The Sun. — London, England, 1849-08-18 00:00:00

taken 68 men out to Constantinople, and guaranteed that they should be forwarded to the frontier of their own country, and that each should receive as much money on their landing as would enable them to effect that object. That company entered into the arrange ment at an immense loss to themselves; and the Chairman, whose name should be mentioned and remembered with honour, when his (Lord Nugent's) Noble Friend, Lord Dudley Stuart and another, undertook to guarantee the company from any losses in case of a fail u re of the sub scriptions, Mr. Wilcox, the Chairman, he repeated, con sented cn the reception of that guarantee, only on the condition that he would allow him to join in the guvantee. (Cheers.) —ln enumerating the papers to which the cause was indebted, he had forgotten to mention the Standard of Freedom. [A Voice— Aye, and the Northern Star.]—(Cheers.) They had given the Hungarians who arrived on their shores, the means of returning to their own country ; they were now at sea, in order to effect a junction with their gal lant friends in arms; but that ought to arouse still more the active communion between the people of England and those of Hungary. Let them establish such a com munication, by showing them they were ready to enter on a tribute— A VOICE Aye, that's the talk. Lord NUGENT, in continuation—Let them act as be came a great nation, sympathising with Hungary strug gling for her freedom, and by assisting and counte nancing them, they would assist and sympathise with liberty all over Europe.—(Cheers.) Let them testisfy to Europe their anxiety in their cause, and they may feel assured that, come what would, in joining to support the cause for which they met that night together, they had not lived or met in vain. —(Cheers.) Mr. J. WYLD, M. P., then came forward, and was re ceived with loud cheers. He said—Ladies and gentlemen, I trust, Mr. Chairman, that:l shall not be thought wanting in respect to you—stating as you did in the early part of your address that the opinions which you then gave ut terance to were the opinions of an individual—if I simply look upon them in that light. And Ido hope, if, sir, it should be my painful duty to differ from you, that both you and this large and numerous meeting will take my sentiments to be merely the individual expressions of a single man.—(Hear, hear.) Now, sir, with great submission, I think the time for mere sympathetic I speaking is past.—(Loud cheers.) This is a great ques tion, not simply one between Russia, Austria, and Hun gary, but a question of European civilization.—(Loud cheers.) Great, noble, and daring as have been the efforts of the brave Hungarian people in this holy and noble cause, let it be borne in mind they are not fight ing for themselves alone, but for the independence of Europ e—(Load cheers.) The Emperor of Russia has thrown down the gauntlet to the greater part of Europe, as the advocate of despotic principles; and we, the people of England and of America, will take up the gauntlet and throw it into the air before him.—(Loud cheers.) We will take up the glove of defiance, and throw it in his teeth, saying, " As y 31.1 have dared to menace the rights bequeathed to the Hungarian people by their ancestors — rights of freedom solemnly and legally obtained by them —as you have manifested to the various Courts of Europe by ukase, that it is your intention, by despotism and by an armed force, to stifle throughout Europe the • feeling of constitutional liberty, we, the people of Eng land, as a small but not unimportant section of the nations of Europe, throw that defiance in your teeth, , and as our ancestors have gained for us a glorious Con stitution, capable perhaps of amendment—(Hear, hear) —but the best, perhaps, at present in Europe, and as we have learned what are the advantages and benefits of freedom, and how to value them, and as, by all the energy, int: lligence, and power we possess we should defend our liberties were they assailed, by the same means we will support the noblest cause in which a - brave and nehlo people ever engaged, not by mere words but by sh eds."—(Prolonged cheering.) We will net behold einailar blessings wrested from a brave people ithout an effort to prevent such a monstrous act of speliati es.—( dear, hear, and cheers.) Sir, you have sta ed that this country is overwhelmed with debt in consequence of war. Yet how small a share in the, immense mountain of debt has been ad I- din the cause of liberty. From the Protec• torat3 to the present time it has been all spent in war; not for the benefit of the people of this country, but to assie, tee struggles and maintain the tyranny of despots and of tyrants—(Loud cheers)—to uphold the house of flenevar in eontinuing their association and intrigues to and with the different powers of Europe to strengthen their continental power—to beat down the liberty which the French people were striving to obtain—to hire assassins to aid despotic monarchs to crush the struggles of people eager to be free.—(Loud cheers.) That was the way in which the money was spent. Thus the debt was accumulated. And now the liberties of a brave people are menaced, shall we complain if one small stone — one unit be added by the people, to aid in rendering all Europe free.—(Loud cheers.) This is a question, let it be borne in mind, that concerns us as a nation—as indi viduals; and it is to my mired a pecuniary one. If you view it in that new but necessary light, the way in which I think you should view it, you cannot fail to be of my Opinion. It is, in fact, a matter of pounds, shillings, and pence. I say, therefore, that a strong demonstration on the part of England would be economical taken in this point of view. Let us recollect, that if Russia grasps Austria, and encloses her as she has Hungary, the time is not far distant when she will menace European Turkey, and close the Mediterranean as she has closed the Black Sea; and menace, if not endanger, the safety o' our vast Indian empire, by sending her armies to the shores of the Bosphorous, and by keeping her fleets in the Agean and Mediterranean Seas. And we must, at continual annual expense, send fleets to prevent her from menacing our great eastern possessions? Let us say to those who aro striving to destroy the independ ence of Hungary, " The course you are adopting i s neither fair nor manly—if you do not remove your forces the thunder of our ships shall drive you back to the barbarian waste from which you sued."—(Loud cheers.) This is a question in which the manufacturers and work ing men of England are intimately interested (Loud cheers)—it is truly a question of political economy, as well as one of liberty and of freedom. We have had much talk about upholding Austria as a barrier against the incursions of other powers. What has she done to extend commercial freedom in her own empire, or to aid that of other countries? Why, she has inflicted upon her own people a tariff which has caused her commerce and her cities to languish—she has shut up an immense region which would be fertilized and rendered most productive and bensfiaial, not merely to England, but to . Europe gene rally—a region consisting of 126 square miles, and con taining 14,000,000 of inhabitants—who were willing to enter into treaties of reciprocity and free trade with us. And, on the other hand, she has stifled every emanation of liberty in Europe. She has menaced the Turkish empire, suborned the north of Italy, and assisted Prus sia, to overawe, if not to crush, the German states in their efforts to obtain constitutional freedom. And yet it is sought to be instilled into the minds of the people of this country that it is necessary to maintain Austria as a power against the incursions of hordes of bar bariene from Russia. The whole tendency of tee policy of Austria was to uphold and abet Russia. Why, it is obvious. Not a single remonstrance was offered by the statesmen of Russia when Austria took possessioa of Moldavia and Bessarabia. When Rua.ia, seized Poland, Austria inc.de no remonstrance, though put to great expense, in increasing her army, entailing thereby great expense upon her people. It seems strange that any one should state, in the face of an intelligent people like the people of England, that it is necessary to maintain such a power as this. A VOICE—No, it is not .—(Cheers.) Mr. W YLD.—It is not. If the choice is to be between Austria and Hungary, give me Hungary—(Loud cheers) —Hungary, with nearly 600 years of constitu tional freedom, and since 1848 the most perfect freedom which any nation on the face of the earth enjoys. Who is so likely to fight against Russia, should she pass her own frontiers as a nation of freemen? for every Hungs nen peasant has a right in the soil on which he was born. Who so likely to fight against the barbarian hordes of Russia, in defence of freedom—and to stand as a barrier between Russia and the west of Europe—as the Hungarians, standing on their own soil, and fighting for their religion and their sacred rights?—(Loud cheers.) As the Noble Lord has entered at great length into the question before us I shall not occupy your attention more than a iew moments longer.—(Cries of "Go on.") It is necessary, gentlemen, when so many persons have to address you that each speaker should be as brief as possible. Now we have had meeting after inciting. and we have spoken at them as loudly as we could. Our feelings of sympathy for the people of Hun gary brings to my recollection an old quotation of flu &bras, which strikes tan as somewhat apropos at the present moment— That s!. mpathy without relief Is like to mustard without beef." —(Loud cheers and laughter.) I want the people of England to speak in intelligible language, to the Russian and Austrian Cabinets. I want you also to say to the Government of the day, " You have in times plst assisted nations struggling for their freedom —some years ago you suspended the Foreign Enlist• meat Act, in order to enable Englishmen to join the standard of the Queen of Spain, who was fighting against Don Carlos. Here a strong appeal is made to you to adopt a similar course in aid of a holy and noble cause. Suspend the Act in this case. We shall then be able to teat the opinion of the country by meetings of this kind, whether that course would not be wise and just, and whether there are not hosts of men ready to assist in maintaining a constitutional power in the eastern part 01 ' EtivoPe—a nation not affected with rebellious or ex treme opinions, but ready to become the defenders and guardians o f real , I:berty and freedom; and if they do so, depend upon itthat the country which we aid will reciprocate all th e assistance we should b e the Asia, render her. and all the dominions und er domination of Russia, Turkey, and other empires languishing, e from despotism, can r be so. And I do that if a nation wishes to be em th o e n f stran ce will be hop , ' before Ion», that some atron feeling s of the soa4ie by our Governtnent,land that p,opl may not be expressed by vrords buetelib' (Hear, hear) —for there are men passing their time deeds-- ( n Hear, hear) —for England who are ready to take up to assist this canEe.