The Sun. — London, England, 1855-07-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENIING, JULY- 17, 1855 or still the voice of conscience. Does he think that men of common sense can endure—does he think that this Eng lish Parliament would have accepted, and that this Chris tian people would have endorsed, a bill drawn upon human life on fraudulent pretences ? Some may think that war is wholly unnecessary; but those who hold that war is necessary, and that no honourable peace could be obtained upon the bases proposed, have a right to call upon the country to make every sacrifice of its blood and treasure. Well, then, can any excuse of Cabinet compromisesjustify the reasoning of the statesman who was sent forth to negotiate a peace, but who feeds the flames of war with the very olive branches which he hasbrought back? (Cheers.) I say this more in sorrow than in anger. But is this the noble lord who well, in some respects, deserved thosecheers which greeted s him when he sat down? Is it you, the noble lord whose labours and whose genius have so honoured your name so that we feel every stain upon it as a national calamity ? Is it you who have taken from the people of England power and dignityfor twenty years—who holding office as a Minister of the Crown, call upon your coun trymen to send their children to a slaughter which you deem unnecessary, and advise your Sovereign to jeopardise her sceptre rather than endanger that feeble and ragged thing called a Government--(Great cheering)—and which the noble lord told us last Friday week we ought to be the more tender of because it had lost the favour of the people? Why, sir, the noble lord said that the executive was weakened by popular distrust ; and I tell the noble viscount and the Government that the weak ness and the distrust both arise from that belief in your insincerity and vacillating purpose, of which oil Thursday last the most signal proof was the appearance of the noble lord upon that bench (the ministerial). The noble lord complained that our councils were unstable. Why, sir, how could they help being unstable when the noble lord represented in the cabinet the very element of instability in his own person ? The noble lord rebuked the people for their distrust of public men, while, in the same breath, he told them on Friday week he held office upon a question that involved his duty to the public service. The noble lord then said, " See the circumstances of the time. Will yon make two abstract bases—one of peace and ono of war?" No, sir ; I say that the circumstances of the time require either peace in earnest or war in earnest. And I say. you cannot have peace in earnest if our negotiator accept terms upon one day, and shrink from the responsibility of ad hering to his opinions on the next. With what face can the Government appeal to the ardour of the people so s o ng as the noble lord remained in office to paralyse, by his acknowledged sentiments, the war which he has sanc tioned by his official vote? But the noble lord said, "I am misrepresented ; it is rot because I thought this peace safe, honourable, or expedient, on the Ist of May, when I brought those proposals back from Vienna—it is not be cause I still think that at that time peace might be safe, honourable, or expedient, that I am bound to think so now." Now, I believe that that is the argument of the noble lord, and then, said the noble lord on Friday week, in a tone so lang uid that it might have disheart e n e d Achilles, that he believed the only chance of peace was iu a vigorous prosecution of the war. Does not the noble lord, in effect, say, that though the expression of his opin ions here may disqualify him from being a member of a peace administration, yet that it did not in the slightest degree affect his position as a Minister of the Government pledged to the carrying on of the war ? If, however, the noble lord tells us that the object of the war could have been attained in May, it is in vain that he appeals to the military ardour of tha people of July. What progress would a recruiting serjeant make through the country when he ad dressed the people with some such language as this— " Come and fight, my boys, for your Queen and country. Think of Alma and Balaklava. Never was there a better cause for your support. Think of this glorious result— that if Russie shall hereafter be at liberty to send eight, ships of war to the Black Sea, England shall have the pri vilege of sending four." (Laughter.) Now, I say, that when a minister so recently as May had approved of the principle of the Austrian peace propositions, he is not a fit minister to carry on the war in July. What are the reasons which rendered in the noble lord's mind peace honourable and expedient in May, which are not equally good in favour of such a peace in July? Sir, I deprecate this sliding scale of homicide, which is attracted by every fluctuation in the market of life. (Hear, hear.) Bat, as I understood the noble lord, he said that in the position in which England and Franco was, he did not thick he would be acting prudently in resigning. Now, that is the reason why I think that the noble lord could not remain in office with advantage to that unity of coun cil whisk was so necessary in the direction of the war. The noble lord's continuance in office had, in fact, en dangered the alliance, by placing our councils at variance with those of France. The Emperor of the French had re jected his Minister for the expression of thessame opinions, while the noble lord still retained his office. That Sove reign said that he held Austria imperatively bound in her engagement to share in hostilities ; but the noble lord some days ag o said he considered that Austria might b e excuse d from hr fulfilment of the engagement. So long as the noble lord remained in the Cabinet he might be looked upon as the Minister upon whom Russia founds her excuse, Austria her justification, France her dissension, and England her condemnation, in respect to tlse war. I understood the noble viscount on Thursday last to say that the Govern ment were prepared to stand or fall together. The principle that said that one Minister of the Cabinet does not stand alone—that all were equally worthy of praise or censure —applied with still greater force to the present case ; because the house will remember that when those negotiations were under discussieu on a former evening the noble viscount expressed his cordial approval of the conduct and ability of our negotiator. The noble viscount still farther identified himself with the opinions of his noble colleague, by taking upon himself the responsibility of declining to accept the resignation of the noble lord. The house, end the country too, will recollect that the noble viscount had treated this vital difference upon a question of peace and war with as much lightness as a disagreement upon the details of a petty beer bill. Now, I will take the liberty of telling the noble viscount that there are two parties in this house who have some reason to think that the aspect of sincerity does not bear a prominent place as respects the part he took in these transactions. The house will remember that immediately upon the formation of this Cabinet the noble viscount gave a pledge, in answer to a question from the right hon. baronet the member for Carlisle, that he would adhere to the foreign policy of Lord Aberdeen. Well, those who consider that that policy wanted the requisite vigour have a right to complain that ho had given a pledge contrary to the expectations of those who assisted in raising him to his present elevated position. On the other hand, those dis tinguished adherents of Lord Aberdeen's Government have some right to complain that the noble viscount had given a pledge rather too lightly, when they see him reject terms which his own envoy, who left the Aberdeen government from the want of vigour in the administration of the War Department, had not only assented to, bat promised to support in the Cabinet with all his power. Sir, I have looked carefully through this correspondence now before us, and I confess my astonishment is increased that the noble lord did not resign his office as Minister of the Crown within a week after his return with his pro positions from Vienna. This correspondence, also, I feel, justifies my • continued distrust in the Government in consenting to act with the noble lord in the councils of the Crown. Those papers show also that during the lat ter period of the negotiations at Vienna the noble lord was at direct variance with the noble earl onr Minister for Foreign Affairs ; and that the noble lord had agreed to a peace founded ou a basis which the noble earl the Minister for Foreign Affairs had declared to be inadmissible, im practicable, and dishonourable. (Hear, hear.) To the very first suggestion of the noble lord—which was called an Austrian proposal, but which, in fact, emanated from our English envoy—Lord Clarendon writes word, on the 18th April :—" We think that the limitation of the Russian fleet should be absolute, and that it would bo made too conditional by the plan which you propose. ' We must avoid as much as possible the system of counterpoise, the objec tions to which you have explained folly to the Austrian Government." Well, then, what does the noble lord do ? Why, the noble lord matures that plan that was considered so objectionable,and bases it upon the principle of a counter poise. He does not return from Vienna until he has pro mised the Austrian minister to introduce this proposal to his cabinet when he returns to London. The noble viscount who succeeded Lord Aberdeen in the government, on the express ground that all dissension upon the question of peace or war should cease, deems that dissension in the ca binet of no consequence so long as it is concealed ; and when it is found out he declares that the concealment of the opinion of the noble lord is highly becoming the con duct and the elevated position of his noble friend. (Hear.) Now, I am quite willing to accord the Government all the praise which they are entitled to claim. lam willing to my, so far as Lord Clarendon is concerned, that there is a frank, hearty, and English tone in all his despatches. Lord Cla rendon, however, represents himself alone ; but the noble viscount, as Chief Minister, represents the en tire cabinet. If the noble viscount is acting in concert with Lord Clarendon I ask how can he express his cordial approval of th e conduct of his negotiator ? This fact ap pears to roe to be marvellously suspicious. No one can doubt that the noble viscount must have been sufficiently anxious for the success of those negotiations to have sought for e, letter from the noble lord while those nego tiations were Pending at Vienna. Now, in the whole of the correspondence before us, I do not see a single letter from the noble viscount. (Heath) Of course I may be told that the noble earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs was the proper person with wh om the noble lord should corres pond. But I will tell the noble viscount that I think that he would be acting more fairly to the country, and more justly to himself, if he did not so r i g i dly adhere to th i s war military routine, and had written some letters for the pur pose of relieving or confirming the perplexed consciences of his noble friends. (Cheers.) Now, th roug h out a ll t h ese complicated transactions, I will