tal satisfaction would re- Wolveiliampton had worded his motion, added n i„ , el l ., ellil r k e • . . - • m • phraseo- , se„ th le wit' , specially applie Ito the present question, rassmeut of the question, because, by unn ecessary hesitates[ 'votin g with him. He voted with ' 4 ttaaat e. the Zil so imp arixiet • r i evaile,l • and he was glad logy, many personsm resent law was !ea t i. a me se l- " a ble latird, partic l ul l arly concerned, for whom, him on this ground, that he believed t he inc p ple - i which had •Ittf or 'le ho se a long p ditic tl ais ' h had based on bad grounds, and on apr It,, aatiezetiest e s t ee , (petulance,. e contras-been lir the protect e' •en u by the Right Hon. Baronet, name . by thoei d " to the [louse °, was ready to give the hn P If it had been h . th e a net en. req uired ) ine of aericulturists as a class.--t Hear, hear.) and the country.—(Hear, hear. a a .nsation It rists had fair claims for compe , ev e , atah t , eavour to follow the eaample set. before him Proved that the agricu u . .1 of 1 'louse woula, he was lai nt ea th at !lila Gentleman. He concurred with him,. he, and every Member or. his su c tle and do justice to the , iesi r id . Ise., t it w ° 9l tl be more satisfactory to discuss any sure, be ready to consider the matter , to do justice th e eratt e w ten the in ► - t ' . fairly b ht • under th e agriculturists, as they now asked the a gric ulturists What...said by the w. tq c ,,_ ti of o , _ 0, a ter vs as id brought . e& to discus , to the country at large. —( Hear, hear. ) a, it . salt Ba s i n qu esti,) 7_ ti . Ise, and they :hots proceed of the Right that he Noble Lord the alember for London of the ßill ~ _ an . 1 , le d th‘ l e but 'IL At the tame time, be thought uit unsettled es cry thing al II Barenet was ierfect 'lei s i a att e • Justice to his Noale Friend when he • 0 9• a 1 . aith t ( a . ea t ,o , l , 2a of the House to the fact, that his Noblesettl ed nothing, and lie did not state that from what was said h . Pe of they ouse, but from the declaration of the sup alisamaka traas`a`ciciattampting t o conceal anythin,g connected en rte is rs ' Of the Riht Hen. Baronet himself. .The lise ' .. a . e fla ts t ,in his own statement, stated that e haul Po be for Kritefract said he was sorry the proposition of the Right 1 "st a . 'it the same ether places then th . Comptroller's own r . d Y et ' th ti me it appeared that that was a pray .ice— Hon. Baronetdid not approach more nearly to more Liberal I qp; ( if Ih Gallant, Officer S a fi bef or. e pra mice might consider about m languagelegs_ to the same. effect ; Honourable Member but the Ilon to e r atta); and er Le :a:which had obtained in the Exchequer h 41 e p . ottld i „, , 'al Granville and Mr. Bedford. Ile (Mr. or .. f Norfolk objected to the measure on other grounds, and 44 la, r 'elet Ano further, bat he thought it right that his said it nould be t anacio, s . 1 r. • e to the agriculture' interests. 4 an _.. sh o uld cleared from the imputation that there They concurred with the Right .. . Hon. Baronet in what i.e th e liaa . aiter n t 0 •. • 1 their i t h a ti rt is n his part to conceal anything. proposed, and yet they were apprehensiv e . lest t he price o il ) s 'i t dat 1 °lad I °RP thought. he Was called on to say concurrence might cost them too mach in the end.—([fear. ear.. i f- en ee r t l a , `'raft t n ° char e & .11 , or He objected to the uature of the measure, and the manner in etit o ' ti iii the No d e Whatever, l eitherthoug h t w i )- le had should have brought forward such a measure as they had .. inttros i\.".„, con's,,: aii,„ rnak .ing his motion ; it was that Which actu- duced, after so much mystery, and after having giv v en ii r in a: doiso i, ° ale iaFrned, - ''' ‘ ''. l ° , !B when the interests of the country much expectation in . the countr d y. T e pio a ' , lila riend ~, ith regard to the hope expressed by his tress WILS now unlversally admit . te ; but the Right Ironour f alleviating that distress. let too :m i t h are \ me Chancellor of the Exchequer) that he able Baronet held out nohlp 11411 ie teuldinade any l' th o at the first indication they comments in bringing forward his He (Mr. Horsman) pre sumed. . '''t the hono ur : , "ta say that if hi Hon. Friend had done would have of the intentions of the Government o f r the relief re r isS os : . " ae rie s 1 ° /Jaye made that s reques ' t before, he should of the national distress would be made in the Chancellor ' a t'ali e i t he N o j . , ) i Ile was sure nu chare could be entertained the Exchequer's Budget. lie supposed . that the Government — th at - e quall y to L"rd, or if ' there wa s one, it was one which intended to meet the evil by the imposition of new taxes. n. 14 1 11 wh at tie h his predecessors, because ' it had been stated ( Hear, hear. ) On what grounds c ;Wel they justify the ' landed r 'ah If s COR N. : 4I dab° he hid acted according to precedent. laws? The Right Hon. Baronet had told them that t h e sclass . /lea n t Or l er of LMVS.—ADJOURNED DEBATE. interest were not entitled to protection mere' (a til t,. b eets reo lln4 while the Right lion. Gentleman the Paymas h Y .= taer aof the Day for restuning the debtte ah, r attee of th , and the Rowe [lavin g adj ourned itself into a Forces told them that the Corn-laws were to justified f or t • aa nitt ,, ,, e whole [ louse -. resolve d. ~ . upon the principle that the landed gentry e should be il i a he fi rs . saTeeN a sa .eette , .alr GREENE in tne cnair, maintained in their present station of society.—( Hear, hear, s , a ll -t t ime L. , as id that in rising to address the House , ._ r , . itee tt e %Isah t he noised they would extend to him that in- ` ll. • ) 'tshould be recollected,however, that a tax . 5ik,bt1"......( [Te ar, neY Pod eases to Members in the same to increase the luxuries of the rich, was a tax . upoc the poor t he , 1 4 t ihn e „,„ he ar) Wl7 l en h had heard her Ma'est 'sof the man's bread, and that ever, additional penny on the price tha t - 4te rn , or -an'nenceneent of th • e. a t b ro °us e -class leeislation that c session, he conceiv ed _ b . Y poor man a loaf might deprive his children of a meal. The . Right Hon. Baronet had stated that it was desirable its that this I , , N it ~ • lee this „_es occ was about to be abandoned s - country should be independent of other countries for supply i ti 4 .,, . tor lv,rd by the conceive that measures would be promptly f food. 0.,..,a11ect the e en - e But what, in reality, was to be apprehended from a e Government which would have for o i s i„„,h, .; is ~,1 4 3 1i .j es ty, s so t. ,ie ral prosperity and comfort of all classes ofofthe Comm ittee of 1833, state 0 . .t p , , c . _. In the rep ort _ I , ll sll ( e 4 aapoi nted i . ts• Ile deeply regretted to find that he an twist!, was mad e from the evidence . of Mr. J acob, which i set, osegat force in that e xpectation, and that the Ministry showed_taenatute_of , the dependence arising out of the present l aw i a t h, e eff ect c artl a measure which, '• . his • ' s tate of things. 111 . Jacob, having first been asked as to the a! • asie rne •- 0. perpetulti l n. opinion, would degree of our dependence on other countries in average years, il ese a Introduced t ng elass legislation. The Corn- . cam 4 el,u, e iY the Government would, he believed, again asked Meat he thought itwould be in years below was Th e . ie ere a 'teem, the class atattle a d of iandlords. The interests of g question was put as to what would be the the averse. _ ~ 1 11„`all lab o 4 t he manufacturi that. prospect or a su l p y in the recurrence of such a harvest as H o ' tearetted wring classes, were all ng community, as well as of 1616? To this he answered that the deficiency "could not a. ,t,ot the tone assumed in the by the measure. be supplied from all the world. In 1832 there was on hand a ei,.4tesswas calculatel,, uco the ether s course of that debate by supply for fourteen months, but if in the next year there were d t side of the House, whose lan- • ,tislirrent interest • o rouse el only eleven months' :supply, there would be a deficiency of one ass against class, and to array oitaiieer with a of the community in o '-' •each w hich all tilt world d le could month, .not supply."—( Hear hear. ) 'e ta' th at elf to sow dissension pposition to Thus not enly were we dependent on foreign nations, it had t ,,, th extension of popular amiii i ng them, in but by these laws we prevented them from raising the L lsta d bc ets sta aeaple of this country, rig hots m•glit be means of sup plyi n g us, which they can only do when they have 'wailleaste doetio ed that the object of the manufacturers Hear, t hear. ) a certain anticipation of our receiving their produce. The th 4t ~to re ,? :) f wages. He denied that they was to consumer must be dependent upon some one, and certainly it th an l aeeti„ lit ." e them.—( Hear, hear. ) Ile co nt en d e d he the was better for him to be dependent upon the whole world than ... m, in kh c:ivr t•ur . Crs were rather interested i i th e ar 3, Whits}e t wiring of wages, for high w increase fain 1' te —( Hear, hear.) He thought. the necessary and ~,,, lOw wages proved that the in ages proved high • lit - C inn .. • -- - are daily and licurly experienced from anufacturing interes inevitable evils w hich THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVEN .N:Cir. FEBRUARY 25, 1841.. being at the mercy of the - home-monopolists, were ten times greater, and ten times more to be deprecated, than any which either sophistry or selfishness could conjure up.