—(Prolonged cheering.) wj' th a t r T s the one hand we say we do: not wish to embroil this n country in war with Austria and Russia--(Hear, hear)—ye t, on the other hand, let the p eop l e espouse this holy and noble cause if they think proper. Will you allow t hose ships of yours sailing , indolently in different parts of the world to anchor near some of tae large towns of the Russian Empire, and say, " England has accepted your challenge—we are the advocates of constitutional liberty—so long as you re mained in your own country, and did not step into another illegally, and against the laws of God and na tions, and endeavoured to crush the liberties of a people, like those of Hungary, we did not interfere with you; but, having acted in contravention of those laws, we have accepted your challenge ; and un less your armies be withdrawn, the broad sides of the British navy will fire upon you."—(lminenEe cheering, and waving of hats and handkerchiefs.) Sir, we want no war. We shall have no war. Six mil lions worth of produce, from the estates of Russian nobles, is annually imported into, this country; and the moment you; put on a warlike front, these nobles would compel the Emperor to adopt a different line of policy, or he would cease to exist. If you do not do this, we shall have that cloud which has so long hovered over Europe bursting upon us, and dis turbing for years and years the peace of Europe; but if we step forth and aid this great and brave nation, the money it may cost will be well spent, because it will uphold the peace of Europe, and teach a lesson to the Russian Czar which he will never forget; and, on the other hand, we shall by such an act obtain a noble heritage which we shall be enabled to hand down to posterity unsullied, as a bright example to other nations. The Hon. Gentleman seconded the mo• tion, and resumed his seat amidst loud cheers. Mr. ROLAND ALSTON spoke to the resolution. From the earliest period, he said, the Hungarians had ever been a free, a noble, and a gallant people; loyal to their chosen Sovereign, and ever ready to expend their best blood is defence of their rights and fatherland. They had broken no law—they were, on the contrary, the de fenders of the law against those who broke it. It was said that their Constitution resembled our own; but they possessed a Constitution even before the name of Parlia ment was known in England, before a vestige of consti tutional rights appeared in this now highly-favoured and happy country.—(Vociferous cheering, in opposition to that opinion.) It would have been monstrous had Hun gary not resisted her oppressors. What would the English people have thought and done if in 1830, when the people had effected the passing of the Re form Bill, and the King had sanctioned it, the King had refused to ratify it, had withdrawn to Hanover and had sent 200,000 Russians into England to enforce any tyranny he might have chosen to enact ? Why, there would have been but one shout of defiance from one end of the country to another, and there would have been a war of extermination in whose result either not a single Englishman or not a single Russian would have been left alive in the country.—(Cheers.) He did not fear that Russia and Austria combined would ultimately crush Hungary, but he was anxious that England should not miss the opportunity of expressing her warm sym pathy in this glorious cause. He conceived that if the feeling of the people of this country was once distinctly expressed, it would aid the English Cabinet to develop more emphatically that sympathy which he was satis fied they felt for the great cause of Hungary.—(Hear.) The CHAIRMAN hoped the meeting would readily un derstand that there could be no reluctance, on the part of the committee, to hear au American gentleman, but it was necessary to maintain order in their proceedings, which he was sure the meeting would agree with him, however, was highly proper. Ho should now, be glad to introduce and welcome any gentleman who was a friend of America. The Rev. Mr. RICHMOND, of the Episcopal church of America, then presented himself iu front of the platform, and was received with loud cheers. He said he had not the most distant intention, when he first entered, of in truding himself upon this public meeting of the citizens of Westminster, but when America was appealed to he did think that that was a moment—and he should only have been a moment on his legs had he been allowed to speak then—when it was his duty to get up and:pro nounce this to be not merely an English or a British question, but an Anglo-Saxon question.—(Hear, hear.) He would not confess to appearing there as a stranger; he could not confess himself to be a stranger in Eng land, nor would he ever confess himself to be a stranger; and when the other day he was at Greenwich, and was seen by a friend to kiss the green fields, his friend asked him what he was doing? His reply was, " that he was kissing his mother."—(Laughter.) Such, he could as sure them, was the feeling of every true-born American. The first thing they were proud of—and the meeting would forgive the Americans for this—was that they were free-born Americans; while the second thing they were proud of was, that every drop of blood in their veins was English.— (Cheers.) Therefore, the time for wars be tween great branches of the Anglo-Saxon nation had passed away.—(Cheers.) Hitherto they had been far too passive upon the question, and now the period had arrived for their being positive. Let them then, in a voice of thunder, indignantly protest against this great wrong.—(Hear, hear.) Let the twenty millions of Anglo-Saxons on the other side of the Atlantic, and the twenty millions here, unite in one cry, and that thunder of forty millions of Anglo-Saxon voices would roll over the Continent, and strike terror into the mouth of the tyrants of the north.—(Hear, hear.) Just one thousand years ago that great Anglo-Saxon, whose anniversary combined English and Americans were now about to celebrate, drove back the northern hordes. Let it be for the Anglo-Saxons of the present day to aid at least in driving back the northern hordes once more.—(Cheers.) The Great Northern Bear had become so Hungary— (Laughter)—that he will not be satisfied without a large slice of Turkey—(Renewed laughter)—and it was time to tell him to whet his appetite elswhere. If this country told him so, he would listen to it; but he must be told to confine his appetite within a more limited range. (Hear, hear.) With Americana this was mainly a question of bro therly love, of liberty and freedom throughout the world, of hatred to oppression ; but with England it was a question of self-preservation, for they might be sure that Hungary would be only a step more towards Turkey, and that Turkey, if once assailed from so near a position, must tall; for Turkey, like one of those trees in the western forests of America which, long since cut through, but still remaining standing and looking like trees, yet fall at the first touch and show themselves but dust, must be prostrated with the first vigorous blow. The aim of the Russian bear was to get possession of Constantinople, and therefore it was well for this country to follow the example of America and double her fleet in the Mediter ranean. When the American commodore asked for as additional force in the Mediterranean, they sent him double the number of ships he demanded, because they felt it was a contest between slavery and freedom. Now was the time, now was the day, now was the hour for a great effort. The struggle was between despotism and liberty—between oppression and slavery—between barbarism and civilisation. He, as a clergyman, should not stand forward as advo cating a recourse to physical demonstration, were it not that he considered the question one between despotism and liberty, between barbarism and civilisation, between the rights of man, given him by God, and the opponents of those rights, who cling to the monstrosities of the feudal system.—(Hear,,hear.) It was not only a struggle between despotism and liberty, between oppression, slavery, and freedom, but it was also a struggle between barbarism and civilization.—(Cheers.) It was a struggle between the rights of man, which God had given him, and the proud and tyrannical oppressors of those rights, who stood only upon the old feudal system. The last legacy which Washington gave to his countrymen was, " Not to entangle themselves with foreign alliances;" but in this case it was not applicable, for with them it was one of self-preservation. Statesmen now regretted and felt that it was in their power to have saved Poland before it was too late. They should interfere to save Hungary, and not afterwards to express unavailing re grets.—(Hear, hear.) Let the voice, then, of the forty millions of Anglo-Saxons be raised in favour of Hungary and the cause of liberty.—(Hear, hear.) Do not mistake him, he was not a sham Republican— not a make-believe lover of freedom—not such as they had seen in France, in Louis Napoleon, who sent a friendly army to Italy. He was not a make believe de fender of freedom. It was clear that the new Napoleon —(Groans)—was not to be relied upon, nor the nation which permitted the visit of the friendly army of inter vention to Rome. —(Groans.) But a Frenchman would be a Frenchman, he could not help it.