venture to say, that not one man in the country has ever suspected the sincerity of Lord Clarendon—while I am afraid that there are some persons ill-natured enough to suspect that of the noble vis count. (Hear.) By the exhibition of a little more candour, the noble viscount would have gone far to justify himself and to strengthen his Government. But h ere is a still more important fact. The Earl of Westmoreland commu nicates to the English Government the last Austrian pro pc, which was received in London on the 19th of M ay . Now Lord Clarendon almost invariably answers communi cations on the following day It, however, they are received by hi m. • appears that the noble earl does not answer th is communication until 10 ,days afterwards, namely, the 29th of May. What occurred in the interval ? Why from the hesitatin g tone of the English Government, and more espe cially of the noble viscount, my right hon. friend the mem ber for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli) was induced to bring forward a motion upon the ambiguity- of their lan guage and the uncertainty of their conduct. During those 10 days ministers were deliberating upon those proposals in their cabinet. We, too, w ere di scuss i ng the resolutionsof my right hon. friend in Pa r li ament. An d L or d Cl are ndon was instructed not to reply to Count L'uors propositions until you (the Government) had ascertained the sense of the House of Coto mons. The judgment o f th e h ouse b e ing taken, it left the Government no option but to continue the war. With those facts before us I think it is a fair in ference that the noble lord (Russell) does not hie, et alone in his opinions in the Government, and that Lord Clarendon is not the spokesman for the entire Ca binet. (Dear.) It was not until the temper of the House of Common s com pelled you to renounce that ambiguity of language and un certainty of conduct that th ose Austrian prop osa l s were rejected. Now the noble lord has misunderstood something I said upon a f o rmer occasion, in re g ard to the Austrian alliance. On that occasion I made a distinction between the alliance of Austria and the friendship of Austria. I said that I was desirous of the friendship of Austria, but that I did not care for her alliance. At this moment I would really rather be without it. In the first instance, I believe that such an alliance would necessarily produce a schism between England and France. Even now, Austria, as a mediator, makes a proposal of peace, which France rejects and which makes' you hesitate—the mere enter taining the thong ht of 'which almost broke-up the Govern ment. Now, suppose the same thing to occur again whop Austria was our ally, with power to raise her voice in the general councils of the united nations. Suppo s e, then , that France accepts this Austrian proposal. Suppose that the English people would not allow the British Govern ment to accept them. You would, u n de r su c h °intim eau°, fulfil the prediction of the hen: member for the West ridiDg York3hire (14 Cobden), ynu,iyuuld 'And alone in the struggle, with the lo ss ofthe f r i en ds hip Austria and France, and with exh austed finances. think the most effective course we could pursue, and the one most conducive to the future tranquillity of Europe, would be if we could convince the world that England and France united in arms are quite sufficient to prevent the aggression of Russia. But if you lay down the doctrine that these powers are not sufficient without the aid of Austria and all the combined states of Europe against Russia, then I say that your success, however glorious, would not tend to weaken the temporal power of Russia. She would still say to the world at large, and to future ages, " I think I have shown that England and France united are unable to compete with me in arms ; it required the com bined powers of all Europe to retrain my ambition within certain bounds. Such a combination cannot, however, occur again ; it was but momentary, but my ambition is eternal." (Hear, hear.) I would simply repeat what I said on a former occasion. I value the friendship of Aus tria. I would even be indulgent to her weakness. I would not entrap her into an engagement. I would not take a single step to bring about an alliance with her, un less I felt that she could embark in it with a hearty sense of her own interests. If, however, you desire to have Austria neither your ally nor your friend, surely you could not have taken a better course to effect that object than to allow a member of the Cabinet to promise her his support tof her indefinite proposal for peace, and to re main, nevertheless, in office, and to advise his Sove reign to reject such proposal with disdain. (Hear, hear.) One thing, however, is clear ; we cannot have war while such negotiations are going on—we cannot allow the great 1 name of England to be frittered away by such a vacil lating policy. (Hear, hear.) Let ushave peace even upon Austrian terms, sand let us hope ,that the energies of our commerce may atone for the failure of our ar.ns ; or let the ministers and the people be with one heart and one soul to carry on this war to a speedy and triumphant end, by the earnestness of our purpose and the worthiness of our preparations. Well, then, I ask whether Lord Cla rendon is the spokesman of a united cabinet? I should like to hear the expression of opinion an the part of other mem bers of the Cabinet besides the noble viscount. There are gentlemen in the Government who have not as yet expressed their opinion upon the nature of the war or the proposi tions for peace. What are the opinions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer? What are the opinions of the First Lord of the Admiralty ? Are all the members of the Govern ment united upon this subject? Again, I ask, is Lord Clarendon the spokesman of a united Cabinet ? If so, I am glad of it ; but yon told ns the same in the month of May last, when we now know that the noble lord (Rus sell) was dividing your councils, and when it is our impression, and that of the country, that the noble lord did not stand alone in those opinions. (Hear, hear.) lam willing to give you all the benefit of the doubt. The noble lord's retirement from office has so far effected my object ; but he must pardon sue for saying that I do not think he has at all cancelled what I call his errors. The noble lord's retirement has at least prevented for a time those errors increasing in the public service. There is something, how -1 ever, which I think ought to be more precious than any peace, and more glorious than any war—l mean that high standard of public integrity, without which nations, though mighty, may rot, and with which all enemies may be defied. On Friday week he heard reasons given to justify the expediency of dissimulation. It is for us to say that we, the representatives of the people—l certainly do not desire to claim a triumph for either party—it is we, I say, who have combined to raise the standard of public integrity to that proper height to which even the enemies of England admit her right to raise it. Now, in asking leave to withdraw my motion, allow me to con gratulate the house upon having successfully asserted those vital elements of all free goverments which are nearly lost from our national councils. The house has maintained its character in the recognition of the' principle of public virtue, which should influence the actions of public men on all occasions, and which declares that no cy nical audacity shall give the lie to our convictions. All the objects we have had in view have been effected, except the party object of the change of one government for another that may corns later. I trust that even a change of govern ment would be viewed as comparatively trivial compared with the great object of a vigorous prosecution of the war. I am williug that the government should not be removed, but I warn them that they will be under a much more vi gilant.surveillance of public opinion. It remains to be seen yet whether the sacrifice of a man who has hitherto been trusted by his country and revered even by his opponents, until in an evil hour, when on two previous occasions he might have , etired from office with honour, you induced him to consult your tempurary interests rather than flee dignity of his own imperishable name, it remains to be seen whether that sacrifice has clearly removed the only obstacle to the earnestness of your purposes and the unity of your councils. (Cheers.) Mr. BOUVERIE—I am not going to follow the hon. baronet into the subject of his motion, now departed into thin air. But there is a matter personal to myself, and with which my name has been connected in reference to recent transactions, which has given me much pain. I trust, therefore, that the house will permit me in a few sentences to justify myself on what I cannot but conceive to be a matter affecting my personal character, in con nection with the retirement of the noble lord. The state ment is that on the part of a number of my colleagues, not in the Cabinet, I represented to the noble lord that we were prepared to resign our offices rather than oppose the motion of the hon. baronet. (Hear.) Sir, so far as lam concerned, I beg to state most fully and decidedly that that is not only not an accurate representation of the fact, but that it is the very reverse of the fact. In spite of the criticisms of the hon. baronet, I still believe in the integrity, the honour , and the sagacity of my noble friend. And if in matters of recent occurrence, I'might be disposed to question the accuracy of his judgment, still I hope the house will permit me to say that the glory of all which the noble lord has done for his country may have the effect of preventing me seeing those specks which might be said by others to blemish his fair fame. Apart from all po litical attachment to the noble lord, I am not ashamed to confess a strong personal attachment to the noble lord. I feel I should be unworthy of that friendship with which the noble lord has honoured me if I were found amongst the number of those who, we are told, swarm in times of prosperity, but who fall away in the period of adversity. The past which I took in these transactions was this : I was aware that there was a strong impression amongst many of my colleagues that the sense of the country and the house was so strong against the noble lord that it was idle for them to contend against the motion of the honourable baronet. I was aware that a representa tion was likely to be addressed to the noble viscount at the head of the Government upon the subject. I, how ever, refused to be a party to any such representation, on the distinct ground of my personal attachment to my noble friend. At the same time I stated, that as a friend of the noble lord I was ready, however painful it must be, to in form the noble lord of the general impression that existed among my colleagues. (Laughter.) I was not aware, in pursuing that course, that I was acting any bat the part of a true friend of the noble lord. (Great laughter.) I was doing that which was most painful to myself, but I felt I was only discharging the duty which I owed to my noble friend. I endeavoured to discharge that duty to the best of my ability, and I am satisfied that my noble friend fully appreciates the motives and the friendship which prompted me to undertake such an office. (Cheers and laughter.) Viscount