-- Hear, hear.) He considered the proposition of the Right lion. Baronet was only a modification of the old Corn-law ; but the discussion had not been without its uses. There had been some admissions made which placed the opponents of monopoly on more advantageous ground th an th ey ever h e ld before. In the first place they had an admission from the Right Hon. Baronet, at the head of her Majesty's Government, which they had never had before, when they were aitacking the laws, and Hon. Gentlemen opposite were defending them in all their details. But they now had an admission that the protection given to agriculture by the existing laws was much higher than nccesssary. He thought that admission a most important one, but it was made with a qualification that robbed it of a great deal of its grace, because the Right H on . B arone t t e ll s hi s Mends they had now a great deal of superfluous protection ,for which they incurred a great deal of superfluous odium, and that. his plan took away a little of that protection, and left only the odium they at. present suffered. Hence they were driven to the single argumentof the fear cf a dependence on foreign supply. As to the argument of the peculiar burdens on agriculture, they had ntt been distinctly stat e d ; a n d th e H on . Gentlemen opposite were too well known for it to be supposed that if they could hare given them in detail.they would not have done 50. With respect to the fear of dependance on foreign supply, he believed that a time would come when the House would ba ashamed to look back on the period when laws were founded on so insare a principle. In what other country of the world could such a thing have occurred, as had occurred in England a few years ago; in 1837, when great destitution prevailed in OH Highlands of Scotland, when deputations from the Church and the aristocracy of that country, when the peasantry were in a state of famine, at the same time a party of merchants, in London, came to the Government and said they had a great deal of corn in bond, and that they found the warehousing of it was only accumulating expense upon them, and, therefore, begged to be permitted to take it out of bond and destroy it? It was taken out of bond, and actually sunk in the Thames, under the superintendence of the Excise. This was done at one end of the kingdom when its subjects at the other ex tremity were absolutely at the same time dying from starvation. —( Hear, hear.) This fact required no comment, and could not have happened in any other country in the world. He agreed wi h the Hon. Member for Edinburgh, who upon considering the plan of the Right Hon. Baronet, was surprised why he had introduced it. But the upholders of the Corn-laws had done more damage to the Corn-laws in one week, than had their opponents in a series of years. The new scale sanctioned the verdict of the public against the law. They , could not now perpetuate it; but if they endeavoured to prolong the strug gle, the result would be more disastrous to them than the loss of that law to which, as the Paymaster of the Forces said, the landowners were indebted for their position in society. Mr. COWPER understood the Right Hon, Baronet to have stated, that he proposed the best measure he thought it pos sible for him to propose. If the Right Hon. Baronet said he had brought forward as great an alteration as his followers would permit him, he would have been nearer the mark. The country was greatly disappointed at the measure which was proposed, and he ( Mr. Cowper) was convinced few persons ex • eept those who were dealers in corn expressed their appro!-A tion of it. When lie considered the persons who composed the Right. lion. Baronet's Cabinet, and the expressions which had fallen from several members of that Cabinet, and others upon the opposite side of the House, he should say, if there was any change at all, it would he a change for increased protection. He would at once admit that the scheme proposed by the Right Hon. Baronet was an improvement of the present law, but un der no circumstances would be (Mr. C.) support a sliding scale. No one could think that the present measure would be perma nent ; and he trusted that some larger and more comprehen sive measure would soon be adopted. Sir R. BATESON said he had not intended to take any part in that debate ; but, as a Member for an Irish county, he could not remain silent after the remarks which had fallen from the Hon. Member for Waterford. The Hon. Member had in round terms accused the Irish landlords of extorting too high tents : and had asserted that this was a great cause of the distress of the people. No man would more deprecate high rents than himself ; but he would remind the Hon. Gentlemen that there were many estates on which landlords had no power to reduce the rents—estates which were let upon long leases of three lives in 60. years; and others which were under the con trol of the Court of Chancery.—( Hear.) The Hon. Member for Waterford had expressed great commiseration with the wants and miseries of the people ; and in that commmiseration he (Sir R. Bateson) fully concurred; but he was more astonished than he was, to hear the Hon. Member state that the removal of the duty on corn would increase the comfort and happiness of the poor of Ireland. He was surprised to hear such a statement front one who was so conversant with Irish interests. One of the great sources of discontent was want of employment. He knew that Ireland contained few manufacturing districts; jtherefore the whole of the employ ment of the labouring classes came from the agriculture of the country. Now,.by doing away with the protection on corn, it must inevitably threw these people out of employment. —( Hear, hear.) The lower orders of Ireland were not in the habit of eating wheaten bread. He wished they were, and he hoped to live to see the day when they would live much better. But it was not the price of wheat that would affect them, it was the price of potatoes. If they gave the labouring man sufficient to enable his family to subsist on oat meal and pot aloes, he was happy and comfortable, and did notlook for wheaten bread, it would be of no use to him whatever, be cause he would not have the means of buying it.---(Cheers from the Oppo,ition.) He should give his hearty and honest vote against the motion of the Hon. Gentleman. He wished for protection, but not to increase the price of food to the suf fering classes. He believed the measure would be rain to Ireland. He thought the protection of the Right Hon. Ba ronet was not sufficient; he. could have wished it at 2s. per quarter higher upon oats ; cut at the same time he would try to be satisfied.—( Laughter. ) Mr. PROTHE ROE said that he thought the Corn-laws were ti.e cause of the existing distress, and liar that reason he shout vote far the entire repeal. It might cause a little distress in the agriculturs,l districts, but that distress would not be permanent. He thought that the aristocracy was an ornament to the country. He had hoped that on the occasion of them combining with the people on the Reform Bill that they were not again to be severed He should vote for the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton, be. lieving that he saw in it steadiness of trade. Sir HOWARD DOUGLAS said that he was determined the electors of Liverpool should labour under no mistake as to his views upon the vast questions which were so intimately connected with that great constituency. That they should be under no mis take, he told them plainly and explicitly his views upon those questions upon which rested the independence, the power, and the very existence of this great empire.—(Cheers.) He had given out this principle in all his canvasses with individuals and in public bodies. He took occasion to review briefly, but he trusted correctly the commercial systems of all countries for the purpose of showing that not one country on earth altogether ap proved of the principle of free trade, and that it would be one of the greatest evils for us to try to do tha , . which all other countries, more or less, repudiated.—(Loud cheers from the Mi nisterial benches.) With this declaration explicitly made, he be. lieved, to every elector of Liverpool, he had the honour and good fortune of being returned without opposition at the represen tative of Liverpool.—(Loud cheers.) He had a right, therefore, to asrume that the principles he professed, and the views he de clared, were received and adopted by a great majority of the people of that most influential town. —(Cheers.) His constituents had sent him there, not as the representative of a party or a faction, but the representative of the whole of that constituent body, and he gave a negative with hearty g mod will, to the motion before the House. The Honourable Member fur Wolverhampton, the mover of this question, among many other things which he would not take up the time of the House by observing upon, the Hon—Gentleman stated that England lay between, two continents, the old and the new world, and that the present system refused to give to one the advantages of both. Now, continents were wide terms, and he should not frighten the House by going into a review of the systems adopted in the coun tries of Europe. Ile passed by Russia, he passed by Prussia and the German League, Denmark and all the other countries wills few ob servations. Three countries consumed of our manufactures from 3d. per head to sd. or 6d., and was never higher than 10t1, a-head. lie should pass over the Danish trade to which the non. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhampton had adverted, and merely cn passant, he would observe that in 1823 our shipments were as five to three, and in 1839, it was 5,000 and 6,000 tons British. He would not take up the time of the House by speaking of the folly of manufacturers without commercial treaties, and he should only observe wills regard to F;ance, that it had been said " we shut the door against French productions, and therefore it was that they would not receive our productions;" instead of this being the case, we had twice lowered the duty on wine and had opened to them our productions in coal, iron &c., and what had been the return ? He believed that the quotient of the value of British manu factures used in France, divided by the population in France, would give give something like clevenpe.nce per head per annum. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.) He would pass now to the United States. The Noble Lord said the Member for London stated that our manufactures were shut out from the United States, because we closed the door against their productions. In the year 1840 there were received into the port of Liverpool no leas than 1,160,000 bales of cotton brought over in upwards of 700 vessels, three.fourtlis of which were American. ets'llo:,tehucaretneettsivrryrhwoocedlprieuevrcaeodiedimouitoico,utoi:gttLyhoeitel,:::hruspaoieoaisit,w.edooofocemtsootautaattlntocieidnrsitaii)eli:sfilb:toacrir;aiste,aed: q‘firaonmtitytlimo6Uon,oitoedo id trade wa s , s h u tting tl)%,eais, being that o tb u l ea t to work it up, should buy the miniufactored article for it. But no such thing was the care betWl`ell the United States and us. We took the raw article from. them, and so far from their taking our manufactures in return, they are shutting them out as fast its they could.—( Hear, hear.) Ile had heard reference made to the speeches of an American President, who made some very dicious observations relative ti the folly of a country becoming b. able on foreign countries for support. lie would now, with the permission of the House, read extracts from speeches made by different Presidents in America, from the time of Washington clown to the. peseta period. (The IlOn. Gentleman then pro ceeded to read extracts from the Messages of Washington, Jeffre son, Mattlieson, Munro, and Jackson, in favour of the system of protection.) He hoped the country did not imagine the Americans would lower their tariff ; instead of that their protective system, would be still more strenuous. He (Sir 11. Douglas) would say to the House, as he had said to his constituents, that he would write on his banner, not " free trade," but " fair ;slay." lie believed that free trade was unfair play.