—(A. laugh.) A Frenchman could not be a John Bull.—(A laugh.) And thirty-two millions of people, who were so near to them, could not be counted on in this struggle.—(hear, hear.) What, then, had they to look to? Why, to the conservative republic of England. The true consen. vative republic was to he looked for in America and in England. And the health which he would soonest drink we.; "Long life to the Queen."—(Hear, hear.) In America they said, the Queen of Spain, the Queen of Portugal; but when speaking of the Queen of England, they said simply, the Queen; proving beyond all ques- tion, that ever} , American was anxious to secure the stability of the throne of England.—(Hear.) Aud the meeeting might depend upon it the best thing for Eng land was long life to the Queen, and stability to her throne. He believed a republic was the best thing for America, while a monarchy was the best thing for England; and both, he was sure, would always be found ready to unite in defending the rights of man against the oppression of the tyrant.—(Cheers.) There was a time for all things; and now was the time for England to stand up in defence of Hungary. No nation could stand up with the majesty that she could. She had power to command reverence, if not from despots, at least from their people; and, therefore, he said again, let the great progenitor of the Anglo-Saxon race stand up, and cry in a voice of thunder, " This mighty:wrong shall. not be done."—(Cheers.) The resolution was then put and carried with enthu siasm. Lord DUDLEY STUART, who was then introduced to the meeting by the Chairman to move the second reso lution, and who was received with loud and long.conti nued cheering, said—Mr. Chairman, and Ladies and Gentlemen, I assure you that I have delayed a few mo• ments addressing you with a great deal of pleasure. I was to have spoken immediately after my friend Mr. Roland Alston had delivered his sentiments, but I am re joiced that the Rev. Gentleman from the United States of America has had the opportunity of delivering his noble sentiments upon the present occasion. —(Cheers.) I am certain that our worthy Chairman, when he stopped that Rev. Gentleman on his first rising, only did so, as he expressed himself, from a desire to maintain the order of our proceedings—(Hear, hear)—because the committee, under the guidance of that Hon. Gentleman, had already decided that a resolution should be given to a citizen of the United States, who will also have the honour of addressing you.—(Cheers.) Ladies and gen tleman. I shall now make to you but a few observations upon the question, because it is one with which you are already familiar, in consequence of the great number of meetings which I rejoice to know have been held in different parts of this metropolis, and in all, or at least in a great many, of the principal towns throughout the country; and also many already a dd r essed n y o o b u le u a p n o d a etlhoe quent speech es , have asubject.—(Llear, and cheers.) It It is one, indeed, emi nently calculated to excite your sympathy; and I will read to you, before I proceed further, the resolution which it will be my tintyletoehn:ove. lt is, "'r henat the e is j Austrian o m in e t et e in fl g orts of with the unmitigatedande Russian infa abhor rencemyof4thrllant nation, o a c t n l' io d us Monarchs to extinguish the freed() iu the blood of its brave inhabitan al ts. of the invasion is only equalled by the atrocious cruel ties marking the progress of the invaders ; following address, expressive of our amiration, that atull sympathy, be forwarded to the brave men of Hungary, with the least possible delay."—(Loud cheers.) An address has been prepared to be forwarded to Hun gary, and I will call upon the Secretary, Mr. M'Enteer, to read it to you, and then I will further address you. Mr. M'ENTEER then read the following address : " ADDRESS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE CITY OP WEST MINSTER TO THE HUNGARIAN PEOPLE. _ _ " Bravo Men of Hungary,—From the seat of British Government, we, the inhabitants of the ancient city of Westminster, address you. As the citizens of a free country, the struggle of freedom against despotism must ever command our sympathies. Such a struggle, in its holiest phase, heroic Hungary now presents to us. In you the world beholds the spectacle of a united people fighting for the rights of fatherland, and exhibiting a heroism only to be squalled by the enduring patience and devoted loyalty manifested by you preceding your final resort to arms. Justice and moderation clothe with dignity the surpassing bravery of the defenders of your constitutional rights, and the guilt and cruelty of your oppressors call not more loudly for the execration of the good than your devoted patriotism commands the sym • pathy and aid of all to whom liberty and humanity are dear, and injustice and cruelty abhorrent. " The intense interest attaching to your position has made the history of Hungary familiar to the British mind. In the pages of that history we find that the rights you struggle to preserve are the constitutional heritage of a thousand years. Since the accession of the House of Lorraine-Hapsburg, fourteen kings of a faithless race have successively sworn to respect and guard your national privileges; and by each in turn has the sacred oath been violated; and now, as the crowning sin of this perjured dynasty, the - present Austrian mo narch seeks to wade through a nation's blood to the throne of St. Stephen, and when defeated by Hungas rian valour, calls to his aid the kindred assistance of Cossack hordes to desolate with fire and sword the fair fields of a people who have repaid royal treason with forgiving truth, and erred only in their loyalty by loving • not wisely, but too well. " War should ever be the last resource of the op pressed, but the history of our own country teaches that tyranny may assume a shape that makes armed resistance become a virtue. That shape in its moat hideous form the Austrian and Russian invaders of your country have assumed. If the revolution that won for us Englishmen our rights is truly termed glorious,' then most glorious is the struggle of Hungary for nationality and freedom, and in sacrifice at the alt.= of their country. Would that sanctified is the blood of the heroes so devotedly shed an English current mingled in the Hungarian stream in its victorious course to glory and immortality. " While with the bleeding hearts of your heroes you build the foundation of your country's freedom, the en lightened of the earth must see that your contest is not alone for your native land, but one fully identified with the interests of universal humanity. As the frontier guard of European civilization, your gallant nation offers a natural barrier to the encroachments of Russian bar barism, and while fighting the battle of Hungarian liberty, 3 on have the peril and the glory of acting as the vangaurd of continenatal freedom. B rave d e f enders of so great a trust, right ?man f u ll y h ave you fulfilled your high mission. Your country bleeds from many wounds. Humanity weeps alt the spectacle, and reaps the reward of your heroic devotion, " Accept, brave .Efungarians, this expression of sym pathy from English. hearts, to which we add our prayers to the God of freedom for a speedy success to your righteous cause; of such ultimate success we doubt not, for we live in the faifth of the bard of our land,who sung— " For freedom's battle once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, Though baffled oft, is ever won.' And never had fr 'edom nobler apostles to work out the poetic prophecy than Hungary now offers in the illus trious Kossuth, the valiant Bern, Georgey, Dembinski, Klapka, Vottor, Damianich, Perczal, Aulich, ' and Richard Guyon. That more than British sympathy may strengthen tk e heroic band, we this day petition our beloved Sovsreign to suspend the Foreign Enlist ment Act, which pr events us sending immediate succour to your ranks, and to acknowledge the independenCe of the Hungarian natican In the cause of Hungary we re cognise the cause of justice, freedom, and civilization, and they who would shrink from you in your day of peril aro unworthy' of the blessings the triumph of such a cause confers on man." Lord (DUDLEY STUART resumed—Now, Mr. Chair man, ladies, and 'gentlemen, that is the address, and ought we not at Yeast to express our sympathy with this brave and noble nation of Hungary ?—(Cheers.) The be ginning of this sti niggle was to decide a question which is recognised as c sae of the moat important in our bwn constitution, and without which principle our constitu tion could not go on a day. One question that arms were taken up to deride was whether the Ministers were to be responsible for the people or to the Sovereign.-- (Hear, hear.) The Emperor of Austria wanted the Minister of War a nel the Minister of Finance not to be responsible to Perlis ment, but to be responsible only to himself. However„ - feeling it dangerous to insist on that demand, in March he agreed that the Ministers should be responsible. In. April he determined that they should not—he determined that they should act without Parliament; and to enforce that ty rannical proposition it was that Jellachich attempted to coerce the Hungari:ans by arms.—(Hear, hear.) Why, that is enough, one would think to engage the sympathy of all free and of all constitutional people.—(Cheers.) Sympathy for Hunt ;limy 1 Why, asks some one, are we to express sympathy ve,th Hungary? I will tell you why the British should, I›acause we are a free people, and the people of Hungary you struggling for freedom—(Cheers; —because we are, if: ever a nation was, an independent people, and would D.O t brook for a single moment the do minion of a foreign ;r, and the Hungarians are striving against foreigners—<Cheers) —because we are a people who have lived fur t;t3 nturies under a constitution which we have inherited from our fathers, and which has been handed down from father and to son—a constitution composed of King, Lords, and Commons—(Cheers)—a constitution to whic.h we are attached, but one which we have from time to ti? n ) found it necessary to amend and to improve—(Cheers)-- and one which we are determined still further to amend—(Cheers)—and to make as per fect as we can.