PALMERSTON—Sir, the resolution to which the hon. baronet has come does as much credit to his dis cretion as his eloquence generally does honour to his talents. But, at the same time, lam bound to say that I never heard a speech more full of inconsistencies. (Cheers.) In the first place, while the speech of my noble friend the member for London was still ringing in the hon. baronet's ears—a speech in which my noble friend stated, that though he had certainly entertained certain views as regarded the propositions for peace on his return from Vienna, yet that a few days after his return events had occurred, and cir cumstances had taken place, which provedithat the plan for that purpose which he had believed to be practicable in Vienna was practicable no longer, and this being so, that , he was prepared to concur with his colleagues in the Go vernment in the vigorous prosecution of the war—the hon. baronet, I say, with this fresh in his memory, goes on ar guing as if the contrary was the fact—that my noble friend from that day to this night has acted as if he still enter tained opposite opinions on the subject to those which he has expressed and acted on, and proceeds upon an assumption which he must know to be whollygroundlesa, if his memory is worth ten minutes' duration, to make it a charge against my noble friend, and the foundation of a speech against the Government. lam astonished, sir, that any hon. gen tleman should take such a course. And yet, forsooth, the hon. baronet is the man to stand up on the question of sin own(Cheers and part, sin cerity. On that point I give the hon. baronet, however, his choice, either p ofd si e b li l b e e p r , a l t i e ti i e n a s l i i n gia ce o ri r t a y nc o e n . his or of the grossest possible disapprobation:) The hon. baronet says he applauds Lord Clarendon's conduct. But what of that ? Lord Clarendon was the organ of his own feelings and opinions. (Cheers.) Does the hon. baronet believe that ? If he does , then all I can say is that he is more grossly ignorant — l will not say than any man in this house—but than any child who reads a newspaper. (Hear, and no, no.) Sir E. B. LYTTON—I rise to order. The noble lord is misrepresenting my argument. (Cheers, and cries of no.) What I stated was that I regarded Lord Clarendon as the representative of his own opinions. (Hear.) I did not state that ho was not the representative of the opinions of the Government, but that I regarded the noble lord the Chief Minister of the Crown as responsible for the opinions of the entire Government. (Hear ) Viscount PALMERSTON—Even so,I must say that the hon. baronet's explanation leaves the matter just where I found it. It reminds me of the well-known question, "Who shall interpret for the interpreter ?" (Laughter.) The hon. baronet's explanation requires an interpreter. (Laughter, and cheers.) The honourable baronet cannot deny—he does not deny—that he stated Lord Clarendon was the organ and expression of his own opinion, and he drew a contrast, moreover, on that basis—he said, " while the noble lord at the head of the Government speaks for the Government, Lord Clarendon speaks for himself." (Laughter, and hear.) And says the honour able baronet, I should like to know what letters were written by the noble viscount to Lord Clarendon. (Cheers from the opposition benches.) That derisive cheer is the one that befits the question. The honourable baronet well knows that the correspondence with a plenipotentiary is carried on by the head of the Government as well as by, the Secretary of State ; and therefore I repeat what I have alreaely said—l offer the hon. baronet his choice between deliberate insincerity and the grossest public ignorance. (Cheers and approbation.) I wonder that a man of the hon. baronet's standing —a man given out to hold a high. office in the Government that is to come—(cheers and laughtcr)---should be capable of adopting such a course or should place himself in the dilemma of such au alternative. And this reminds me that the hon. baronet said the re peated changes which have taken place in the government of the country has caused it to be the ridicule of Europe. (Laughter and cheers.) Why, sir, there might be another change which would make the country still-more ridicu lous—(cheers and laughter)—if a man like the bon. baro net was to hold a high situation iu that Government. (Cheers, laughter, and disapprobation.) The hon. baronet wants to know if Lord Clarendon spoke and wrote the sen timents and opinions of the Government ? I say he did speak the sentiments and opinions of a united Cabinet. (Cheers and laughter.) I speak the sentiments and opinions of a united Cabinet, and I defy the hon. baronet to show any Passage in any speech I may have made on the subject which does not tally with the despatches of Lord Clarend on . justified baronet ia or su c a h n any hon. (C li e e g r e s a 1 e I m I n shouldsurprised hav e thatfelt hon. li t i h m e sef ill course as that which he has taken on this occasion, should lower himself so much in the estimation of this house and of the public on a mere consideration of party purposes. (Haar.) Theleon. baronet began his speech by taunting the 0,. vernurmt with nacriacing my noLie friend as a Viatik'l to avoid an impeding storm ; but at its c,)noinisit , n he reproacher us, the Government, for nut accu:)tinq tho voluntary tender of resignation made, g by my noble friend. f 1 (Cheers.) How can the hon. baronet reconcile these dis crepant propositions? , ( Rear.)‘ On the part of the Go vernment I deny th e first charge, and I repel the impata, tion conveyed in the second. I did not accept the resigna tion of my noble friend, and on Thursday night I told him that the question had assumed a form so peculiarly perso nal to himself that I could not meddle with it, and it was for himself alone to decide whether he would persist in his intention ; but at the same time I said that if, upon fur ther reflection, he thought it would be better to stay in the Government, then I was prepared to face the motion of the hon. baronet with the Government as they stood, and that I should stand up and defend his conduct on the part of the Government. (Cheers.) There was therefore no sacrifice in the case. (Cheers and laughter.) My noble friend did that which he considered consistent with his own views and feelings. (Cheers and laughter.) And as for the re proach levelled against me for not accepting my noble friend's resignation in the first instance, I should have thought it unworthy of him, as well as of me, if I did so under these circumstances. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The hon. baronet wishes—and not very unnaturally—to place every member of the Government on the stool of examina tion, and to subject them to all sorts of questions which his ingenuity could devise —(laughter)—to ask what was their opinion of the policy of the war? To inquire whether it was better to go to the Sea of Azoff at the commencement of the war, or when the expedition took place ; to ascertain what was their idea about going to Balaklava ; and so on. (Laughter.) But I beg leave to tell the hon. baronet, in the name of my colleagues, and on the part of the entire Government, that there is no division in the Cabinet—(cheers)—and that one and all, the mem bers of the Cabinet, are animated by the same determina tion to carry on the war with all the vigour which the re sources of the country shall supply, until we have accom plished a peace upon safe and honourable terms. (Cheers and laughter). I say, therefore, that the hon. baronet has not only misrepresented my noble friend, but has also contradicted himself over and over again in his short speech—(a laugh)—though it was not a very short one. The only point that I can compliment the hon. baronet upon is his discretion in shrinking from the contest of which he had given notice. (Cheers, laughter, and cries of "no." I repeat, shrinkin g f rom thei contest—(hear)—for what did he say ? His charge, he said, included the whole of the Government. Well, then, here we are, ready to meet him. (Loud laughter, cheers, and cries of " oh.") After the exhibition, the lamentable exhibition, I must say, the hon. baronet has made, however, I do not think the coun try will be at all anxious to expose itself to the ridicule which, according to the hon. baronet's statement, would attend that change of Government which it was the object of the hon. baronet's motion to accomplish. (Cheers, laugh ter, and disapprobation.) • Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I should not have thought it ne cessary to make any remark on this question but for the courtesy which is pre-eminently due to the observations of a person who fills the office of First Minister of the country and leader of this house. (Laughter and cheers.) The house will excuse me therefore for making a few comments upon the remarkable address of the noble viscount. Sir, such a defence of an Administration placed in such a critical position, in circumstances of such gravity, and with a weight of responsibility attaching to it such as no Admi nistration has for many yeare incurred and encountered, I do not suppose any person in this house or out of it either ever listened to or conceived to be possible. (Loud cheers, and expressions of dissatisfaction.) I think it would have been only respectful to the eminent member of this house who has just quitted the Cabinet of the noble viscount, if the noble viscount had treated the circumstance and the occasion with some little regard both to the character of the noble lord the member for London and to the subject ' now under consideration. (Cheers.) The noble viscount, however, only made the secession of the noble lord the subject of common-place bluster. (Loud cheers.) Notice is given of a vote of want of confidence in my administra tion, said the noble viscount—you remember the high spirit which I showed a few nights ago, when I stated that I was ready to meet you—here I am ready to meet you— (cheers and laughter)—and you will experience a defeat when the exhibition is made—for the noble lord calls the admirable speech of my hon. friend an exhibition. I say admirable because it expresses in language which the noble viscount cannot command—(hear and laughter)—the feeling of the country, and political views which I think it would be well, indeed, for the noble lord if he followed. (Cheers and laughter.) I will not call it the answer, but the reckless rhodotuontade with which the noble lord treated the speech and the motion of my hon, friend searcely requires further comment—(cheers, and no)—and were it not that the subject is one which I still believe to be an expression of the opinions of a great majority in this house, I should not think it necessary to make any remarks on the observations of the noble lord. (Cheers.) But let me remind the house of the gravity of the subject—of the serious character of the facts—of the very peculiar circum stances which have attended the negociations carried on during the present war, since its commencement and in its progress. ( Hear, hear.) What happened at the begin ning o the last session of Parliament? (Murmurs.) That murmur is a better answer, coming from whence it does, than almost any other which my question could receive. (Hear, hear.) When we were discussing the napers which had been laid on the table by order of her - Majesty--when the house