—(llear ) He bade them no longer to pursue the phantom free trade ; it existed not on earth ; but let us, article by article, take into consideration our commercial tariff, and if amendments could be made, let them be Made coolly and calmly. He would admit, that if we were to receive produce from the new countries, snore especially the British North American provinces, it would lead to a considerable extension of the use of British manufactures in those States. The Hon. Gentleman then commented briefly on the speeches of the Noble Lord the Member for Tiverton, and the Hon. Member for Glasgow, its reply to whose remarks he said, that the course of policy adopted by the British Legislature had extended these little islands, though situated alone in the centre of wide seas, surrounded by the raging waves, into such an empire as the world never saw. Might we be able to maintain that great empire in that ascendancy to which she had arrived by those principles! Might they be maintained in spite of those who'said tint they had adopted an improper line of policy.—(Cheers.) He would not further trespass upon the House but merely to assure Hon. Members that he would not often tres. pass upon them. He would, at all events, never speak but when he had something to say—(Laughter, cheer,, and counter cheers) — and he should always finish when he had done.—(Laughter.) Several Members then simultaneously rose to address the House, but Mr. Cobden caught the Speaker's eye. Mr. COBDEN said, if the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had kept one other promise, as well as the one he had given, namely, when he spoke he would only speak to the subject, the ►louse would no doubt hear something more satisfactory upon the ,„bj ct of Corn-laws.—(Laugliter.) The House had now been occupied for seven evenings on the subject of the Corn laws, and he (Mr. Cobden) must say that the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton certainly had much cause of complaint, that in those seven 'venings scarcely two hours had been occupied in considering the Honourable Gentlemen had adverted to the condi ions of Syria, and the affairs of China; but there was very AMC said upon the subject of taxing . the poor man's bread, and he thought lie could very safely say that there was not one Honourable Member on the opposite of the House, it h ire o y:i u ir_ l d, d i (n b tfo e hl tee who had grappled at all with the question.—(Cheers from the Op position. That question ‘s as, Low far it was just, how far 4 was Posed upon the bread expect tliat the Right lion. Baronet Hon. Baronet would have finished his last speech upon the subject o l lt l i f:si honest, h . c c : d e: g ' th or ,workingiii expellent,co certainly t classesliiMember) ytbbeearft) must t a h c n c i h y o s entcnafoexusl confess of the Corn-laws, that subject which is of_ such vital importance to the.interests of this country, without giving some little considera- s''iljeCi tion to the subject—(Cheers) —without giving some considera tion to the tax he was about to impose upon the poor man's bread. 1 would venture to call the attention of the House to the tax on the wages of our labouring classes, and I would express a h ope that the Right Hon. Baronet would meet us upon native gr ound. I have heard from the other side at. ' expression of sympathy for the manatee luring this House to give som e s y mpa thy a l so tc the working classes of th e country, particularly as they are now admitted to be in the most ab j ect state of poverty and misery. —(Hear, hear.) On reading the debates which took place in the isg classes. Hou s e a I strongask 1815, when a most stringent measure upon the subject of the Corn-laws had been Passed, I saw that all parties who had taken a part in that discussion, agreed upon one principle, namely, that the price of food regulated the price of wages—that principle was agreed upon by all parties. We had then persomeof the most opposite opinions agreeing upon that subject. We found Mr. Horner agreeing with Mr. Baring, Mr. Franklin Lewis agreeing with Lord Western; in fact, all parties agreed that the price of food regulated the price of wages—they did so agree that they laid down, and actually proved it by mathematical principles. There was, then, a petition from Manchester, praying that the Corn-laws should not be passed, because, as it was alleged, it would have the effect of raising the rate of wages, and that it would prevent the people of Manchester from competing with foreign manufacturers. I am struck with astonishment how there could be such de lusion. upon this occasion. The party who passed the bread tax in 1815 did it under a delusion, and I am thoroughly convinced if the facts now known had been known at that time, the law of 1815 would never have been passed —every party was then deluded, but it is not so now —the working classes of the country are not deluded because they see clearly, without the aids of politi cal economy, what the operation of the Core-laws is upon the rates of wages, and, therefore, when this law was passed in 1815, it was passed at a time when the Parliament was compelled to keep an en raged multitude from its doors at the point of the bayonet. At a time when murder was committed, because theCoroner'sJury on one of those occasions of popular excitement gave a verdict of murder against the soldiers and others, who had been engaged in quelling those riots ; and from the year 1815 down to the year 1819, when the great meeting took place in Manchester, there never was a public meeting held during the entire of that time, at which there were not banners inscribed with " No Corn-laws."—(Hear, hear.) There was no mistake in the minds of the multitude then, and let not Hon. Gentlemen suppose that there is any mistake in the minds of the working classes of England now. They may has; looked beyond this question ; and now when they raised the cry of Universal Sufft•age, and state that they arc for the Charter, let not Hon. Members suppose, when they find that' the Anti-Corn-law League are running in collision with the Chartists of the day, that therefore the Chartists are interfering in the slightest degree with the abolition of the Corn.laws. From all that I have heard from Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, who have always de. cried all sorts of lectuses upon this subject, I bare found an igno, rance—(oh, oh)—I repeat it, I haye found; an ignorance upon this subject, which 1 have never seen eqtrieled in any body of working men in the North of England.—(Loud cries of " Oh, oh," and " Order, order.") Do you think that the fallacy which was so rife in 1815, that wages rise and fall with the price of bread, should have been put forward within these last three years, and yet that wages have suffered a greater decline than they have in any three years of a former period, and yet the very arguments of those Hon. Gentlemen have trot only admitted, but actually proved the decline of wages—still they attempt to maintain the doctrine that the rate of wages is dependent upon the price of food.—(Hear, hear.) 1 call that ignorance, —(Loud cries of " Order, order," and cheers from the opposition benches.) Yes, I call it ignorance, fur I cannot call it design, under the belief that the law will have the I ffect of keeping up the rate of wages. Then I am told that the price of bread here is so much higher than the wages on the continent, and that the.price of bread might be also higher. I deny that the wages of this country are higher than on the Continent; on the contrary, I nun prepared to prove from documents emanating from your own (the Ministerial) side of the House, that wages here arc escaper than they are upon the Continent.—(Hear.) Hon. Members when they compare the wages of this coumtry with the wages of the Continent, end the amount of labour performed, altogether forget, I maintain, that the English artisan performs more ditty, and that, in point of fact, the labour of England Is the cheapest in the world. The Committee sitting on Machinery for the last year but one, has vouched for the fact that labour on the Continent is dearer in every branch than it is in England.—.(Hear,) There you have evidence that the labour of one English men on the Continent is worth three of the artisans of France, Belgium, or Germany, or any other part of the Continent. Go, far instance, to any large city of the Con tinent—te Venice, or any other place, will you not find a great number of English artisans earning twice the amount of wages earned by their fellow-labourers, and there you are told that their labour is the cheapest.—(Hear, hear.) We don't want low wages in order to secure our prosperity. If you come to consider it you will always be sure to find that when wages are drooping, the prosperity—the general prosperity of the country will be drooping too.-.(Hear, hear.) I hope the manufacturers of this country will take a more enlightened view of their own interests, and of the general interests of the country, than to suppose that their prosperity could be advanced without also considering the interests of the working classes. Let me tell this House that if you deteriorate the condition of the popu. lation of this country you will run the risk of destroying not merely an animal but an intellectual people.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Let me tell this House that it Is not a half starved or a potato-fed population that led this country on to vic tories in the day of need.—(Loud cheers.) If you wish to keep up the character of your people you must keep them well fed. Upon the assumption that the Corn.laws are about to pass into a law, I say that this House is imposing unjust burdens upon the people. You have heard the Right Honourable Baronet say, in answer to the fallacy which I have often heard before in this House, that we do now compete wills the foreign markets.—(Hear, hear.) It Is true that we may do so, but we do so by taxing the bones and time sinews of our people.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) You put double weight upon them, and then you tell them to run the race with their German and foreign com petitors.—( Loud cheers.) I ask you, whose energies are those that brought Britain to what she is ? Are they the energies of the people, or are they yourss—(Hear, bear, and ironical eheersi) Is it just, that the peeve should strive and struggle for the means of existence, and that you should have half what they earn 2—(Hear, hear.) You do not treat your horses so; the people of this coun try have been infinitely worse treated than your dogs or horses have. What was the pretence with which the Right Hon- Baronet pro posed to tax the bread of thepeople ? The object which the Right. Hon. Baronet professed to attain by imposing a tax upon foreign corn, was to enable the people of England to compete wlth their neighbours on time Continent, and render them independent of them.—(Hear, hear.) I have ready to doubt, while listening to the Right lion. Baronet, whether we have not travelled back to the days of the Edwards.—( Hear.) What an avocation for a Le. gislature to tax the price of cren for its, people! One would rather imagine that that was a fitter duty for the dea:ers in the markets. —(Cheers.) You don't do that with cottons, with iron, or with tin ? Why do yo m do it wills corn, the indispensable necessary for the maintenance of our people.