—(L oug continued cheering.) That is just what the Hungarians have been doing. They have enjoyed a constitu tit as similar to our own for centuries. It has been handed clown to them from father to son; they have struggled from time to time to make it better; they have lately introduce d a great, a sweeping, an essential reform into it, and nies doubt when they have driven out those who attempt to prevent them they will, like us, be determined to make. their constitution perfectly satisfac tory.—(Loud cheersa.,l Why should we sympathise with Hungary ? Because we are a Protestant nation— (Cbeers)—and because, above all, we are a nati on as much attached to religion as to a civil liberty.— (Cheers.) So are the Hungarians. A great portion of that nation is Pro'.eHtant, but, Protestant or not, they are determined to have—they have perfect religious li berty—they have it. - to a degree greater than we have, for in that country,. now since the reform of Kossuth, there is nut even the vestige of such a thing as intole rance, or any obstacle to the completion of religious liberty.—(Cheers.) Why should we sympathise with Hungary ? Because we are a brave people.—(Cheers.) If ever a nation in the world was renowned for deeds of arms, by land and by sea, that is the British nation.— (Cheers.) We have succumbed to none in these respects, and we can point to as glorious achievements as are recorded in the history of any nation. And what nation is more brave than the Hungarians ?—(Cheers.) What nobler deeds of arms have ever been done than by those gallant patriots, led on by the glorious Bern?— (Loud cheers.) Lately a poor despised Polish refugee, subsisting on a charitable allowance in this country, he is now the first Irian in Europe.—(Prolonged cheers.) What deeds have over surpassed those of another noble Polish commander, Dembinski, or of Georgey, or of all those other noble littugariam officers who are mentioned in the address?—(Prolonged cheers.) Why then we, who are Englishmen, we who belong to a brave nation, renowned for deeds in arms, must we not sympathise with those gallant Hungarians struggling in the best of all causes?—(" Yes, yes," and loud cheers.) Why should we sympathise with Hungary? Because we are a hu mane nation.—(Heat, hear.) However bold our soldiers may bo in the field, or our sailors on the deck, no base unmanly, cold-blooded act has ever sullied the fame of British soldiers and sailors.—(Cheers.) We cannot bear .... to hear of the mode in which these vile Austrians carry on the war.--(llear, hear,) Unable to overcome the brave Hungarians in the field, they satiate their vengeance upon those unhappy men and women who fall into their grasp.—(Cries of " Shame," and seri- . . sation.) Not long since a noble Hungarian, filling an office which we have not any that exactly corresponds to, but which may be termed Inspector-General of the Protestant Faith. Be is not a clergyman, he is not a bishop, but he is a layman, appointed to protect and see that the Protestant religion is maintained in its rights. de had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the Aus trians. He was not a soldier, he was a man of peace; he was interrogated by the Austrian officers, he gave en answer somewhat too independent. What did they do with him? Publicly flogged him. Now, that is one of the last things that we have heard. But this is shocking; it revolts the feelings of every man of common humanity. —(Hear, hear.) But it is nothing, compared to things which they have done—flogging not men but women.— (Cries of " Shame," and hisses.) It is hardly credible, but these things we know, not from private letters, but from the official documents of the Austrian Govern ment itself. As to the prisoners being shot and put to death, there are innumerable instances of those; and the Austrian Government, which has always been famous for its persecution of religion—(Hear, hear) — the House of Hapsburg, some of whom were those who established the infamous Spanish Inquisition, and who have done more to put down religious liberty than any other family that ever has been known—(Hear)—this Austrian Government has at least shown its impartiality with different religions during this war—for it has hung up on one and the same gallows a clergyman of the Pro testant and of the Catholic Church.—(Hisses.) Why then we, who aro a humane people, cannot bear to hear of war being carried on in this shameful and dastardly way, and we must sympathise with the Hungarians who have resisted enemies, who have acted in the Manner which I have described.—(Cheers.) And why should we then sympathise with the Hungarians? Because, al though we are a brave people, vse are a people disposed to peace. Some persons may think that there is a time when war is desirable; but I look upon it that there is no doubt that the British nation is disposed and de sirous of seeing peace prevail throughout the world; and we know that there can be no peace in Europe until Hungary recovers her rights.—(Loud cheers.) The Hungarians are engaged in a struggle the success ful issue of which will do more to place peace upon a sound and durable footing than any other event that can be contemplated. Therefore all our sympathies are due to the Hungarians.—(Cheers) Why sympathise with the Hungarians? Because they are engaged in a strug gle with Russia, and we know that if Russia be allowed to proceed the consequence must be that her influence will become supreme in Europe, and Europe will become, THE SUN LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING.. AUGUST 18 1849. us was prophecied by Napoleon, altogether Cossack.— (Hear, bear.) A very bad habit has prevailed in the world for many years, that of sutferiog Russia to proceed with her encroachments.—(ge a r, hear.) You looked upon and saw Poland destroyed and put down. Now what is the consequence? Now Russia is going on to destroy the liberties of Hungary, and she will destroy those of all the world if she is not arrested.—(Hear.) Therefore the Hungarians being engaged in the struggle against her demand all our sympathies--(Cheers)— another reason why we ought to sympathise with Hun- gary. This nation is distinguished by one characteris tic above all others. I believe it has always been ac knowledged that Englishmen love fair play.— (Laughter.) The Hungarians have not had fair pl a y.—(Cheers.) They rose to maintain their rights— they fought with their enemy —they fought a good fight —they conquered him—they put him to flight—they discomfited his armies—they turned his best general to shame—they drove him out of their country, and he could only take refuge upon the confines.—(Loud cheers.) What did he do? He applied to another great overgrown and powerful monarch, with hundreds of men to interfere, and Russia interferes with lawless interference, against the law of nations, in order to put down these brave men. — (" Shame," and groans.) Now that is another reason why we ought to sympathize with them.—(Loud cheers.) And do you want one more reason? I will tell you one more, and I think it is a good reason—it is a reason which will bear consideration— it will bear pondering over and examining. The Hun garians have always been distinguished by their love of free-trade.—(Cheers.) This nation is an industrious and a commercial nation. We are a people who love to live by our industry—we like to interchange our commodities with other nation*, so that a mutual benefit may arise.—(Cheers.) We have seen the advantage of this with regard to that country, one of whose sons has addressed us this evening so well and so nobly— (Loud cheers.) We know that the commercial advan tages arising to this country from the trade with the United States is ten times greater than it would be if that country bad not achieved her independence— (Cheers) —greater even than it would be if she had re mained subject to the rule of Great Britain.—(Hear, hear.) If the advantages to this country of Hungary being free, in .a commercial point of view, are so great that those well versed in this subject are confidently of opinion, that in a few years we shall have as great a trade with Hungary as we now have with the United States—(Cheers)—consider what would be the benefit of having another United States allied with us, bound to us by feelings of friendship, those feelings cemented by mutual interests, placed at the east of Europe.— (Cheers.) To the west we should send forth our com coerce, and interchange our commodities with our bre thren in the United States.—(Hear, hear.) And charmed I was to hear that noble American say that he would not be a stranger in an assembly of Britons—(Vehement cheering)—and I am glad to have the opportunity of telling him, and I know that I speak the feelings of my nation, that whenever an American from the United States comes into an assembly of Englishmen he wilt be a brother.—(Loud cheers.) Now, gentlemen, P there are twenty millions of freemen on the other side of the Atlantic, there are fifteen millions of free men in Hungary. They are a nation where there are few manufactures, but where the soil is rich and ex ceedingly productive.—(Hear, hear.) The inhabitants would be exceedingly glad to send to us their produce in corn, in maise, in wine, in oil, in hemp, in tobacco, and to take in return the products of our industry.—(Cheers.) They would be glad to take from us linen and cotton goods, and woollen goods, and articles of cutlery and china, and silk manufactures, and stationery and saddlery, and almost every article that British industry produces. --(Hear, hear.) They would take them with pleasure, with profit to us, with advantage to themselves, and great indeed would be the advantages which would result from this commerce—(Cheers)—and let me say that they would take them free, without duty, or with the smallest possible duty, unlike the Austrian Government, which is most inimical to our commerce.—(Renewed cheering.) These things aro beginning to be understood by the great merchants and manufacturers of this country. I have in my hand a letter which I received some time ago from a merchant at Glasgow. I have a good mind to read it to you.