expressed its determination to uphold the interests of the country, and a want of confi dence in the government was almost avowed—is it not the fact that the noble lord the late Secretary of State (Rus sell) rose in his place, and denounced the Emperor of Rus sia and the Russian Prime Minister as persons whose con duct in respect to the cause of the war was false and fraudu lent ? (Cheers.) Well, what occurred after this ? An answer appeared in a foreign newspaper, referring to trans actions wnich had been concealed from the knowledge of the House of Commons; and within a few days thereafter this house was treated to a series of revelations on the sub ject, the most extraordinary, to say the least of them, of any recorded in diplomatic annals. Well, what happened this year ? The Minister of the Crown comes down to this house to excite the country on the subject of the s ar, and does excite it. What follows ? A document appears—the Austrian circular to its foreign ministers— referring to matters which were concealed from the House of Commons, which gave a new aspect, as we all know now, to the whole of these affairs. (Cheers.) Ate these not re markable facts ? (Cheers.) Are these news to be received with murmurs ? (Cheers.) Last year the speech of the noble lord the member for the City called forth the correspond ence of members of the cabinet who had addressed the Em peror of Russia in language very different from what they had held in this house. (Cheers.) This year the speech of the noble lord has brought out another correspondence, which shows that ministers were willing to agree to an arrangement contrary to what this house has recom mended. (Cheers.) I ask, are not these grave circum stances? (Cheers.) I ask, is there not still some' lingering respect for itself in the House of Commons, which will not let these facts pass unscrutinised ? (Cheers.) Well, what happens? (Hear.) It is obviously impossible to pass by the revelations of the Austrian minister unnoticed. A motion is framed accordingly, conveying what I believe to be the feeling of this house. That motion aimed in its construc tion at one member of the Cabinet; but it did not seek to visit with the censure of the house that minister alone.— (Hear.) The noble lord the member for London, the minis ter aimed at, is himself mainly responsible for the language of that resolution—for, six weeks ago, when, upon good information I wanted this house to interpose in the matter the noble lord objected to the resolution then proposed, on the ground that it was too vague and general in its terms. (Cheers.) On the present occasion, therefore, it became absolut e ly n ecessar y t o re f er t o a particular minis ter. But I for one repeat now what I have often said be fore, that I will never make an attack upon one member of the Government—(Hear)—as I hold the whole Cabinet re. sponsible. (Hear, heal.) And when my hon. friend asked leave to withdraw his resolution it was quite clear that after the important step taken by the noble lord, that auy resolution to meet the case must be drawn up in different language. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, no one on these benches intended by his vote on that resolution, had it come on, to sanction any attack 'upon an individual member of the Cabinet. (Hear.) On the contrary, I expressed it as my own opinion that there was no member of the Cabi net who was not identified with the policy of the noble lord, and that more than one member of the Government ought to stand up and express their opinions on the subject of peace and war, and the question at issue. I had good reason to believe that the views of the noble lord the mem ber for the City were favourably entertained by the whole of his colleagues, and that nothing but the occurrence of unforeseen circumstances had prevented the plan of arrangement which he proposed and advocated from bei ng adoptd by the Government. (Cheers.) I make these state ments not without due authority. (Cheers.) I make them on the same authority as six weeks ago I made similar statements. on the same subject in analogous language— (hear)—and my conviction is, that before long—before the present session terminates—there will be evidence of the fact before the house. (Hear.) The noble viscount, how ever, rises and talks of bringing forward the motion of my hon. friend in terms wholly inadequate to the occasion. and tries to stop all discussion. I told the noble viscount six weeks ago that we were only in the ante-chamber, as it were, of discussion ; - but the noble viscount, as usual, laughed it off. (Hear.) I ask, however, has not the result been almost a daily discussion ? and I 101 l the noble vis count once more that so long as the 101 l of the Go vernment is marked byambiguity and open to grave doubt, so long must there be discussion, until, indeed, the politi cal atmosphere has become clear. (Cheers.) The house will therefore see that we are discussing a question of great importance. The noble viscount, with a great deal of noise, takes credit to himself for having accepted the re signation of the noble load the member for the City, and for saying at the same time he was ready to stand or fall by the noble lord. I admire this sort of thing as much as any one else; but, after such strong expressions of respect and affection, I should much rather wish to see the act follow the word. (Cheers.) The noble viscount says he was ready to stand or fall by the noble lord. Ido not see that he has either stood or fell by him ; on the contrary, he has remained sitting on the Treasury bench. (Laughter and cheers.) How was the knot to be solved? The noble viscount presses the hand of the noble lord; he vows eter nal devotion to him —(laughter)—he says we are in the same boat—(laughter) — we shall share the same fate there fore—(laughter and cheers) —and in a spirit of political partisanship, which would be extraordinary if it were sin cere, he says, "one member of the firm, one member of the Cabinet can't be bankrupt; we all stand together, or we all fall together." (Cheers.) But in the meanwhile there are other means by which the noble lord, who is so adroit, can extricate himself from this positioi. He is pledged to stand or fall with the noble lord—who, by the way, has fallen, while the noble viscount remains standing —(laughter and cheers)—and it req tired the talent of the Vice-President of the Board of Trade to solve the question of such difficulty and delicacy as the noble vissonnt had to deal with. (Laughter and cheers.) That solution seems to be successful. (Laughter.) I listened to the Vice- President of the Board of Trade with the feeling which became the occasion. (Laughter.) I am not a friend of the noble lord the Inember for London, but I appreciate, I hope, his high qual;ties, in common with the Vice Presi dent of the Board of Trade. I eannet, I confess, therefore, comprehendth a pcaosseit, a ions not only Vic eofthethe friend, President of the Board of Trade in this but the de voted friend and political admirer of the noble lord. I can only very distantly approximate to the nature of his feeling—(laughter)—and I am sure the house will appre ciete the agony which he must have felt before the result of his convictions arrived at the form of an imperative duty. (Laughter.) There are many instances of friend ship on record. (Laughter.) Friendship was held to be a gift of the gods, given as a comfort and a consolation to man. It is a theme which has long occupied the ingenuity of essayists and the intellect of philosophers ; and the greatest minds have been engaged in the analysis of its va rious forms and conditions. (Laughter.) Friends are of s ls icei) aitoveinctvlytttei that taef e eitrl d wi _ a :t9ni s i,7o‘bi u. w heloi e ,niss:Ltti • oa k moaun n uena Id o gats w hor. rsot . etrarßpj.fo ( i)l3i L liet ibib g iyy h ev:( t y: aLae e ol : atin . suLreg. epithet ttioi eloh: yon--(loud e laughter) i jou, that aNhvvt rceh other ailsj. the orna ment .) of this house who once described that friend' (Laughter.) Bat though the devoted friend, especially if b e i s Prime Minister, Ulm the flret position in thi meratiun of friends, still the other friend—l do not mean the candid friend, nor the friend who is not bad-natured - has his place also. And for this kiudof friend, Isay, com mend me to the Vice-President of the Board of Trade. (Laughter and cheers.) Sir, I have deemed it necessary to make these remarks in consequence of the assertion of the noble viscount that he was ready to do battle in the cause of friendship, on the motion of my hon, friend, only that we have receded from the contest. And why has not the great contest taken place? (Hear.) Here is a Minister, or rather ono who has been a Minister—a man who has long occupiedthe attention of his fellow-countrymen—a man who for a quarter of a century has exercised the greatest influence over public affairs in this country than any man in that period ever possessed—a man who, with the brief interval of Sir R. Peel's Government, was really or virtu ally the Chief Minister of the Crown in this country dur ing this period--a man who has taken a most prominent part in the questions involving the country in that war in which we are now engaged—a man who was the manager of our foreign relations shortly before or at the very mo ment when we entered into the discussions which led to this war—an individual who a few months before the war broke out in which we find ourselves now involved, with its con comitant dangers and disasters, by a single speech in this house broke up the Government of which he was a member —a man who, though he then incurred popular odium and public distrust, but a few days after was by her Majesty, in the exercise of her prerogative, offered the post of Chief Mi nister of the Crown, which offer he only declined because he was not able to form a Cabinet at the moment which would act underhis auspices—a man who, notwithstanding his com paratively reduced position, was named as minister pleni potentiary to negotiate a peace and end a war for which he perhaps more than any other person was responsible—a man who, although absent on that mission, was appointed to the office of Secretary of State with a seat in the cabi net—every one feels, I say, that when we have to discuss the character, and conduct of such a person, under such cir cumstances as those which exist, we have to do with a question of a grave character—a question respecting which the country has a right to expect, and, moreover, will de mand,,information as to his conduct and motives. (Hear, hear ) His motives have been questioned—his conduct has been impugned—his colleagues, or, r4ther, the noble viscount, for the Government stakes the existence of the Cabinet on the triumphant vindication of the conduct of the noble lord. It is scarcely forty-eight hours since the Prime Minister of the country could hardly sappress his exultation at the prospect of the coming fight, stating that he was ready to ,stand or fall by his noble friend, and behold, rsuddenly, before the motion in question is :brought on, and before my hon, friend, or any other member of this house has an opportunity of expressing his opinion on the subject of that motion, the noble lord is mysteriou-ly withdrawn from office. (Cheers.) One of so prominent and responsible a position in the eyes of the country as the noble lord, called upon as he had been by his Sovereign to