—(Hear, hear.) Go bads for fifty years, said the Right Hon. Baronet, and you will find the price of corn about 565. a quar.er, and I, eeetinued the Right Hon. Be ronet, proposed by my scheme to keep the price of wheat in this country betwee m 545. and 343. a quarter.—(Hear, hear.) 1 believe it was already suggested by an Honourable Member on the opposite . aide of the H ouse, that 535. a quarter should be the minimum pr ice of corn; but in this day's papers, I saw with dis. gust the Duke of Buceingbarn said it ought to be 60s. a quarter at least.—(l eughter.) But there is one Hon. Gentleman in this House, and I hope we shall have the pleasure of hearing him, as he will, I am sure, go more particularly into the general state of the markets of this country. I have observed, in a useful little book " The Parliamentary Companion," under the hand of an Honourable Gentleman named Cayley, an invention of such a course of policy as would keep up the price of wheat at 645. a quarter, and that cheese, wool, butter, and other articles should be kept up in the same proportion.— (Laughter.) This might be very amusing; it might be amusing to find that there were Gentlemen to be found—Gentlemen styt to be found at Large—(Laughter) —.µ,50 would advocate the principle that Parliament should interpose to fix the price at which the pro duce of the people's labour should be sole —(lronical cheers.) That was very good indeed ; but when we find the Prime Minister of England coming down to this House and proposing such a measure as this, I think it becomes anything but amusing.—(Cheers, and counter-cheers.) I ask the Right Hon. Baronet, is he prepared to regulate the trade in cotton, linen, and other articles, as he is about to regulate the trade in corn ?—(Hear hear, and cheers.) I will pause for a reply.—(ltenewed cheers.) Sir HOBERT PEEL said he would say it was impossible to re gulate the price of corn by the price of cotton. Mr. COBDEN—WeII, then, I ask the Right Hon. Baronet will be try to legislate to keep up the price of cotton, wool, silk, &c., and I pause for a rep'y ? [A general silence pervaded the House, and after a short pause Mr. Cobden proceeded]--- Then there is is no reply to that question.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) It comes to this, that weare not legislating in this House for the universal people.—(Cheers.) Here is a simple open avowal that we are met here to legislate foi a dinrent class, whose interests are egainstethe people, and I de not marvel at what I have seen, that we have been in this House surrounded for the last week with an immense police force.—(ol) oh, and a laugh from the Ministerial benches.) I cannot let this subject drop in a laugh. It is no laughing business to those who hare not got wheat to sell.—(Hear, hear.) I say the price of cot ton for the last ten yews has been on an average 30 per cent. more than it had been formerly. Is the landlord to get all the advantages? I have very great doubts indeed whether this is legislating at all. It is no answer to me that theßight Hon. Baronet should say that he could not pass a law to regulate the price of. cotton. Surely that is no answer. I ask him to consider whether the measure he has proposed is a just or equitable course of policy. I have not touched npon the slirper of this question,—(Laughtere I ask the Right Hon. Baronet, whilst he is fixing the sliding scale to secure wheat at 565. a quarter, whether he has no sliding scale for wages.—(Hear, hear.) I knoiv the interests of the clergy arc pretty well cared fur, but what will aon do with the operative if the price of his food is to be kept up Is it not but just that you should keep up the s,ale of his wages 7 — (Cheers.) But that is no reason why a law should he passed by you to mulct the poor labourer of Is. 31. of his wages. If the poor hand-loom weavers and the operatives were to appeal to you to pass a law to secure their wages at a certain average, you would answer, " We have not the power to do this ; these things are settled by the law of supply and demand." You would therm sertitintse the petition, amid finding that perhaps many of them could not write, you would say, " Alm! time poor people arc ignorant, they know no better I" But why should you snake a law to keep up Use price of the rich man's wheat, and not make a lass to keep up the price of the poor man's labour ? (cheers.) This is the point of view now in which the country is approaching the consideration of this quastinn. There is no use in resorting to sophistry; no good ;it disguising the truth in a dexterous combination and shuftßeg figures. No'hing will satisfy the people of this country till you shoe them that this is a H ous e asse m bl ed to legislate for the benefit of all, not a band of confederates leagued to serve the interests of one elass.7-(Cheerse Now what is the law? policy of this brea d-taxing First, that there are exclusive burthens pressing on the land. I tl heard but on e explanation of this point; that was from a witty_ ge ntl eman near m e, who said, " Yes, the land is burthened w i t h heavy mortgages"—(Hear, hear.) But when the Right Hon. Baronet framed his Bill to Compensate the landowntree on account of the burthens it sustains, he was bound by his duty to the country, to name what these bur thous are. When he was asked the question, the Right Hon- Baronet's answer was, t h a t there are a great variety of opinions on the subject of the peculiar burthens °" the land.—(Laughtere I could have said this much myself. — (Laughter.) S urely, before he set about framing a law to cotnpensate the landowners en ac count of these burthens, he ought to have concluded in his own mind what these burthens really were.—(Cheers.) Now, I will not enter on the burthens borne by other classes ; but I will tell the Right Hon. Gentleman that for every burthen he can show me to be borne on the land, I will show him ten burthens from which land is exempted.—(Cheers.) But the Hon. Member for -Rem fcewshire has referred to the land-tax as one ground for compen. seisms. Really, Sir, I am surprised that we should not now have the returns which were mo ved fel. some time ago re specting the proportions of land-tax Paid by other countries of Europe. Certainly there hes been lime enough. What hare our Ambassadors and Consuls been doing, that fur the want of these facts we cannot test the r e p resentatio ns of ou r Fi nance - Minister? Our bureaux in London must be badly kept, indeed, if this information be not already to be found ie them. Although I am without o ffi cial information, I am not excluded from giving a general report of the amount of the land. tax abroad. But at present I will confin e m yself to the land-tax of France. M. Hamann, the Fina nce Munster of France, lately stated in the Chamber of Deputies that the land paid 40. per cent. on the whole revenue, and ;15 per cent. on the revenue of the Pro prietore of the soil,—(Hear, hear.) In this country, the land.tax, redeemed and unredeemed, is 1,000,0001.; d . 8 just ab out half thcatax the poor man pays on his tobacco, ' this Paid upon a property worth, according to Mr. M Qewe 23,000,0004 And the posses sors of this immense wealth now want to tax the poor man's loaf:to compensate them fur the heavy burthens they sustain.—(Cheers.) I say, therefore, that until the Minister lays b e f ore this Committee his views on this subject, this House is not _treated with proper re- meet, and the country is not treated with proper respect.—( Hear , tear, and cheers. However, I have seen with some satisfaction, in the course of t this debate, - a great many important ad missions made. As we cannot get all the evidence me want, this is some consolation. R is no longer de nied that the profit of the bread-tax goes to the landowners. —(Cheers.) I never heard this admitted before until it was ac. knowledged by the Right Hon. Baronet, butelien he said the ex clusive burthens excused this. This ought to have been proved 25 or. 26 years ago when the present law was passed; however, we have it sow admitted, that this grinding tax is to be kept up for the avowed benefit of the landed proprietors.—(Hear, :hear.) But the Right Hon. Baronet says, one partof the benefit is to go to a class; the other to the benefit of the State. Now, I have seen seen no arguments to justify this Other part. The Right Hon. Baronet says, we must not depend on foreign countries for a supply of food, that we should only rely upon them for supplemental sup plies ; and that as in certain years, we have enough for ourselves, we should only legislate to take in corn when it is wanted. Now, in this proposition I agree entirely with the Right Hon. Baronet. Let in corn by all means when you want it, and keep it out when you do not; but then I must stipulate for the starving people of this country, that they, not you, shall be the judges when corn is wanted. Can you measure and gunge the wants and appetites of 16 millions of men ?—(Cheers.) Shall you who are the producers of bread sit down and legislate for the people's wants and the people's prices 2—(Cheers.) Was ever such enormous assumption in this world ? Why, no despotism in history has proceeded to such dreadful lengths as this.—(Cheers.) You undertake to dole out supplies to the people when yon think they are wanted. Can you judge of the condition and wants of the miserable Isand-lOom weavers, of the poor operatives of the suffering millions-eyou, who sever knew the want of a meal ?—(Bear, hear, and loud cheers.) This, however, is the Right Hon. Baronet's plan. A few nights ago, he said that, for a period of four or five years at least, we had had enough of corn for our necessities; that from the year 1832 to 1836, we had as much as we warted. Yet, lie contradicted this as sumption last night. Ile said that in 1836, when bread was so abundant, 800,000 hand loom weavers were actually unable to sup. 1)1y themselves with the necessaries of life, though working sixteen hours a day.—(Hear, hear, and eine s.) Was not this the same period when Me. Inglis travelled through Ireland, and communicated to us the startling and awful announcement that one-third of the people of Ireland perished prematurely from want of the necessaries of life ? (Oh, oh, and Hear hear.) Yes, that was the time in which, with perfect self-complacency you now come forward and say the people of this country had suf. ficient food.—(Hear, hear.) I have heard other admissions, but another most startling one, which has been repeated half a dozen times, and not yet contradicted. It is an admission by the Pay. master of the Forces. Still I wish to know whether I understood the Right Hon. Gentleman correctly? He said the landlords were entitled to the Corn-laws, because they enabled them to maintain ;their position in society.