—(Cries of " Read it.") It is not a new letter ; it came to me in the month of May, when this noble struggle began first to be very much talked of in this country. It is from a stranger to me—a gentleman with whom I had no acquaintance, but I have since found, upon inquiry, that he is at the head of one of the most respectable mercantile houses in Glasgow. I have been called a sentimentalist in politics—(Laughter)—but now I am speaking to you not of sentiment, but of that which must be of permanent advantage and benefit to our country. The Noble Lord then pro ceeded to read as follows: " Individually I read with pleasure the Hungarian General Been's letter to your Lordship, and feel deeply in the issue of Hungarian independence on the ground of its bearing on true freedom in religious, political, and commercial interests, all of which are at stake in the issue of the struggle. Austrian dominion in Hungary imposes very high restrictive duties on articles of ma nufacture as imported into the latter country. Instance those on the item of pig or cast iron, rolled iron, and sheet iron, as an index to those imposed on other articles. and contrast such prices as paid by the Hungarian Go vernment with what they can be furnished from Scotland as an inducement to open a connexion in commerce." First he gives the prices paid in Hungary under the Hun garian system. The price at which he could deliver iron in Hungary according to the Hungarian tariff, first, cast irou per ton delivered in the river Sase at 41. 105.; according to the present Austrian one, of 71. Rolled iron delivered in the river Sase, according to the Hungarian system, at 10/. per ton; according to the Austrian system, at 22/. per tun. Then sheet iron, ac cording to the Hungarian system, 121. 10s. per ton; according to the Austrian system, at 441 per ton. Then ho says with truth:—" These figures are very striking, and show clearly what an advanta geous opening for British commerce that hitherto-closed kingdom presents to us." He is a practical man; heir not theorizing. Ho says, .` My immediate business lays in these very articles named, and in order to facilitate the forma tion of connexions in Hungary, your knowledge of per sons of influence there would be invaluable as a medium of access for future operations."—(Hear, hear.) I wrote to this gentleman and gave him all the information that I possibly could supply, and in a short time afterwards he replied to me, saying how much he was obliged, but that he found it was impossible to enter into any trans action, much as he wished it, because the independence of Hungary was not recognised by our Government.— (Hear, and cheers.) Now that stops all these proceed ings. Then this war which is being carried on is a positive detriment and evil to the merchants and manta facturers, and everybody else in this country.—(Hear, hear.) That ought to be known, for not only could iron be sent out with advantage, but almost every other article. Let the merchants of Manchester remember Oat, who have cotton goods to send out. Let the manu facturers of Lancashire remember that. Let Hud dersfield, Leeds, Halifax, Bradford, all those places in Yorkshire where the woollen trade and cotton trade flourish, remember that—let the inhabitants of Sheffield vyith their cutlery know that—let the inhabit. ants of Macclesfield and of Spitalfields with their silk manufactures know that—let all those who live by in dustry, and commerce, and manufacture, and wh o wan t a market for British industry, know that it is to be found in Hungary. Aye, and let them remember that those who prevent their having these advantages, those who keep this money out of their pockets, and who prevent them from getting rich and being enabled to afford in consequence advautages to their children and families, and diffuse wealth through the land—those aro the Emperors of Austria and of Russia.—(Hisses.) But chiefly it is that Northern Bear, to whom reference has been made so often, because the Emperor of Austria could not do it —it has been proved he could not do it. And why do we not recognise the independence of Hungary? The in dependence of Hungary dejure is not denied; the inde pendence of Hungary de facto has been established—l say it is proved by the very fact of Russian interven tion. If Hungary were not independent Austria would not appeal to Russia to come to her assistance.— (Cheers.) Let us then, by the expression of our opinion and of our determination upon this subject, give strength to those in oar Government who, as I believe, feel and sympathise with us.—(Cheers.) At the beginning of this session of Parliament I called the attention of our Government to the encroachments of Russia in Wallachia and Moldavia.—(Hear, hear.) I told them that Russia, without any right or reason, whatever had marched an immense army into those provinces of the Turkish empire, and that they were keeping that immense force there at free quarters upon the inhabitants. I called upon the Government to re monstrate against this course. I believe that some kind of representation was made ; but if a remonstrance of a sort to be attended to had been addressed to Russia, it is my belief that all this attack upon Hungary would not have taken place.—(Loud cheers.) And I will tell you another thing, that I believe more energetic and effectual remonstrances would have been made, if the attention of the public had been called to the circumstance, so that those at the head of our Foreign Affairs would have found that support from the people which, perhaps, they , in vain looked for elsewhere.—(Loud cheers.) I there fore rejoice in my heart at such meetings as these, where there are so many persons of intelligence and so many tdhertoeurnigliino vva determinedthespirits country, ,and I cannot but think that th e voice r of such our Cabi ne t, but will also have an effect in the foreign cabinets of those despots who are waging this un righteous Yes, your voice will g o f ort h e Europe, and it will reach even the Czar himself, who will hear it even amidst the roar of the cannon of Bens. (Loud cheers.) But I want you to give every proof that you can of your real, sincere, and honest interest in this cause. There have been different opinions about peace and about war. It is my opinion that war is not neccssary • for, a s h as b een well said by my H on . F r i en d the Member fur Bodmin (Mr. Wyld), it is only requisite that this country should take a determined attitude for her will to be respected.—(Cheers.) But there are other things which you can do besides petitioning her Ma jesty, besides addressing the Hungarian nation, which are very right, and which have my entire approbation— there are other means of testing people's sincerity, and one which will be of very great use to the Hungarian patriots there is such a thing as a subscrip tion of money. In this day testimonials are very much the fashion—(Laughter)—and whenever a man does any thing which deserves the approbation of his fellow-citizens, it is common to make a large sub scription by way of a testimonial to his merit.—(Re newed laughter.) Well, then, why not a testimonial to the merit of the Hungarian people ?—(Hear, hoar, and loud cheers.) I think that committees for this purpose ought to bo formed in every pert of the country; and I have no doubt that a sum will be collected, which, being placed in the hands of the Hungarian Government, will be found to be of the utmost use to them.—(Loud cheers ) I must say that I think the workine , classes in this country have a rally eet a most u exempte (Loud cheers ) I know that every where they have been ready to part with some of their hard earnings. I know that in some places they have determined to give each some pence a week.—(Hear, hear.) I think that is a most noble example.—(Cheers.) I know that those noble spirits have said, " We cannot afford much —we can give but a mite, but every week we will put aside something that we can spare from the wants of our families, and send it to the brave Hungarian patriots." —(Cheers.) I know that that has been done in this metropolis, and I believe elsewhere also. Lest night I received a letter from a number of liberal working men in the small town of Horsham, tel !ing me that they had assemblei in behalf of Hungary. and had resolved each to give so much of his weekly earnings, and desiring to know to whom they were to send it. These are most noble examples.—(Cheers.) This is a noble example which the working classes have set, as they often do, to those who are superior to them in the gift of fortune.—(Cheers.) I cannot say that I am so well satisfied in this respect with people much bet ter able to subscribe than those brave men whom I have mentioned to you; but I hope they are not deaf to public opinion.—(Cheers.) People, in however high circles they move, are keenly sensitive upon this point. We have a press—these things are circulated through the country, and I trust that such noble examples will be worthily followed, and that we shall soon have some amount to present to the Government of Kossuth which will be worthy of his acceptance, and which may really render some essential service. —(Loud cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I do not think that I have anything further to trouble you with. I need not set out the claims of Hungary to you any more, because I see and know that you are all with me upon this subject. I will not read the resolution again; but I shall propose it to you with the perfect confidence that you will unanimously adopt it.—(Long-continued cheering.) Mr. Thomas Prout rose to second the resolution, but ho was interrupted with calls for Mr. Julian Harney. Mr. JULIAN HARNEY accordingly presented himself in front of the platform, but he declined to speak at that moment, as the committee had appointed Mr. Prout to second the resolution, and it would be out of order to interpose himself then, especially as he would afterwards hare an opportunity of addressing them.—(Hear.) Mr. PROUT said he seconded the resolution with great pleasure, but in doing so he should be very brief, as the subject bad been dealt with so fully by the several gentlemen who had pre ceded him. lie had been a reformer for a great number of years, and had seen public opinion expressed on:a multitude of subjects, but never had he found it expressed so strongly as it was in the case of Hun gary.