form a cabinet, then to conduct most im portant negotiations in the Vienna congress, and made in his absence Secretary of State in conmendant—(laughter) —a person of such accumulated responsibility, whose con duct has been publicly ehallenged, and whom the First Minister of the Crown pledged himself to stand or fall by in vindication of that conduct—(laughter)—that such a man should withdraw in such a manner—that he should evade, by that means, all discussion ; that the First Minis ter of the Crown should say it was " much ado about nothing," is., I will not say, an intolerable mode of acting, but certainly not a proper manner of meeting the ques tions so raised. (Cheers.) This patrician bullying or the Treasury bench may do for a private bill. This tone may be assumed for the petty object of party triumph to-night, to be forgotten in the morning. (Hear.) But the discus sion is upon the vital policy of a country, one of the greatest in the world, with peace or war for the issue. When we are discussing the conduct of campaigns, and their results, and when we have before us, in connection with these questions, the character and conduct of a states man whose mind has given form and colouring to the history of this country for the last quarter of a century—that the noble viscount should rise in his place and try to stop this discussion by addressing language to my hon, friend which I will not use an unparliamentary epithet to describe—but which is language, I will say, that choulcl not be used by the leader of Parliament, for that is an accident of life, but by a gentleman, who is not a i accident of life. All that I heard from the noble lord was some sort of abuse of my hon. friend the member for Hertfordshire, for his alleged constitutional ignorance or intentional malignity in assuming for a moment that my Lord Clarendon, when he wrote his despatches, might have been expressing his individual opinion, and not that of the Cabinet of which he was a member. Now, I put it to th e h ouse w h e th er they think that any doorkeeper could make such a mistake or take refuge in such gross ignorance or malignity ? What my hon. friend said was that, individually, he gave credit to Lord Clarendon as expressing in th -se dispatches the policy which lie aeproved of. My hon. friend did not mean to say that my Lord Clarendon wrote those des patches without the knowledge of the other members of the Cabinet; what he meant was that there might be a Secretary of State—there might be a member of the Cabi net who did not sympathise or concur in such policy. And my hon. friend says ho must be pardoned for being incre dulous on that point, for the house wore told a few weeks ago that the Cabinet were unanimous when that despatch was written. And it now appears that the most illustrious member of that Cabinet did not agree in the policy ex pressed therein. The noble lord the First Minister now informed us that the member for the city of London came back to this country recommending a particular policy to the cabinet - but then, says he, there were certain cir cumstances which occurred in the course of the week which rendered it impossible it should be received and adopted. The circumstances referred to were well known —viz., that France would not listen to the proposal, and that the French minister had, therefore, resigned. What was it that he stated to-night ? He says "My colleague came back from Vienna and has proposed certain terms for the obtaining of peace. These terms are denounced by the House of Commons and the country, but the reason why he did not adopt them is not because they are considered by the House of Commons and the country totally inadequate to the occasion, but because our ally would not agree to them." I infer that if no difficulty had arisen with France, the terms of compromise on which this question would have been settled, the terms on which a great war wouldbave been concluded, are the terms which the noble lord brought from Vienna. (No, no, from the Treasury bench.) No, no. Forall that, I want the noble lord to rise and speak upon the sub ject, or if the noble lord cannot speak again, some of his colleagues may—there are plenty of them. Isay, the only inference that could be drawn from the rash and discour teous observations of the noble lord, though hastily and precipitately made they may have been, was that the terms which the noble lord brought from Vienna would have been accepted by the cabinet but for the difficulty raised by France. • We, therefore, know what the noble lord thinks of these terms, and of the case before the house, and I appeal to the house if this statement is true, and I 1- ... - Hove it if true, how they are to justify the conduct of the noble lord, who came into office as a great war minister ? Viscount PALMERSTON—The hon. gentleman totally misunderstands what I stated, and what was stated by my noble friend. He stated that his opinion of the practica bility of these terms was changed by circumstances. But I never said that was the opinion of the rest of the Cabi net or of myself. On the contrary, I said that the language of the noble Secretary of Foreign Affairs had been un favourible and adverse to any such terms, and that his language, opinion, and sentiments were those of myself and the rest of the Cabinet Ministers. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI.—What the noble lord has said does not in the least affect what I was saying. In consequence of circumstances the noble lord the member for the City of London remains in the Cabinet, and in consequencs of cir cumstances which have arisen, others that were favourable to that opinion remain. Viscount PALMpRSTON.—None. Mr. DISRAELI—I can fancy the noble lord addressing his colleagues in the Cabinet would say—" It is of no use discussing whether we are to have war or peace; there is no use in a controversy about whether we shall pursue the war with vigour, or accept those terms, because circum stances have rendered it impossible to act upon this opi nion, and therefore we shall dismiss it to the limbo of re jected projects." Bat, if it were not for these circum stances, the inference which I draw is that you would h ave accepted those terms, and, if possible, have carried them through Parliament. Now the questicn is, Did you or did you not approve of the project which the noble lord brought forward? This is a subject on which we cannot accept a special plea. It is not enough for the minister to get up and say, we did not approve of that project ; that is every minute point. The point is, whether or not the noble lord the member for London communicated with other ministers than those who appear on the papers pre sented to Parliament, giving them the outline and spirit of the policy which was developing under his auspices at Vienna, and whether he received any discouraging reply ? (Loud heers.) I have reason to think that communi cations were made, and that the noble lord did not receive any discouraging reply. (Hear, hear.) If that was so we ought to receive extracts from these letters. Again, when the noble lord arrived in England, did he expect, or had he any reason for expecting, in every chance, that these pro positions would he can led into effect ? Is it a fact, or not, that the French Minister communicated with the authori ties at Paris while at Vienna, and received a reply which was favourable to these propositions, and that that reply was communicated to the noble lord the member for the City—that he, in consequence of that communication, com municated with his colleagues? That, in comequence of that, there was not a compact, but an understanding, be tween both Governments that these terms might be ac cepted ? Is it or not the fact that, for at least for a day— I believe for a much longer time—these terms were accepted by the Government of England, and that they were sand tioned by the noble lord the First Minister? Viscount PALMERSTON—No. Mr. DISRAELI—I have some reason for entertaining that suspicion. _ I know not- whether this Parliament will last six month more; but if it do, I believe I shall find these remarks which I am now making—which are being received now by some so suspiciously—received at length by the great majority of this house. I make a statement on the greatest authority, and I now express my profound conviction of its truth. And uow we are told that it is making much ado about nothing. Two years ago we were involved in negotiations on a most important subject, and at that time if any member of the house rose to ask a ques tion he was told that he ought not to press his question, as he would embarrass. the policy of Government. What did that indulgence end in? The - greatest diplomatic de feat on record. Another year passed, and we were in volved in war. If a member rose to ask a question he was told silence—not another word—or the enemy will know our, tactics, and you will interfere with the vigorous prose cution of the war. Now, when a third year has nearly expired, a foreign document appears—the mind of the country is agitated—a few expressions in that document arrest the attention, A question is asked in the house. Doubt and distrust pervade the land, a belief that there is guilt in the management of our affairs. (Cheers.) Sir, I call it guilt to come down to this house—this free House of Commons—as a Minister, and to give reasons for his policy which are totally at variance with his instructions of the Minister abroad. (Hear.) A foreign document ap pears—the people think—they talk—they ask questions. What happens to one of the ablest of statesmen on the night on which it is announced that this quesion shall be brought forward ? He mysteriously disappears—the man of a reputation of a quarter of a century —the refoi inner of Parliament, who has told us to-night that ha has been throughout his long career the champion of cid' and reli gious liberty, and has achieved great success—the man who has met giants in debate, who has contended with Canning, and shared in the reputation of so groat a man as the late' Sir It. Peel—that man dare not to-night meet the debate on his acts and on his language. But, in his stead the noble lord has spoken, and has shown by his lan guage and the tone o f hi s m i n d if•tho honour and the interests of the country are committed to his keeping the first will be degraded and the last betrayed. Mr. ROEBUCK —The language of the noble lord at the herlti of her !Majesty's Government will load the house to cuppoge that he I.r.'; been injured by some one. Who has done him ap injury —azd what ig it ? A question has been asked of the noble lord heretofore his colleague. That ques tion . . received an answer - front the noble lord, which newer brought forward the motion of the hon. member for Harts (Sir E. B. Lytton). The noble lord the member for Lon don did on that occasion what he did once before. At the very sound of danger, at the first whistle of the storm, he ran and hid himself in the hack benches ; he disappeared from the Treasury bench. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) had referred to the noble lord's reputation of a quarter of a century; I fear that that reputation has dis appeared also. The noh'e lord has forgotten his duty to England, to this house, to truth, and to honour. (Sensa tion and murmurs.) We will see if this be not true.' In consequence of a motion of which I gave notice in this house, the noble lord retired from the Government of Lord Aberdeen, and, in retiring, left behind. him a sp eec h, which, in fact, broke up that cabinet. Then, like Jack in the box, he turns up at Vienna. There he is entrusted with the great interests of this great country. He goes there with specific instructions, instructions which do the noble lord the Foreign Secretary great honour. When there, cer tain proposals are made—they are said to have been made by the Austrian Minister. To these proposals the noble lord assents. He suggests them to his Cabinet with a sig nificant paragraph at the end of his letter to this effect : " I hope no decisive answer will be given to his proposi tion before lam heard." The nobler lord came to this house iu his character of a member of the Cabinet. The question of the conference is brought before this house. He has been ; the Cabinet knew his opinions; they knew the ground of those opinions. When the noble lord came to this house he came to find his conduct as a nego tiator impugned. Now I will appeal to this house—l will appeal to every hon. member who recollects the speech of the noble lord on the 2 lth May, whether in that speech he did not declare himself an uncompromising advo cate of the war. Did he in that speech give us to under stand that the negotiations had been 'so carried on that he had received proposals for peace from the Austrian Minis ter which had met his approval? (Hear, hear.) Did he not lead the house—l am sure he led me— (hear, hear)—to an opinion which gave to the noble lord at the head of the Government a large majority on that occasion? (Hear, hear.) Now, I will make a confession to this house. I came to this house upon the 24th May fully intending to vote with the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli). In proof of this I 'hey make one statement. I received a letter from the noble lord at the head of her Majesty's Government inviting me to a meeting of his friends pre vious to that discussion. Feeling within myself that I was about to oppose the noble lord, I did not attend that meeting. I felt it was no place for me. But I voted with the noble lord. Why ? Because of the speech of the noble lord the member for the City of London. I said to myself when I came to this house, " I will not vote for a divided Government." I thought that the noble lord—and it is well known that there was throughout the house, end every gallery of it, a rumour to that effect—was coming down to make a peace speech. Instead of doing so, he made a vigorous onslaught on Russia. I said we have now a united Cabinet. I can see the danger of ousting such a Cabinet. The noble lord convinced me ; I was re-assured, and voted with him. He practised upon me a deceit; and I say that the noble lord at the head of her Majesty's Go vernment condoned with that deceit—(cheers)—and I say this is not doing your duty with truth and honour. The words which were on the lips of the noble lord did not come from his heart. He came down to this house and urged us to war when he himself was in favour of peace. But the noble lord says that after he came from Vienna and arrived in London circumstances occurred which al tered his opinion. The right hon. gentleman (slr. Disraeli) says these circumstances were the opposition of France. The noble lord at the head of the Government rays uo such thing. (Lord Palmerston—" No.") The noble lord says " No." Then it was the opposition of Preece ? (Lord Pahnerston—" I did not say so.") This is a sample of the ambiguous phrases of the Government. (Cheers.) When the right' hon. gentleman (Hr. Disraeli) says that these circumstances were the opposition of France, the noble lord denies that fact. Now, however, he denies his de nial. But I say, if it is not the opposition of France, we have a right to know what it is. (Cheers.) We have had two sets of papers placed upon the table, the 13th and the 15th. The 13th set were placed upon the table previous to the 24th May, and they were intended to afford to this house inforesatien upon the subject of the conferences. Did they afford the slightest information with regard to either the coud act of the noble lord the member for the City or of the Austrian Minister ? Then, I say again, that the noble lord at the head of the Government has proved in fault, for it was from his hand that these papers came. And I want to know who else is with the noble lord—l want to know who are the traitors in the cabinet? (Hear, hear.) I want to know what is the opinion of the right hon. baronet the Home Secretary upon the case ; I want to know the opinion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and what is the opinion of the First Lord of the .Admi ralty. It is my sincere belief th a t they coincuted with the noble lord when ho returned from Vienna. I say &at so far from having an undivided cabinet, we have one which is not earryiee on the war with their whole heart and mind, for they are divided among themselves, and a great number of them agree with the noble lord. Let us remark what has occurred in connection with this war. After the declaration of war, until I gave notice of the mo tion for the Sebastopol committee, before the world there was unity in the Cabinet. Everybody believed the Go vernment was of one mind ; everybody knew that they were carrying on the war as well as they could. When I gave that notice the noble lord the member for the City of London disclosed the fact that they were a divided cabi net, that they had been divided from the beginn'.ng of the war upon the conduct of it in a most material matter, the appointment of a war minister. The next result was the breaking up of the Aberdeen Administration. The next was the appointment of the Sebastopol committee, upon which the three gentlemen behind me (Sir J. Graham, Mr. Gladstone, and Mr. S. Herbert) quitted the Govern ment of the noble lord. The moment they left, it turned out that they were the peace party. We never learned that while they were iu the cabinet. Then came the jour ney of the noble_ lord to Vienna. We all know that the noble lord left hero with a certain blemish upon his reputa tion ; his mind was soured by Parliamentary defeats. At Vienna they gave him the sweets of flattery, with which he was intoxicated. When he came back the strong breezes of .Parliamentary opposition blew upon him again—ag-..in he changed. Ho came here and made that warlike speech. This roused the anger of those whose tool he had been at Vienna ; they disclosed what had been the circumstances of his condue. This was again the consequence of Parlia mentary action. The noble lord then turns out to be a peace minister. Again, a curious consequence of Parlia mentary action. Now the noble lord says he changed his mind after he returned from. Vienna, and in consequence he came down to the house. The hon. and learned mem ber here took from his seat a copy of a daily paper, from which apparently he was about to read au extract of the noble lord's speech. Being, however, called to order by the Speaker, he proceeded to tear away that portion of the paper containing the speech ; upon which I The SPEAKER said the hon. member was doubtless aware that, by a standing order, it was not allowed that any member's speech should be read from the report in a newspaper. Such being the order, the hon. member was not acting within it, althoughhe tore the speech in question out of the newspaper. Mr. ROEBUCK resumed—l will then, sir, state from memory the purport of the noble lord's speech. The house will excuse me if I do not state it quite correctly, since it is through its own rules that I am forced to have recourse to so treacherous an instrument,. On the 7th July the noble lord came down to the house, and he was asked by a right hon. gentleman whether he had changed his opinion. The answer w I certainly thought that, although this plan of counterpoise was infsricr to the plan of limitation which we had advocated, yet that it would be a mode of concluding the war that would be honourable to the allied powers, and would give, I will not say a certainty, but a fair promise of the duration of peace. That was my opi nion. The right hon. gentleman asks me whether I have changed that opinion. I have not changed that opinion." That being the case, and the facts being known to the col leagues of the 'mule lord, they must have heard with won der what his statements were. The noble lord at the head of the Government might well have said with Heloise, "Saints would wonder at the vows he made ;" but the saints of the Treasury bench have ceased to wonder at the statements of the noble lord. Did not the noble lord turn round upon the arguments of Mr. Gladstone ? Did he not object to the very things to which he had agreed at Vienna ? Had he not shown how futile was the security offered in these very prepositions? Shall we then say, after that, that this house has any right to have confidence in the noble lord or any of his collo Tees ? I say no to that question—(hear, hear)—that the conduct of the noble lord has been such that it shakes the confidence of the world in the whole of political society. Truth and honour amongst public men may now be considered as nought ' • for what can truth be but a clear statement of that which has occurred, not palming upon any body false suppositions and false conceptions of actual facts? What did the noble lord do? Did he not come down to the house? Did he not persuade us to be lieve that he himself was not only then a steady supporter of the war, but that he always had been so? I say, Sir, that the noble lord by such conduct has not done his duty in this house to this country, to truth, or to honour. Sir G. GREY—As the motion of the hon. baronet is to be withdrawn, I should not have thought it necessary to say anything, had it not been for the assertions pointedly made by the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Roebuck) —without his having adduced one fact in support of them —that there were members of the Cabinet who thought that the Austrian proposal brought by my noble friend (Lord J. Russell), and discussed in the Cabinet in the first week in May, ought to be adopted. fie has done me the honour to call upon me by name to state whether I was one of those members. I decline to answer the, question of the hon. and learned member. In this country, if I, as a member of a Cabinet, in my speech, here or elsewhere, had expressed opinions, or had done any act calculated to throw suspicion upon the sincerity of my conduct, I should have felt that any hon. member had a right to call upon me for any explanation of what I had said or done, and to require me to vindicate toy conduct. But when ,the hon. and learned member alludes to circumstances which have no existence, save in his own imagination, I say that I should - demean myself in the face of this house and of the country if I attempted any answer to his observations. The papers are now on the table showing the result of the deliberations of the Cabinet with reference to the Austrian proposals, and the reasons that inducted the C deitet's re jection of them are also on the table. expressed by his noble friend the Secretary fOr Foreign Affairs in language which I think has elicited the universal approbation of this house, except those who think abeolutely that the war ought to be terminated and puce restored. (Cheers.) I feel bound by those papers, as the record of the opinions of the Cabi net. As a member