—(No, no, and Hear, hear.) [Sir Edward Knatchbull made an observation across the table, which was not heard.] But Ido not confine this to the Right Hon. Baronet. A Noble Lord near him said the same thing, in stating that the prices did certainly keep up rents, but that they kept up wages also, which means that rents are kept up out of wages, by an Act passed by a body in which are not represented the working classes, from whom this money is extracted.—(Hear, hear.) But I tell the Paymaster of the Forces and the Noble Lord, that in doing this they are giving themselves that out.of. door relief, which they deny for the poor in the workhouse.— (Cheers.) Same years ago the Times stigmatized the Corn 'aws as an extension of the Pension List to the aristocracy; but it would be more just to call the system pauperism, and the worst kind of pauperism, since you submit to be kept by the poorest of the poor.—(Cheers.) If it must be so—if we must bow our necks to an oligarchy, let them live on us after the fashion of the nobles of ancient Venice, who had their names entered in a golden book, and then they drew their money at once from the exchequer 3 This would be better for the country than to circumvent us, and get money from us in an indirect way—it will be more easy for us to bear and more honest for you to do it.—(Cheers.) But let the Right Hon. Baronet consider that the people are now beginning to understand the system whicb, for your benefit, taxes the bread of the poor. Will they allow this ?—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Baronet, who knows the state of the country much better than his colleagues, must know the feeling that is now spreading through the community, and on him rests the whole re sponsibility of the present legislation. He has known the state of our commerce and manufactures, and he has had the power these five months to relieve its if he chose. Yet he knows his laws will not extend our commerce or manufactures. Why does not the Right Hon. Baronet appeal to some honest English mer chant, instead of telling us that he must force on this question, be cause the c 4n-dealers are anxious that it should be settled ? Why trot pass a law that shall supersede the opportunities of gambling in corns, and permit him that takes out a cargo of cotton goods to bring back corn at once? To the Right Hon. Baronet, then, the starving people and the capitalists, struggling against bank. ruptcy, will look. The apologetic, deprecatory tone of his late speech will not do. This would be something if his position had been forced upon him by the people, or he had been summoned by the Queens. But he Sought the position he now fills. Though I am no friend to the Noble Lord who lately led, and still is the leader of the House, still I say his measures, though not good, would be much better for the country than the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet. They were told by the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth, that for years and years he was reconstructing his party—from the time of the passing the Reform Bill, he believed, he was reconstructing it ; and be supposed he knew what materials it was composed oL He must have known that they were composed of monopolists—of m.o. nopolists in everything—in religion, in the franchise, in sugar, in corn, in timber, and in coffee. These formed the party which the Right Hon. Baronet gathered round him, and out o f which he "reconstructed" his new party. Well, they .et to work, and revived the old system of corruption I they bribed and they bought.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition, and counter cheers from the Tories.) They bribed and they bought until they found themselves in office, with the Right Hon. Baronet as their leader and their champion.—(Cheers.) And did lie expect that this party had expended their funds and their labour in the registration courts; far there it was, he believed, that the battle was fought.—(Cheers.) Did he think that they hail expended their money merely to come into office. and assist the Right Hon. Baronet to take away their monopolies? lle must have known the party he had to deal with ; for he had had a very old connection with them, and he presumed that lie did not mean to :disappoint them. They came into office, beving. thrust out men who, with all their faults, were better than those who succeeded them, they thrust out these men, and now they were not able to carry measures so good as their predecessors could have done, lie con. tended that the Hon. Baronet had no ground, from what he had proposed, to assume that lie could abate a jot of that universal condemnations which he received from every enlightened politician in the country.—(Cheers.) They had got a sliding scale of from 20s. to ls., instead of something better; and of this he would leave the full responsibility on the shoulders of the Right Hon. Baronet, where it would be reposed by the people.of England.—(Cheers.) He would now say a word or two to the Hon. Gentlemen on his own side of the House, some of whom appeared to have great diffi culty in the question, and were said to be boggling and starting in all directions.—(Laughter and cheers.) Ile would say a word or two to his Honourable and Right Honourable arid Noble neighbours, as to the difficulty they felt in their course with re. spect to total and immediate repeal. Why, on. this side of the House, in all directions, they acknowledged the principle for which they contended—that of a perfect freedom in the trade in corn. But yet, continued the Hon. Member, some of these . Hon. and Right Hon. Gentlemen and Noble Lords think there ought to be a duty for the purpose of a revenue. Wiry how can there be a duty for revenue unless it is a duty for protection ? I ask these Hon. and Right Hor. Gentlemen and Noble Lords who entertain such a notion, to reconsider it before they go to a division on this question. But with regard to the little word "now," concerning which there is so much difficulty. There are Hon. Gentlemen here, who think that the Corn-laws ought to be totally repealed, but they cannot reconcile themselves to the immediate repeal. They admit the in justice of the Corn-laws, they admit that it is an injustice to from twenty-five to twenty.seven millions of the people, yet inasmuch is there are twenty or thirty thousand people who have a bene ficial interest in this wrong, they cannot bring their minds to deprive them of it. With all due deferenCe to these Hon. and Right Honourable Gentlemen, I think' this is showing a very great sympathy for the compaeatively few who gains by these laws, and very little for the great number who are suffering from them. I will put it to these Honourable Gentlemen whether if thty had had the power the day after the passing of these laws in 1815, they would have abolished these laws, and have given a compensation of eight or nine years' vanishing duty ? No; you tell me you would instantly have repealed them. Well, then, I ask you if twenty-seven years' possession of a wrong that benefits the few—of twenty.seven years of injustice, entitles them to an increase of it in the shape of a compensating duty ?—(Cheers.) I have heath this difficulty made Ware, and I give the gentlemen who make it credit for being perfectly sincere in their scru. pies ; I have heard the scruple very ot.en ; I heard it once ex. pressed In a public nut cling, where the great difficulty of the Whiggish Gentlemen on the platform was the total repeat ; they were arguine the danger and the hardship of repealing the law instantly, and it was ably answered by an honest plain man in a fustian jacket from the body of the meeting, who said " Awa,' men they put it on all of a rook." — (Laughter.) Sinne of you may not understood that he meant it was put on all of a sudden ; end so it was ; it was passed all of a sudden in 1815, against the remonstrances of the people ; and let it now be abolished—the sooner the better. At this late hour of the night, I will not trespass longer on the House. I consider the questions Is now brought into very narrow limits. To those who defend it because they believe they can show that there are exclusive burthens on agriculture, I say, do not put on a Bread-tax to com pensate you for them ; but remove the burthens. On the other hand, let me ask you if you are prepared to carry out even handed justice to the people? If not, I tell you your law will not stand ; and more than that, I te'l you that this House itself, it it is basci on injustice, wi❑ not stand either,—(Loud cheers, during which the Hon. Member resumed his seat.) Mr. FER RA ND rose to address the !louse. Ile said it would be wrong on his part to take too great an advantage of the great genre he had already received at the hands of the llouse, but he hoped that Hon. Members would bear with him for a short time when they recollected that during the last ten days he had been the target at which the Ilon. Gentlemen opposite had aimed their poi. sonous shafts.—(" Oh, oh," and cheers.) He was even constrained !o make an explanation of something taken up by his own side of the House, but shielded by the mantle of truth, he had come out of the conflict uninjured.—(" Oh, oh," and ironical cheers ) . It was true that the Hon. Baronet the Member for the Tower -Hamlets came down the night after he addressed the House, and said that if he (Sir W. Clay) possessed the ability to reply to him, he should do so to the injury of the party behind him, and he therefore left him in the hands of the Right Hon Baronet, wishing him joy of him. —(Loud cheers from the Opposition, which. were renewed from the Tory Benches) lie would tell them distinctly that that Right Honourable Baronet should never have his support unless he thought it his duty to give It him; and he asked no re ward but an approving conscience. But great indeed must have been the services of the Hon. Baronet when the late disinterested, and patriotic, and self-denying, no-patronage Government—(lm melts° cheering)—did not hesitate to give him the badge of honour, which an Hon. Baronet, sitting on the Treasury benches, had re ceived for losing a limb, and shedding his blood in the service of his country, an honour which he had fought his way to from the retreat of Corunna to the great and crowning victory of Waterloo. Another Hon. Member, with that blushing modesty for which he was so remancable, declred that his speech was one of scandalous le • city. Fortunately for him, the Hon. and Gallant Member fur Wycomle contradicted him, and told the House it was one of bombastic de clamation.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He would leave the lion. Members to settle the matter in dispute, sad offer up a fervent prayer that it might be amicably arranged. He now came to the Hon. Member for Salford, and he asked the indulgence of the House while he defended himself from as despicable a quibble as ever any man was subjected to. That Hon. Member declared that " if he were to judge of his (Mr. F.'s speech) and of the correct. ness of It from what he knew to be untrue, he should certainly nut value it very highly ; he knew some parts of it to be totally desti_ tute of foundation ; he had said that the Hon. Member for Stock port had worked his mills nightandday, and had made a large fortune by this abominable cruelty. He beggeil to tell the Hon. Member that he never had a mill in his life." Now when he (Mr. Ferranti) as serted this, he instantly gave his authority up to the House.