—(Hear, hear.) He saw it rising up in all its strength from Cornwall to Norfolk, and from Sussex to the Orkneys, and depend upon it a voice so unanimously and universally raised would find its way to the ears of the oppressor.—(Hear, hear.) He was a practical man, and had not assisted in convening this meeting with out having some practical object in view. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Well, then, the first thing that had struck him was this—they had heard that the Governments of France and England united could control the other countries of Europe, and what he had to lament in this case was, that France and England were not exactly united. Now, it appeared to him quite clear that one practical use of this meeting would be to aid and assist our Foreign Minister in per suading the Government of France to take the same view of this subject with themselves.--(Hear, hear.) He had had to lament the position which France had taken up for many months past.—(Hear, hear.) Witness their expedition to Rome—(Hear)—witness what was under stood to be the current of events there, and the attempts that were being made for, reactionary purposes. If France had been true to herself, if she had been true to her revolution, when it was proposed that the Cos sacks and serfs of Russia should be called in to crush Hungary, France would have told Russia that she would place 100,000 men on the Rhine.—(Hear, hear.) He would warrant them this would not have produced war. It would have been the true conservative policy, if France had said that Frenchmen would have been in possession of Vienna before Russia could have crossed the frontier to assist the Emperor of Austria. Therefore, one object of the meeting was to make an impression on the British Government, so that it might procure the assistance of France in making a stand against the ad vance of Russia.—(Hear, hear.) Rather, however, than Hungary should be wiped away from the map of the world, although he was averse to war, England ought to run the risk of a war to prevent it; but had France placed 100,000 men at the Rhine, and 50,000 men on the top of the Alps, for the purpose of procuring Italian liberty, the liberties of Europe would have been secure against the present reactionary state of things.—(Hear, hear.) What was now taking place ? He believed a foundation was being laid for an insurrection that might swamp every crowned head in Europe, and this meeting would have the effect of assisting the Foreign Minister in coming to some understanding with France to put a stop to the incursions of Russia.— (Hear, hear.) Let them remember the opinion pro nounced by his Hon. Friend the Member for Bodmin, who had said that the true policy of this country was to take its stand now against Russia, and prevent the occurrence of a ferocious war hereafter.—(Hear, hear.) Unless she were checked in her daring career, she would take possession of the Danubian Provinces, and they would witness another division of a great and important country, which England might have prevented had she interfered in time.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WICKENS, in speaking to the resolution, pointed to Madame Pulski, who was in the gallery, observing, that she escaped the knout and the bayonets of the Rus sian soldiery in her efforts to join her husband. This statement caused a great movement amongst the meeting, who loudly cheered the lady. He then proceeded to read an extract from a work to show that Hungary bad always sympathised with Poland; and he added that the reform in Hungary had emanated from the nobles of the country, who had given 20,000,000 of acres of land to make electors of 500,000 of the people. All he would say was, let our nobles "go and do likewise." Mr. JULIAN HARNEY then came forward, and was well received. He commenced by explaining what had taken place between himself and Lord Dudley Stuart at the meeting held in Marylebone on the subject of Hungary; and he said that ho was now going to pursue the same course on that occasion, because they had that evening showed that they desired that an armed intervention in the affairs of Hungary ought to take place.—(Hear, hear.) The meeting at Marylebone was not, as it was imputed it was, a Chartist meeting; nor was that. They met as Englishmen, to express their sympathy with the acts of the brave men of Hungary. One of the most prac tical modes by which they could serve the Hungarians would be by means of subscriptions. He then com mented on the " friendly relations with foreign coun tries" which appeared in the Queen's Speech, and said it was a shame, if they had friendly relations with some of those countries who did all in their power to crush the spirit of liberty on the continent. lie also contended that the Foreign Enlistment Act might be repealed.—(Hear, hear.) The resolution was then agreed to. The Hon. Mr. WHA.RTON moved the third resolution as follows: " That justice and policy alike justify the British Go vernment in at once acknowledging the independence of Hungary; and that a petition be presented on behalf of the inhabitants of the city of Westminster to our Graci ous Sovereign, praying her for an order in Council to re cognise the de facto Government of Hungary, and to suspend the Foreign Enlistment Act of 1819, in favour of the Hungarian nation." Government he said could not control public opinion in this country, though public opinion could control the Government; and he did really believe that the expres sion of public opinion upon this subject would have a great effect upon Austria and Russia.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. WRIGHT seconded the resolution, which, he said, quite accorded with his notions. The independence of Hungary ought at once to be recognised; and if the ex- pression of Englishmen availed them not, then it must be followed up by something more substantial. The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. Sir FRANCIS KNOWLES moved the next resolution : " That the efforts of the London absolutist press to damage the cause of Hungary has been in a great de gree neutralised by the honesty and talent of the Daily News; and that the thanks of the meeting be given to that journal, together with The Sun and Morning Adver • tiser, for their advocacy of truth and freedom on the question of the Hungarian struggle." After what had fallen from his Noble Friend the Member for Aylesbury, it would be a waste of time to detain the meeting with any remark on the subject of the resolution itself ; but, however united they might be upon this great cause, the sentiments of each gentleman in speaking to a reso lution must be taken as his own individual opinions, for which the other members of the meeting were not ac countable.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, it appeared to him that the principle of non-intervention was receiving a most extraordinary construction. He remembered some years ago, when that principle was first promul gated, the impression on his mind was that when a na tion took upon itself to regulate its own affairs, or to give a new form to its constitution, no other nation whatever would be permitted to interfere.—(Loud cheers.) But he found the modern construction of the principle was that every ,other nation under heaven was to be per mitted to `enjoy all the mischief of intervention but Great Britain—(Hear, hear)—but it did occur to him that we had arrived at that state of things when it be came us to take a proper and imposing stand on this Hungarian question.—(Ch eers .) Canning predicted some years ago that the next war in Europe would be a war of opinion—(Hear,hear)—that was to say that the opinions of nations would be divided in favour of despotism on the one side, and liberty and freedom on the other.—(Hear, hear.) Such a war had now been commenced, and it behoved every man, whatever be his degree in station in life, now to make up his mind whether he will join one side or the other.—(Cheers.) With respect to the struggle which we aro now met to support, let him renal to their recollection, that the great and sagacious mind of the Emperor Napoleon had predicted that this struggle in Hungary would come. Let then] remember the words of the Emperor, that England would rue the day she did not assist him to crush the tyrant of the north.—(Cheers.) Some day or other, said the Em peror, Europe would have to choose between a republican ~,, ,o vernment or the Cossscks, and he now called upon England to decide which they would have?—(Hear.) He was sure she would decide in favour of the republic, and her assistance to Hungary should establish a code of liberty to be the admiration of surrounding nations, and a blessing to all mankind.—(Cheers.) Mr. NICHOLAS briefly seconded the resolution, reserv ing his speech for another occasion, and, like the others, it was put, and carried unanimously. Mr. GEESIN moved the following resolution:— " That this meeting looks with warm approbation on those generous men who have given practical proof of the it interest in Hungary, by contributieg according to their means to the relief of flunp,ri-n roqt7P-s. and in VlrEiettizif it J 1; - . B. rti. Wilcox. m th e eh tt i r m a i i , and the °her directors of the nniosuhir C .inpany, for their kindness in forwarding, at a price which c uld not be remunerating, a number of tt:ese brave men to the Levant, on their way to their own country; and this meeting further approves and desires to promote the subscription set on loot for the purpose of raising a sum of money to be presented as a testi monial from the British to the Hungary nation." He had heard that Baron Rothschild had granted a loan to the Emperor of Russia to carry on the war in Hun gary. If this were so, than he was unworthy to sit in the House of C mimons as the representative of a liberal constituency. He hoped, however, that when this an nouncement went forth to the world through the public prints, it would be the means of eliciting a denial from the Baron.