of the Cabinet I a;u responsible for its acts, and I deny the right of any member of this house to bring forward without proof the argument that I, in my individud capacity, bold opinions differing from those of the majority of ley celleegues. The right hon. gentleman opposite did, I think, something of the same kind when he charged the Government with using ambiguous language respecting the Correspondence which has been laid before this house ; and when he says that he is iu possession of private information from sources not accessible to this house. On the strength of that informa tion lie takes upon himself, in his place in Parliament, to affirm that there was a time when my noble friend at the head of the Government expressed Isis opinion in favour of these Austrian proposals. Sir, to that general statement that there was a time when the Cabinet considered—l am not speaking in my own name, but in that of the Govern- . meat—when the. Cabinet considered that the Austrian proposals might be accepted, I gave the most unqualified contradiction. (Hear.) The project alluded to was no doubt considered. in: the Cabinet, and here I must say that I heard with regret the speech made by my noble friend the member for London on the 6th, because the statements in that speech were Most unjust to my noble friend him self. My noble Selena - brought the propositions home from Vienna, - hevieg.previously requested that they might not be yejected !witilAiittlii.3 having been heard in their de fence. The yroi.loAtions were discussed during the wqek beginning tiee pyil, ending the 7th of May, and dur ing that cif2eus , iion my noble friend stated his views, other members of tiho en` - .r !.1 into the discussion, with the view of coming iu the conclusion most likely to be con ducive to the interests pf the country, and at the apse of the week I should have been prepared to aagert in dupla. lified terms that the unanimous decision of the Cabinet ' was that the intea eel s of the country required that the : Austrian proposals should be rejected. (Ironical cheers.) I challenge, then, the right hon. gentleman for the proof of his assertion that at any period the Cabinet expressed an opinion favourable to those propositions. On the con trary, we arrived at an unanimous conclusion—some might.have been influenced by one reason, others by an other—but at last we arrived at the unanimous conclusion that the duty of the Government and the interests of the country required that the Austrian proposition should be rejected. It was rejected, and the despatch containing the rejection was communicated to every member of the Cabi net before it was sent off, and received the cordial and unanimous concurrence of all. (Hear.) It is now said that my noble friend practised a deceit on the house on the 2lth of May, when he supported a vigorous war, and that we were partakers in the deceit for not having remon strated against the inferences to be drawn from his state ments. I deny, sir, that either Government or my noble friend were chargeable with such deceit. He spoke in language in which all his colleagues participated when he led the house to believe that he was convinced the honour and interests of the country required that the Austrian proposals should be rejected, and that all means should be taken to bring the war in the Crimea to a successful con clusion. The speech of my noble friend was in fact one from which none of his colleagues could have dissented, it contained no doubt his own honest and earnest convic tions, and harmonised undoubtedly with the sentiments of the Government. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE—I have no intention of entering into the personal questions, considered as inch, which have been raised in this debate, neither shall I avail myself of the opportunity which the technicalities of the house may be said to offer for discussing the policy of the war with reference to the late negotiations, but it appears to me that inasmuch as most important papers containing most important disclosures have boon laid on the table since the house debated this great and momentous subject, and inas much as it must be perfectly plain to the House of Com mons that the debate on this subject has ended—not, in deed, in total darkness, but with most imperfect informa' tiou in respect to the question under discussion—it appears, I say, quite plain to me, that there must be an early and more satisfactory discussion on the subject. (Hear.) At present, however, in the midst of the difficulties by which we are encompassed, those papers raise some questions upon which it is desirable that the Government should have the opportunity of giving the fullest information and expla nation, namely, as regards the obligation that rests on them to communicate fully to the house papers, when upon those papers are to be raised solemn discussions, and on • them are to be based solemn decisions. (Hear.) ' The first objection I mean to take is to the speech delivered by my noble friend the member for London on the 21th May. I do not wish to overstate or exaggerate the iroportance.of that speech as a demonstration in favour of a warlike policy, but this stands clearly in my own recollection, that whenin the course of the discussion, and speaking before any member of the Oovernment had uttered an opinion, I ventured to say that it appeared tome that the last two propositions of the Russian plenipotentiary, instead of bring summarily rejected, ought to have been treated as the starting points for further communication, my noble friend, following me in that debate, denounced in the strongest terms those Russian proposals—(hear, hear) — and even went so far as to say that, rather than admit terms substantially corresponding with those proposals, it would be better avowedly to have thrown over the third point altogether, and confess your inability to deal with it. (Hear, hear.) I must confess that having those em phatic wores of my noble fiend fresh in my recollection, it was with considerable surprise I read the letter I find in the Bth page of these despatches ' in which be, on his own part and on that of the French Minister, proposes to her Majesty's Government certain plans for the settlement of the question.. I have no doubt but chat most members of this house have read . these papers, and shall not therefore read them further than that portion at page 8, in which my noble friend says—" If other hope is lost, I wish to propose to the conftrence the following plan. The French Minister is favourable to it. Austria will not support any demand for cession of territory." And then he pro ceeds :to detail the plan, which had precisely the same basis es that which my noble friend subsequently con demned in this house. (Hear.) This is not a question of the terms proposed by Austria, this is a distinct proposal from the British Minister, and it appears to me to re commend to the Government to accept terms which in every substantial point agree with those of the Russian plenipotentiary. The baSes upon which Russia wished to proceed were—no limitation with regard to the fleet, but leaving unlimited discretion to the Porto to call in the as sistance of her allies. It was proposed that the general rule of closing the straits should be maintained, but that it should rest with the discretion of the Porte to say when the rule was to be relaxed, and that the relaxation, when it took place, should be consilered as forming no ground of complaint on the part of Russia. Here is a plan that, with the exception of one or two peiuts, is exceedingly like the Russian. It provides that France and Great Britain shall send in their ships in conformity with the desire of the Sultan. and without any complaint on the part of Russia. That, I believe, is the material point of both plans. There may be minor points, but, as far as regards the great fea tures, I believe that both plans are practically the same. Both were founded on counterpoise • and, if anything., met noble friends proposition was more limited and loss favour able to the Ottoman Government than that which was put forward by the Russian plenipotentiary. There is another question which I wish to present to the house, with respect to the position in which I was placed during the late dis cussion. It will be seen that Ido not take the same view of the papers as the right hon. member for Buckingham shire, and I invite him to listen because I think I can find an answer to the charge he has made against the Govern • mint. The plan of the noble lord was formed by him from Vienna on the 16th April, and not acted upon, I presume, until the 18th, but on the 18th ho wrote a most important letter, and in that letter he stated to his Government that it had been agreed between him and the other plenipoten tiaries to adopt a certain order of proceeding at the next meeting of the Conference. It was this :-1. That the plan of limitation of numbers agreed to in London should be first proposed, and be supported by Count Buol. 2. That it should be proposed that Russia and Turkey, by mutual ' agreement, should maintain reciprocally a force no larger than that which shall remain to Russia at the end of the war. A list to be drawn up, and the convention re ferred to in the treaty tohave the same forte, as if it formed part of the treaty. Ships of war of the allies to be admitted into the Black Sea in limited numbers, not exceeding for each half of the Russian force. 3. In case of the failure of both- of these propositions, he thought that bases of peace might bo foundin the following conditions :—A. gene ral engagement to respect the integrity of the Turkish em pire, on behalf of each of the Powers, and against any one of them which should vioiatethis engagement. Aprovisiou that the closing of the Dardanelles and _Bosphorus should continuo to be the rule, with the exception that Powers which have not establishments in the Black Sea may be admitted by the Sultan to the extent of half the number maintained by Russia for each power. The third of these plans was that which was called the Austuian proposal, and which had the sanction of my noble friend. Well, this letter was received by Lord Clarendon on the 21st of April; 'and in the closing passage of it my noble friend saYs, " mould the Government of her Mejesty, in concert with that of Franceebe of opinion that such a peace can be accepted, they will instruct Lord Westinorzlad accordingly. If not, I hope to be allowed to be heard personally before a final decision is ma'ale." This appeal for a personal hear ing was received at the Foreign-office on the 21st of April, but on that very same 21st of April there was written a letter from the Foreign-office, not professing to take any notice of the appeal from Vienna, but dealing with his plan, condemning it in the strongest terms, and asappears to me entirely disposing of it. If gentlemen will read the letter at page 12, dated 21st of April, and founded on Count Collbredo's despatch of the2oth, they will see as appears to me, that this Aus.rian proposal was rejectodnot in May or June, but in April. Lord Clarendon expressed in strong terms the surprise and regret with which he listened to the proposal, and all through his letter there are expressions of the strongest condemnation. Now the point I wish to put, and upon which I wish to be corrected if wrong, is that this letter was written on the 21st of April, the very day upon