— (Loud cries of " No.") He placed his authority in the hands of the House, by saying that if the name was demanded, he would give it.—(Oh.) Scarcely five minutes had elapsed when the lion. Member left the H ous e, and he (Mr. Ferrand) followed him, and n pl;vate, he would give him his at.thority, said, now they were i and the date of the letter he had read. He did so, and read in private what he had before read to the House; arid the Honourable Member replied with a laugh, "All, but they call t hem print.works in L incash; re. "—(Tremeti. dous cheering from the Tories.) But he hoped, in justice to his authority, the House w ould all ow him to read a-f ew li nes Whi c h the same . individual had written to him since; he said—" I have noticed, by the papers of this evening, that the Rev. Mr. Brother ton—(Laughter)—has made a statement' , denying that the Hon. Member for Stockport had ever worked his mills night and day, but I know that he will not deny working his print works at Mr ley night and day."—(Hear,- hear, and cheers.) He now came to the Hon. Member for Westminster, who declared that he had made an incendiary speech in that House. What : the Hon. Member for Westminster!—(Continued cheers) —the champion of the liberty of the people!—the Hon. Mtntber who asserted that there was nothing but class legislation in that House, and that the working classes were not represented.— (Cheers.) Did he say that he (Mr. F.) should not come into the House and deliver a message from that class in the presence of the assembled Commons of England, declaring that the Corn-laws are not the cause of their distress, but the persecution of their mas. tern ? That Hon. Member said that if what he asserted were true, he (Mr. F.) ought to call for a Committee of the House. The House had been in Committee for many days, and he had brought his charge before it ; bat did any Honourable Member, but the Gentlemen of the Ant.Corn.law League, deny one assertion he had made ? It was true, that the Hon. Member for Salford did, but he was the only one. He should ask the house what the people of England would say to this silence out of doors. They might treat him with contempt, but had not his speech caused a sensation throughout the length and breadth of the land ?—(lronical cheers.) He would tell the Member for Wycombe that it was true. It had destroyed the Anti-Corn-law League—(Great laughter)—and had • forced them to coalesce with the Chartists, as the only chance of its existence. They were obliged to coalesce with a party that hated them in their hearts, with a party which if they did urge to open rebellion, as they were trying to do—(Oh, oh)—he would warn them that their bayonets and - pikes might be buried in the breasts of their oppressors ! They were playing a dangerous game—a game which was against the opinion of the people of England, and he could tell them that there • Was still strength enough in the country to make . them quail. He would now call the attention ef the Member tor Westminster to a letter which he had received from a poor working man, and, per haps, Hon. Gentlemen opposite would not refuse to hear it. It w, s dsted the 20th inst., from a place near Leeds. It said—" I have read the speech you delivered on Monday evening, and it has caused more sensation than any that has been made."—(Laughter, and Oh.") They might laugh, but now let them listen to what followed. The letter went on as follows :—" We have all witnessed similar transactions to those you have related, and many working men have experienced treatment worse than you have described. No. body has ventured here to deny your assertions. The room of the Leeds Operative Conservative Society"—(Derisive cheers on the Opposition Benches)—What, was there then any offence in being a Conservative, and could not every man entertain his own political opin!ons ?—(Lond cries of " Hear, hear," on the Ministerial Benches.) The Right Hon. Gentleman continued to read the letters as follows :—" The room of the Leeds Operative Conser vative Society was besieged by strangers anxious to have a peep at the Times of Thursday, all of whom confirmed your statements. The Leaguers are raging at your exposure—(Laughter)—but I should not have troubled you had not Bernal doubted your statements respecting the Anti-Corn law petitions. In Leeds the Leaguers have been defeated on several occasions at public meetings. The very number of signatures to the petitions proves them to be forgeries. Lathe township of Leeds, which contains about 87,000 inhabitants,* is said that 40,000 signatures have been obtained, and in the borough, including the women's petition signed by 23,000 females, that the last number of signatures amounted to 66,000, being nearly one half of the entire population, of all ages. Besides these facts, I have a rather extensive .circle of acquaintance, and I have met with a great number of parties who are positively opposed to the Whig scheme. The petitions have been hawked about from door to door, and placed for signature in all parts of the town. Men had been enstaged to go from house to house with cheap bread petitions."—(Cries of " Hear, bear.") Now, he asked the particular attention of the House to what followed, for it disclosed the whole secret of the getting up of those petitions—" One young man, by name Robert Whitty, who came to work in the same room with myself the day on which the petition was closed, told me that from Monday to Tuesday 850 names had been found by him, for which he obtained Sts. 6d.—(Hear.) I know the signatures to these petitions have been bought throughout the whole country. In one row of 35 houses this man stated that he had obtained 300 names." The writer of that letter gave his name "Thomas Hargraves." He would next read about half-a.dozen lines from another letter. They were as follows :—" In all parts of the manufacturing dis tricts in which I have been, I have heard the working classes de clare, that if the truth were told in the House, and that if you wanted any one to corroborate what you have said, you might have found hundreds of thousands." He would now put the House in possession of the manner in which the Anti.Corn.law League manufactured their petitions. It was detailed as follows : —" The other day I called upon one manufacturer to sign a petition for the Ten Hours' Bill. He was in a room in which the power-loo:ns were in operation. tie instantly said Yes, and went across the yard to his counting. house. He took out a petition and said, now you see I have done it pretty well ; I have varied my hand, and I have taken them all out of the wages'-book."—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," on the Ministerial benches, and cries of " Name," from the Opposition.) He would give the name privately to any Hon. Member of the House.—(Renewed cries of "Name.") Yes, he would give the name to the Hon. Member for Yorkshire if he wished he should do so.—(Hear, hear.) lie had detailed the other night the misery, the oppression, the plunder, and the robbery which was corn. mitted on the poor by the Anti-Corn-law League manufacturers. lie had brought before the House the truck system, but before lie read to them statements upon that subject, which would make them stand aghast—(Laughter, and cries of" Hear, hear)—he was certain they ought to produce that effect, he was certain that here was not one Hon. Member who ought not to be struck with horror at the system of plunder which he was going to expose— (Hear, hear)—but he wished first of all to re-assert in the presence of that House, that he did not charge the whole manufacturers of England with those nefariouslnc.i rises.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He positively declared that he only referred to the Anti-Corn-law League manufacturers.---4 lit ar, hear.) He had been told by manufacturers in his own neighbour hood, as honourable men as ever lived, and of whose acquaintance he was proud—he had been told by them, time after time, that they could not compete with the Anti-Corn-law League manufacturers, for they wighed to pay their wages in money, while the others paid them in goods. The lion. Member for Manchester had said last night that no* and then there might be found an isolated manu facturer who treated his workmen cruelly. Mr. M. PHILIPS said that he had stated no such thing. He begged leave to say that he had made use of no such expres sion. —(Order, order.) Mr, FERRAND begged the Hon. Gentleman's pardon, and was ready to withdraw his statement.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. PHILIPS proceeded to say (amidst a scene of great con. fusion, and loud cries of" Order, order ") that what he had stated was, that among manufacturers as among any other class in society, he did not suppose that individuals did not ex'st who wore not sordid in their views and principles. lie believed that they were cast its the same mould with all the classes in society, and that such individuals might exist among them. —tHear, liter.) Mr. EMIR AND was much obliged to the Hon. Gentleman for his explanation—it fortified - what he was going to say.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He would give the Hon. Gentleman a brief sketch of what had occurred in an isolated village in the county of Lancaster. He would read from a letter in hie possession : " Mr. and Son,"—(Cries of "Name,") He would tell the Hon. Member who cried .` Name," that he was prepared to prove everything which he asserted in that House, and that if the Honourable Member would move for a Committee of the House lie would summon before that Committee those which would prove the accuracy of his statements. But bethought thg House would agree with him in thinking that it was not fair to give to the world the names of his correspondents. Ile was fortified in that opinion by what had passed time other night in the House; but if the House should think it necessary to hear those statements confirmed before a Committee, he for ono would not shrink from his duty. The Hon. Member again attempted to proceed with the reading of the letter amidst loud cries of " Name.") " Mr. —and son had three mills"—(Renewed cries of" Name.") and prolonged i nterruption.) " Oh," continued the Hon. Member, " the flesh will quiver where time pincers tear."—( Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He would ask Hon. Gentlemen oppo. site if what be was asserting was true, and if they really wished to benefit the working classes, why they would not allow the system to be exposed ? The working classes said that the Corn-laws had not caused their misery and distress—it was the manufacturers who had taxed their food, it was they who had taxed their provisions and their clothing. The Hon. Member again proceeded to read the letter, as follows :—" Mr. and Son had three mills, and each mill a shop attached to it, at winch the working men were supplied with coals and other articles by time same firm, The working people were obliged to prociire both food and clothing, at a shop in the neighbourhood, kept by the brother of time proprietor, for his own benefit. There was another shop kept by his son, all of which was managed by the firm. There were other mills which had cottages attached to them occupied by the workmen." Ile would next proceed to rlis close to them the mariner in which those parties had evaded th law which had been passel to put down the truck system. The letter stated that "on Saturday nights the workmen went for their wages, which were paid in money, butt instead of retiring through the door by which they had entered, they had to pass through another room ; and there sat in the room a person which kept the books of those shops. They had to pay the marl every farthing they had expended during the previous week, in buying goods and clothing from the shops. If it could be proved that one of those men had purchased a single farthing's worth of goods that did not belong to the manufacturer, he was, without one word of explanation, discharged from his employment."—(Hear, hear.) Now, he called that a tax upon food--he called that a tax upon provisions.—(Bear, hear.) But that was their free-trade system. —( Hear, hear.) Yes; and it was a notorious fact, that those manufacturers cleared 25 per cent. by the goods they sold to these poor men, and that they cleared 10 per cent. by the cottages they let, for it was an understood thing, that when a man went to ask for work from-ono of those manufacturers, he had a key placed in his hand, and that key was to give him to understand that he was to live in a cottage which yielded the manufacturer 10 p‘r cent. upon thwexpense of building it. This was their glorious system of free trade, and those were time Ant i. Cern-law League manufacturers who had told the House of Commons that they, the landed interest, should f.11.—(1/ear, hear.) He would now come to the 11011. Mem. ber for Edinburgh.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) lie begged pardon, be meant the night Hon. Gentleman the Aleinher for }Min. burgh. That Eight Mon. Gentleman had said the Anti. Corn-law League had not used such violent language out of doors as be (Mr. Ferrand) had used in that House. Now, he hoped he might be al:owsal to allude for a moment, to a speech which contained allu sions to the Right Hon. Baronet who sat there as the Prime Minis ter of England, and he appealed to Hon. Members opposite, how. ever much they might differ from that Right HOll. Gentleman in politics, he would ask them if they did not hear their record generously and manfully that he at least did not deserve such slanders as lie (Mr. Ferranti) was then about to read to the blouse,—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) This was the speech of Mr. George Thomp. son—" Accursed law! doubling the primeval curse, turning the warm sweat of industry, into the chill damp of starvation.—(Tee. mendous cheering.) he denounced that law—it was an impious law that this wicked man" (meaning Sir R. Peel) "had passed, The laW-makers, the landed aristocracy, had virtually monopolised the bounties of God, and we starve in consequence."—(Hear, hear.) Colonel Thompson said that "he should himself ton. scientiously advocate taking a iarge retribution on the landlords— how many might follow him, depended upon them and not upon himself" Now lie (Mr. Ferranti) was of °Orin* that if they waited till-the Hot,. and Gallant Colonel took that retribution they would have to wait for. a long time.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He would next read to the House a speech that had been made by the Hon. Member who had last addressed them (Mr. Cobden), and he wished the Hon. Member for Edinburgh was present in order that be might hear the language; because it was high time, in his opinion, to imitate the expressions of Earl Grey its the House of Lords when 100,000 men were ready to march from Birmingham—for which he might add they had received the thanks of the Noble Lord the Member for London. He thought it was time to tell the landed proprietors to set their house in order, for the people was coming on them.—(Hear, hear, anti laughter.) He was about to quote the speech of the Hon. Mem. ber for Stockport, who spoke as follows :--- " They had been told that the aristocracy was about to overturn their rights. Were they prepared to undergo sacrifices to carry this question.—(Hear, hear, and cries of ' The time were not far off when they might be called upon to make sacrifices and undergo privations, and to act as Christian men, while the oli garchy were usurping the prerogatives of the Crown—were tramp. ling upon the Crown—(lmthense cheering, which continued se. venal minutes)—and trampling upon the people.—(Continued cheering.) It would be for them to determine tow long such oli garchial usurpations were to tie supported, When time time should come,' he would himself set the example of sacrifice and suffering." He declared that when he read that speech he trembled from head to foot.—( GI eat cheering.) He would only now detain the House a few minutes longer, until'he had -told them how the Anti. Corn. law League managed to enhance - the price of corn. Were Hon. Members opposite aware that upon a calculation 100,000 quarters of wheat were annually used in assisting these men to defraud the public.--(A voice here asked " How I") By daubing the calicoes with dour paste.—(Laughter.) The murder then was out. —(Renewed lauguter.) They country, then, should k now h ow they were defrauded by these men, and how by these men they had lost the foreign markets, What be was then going to tell the House, lie could prove by the testimony of manufacturers of the highest standing in this country. Ile would that night, with the permission of the House, expose such a system of robbery and plunder as had n ever before been heard of, Why, It was only - . the other day that a poor man was transported for seven+, year, for selling to the Noble Lord, the Secretary of the Colonies, a few bricks for a chandelier. —(Great laughter from both sides of the House.) Now, what he was about to read came from the mouth of a man who knew the whole secret, and who, if that Committee were appointed by that House, to which he bad alluded, should be tflhoeur calicoes."—(Laughter.) Lit t ( h L e au c g o h tt i o e n r.) trade A t i ( , ) , giv h e e a fLlF s e ur s ed p. examined before it as well as others. Ile stated to him '• Immense ; Pe i Q e a t r i u t aat i ne t teit w ies-t ftrue. He assured them it was a fact. He asked those Honourable Members opposite who were engaged in the trade, whether it was not true ? " Some manufacturers use from two to three thousand sacks per annum. The calicoes are passed through a machine, in which they are stretched in length and breadth. The interstices occasioned by stretching, are fined up by paste, which is applied by a brush ; afterwards the calicoes passed between two rollers wnich press or calender it, and then comes out apparently a beautiful stout flue piece of calico. Its real quality is discovered on washing; it is a dead loss to the confiding pa chaser. —(Hear, hear.) Now, then, he would, with the permission of the House, read an extract from a letter written by an English merchant. That letter alluded to a process which was adopted by the cotton manufacturer s o f th e presen t d a y, of buying up all th e old rags in the country, tearing them in pieces with a machine, to as to reduce them to a kind of dust, and then mixing them with wool and making them into cloth. Thi 4 dust, from its nauseous qua lities, and from the disease engendered by it, had been called by the manufacturers, and by the working people of Yorkshire, " The devil's dust"—(Roars of laughter.) Worse and worse in Hudders. field. " The trade is leaving this country most rapidly. M. is paying off nearly 9.00 of his weavers, because the foreigners are making the same sorts of goods at very little more than half the price.—(Hear, hear) The rags, as you know"—(Laughter)— He assured Hon. Members that it was no laughing subject, for it was by this system that our foreign trade had been ruined-- (" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial benches)—" The rags, as you know, are collected front the holes in London and Dublin, and arc brought iro:n the most unhealthy regions, infected by every kind of epidemic.—(Colonel Sibthorp entered the House, carrying in his hand some oranges, which he presented to the Hon. Member amidst bursts of laughter from every part of the House.) Bri. tish goods are made up. The first time they are worn they split up, and then then the game begins"—" S. informs us that D. S. has sent out a large quantity of doe-skins, changed ss. ed. a yard, which has been proved to be not worth one far. thing —not worth tailors' wages. They will all be sent back to the manufactures with a charge of ss. Sd. a yard upon them for duty, carriage, freight, &c., and this, of course, besides the loss of goods, will be a heavy expense. If this will not cure him, 1 cannot tell what will. F. has been on the Continent, and there he saw a small manufactory of wools all made of doeskins. The manufac turers before this season had never made eighteen pieces in a year t he had then an order for 1,800 pieces, at considerably below the price of English goods. This manufacture is leaving us as fast as it cats. Nothing can show our baseness and deceit more than this These things prove clearly that our ruin is brought ppm" us by our own folly." lie would now solicit the attention of the Honour. able Member for Sheffield. " The rnanufbcturers of Sheffield forced iron cutlery upon foreigners for steel until they would not have it, and they have been obliged to manufacture for themselves. Thus our canting professing Christians:are ruining their own country and cheating the poor Pagans, and all the while b'ubbering about trus•ii:g is Providence, and are trying"--'et Hon. Membets listen to this—" are trying to maim Parliament believe that they care for the poor."--(Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) One more extract, and he had done. He would, with the permie. sion of the House, just call their attention to a meeting of mane. facturers, which took place in New York a few years ago. An account of that meeting appeared in all the American papers ; he had this account from an eye-witness, a person who was pre. sent at *at meeting. " A meeting of merchants and manufac_ turers, convened in the Town-hall for the purpose of consider. ing the best means of protecting the manufacturers of the United States. The meeting was composed of manufacturers of all grades; it was very numerously attended, and a spirit of unanimity pervaded the assembly. Specimens of cloth and wool, of British manufacture, were held up to the gaze of the meeting, all of which were moth-eaten." The following resolution at that meeting was agreed to ; " That it is the opinion of this meeting that it is our duty to Con gress to protect the manufacturers of the United States by an aug mentation of the present Tariff, to prohibit, as far as possible, the importation of foreign manufactures."