—(Hear.) Captain REID, an American officer, then addressed the meeting as follows: Gentlemen,—ln rising to second this motion, I am placed in a proud and privileged posi tion—proud that the eyes of a thousand freemen are turned upon me with approval, privileged that I am offered this glorious opportunity of again recording my sympathy on behalf of the brave Hungarians.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, it is the third time in my life that I have stood upon the platform of a public assembly, and pre ceded as I have been by orators of eminence and elo quence, it would perhaps be becoming in me to apologise for my inexperience, and resume my seat. But no; a cause like this would change bashfulness into boldness, would make even the voiceless eloquent.— (Hear, hear.) I will not sit down until I have raised my voice in its loudest denunciation of the oppressor, in its fullest, sympathy with the oppressed.—(Cheers.) What man is there among you who could read the barbarous bulletins of a Haynau and a Jellachioh without feeling his bosom swelling with a holy indignation?—(Hear)— without being tempted to exclaim, " Are there no stones in heaven but what serve for the thunder?"—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, it is only a few days since I landed upon your shores; and I cannot express to you the joy that filled my heart to find that that sentiment that was run ning over my own land like an electric fire, was meeting with a full response in the hearts of the English nation. —(Hear, hear.) I found it expressed in the circles of private conversation, through the columns of the public press, and on the platform of many a crowded assembly. I expected as much from the ancestors of the American race, from the scions of the Anglo-Saxon.—(cheers.) Gentlemen, it has been said that our sympathy thus ex pressed can effect but little good. I do not take this view of the matter.—(Hear, hear.) The voice of a great people must ever be listened to with respect, and the threats of a great people will ever be beard with fear.— (Hear, hear.) Even now is the cry of your indignation ringing in the ears of the Russian despot ; it will para lyze the hearts and palsy the arms of his hireling mil lions. Justly fear the Austrian and Russian that Eng lish words may soon be followed by English deeds; justly fear they that this sentiment may yet express it self in louder tones, that it may speak in the thunder of the cannon, under a canopy of sulphur!—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, although I am a soldier, I am no lover of war—(Hear, hear)—and gladly would I turn my sword into the peaceful ploughshare, if I believed that that time had come upon the earth when men had ceased to tyrannise over each other.—(Hear, hear.) The sword drawn in the cause of wrong is as vile a weapon as the steel of the assassin; but so long as there is a living tyrant upon the earth, I will hold war to be no evil, but a great and holy good. " Give us a noble cause," says the immortal Campbell—(Cheers)— " Give that, and welcome war to brace Her drums, and rend Heaven's reeking space: The colours planted face to face— The charging cheer! Though death's pale horse lead on, the chase Still, still be dear." And what is the cause of the gallant Magyar—for what is he contending? For his liberty and his life—for his country—for his altar—for his God!—(Cheers.) Gen tlemen, should these glorious spirits survive the fierco struggle they will repay you for your generous sym pathy.—(Cheers.) A brave man is seldom an ungrateful one; and a brave people will not be ungrateful. On the other hand, should they fall, ah! who will there be to thank you? Then, indeed, may it be truly said— Few, few shall part where many meet I" for who will stay the sword of the double avenger?— (Hear, hear.) Then, indeed, may it be tr u ly sa id, th a t every turf beneath their feet will be the sepulchre of a soldier!—(Cheers.) But, gentlemen, let us hope that this result may never be—let us pray that it may never be; and before I resume my seat I will offer a prayer to the God of Omnipotence, couched in a paraphrase upon the language of the eloquent Curran :—May the Austrian and the Russian sink together in the dust; may the brave Magyar walk abroad in his own majesty; may his body swell beyond the measure of his chains, now bursting from around him; and may he stand redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled by the irresistible genius of universal emancipation.—(Cheers.) The resolution being carried, a vote of thanks was passed to the Chairman, and the meeting separated at a late hour. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SIR,—In an account given in your columns of the proceedings at the late Hungarian meeting in Hanover square, an American, the Rev. James Richmond, is re ported to have said that his countrymen " wished the stability of the British throne." Now, Sir, I am satisfied that I express the sentiments of every American when I say that there is not one of thorn who " wishes the stability" of any throne on the face of the earth.—l am, Sir, with respect, truly yours, AN AMERICAN. August 17, 1849. THE ROYAL PATENT SUBMARINE MANURE COMPANY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Stn,—Observing in a recent number of The Sun some excellent remarks on the immense benefits likely to be conferred on Ireland by the conversion of the •bogs of that country into various products, as well as for sanitary purposes, forming as it does a complete deodorizer, and feeling assured that it must prove a powerful adjunct in aiding fertilization, I beg to call your attention, and that of your numerous readers, to another discovery, also of great national importance. It has been asserted by some, and imagined by others, that the sources from which huano or guano is derived will fail. Without entering into the probability or im probability of this matter, not having sufficient data to guide me, I will assume these sources may fail, yet it should be borne in mind, that Great Britain is sur rounded by an ocean inexhaustible in animal and pisca torial matter, which, by encouragement to fishers, may be extracted therefrom, conveyed to depots, and by a chemical process converted into a substance equal in value, and quite as, if not more efficacious, when ap plied to the earth, as an agricultural or horticultural fertilizer, than Peruvian guano, and costing less money. Fortunately for our country, as England now has, by the policy of her rulers, been placed under the necessity of competing with all the world in her own markets for supplying its inhabitants with food, a discovery has been made by two gentlemen of re search and talent, residing in Budleigh Salerton, in Devonshire, and is now carrying out with great energy at Devonport, by Messrs. Byers and Applin, under the designation of " the Royal Patent Sub-Marine Manure Company," and also by their appointed licencees. By their process all the unmarketable fish of the ocean, and fish refuse of every description, whether caught by the hook or entangl e d i n th e ne t, are conver t e d into a manure, and I have authority to say, from a very expe rienced and intelligent horticulturist, is equal to, if not superior to Peruvian guano. It is concentrated and granulated by a process for which the company have obtained a royal patent, and may, by moderate expense, be conveyed to the interior or any part of England. As the sea near our coasts abounds with fish, by encourage ment being gived to fisheries, an abundant supply might be obtained, not only for the tables of the wealthy, but as food for the poor. Depots and manufactories could be established along our shores, and the land fertilised by an artificial manure superior to any obtained from foreigners at less expense. It may not be generally known that vast quantities of fish, unfit for human food, such as dog-fish, monks, star fish, porpoises, sharks, &c., &c., are continually drawn up by the trawlers on all our fishing grounds, which have hitherto been thrown back into the sea. This being observed by the patentees of the Sub-Marine Manure, created the original idea of combining other fertilizing ingredients, mostly marine products, and, after many years of experiments (aided by first-rate chemical talent), producing under their peculiar patent process, this most invaluable compost, which, I understand, was first tried with success on Lady Rolle's estate at Bicton, in Devon shire, under the management of Mr. Barnes. I cannot close these remarks without suggesting to the capitalists of the metropolis the feasibility of con verting into a valuable manure, under the patent above referred to, the vast quantities of offal fish from Billings gate, and the numerous fishmongers from whom it could be collected, instead of, as at present, daily polluting the Thames; and in the event of a glut of fish, which, it not saleable for food, would find a profitable market opened for its reception. Wealth is not my pursuit; my object, as a mariner, is to draw the attention of my countrymen to that element by which we are surrounded, which is an inexhaustible mine of wealth, whereon thousands of additional hardy and danger-defying seamen may find profitable employ, and who, in times of war and tumult, will hereafter, as they have done heretofore, carry us through dangers which have appalled the wisest of statesmen. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, THOS. CURTIS, Commander Royal Navy, 22, London road ) King's Lynn, Norfolk, August 15, 1849 Loss OF THE Rosy YACHT.—On Sunday morn ing the Ruby left Kingstown, the weather squally, and crossed the bay under a foresail. She beat heavily for some hours, and afterwards filled and went down. Th e six men who were on board narrowly escaped dro wn i ng , some clinging to the rigging and others in the water. A steam-boat picked them all up. The yacht was carried out to sea with the evening ebb tide and lost. EXTRAORDINARY ESCAPE FROM DROWNING.