—(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial Benches.) He would, before he sat down call the attention of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government to a fact which had not yet been brought under the notice of that House; and that was, that if the Corn-laws were repealed, there would be an immense body of honest in. dustrious labourers in the north of England, not only thrown out of employment, but inevitably ruined for ever.—(llear, hear.) It had been the custom for many years for landed proprietors who were in possession of extensive waste lands, to let off plots to hard.working labourers, on a lease of four. teen, twenty.one, or thirty years, free from all rent, on condition that these poor men should break up that land, and repay them. selves afterwards by the corn which was grown upon it. Now, if the Corn.laws were repealed, every one of those poor men must inevitably be ruined.—(Hear, hear.) They had as much right to the protection of the Government of this country as Hon. Members opposite ; and they looked to the Government-to protect them, that they might reap some slight reward for - their labour. They never thought or dreamt of amassing such wealth as those Hon. Members had amassed ; they merely said to them, " In pity in mercy, we entreat you to live and let live."--( Hear, hear.) Why refuse them such a fair request ? They would let them live happily and securely—they would scorn to rob them of anything which leonged to them; and it was unjust, it was cruel, it was unmanly, nay, more, it was dishonourable and beneath the character of Englishmen, that the House of Commons should be found advocating a measure which would rob and plunder the people.—(Loud cheers,) The Honourable Member for Man. cheater, the night heti re last, had given his advice to the farmers of England. Why, if they looked to his political conduct they would not see mach to admire.---(A laugh.) The farmers of England, said the Hon. Member in coeclusion, "look to the laws of their country fur protection, and when they lose that protection you may depend upon it that if they fall you fall too.—(The Hon. Gent. resumed his scat amidst great cheering.) Mr. BROTHERTON rose amidst cries of " Order, order," " Bar, bar," and much confusion. He said that any one who knew him—(Hear, hear, and much laughter)-was aware—(Hear, hear, and some interruption.) What he wished the House to believe was, that he would not use any expression which lie would conceive to hear a sense , different- Item that which * he meant to attach to it.—(Hear, hear.) When he (Me, Brotherton) stated that he believed the Honourable Member fur Stockport (Mr. Cobden) never had as mill in his life—he did apply the word mill in its common acceptation, and he-- did not suppose for an instant—(Mi%isterial cries of " Oh, oh")—that a meaning different from what - he applied to the word would be given it. lie (Mr. Brotherton) had read in the newspapers of the Hon. Member's having possessed a mill, and of his hating sold it I because it 'was not a profitable concern. ' It was perfectly understood when they spoke of mills, that they meant cotton, wool. len, or silk mills. —(Cries of " Oh, oh," from the Ministerial benches.) The Hon. Gentleman himself (Mr. Fernand) knew She meaning of the word mill in that respect—( Ministerial cries of " Oh, 011,'s and counter-cries of " Hear, hear.") If he (Mr. Brotherton) bad made use of an expression calculated to give a wrong idea of his meaning, he would immediately re tract i t.—( I fear, hear.) If the Honourable Member opposite were to read the name of his eorrespondent, it would be found that the letter which he had read to the House that evening proceeded from one of his (Mr. lhotherton's) political opponents. However, he would not return evil for evil. He had seen two letters respecting the Hon. Member opposite, expressive of the value (as we understood) which was put upon his assertions ; but he (Mr. Brotherton) would not deign—[Here the lion, Member was again interrupted by the noise that prevail ea in the House ] When he again became audible, lie was statute that-- He would not deceive the House in any one way. With that de. claration he would sit down. Mr. COBDEN said be might as well state, once for all, that he had considered that it was not the disposition of that House to its. dulge id gross personalities.—(Loud Opposition cheers.) Ile could assure lion. Gentlemen who might ingeniously devise partizan war. spoke," from the Minis. t fa e rLof n t e l i r e t h c c h s : E r e, ac po ter n — de, ( l C t r , i ) e i s v ot o ' " I l ipo S Tit k i e o ' n cries of " Hear, hear")—. that lie should never be drawn into versonal altercations in that House. It was disrespectful to the country that sent them to that blouse—(Hear, from the Opposition Benches)—and he might be allowed to add, he trembled for the dignity of the House—(Hear) —.when he found language such as they hail been listening to that evening, received with complacency.—(Cries -of " Spoke," " Explain," " Hear, hear," and " Order.") He did consider the dignity of that House in some danger, when he found lan. guage and demeanour such as they had heard and witnessed during the last half-hour, received with so much complacency by Right Hon. Gentlemen on the Treasury benches, and cheered by Hon. Members behind them.—(Cries of " Hear, hear," , " Order, order," amidst which the Hoe. Gentleman resumed his seat.) Mr. HI h D LEY rose amidst much noise, and cries of " Order," " Bar," and "Go on.") He raid that in addressing the House after the spicy speech—(lcer, hear, and touch laughter)—which had just been delivered he had to contend with considerable dis advantages. Ile must confess he had formed a verysrroneous opt.. nion of the assemblage which he now addressed, if such attacks u they had lately witnessed could be generally made in that House. Ile had formed a very erroneous opinion of what it became the House of Commons to do, if such speeches as they had just heard belonged to privileges of Parliament. He would not for a mo ment notice the assertions of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Farrand), but he would declare this, that if he entered that house, profess ing himself the friend of the trolls - Mg classes, he (Mr. Hindley) would hail his appearance iii it, but on the part of the working classes he would entreat the Hon. Member to show snore judgment in their behalf, else he (Mr. Mulless feared he would betray their cause. With respect to the question before the House he Mr. Handley) did not intend to make it a party purstion. It was not his intention to attack the agriculturists at if they were inwe selfish than any other portion or the community. lie would avoid all terms of opprobrium and resreach, feeling convinced that instead of being iv,eful, they would be rather in. jurious to the cause which he advocated. Mere the Hon. Mem ber became quite inaudible la the gallery, in consequence of the noire that prevailed iii the body of the House, when we were again able to catch his voice.] He was contending that the Corn-laws, as tending to raise the price of corn, had considerable influence in bringing about the present distress. His objection to the Corn-laws was, that they were based on unjust principles. The Legislature bad no right to pass laws contrary, in their principles, to the laws 0 God and nature. That was the opinion held by a high legal author tits, Lord Chief Justice Holt. That Learned Judge had stated that upon those foundations, namely, the laws of nature and revelation depended all human laws, and aro human laws should contradict them. The opinion of Home Tooke was, that lite lawit of /11311 should confirm the laws of God and of •nature. Ile should not have alluded to this view of the subject so strongly, if lie had not perceived that it had been the ground of 'natty of the petitimis presented to the House mi the subject. Tkat was the ground taken by the ministers of religion in their opposition to the Corn.laws ; their petitions against the Corn-laws prayed for their immediate repeal, because those laws were opposed to the laws of God and of Nature. They said that those laws were indefensible, because they prevented men from changing the products of their industry for food in the manner which they preferred, thus adding to the curse originally pronounced upon man, '' Its the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat bread ;" and they did add to that curse in enacting laws by which men were not allowed to change the products of their ta bour for food. It was acting contrary to right, contrary to common sense, and contrary to justice to edact such laws. It was weakening the fabric of the Constitution, and subverting the foundations of society.—(Hear, hear.) If they were to pass a law that all per_ eons named John should pay a tax, althought it might be a fixed duty, and that all persons named Robert should pay a tax, although it might be a sliding scale, lie thought the Johns and the Roberts would have ample cause to complain of the injustice of such an enact. meat, and that the whole House would admit the justiceof theircom_ plaint, and unanimously vote for the immediate repeal of such a law. The Corn-law was just such a law, it inflicted a tax upon certain classes for the benefit of certain other classes.—(Loud cries of ‘" Divide.") The upholding of such a law mustliave a tendency to bring all laws into disrepute. Dr. Chalmers in his treatise on political economy, had said that, for the sake of the moral benefit of society there was no achievinent more worthy than hail against about a free trade in corn, because there was 1 . ,1) , _ ~_ against which all feeling was more easily excited than against the law preventing a free trade in corn.—(Loud cries of "Divide, thee that on h--. L,„..—(Cries of vide,'' and great confusion, which continued during addressing whole time the Honourable Member that account it the House.) He would say would be well to rid the Statute-book , of o s f w God, and enhanced " Divide.") It was contrary to the , I l i a e w operation of that law was the price of food unjustly to man. severity,id°,linbdicersh eircuntstances, i I I , I w a f f a s oi c es toh t d l i : r eb: Ile felt surprised that the profitable to the agriculturist to make a deficient harvest more e t p p ressed in such seasons upon y pay the fo d r era e tT e e r n; than a plentiful harvest, white not Only by the commercial classes enhancing the Pr , credit produced by derangement of foreign corn pure our having to Jilight non. -_... . Gentleman, ihe \'ice President of the Board oT Trade. in money an d not : e t manufactures.