-- Yesterday afternoon, as the Gem, Gravesend steamer, was stopping off Greenhithe to take on board some pas sengers, a man was observed to jump overboard. A boat was immediately lowered, and in a few minutes the man was picked up, but being a heavy man, and wholly unable to swim, he must almost certainly have been drowned, had it not happened Cult he wore a large cloak, which being inflated by the wind sustaitled him until he was picked up. The Pawnbrokers" Alms-houses, now in course of erection at Forest-gat Q , West Ham, are rapidly pro gressing towards completion. The exterior of the build , and, when compl e t e d, w ill present an mg is of red brick imposing and unique appearance.—Essex Standard. SIR EDWARD BULIVEq. LYT 'ON'S ING A IZ.Ti lITR FDIPION" NoVS , RZ,,+.11 K- - - In I price 10s. 6,1. bound. Kiln, Arthur aims at relating one of the most fascinating of all national and ehivalrous legends. It is a valuable addition to the poetical treasures of our language, and we regard it as not only worthy, but likely to take its place among those fine, though not faultless, performances which will hereafter represent the poetical literature of England in the first half of the nineteenth century. Thu author is, we think, right in believing this to be the least perishable monument of his genius."—Edinburgh Review. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. . - THE NOVELS of the SEASON. By Distinguished Writers. I. LEONIE VERMONT. By the Author of" Mildred Vernon." 3 Vols. 11. Sir EDWARD BULWER LYTTON'S HAROLD. Third Edition. 3 Vols. 111. FILLAN'S TRADITIONARY STORIES of the TWO RE BELLIONS in SCOTLAND 1 Vol. IV. J. FENIMORE COOPER'S SEA LIONS • . . 3 Vols. V. Miss HARDY'S OWEN GLENDOWER . . , 3 Vols. Miss BUNBURY'S EVELYN VI. 2 Vols. HERMAN MELVILLE'S MAR VI I . . . 3 vols. VIII. EIGHTEEN HUNDRED and TWELVE . . . „ 3 IX. Sir HENRY V. HUNTLEY'S PEREGRINE SCRAMBLE . 2 Vols. DUDLEY CRANBOURNE X. . . . . 3 Vol?. XI. PALGRAVE SIMPSON'S LILY of PARIS . • . 3 Vale. XII. JAMES MORRIER'S MARTIN TOU MOND. . „ „ vol. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. HFR MAJESTrS THEATRE The LAST FAREWELL NIGHT of the Season will take place THIS EVEN [No When will be presented, for the last time, LE NOZZE DE FIGARO. With the following powerful cast : Susanna, Madame Sontag ; the Countess, 3ldlle. Parodi; Chera" bin!, Mdl le. Alboni ; Figaro, Signor Eclat' ; Basillo, Signor Barto . Hui; the Count, Signor Coletti ; Bartulo, Signor Lablache. To conclude with LES PLAISIRS DE L'HIYER. SATURDAY, August 18. Applicatio❑ for Boxes, Stalls, and Ticke s to be made at the Box-office of the Theatre, where Pit Tickets may be obtained, 0 ibual, price 10s, 6d. each. THEATRE ROYAL, HAYMARKET. M. B. Webster, Sale Lessee and Manager, Old Bromptol • TUFS EVENING Will be performed the new Petite Comedy, en titled FLYING COLOURS; or, Crossing the Frontier. Captain,' Sang -- so:lqt, Mr. 'Webster ; Margaret, -Miss Woolgar ; Helen de Montkreail Madame Celeste; Justine, Miss Ellen Chaplin. After which a new grand Extravaganza, entitled THE DEVIL'S VIOLIN AND TIIE REVOLT OF THE FOWERS. To conclude with a now piece, entitled WEBSTER'S RolrAri RED BOOK. • ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE. Proprietor, Mr. W. Batty. Under the Patronage of her Majesty the Queen, his Royal mono Prince Albert, &c. THIS EVENING, The performance will commence with a Grand Military EquestriAn Spectacle, entitled MOOLTAN and GOOJEUAT ; or, the Conquest of the Seilths• To be followed by an inimitable display of SCENEs IN' 111!: 7iIRCLE. in which Mario Macarte will appear, supported by tte Equestrian talent of the day. To cow , elude with the favourite Melodrama of THE LON— CARRIER. Box-office open from Eleven till Four. stage Manager, Mr. W. West. ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS. IMMENSE AND UNPARALLELED SUCCESS. Under the patronage of her Most Gracious Majesty, her Majoity to Queen Dowager, his Royal Highness Prince Albert, &c. The Public Press has unanimously pronounced the Storming e l • Badajoz to be the most perfect and life-like exhibition. Celebrated German Band and Chorus. Engagement of Mr. Roberts, the celebrated Welch Harper. The Nobility, Gentry, and the Public are respectfully inform"' 'bat this favourite place of fashionable resort is open every MONDAY, TUESDAY, WEDNESDAY, AND THURSDAYL AND FORT gigantic modelled P anorama of the TOWN 'n' FORT OF BADAJOZ, p ronounced by the voice of Pe bile opinion to be the most pe r f ec t an d l i fe-like exhibition e ve, presented — Splendid Menagerie—German B an d and Chorus — yo- cal and Instrumental Concert—S everal Favourite Songs And Ballads by Miss Ellen Rowland and Mr. George T e dder- - caos by Richardson (Flute)—Violin and Violoncello by Viotti and George Collins, varied alternately —and other all tractions, concluding with a vivid re p resentation of the Storming 0 I3adajoz, pourtraying the advance of the British army—bombard' went and attack—gallant defence—rush to the breach oy real, troop° —and final tableaux in honour of the " Hero of a hundred fight?'. REFRESHMENTS.—The frequenters of these Gardens have long complained that Refreshments from the Confectionary-rooms otrly could be procured. Arrangements have been effected anti a distin; , portion of the Gardens set a p ar t, w h ere Refreshments IX(sY be ii of the first quality, and a t th e usual Prices. Doors open at Nine o'Cl oc k, A.M. ; feeding of the animals at Fi Id; Pelicans and White Bears half-past Five ; Concert at Six ; of Badajoz, at Dusk.—Admission One Shilling. T : TAT OATHER.--SUN OFFICE, Auc. 18. THERMOMETER, Lowest, 47; Highest, 65; /Tom, 61' BAROMETER, 30.07. Wind N.W.—showery. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. TRTB Day -- , torning, 36 min. after 1 i Evening, 0 min. eta re-Moanow—Morning, 24 min. after 2 I Evening, 46 min. alter 4 Ti4;ll, .. t r . beienina o'NDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 18, 1& 19. The shares in the British Bank have elf been subscribed for, and the list of shareholders COln' pleted. There is now, therefore, a certainty thirst the , system of banki ng w hi c h d ur i ng a long ser i es of years has been so eminently successful in Scotb find'" which has proved so profitable to the shareholder s and so ben e fi c i a l t o th e commerc i al, trading , working classes in North Britain, will receive a all trial in the English metropolis. We cannot •dab' the result of the experiment. Sound principles', wh en honestly, fairly, and judiciously carried into et cec ti . : tion, must ever p rove successful. The principles 0° " about to be brought into operation in London. WI been fully te s t e d i n th e northern part of our is land' They have been su bj ec t e d to the most strit (gen t ordeals, and never been found wanting. Di a century and a half the aggregate 105 to the public from the failures of S Cotch banks have not amounted to 26,0001, Whil in this country th e y h ave. excee d ed 26,000; pOO l. within the last 50 y ears . Th e l osses i n End g land . within a third o f th e ti me h ave b een a thousati dfcia ° more than they have b een i n S cot l an d. A stri mge'', proof could not be afforded of the efficacy o f th e Scotch system than is exhibited by this extraord O r !, difference:; the causes by w hi c h i t was pro 4 lace ' may easily be discovered. The bases on whirl 1 t he Scottish banks are sustained are snore widell ' e% /1 tended and generally. diffused than in this cote ,tr,r; the middle and the less wealthy classes in Scot ,land have had a direct i n t eres t i n supporting the esta; ments in which all were interested either as ta bare ; holders or cus t omers. T he small capitalist had hay+ es te his savings in the stock or shares of the different 131 his welfare was intimately connected with the ir prosperity ; he should support it through goof 1 re ; port or th roug h ev i l report. If it became bank he falls with it; and, therefore, all his credit an d resources were alw a y s f orthcoming to avert si •ell;". catastrophe. Th e sma ll trader was ' also intere ste w' although in a l ess d egree ; h e was indebted foi 1) position, in a great measure, to the valuable act '° lll6 modation he received whe n hi s on l y capital con& fis ted in his integrity and perseverance, and the confici 9 n ce which those qualiti e s p ro d uce d i n hi s f r i ends.. He knew that if he had been fortunate in business vva s mainly ascribable to the assistance he received 3 frat the banks—assistance of which he still might be" glad to avail himself ; and he was also aware that t here could be but liffle loss while so many of his neighbours and friend s were respons ib le to the entire extent of their property. No panics 0 ,old arise, there could be no failure of cis Ai t ' in establishments thus constituted. The cause wi hie led to so many disastrous stoppages in this COW Ol was altogether unknown in Scotland ; th e banks: 11°t being subjected to extraordinary runs, were not o) polled to realise their assets, and dispose of he ir securities on unfavourable terms, when unduly predated. The losses were thus avoided which . 0 "e re found so prejudicial and exercised such deteriorici Lia influences in England. It is, therefore, by no m E l a 6 surprising that the progress of joint-stock banki 1 4' north of the Tweed, should have been almost unini ter ruptedly successful, as well for the profit of di t/ ee engaged therein as for the advantage of the ci munity at large. The directors of the British Bank have just forward a very valuable report as to the amoun t of business that may reasonably be expected by the vs :tiv blishment, its current expenses, and probable fits. Of course, it cannot be supposed t) ne t any positive data which can he relied on as absolul certain are in existence. Sufficient, however, ie known as to the support received and business trai (15' acted by other establishments, offering far less ,sa' vanttiges to their customers, to enable the experienl .ed and intelligent men who have been selected as dii% tors to calculate a minimum amount of profit. i f there should be any mistake in the estimate, it w ill be found that the committee appointed to inquire Wad report have erred on the safe side ; they have ca:tt' tiously abstained from putting forth any extravagN nt or exaggerated anticipations of success. No pars 4) 0 qualified to form a sound judgment on the questi4l will venture to affirm that they excite ' d any expectations that will not, all hi I" .oi, s mr nVl•atAi •,1,46 it 4 4e4A:41 0 - 4' . 11N:.‘ ' • • • - • A . .„ old itt A u • 'I • 4411 " .