which the proposals were received, and was in point of fact a complete rejection of the plan of counterpoise. Bat there are two Austrian proposals. If you refer to the able papers of Count Buol you will find that the proposal for counterpoise stands second, and that the first contained the proposal which the British and French plenipotentiaries refused to entertain. That proposal consisted of simple counterpoise, and admitted limitation, which was in the first instance to be arranged between Russia: and Turkey, and subsequently incorporated in the treaty. How did Go vernment receive that letter ? I have shown you that one plan was refused on the very day of its reception, and the other it appears to me was considered equally inadmissible. I hope the right hon. gentleman will la op these things in view, and admit that this and the other proposal wore dealt with in a summary manner. (The right hon. gentleman here quoted Lord Clarendon's despatch, and continued.) But it is not these transactions alone that require explana tion. I wish to refer to others which took place in this house. If lam right, these two proposals were condemns on the 21st and 24th April. Their rejection was not com municated to the house, a thing of which I should not complain, if something were not communicated which led to a contrary conclusion. On the 21st May a question was put to the first minister of the Crown by my right hon. friend near me, and his answer was that all means of solu tion were not exhausted, that Austria had made fresh pro posals, with a view to peace, and that such proposals, when presented, would receive the most careful consideration. (Hear.) But answers had been previously sent to Vienna by the Government, committing them to the rejection of the Austrian proposal. (Hear.) Looking from my own point of view, I think I have a right to complain that we were allowed to debate this proposal as if it were still an open question. (Hear, hear.) We came to the discussion in the full belief that Austria, England, and France were at one in the negotiatiou. We had before us papers in which it was stated that Austria had reject©d the Rus sian proposals, but we did not know that a diplomatic eruption had taken place between England and France on the one side, and , Austria on the other, although that was a vital element in the consideration of the case, (Hear.) What I want now to know is this, whether it does not stand on the papers that the rupture had taken place, whether the Austrian proposal had not been discussed and rejected by Government, or whether there was any reason to believe that Austria had another proposal to make? I know that there are greet ilitilculties in the case, but I think we ought to have all the facts before us before vt o re sume the discussion on this question. (Hear, hear.) • The motion wrts then withdrawn. The Fublic Offices Extension Bill passed through com mittee. - - The Merchant Shipping Act Amendment Bill was read a third time and passed. - STATE CAREIA.GES DUTIES, &c., BILL. Tho house having gene into commi t t ee upon this bill, The .CHANCELLOR of . the EXCHEQUER, - b e i ng much pressed, consented to withdraw the sixth clause, re lating to benefit building societia4, upon the understand. ing that next session the subject should be investigated by a select .committee. . Th e T ur npike A ~ts and Turnpike Trusts Arrangement Bills were read a third time and passed. The Slave Trade (Sherberol Bill passed through com mittee. The Militia Officers Qualification Bill was read a third time and passed. The Grand Juries Ireland - (so. 2) Bill was . read - a se cond time and passed. The Lunatic Asylums (Ireland) Advances Bill went through commit - fee pro forma, for the purpose of being reprinted with amendments.• Tho LICITO.It•GENERA.L moved the second read ing od the end ;7:;ples ef Sett lied Estates Lill, and expL;a ,, . that 3 e1,,11: , ,t) 1:A,(1 }XXII insericd for the purp6zie of exempting r!ll.inp: , ;teLd-i , f;atii from the operation of the uioasuro. Lind SEYMOUR suggested that the bill should be re ferred to a select committee. A r e HENLEY could not concur in the Principles of the s E bill, but approved the suggestion to refe r the bill to lect committee. G ET e ti FibniwAL as n r e s e a la d t a i n s g e , c o w n a d s time, iomr ordered l a . , t o the a S r O e f r o ' l a C e l d n select committee. • SPIRITS (IRELAND) ACT. The Lords' amendments to this bill were conelat'— agreed- to. The Lunatics Asylums (Ireland) Bill was rena l a ,44 time and passed.; the Sale of Spirits (Ireland) Bil I) :fte through committee ; the Schools (Scotland.) are a division, ordered to be read a second time tit" c " - ' months. The Treasurers of Counties (Ireland) Bill vt asco (O lder and ordered for third reading to-morrow. we T re he c( L m o s r i d d e e ' re a d m r th d e m T en ri t n e i t t o y s read a second time ; the Court of Jucticature (Pr ) o 0 Wales &c.) Bill was read • • the 4) a second time Suits Bill was read a second time. t C h o e l College e ( n l d r i e Y l al7 e B i1,111;:c MORTMAIN BILL. 4 . le r ;, This bill was read a thi r d time, an d sever . to , amendments were introduced at the suggestion of t heifer-General. thir d , 115 The Dissenters' Marriage Bill was road a after some verbal amendments had been made. MR. ROEBUCK'S' MOTION. i l, sil l , Mr. SPOONER begged to a s k the hon. a n " lO member for Sheffield whether he intended to p roce r e ' JO the motion which stood in his name on the pile'' , to Mr. the of the war in the Crimea? ti i ROEBUCK: I certainly do intend to brdl4 ,1 ward to-morrow, or rather this day. The house adjourned at one o'clock. GO UNTig it AAK ita S. e-•--- CHELMSFORD—JULY 13. The supply of wheat at our market to-daY 11°1 9 '; Ct i ' V large, and the millers evincing a readiness to r Se l f, prices advanced fully is per qr. on the best villea,llo o corn firm at last week's prices. Barley scarce, an dearer. Wheat, white, old, per s. a. j 'l 9 qr. 62 84 I Oats, per qr ....... ..•••.0 now 62 84 1 Peas, Partridge. ..... 39 old 58 77 White... ...... ". 0 new 58 77 Boiling ........ .3/ Barley 29 36 Dun........... ..:140 Chevalier 1 0 9 37 Beans, Tick ...... :c • .... Grinding 25 :i2 Harrow Malt 68 72 1 Maragae••••" :11 8 Chevalier 7O 74 1 Ditto, nelc"' red, COLCHESTER— JULY 14. In general the supplies of wheat in the districtbeen so large this week as o f l a t e, an d the milt worked themselves rathe r b are o f s t oc k s , i n exP ec i o tL i e a further tall, they have b een compelled to COWS ',AI markets as purchasers. There has been a tentio nc ; r oot,' , ' V fore, to a rise ; and in to-d a y' s mar k e t rea lly V. - of wheat realised is to i s 6.1 more than last we sold readily, and at rather better rates. Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, whitepj763 le y ' red, 72s to 81s ; barley, 32s to 34 0 ; oats, 30s f' Mazagan, 40s to 42s ; middl e an d small, 44s to gbs white, 468 to 48s ; grey, 42s to 445. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, s e "o, in the port of London, from the following P ° ' the 9th to the 15th July, both inclusive. 1•' 1 4, cl 7 .9 . PA Colchester Harwich Leith Maldon 151 - 166 629 ( -- 150' 150 1 200 KIRKCALDY—JULY 16. 13. 91 1 Wheat. Barley. I Oats. 1 1 0 ; p I First Second I Third 7os Od 34s 0(1 I 2 ,2 s Od I COAL MARK P.-JuLy 16. Prices of Coal per ton at t he close of the martet- s. d. Bate's West Hartley 16 9 Cookson's Hartley l6 0 Hasting's Hartley lB 3 Howard's West Hartley Netherton lB 0 Longridge's Wst Hartley 18 3 North Percy Hartley l6 9 Tanfield Moor Butes 15 6 Grey's West Hartley l7 6 Wylain 17 6 Wallsend , / 6° ' Leverson .........• ........ Riddell .................. Belmont .........•••'"'• ,'5ll Lambton ................ csl i E vta d ehi e w"l n ti l: etc a i n .s ..l . .... ................ .................... South Hartlepool .•••''' Carr's Merthyr ..•••'"', Evenwood ...... . ... .... Wallsend, &c. _ Gosforth lB 31 Ships at market... 4 I Sold SEABORNE MAILS. (N sigh - fees that the mails are sent Prom the Genera l r' ay the night—and Mby the morning— despatch.) From woat Port Dispatch& Liverpobl ,LivorPool Ig o uttan;Pt" ISeutilarartol. D over •^ ' ' .• PlyniOuth DOVer .• • • • • s°tith art Southampto n' Dover ..... South:ll)3o°n v So a t r i i th ous am p r o t rts °" Southampton Southampto n SeutliamPtoP Dover • • •• • • 6ith P Dover" 3 . . Dover ..... . South awl ) ton flonthamPt oe London • . rot • • SouthernP Dover ....• • SonthaniPt o Plymouth • • Dover ••I • Dover . • • • • • Holyhead • • SouthamPWi SouthamP 0 I Liverpool • !Dover .. v• " Soatharbl o " Dover .• • • SoutharoPt on Var!ouo port. Dover . • • • Soittbanipt on l x r.o art ut o b us am p p o t rt. o rl ,ve 'Dover .•• • "1 ,1 6 Dover . • • • • • 011 18outhanipt0111 i tis, 0 i 40 Day when male up] in General Post- Office, London.* every Friday • • • • tmerlea(byßrit.pack)N memo, (by United Sts. packet) •••• • • • • .•N imerlea (by U. States packet) ..........N Australia (via South ampton) ..........M Ditto (via Marse.iles) N Ditto (via Cape of Good lope) ...... • • N erica (West Coast) N Alexandria N Alexandria Bahamas Jf Belgium Brasil M Flumes Ayres M Cape of Good Hope N Cape of Good Hope N Cape de Verds Ceylon (see India) Ceylon N Channel Isles N ...... China .... . Constantinople Constantinople ...... • • Cont. of Europe M & N Egypt (see India) France ........ M & N Gibraltar Greece (see India) Grcytown .. Ilaiaburgb N Flavannah ........ Holland Honduras .......... India (viadouthampt.) India (via Marseillee)lll lonian Isles (sea India)] Ireland & NI Lisbon. ..... ........M Madeira •• •• •• •• •• •.M Madeira Malta (see India) Malta Mauritius (see India) Mauritius Nll4th of the month Mexico .. ..M 2nd of the month., •• •• •• •• •• 1,3 d of the month 8,9, 24, & 30 of tr.' 4th & 20th of mon. 17th of the month 9th of the month.. 9th ol the month.. 9th of tho month Mon ~Wed.,&Flll. 2,3 gr 17th of month Once a month.... 8,13,18,23,8;215 of m 4th Sc 20th of mon. Twice daily ...... Twice dai1y...... 4, 7,17, 20, 27 arc. ;2nd & 17th of mon. ;Tuesday & Friday 2nd of the month Daily. 17th of the month. 4th & 20th of mon. 9th&2sth of month 7, 17, & 27 of mon Twice daily 7,9, 17, & 27 of m. 9th of the month ;23d of month .... ',MS. &28 of mon Naples ..N 'sthlM..h2sthofmor.. New Granada ...... ht 2d & 17th of month New &Wand By private skip Papal States sthlsth2sthofmon.l Peninsula ..........M 7th 17 th27thofnion.i Peru 2(.1 & 27th of mon.! Pert Natal ..........N By private ship...; ..........N sthlsth2stholmon,l l'uscany .............N sthlsth2sthofmon.l Venezuela ..........M 2d & 17th of month Van Diemen's Lad (see Australia) . .... West Indies ........M 2d& 17th of month; Julr illn.CV J . U i t 1 bel 1 0 1 0 Iktvg• 1l „v. - f affp ri / th a rapt—m i ; " 0:A is When any of these dates fall ori a Sunday, the iniu„,o' r spatehed on the following day, with the exceptien of mails. Southampton), and the Malta, both of which will be dem preceding day. [AnyßarrsEmExr.]—Medicine always aggravates c'-` do r eases, such as dyspepsia (indigestion), habitual cous.fi, rtijo nervous, bilious, and liver complaints, &c., but c o delicious Revalenta Arabica Food invariably cures very short time. We extract two Out of many th °- po ,4 :0; pressions of gratitude from invalids :—From the Countess of Castlestuart. Cure 52,612.—Rosstrev e ”c0 0 11 0 of Down, Ireland, December. 9, 1854. The Dowager dra g d iag of Castlestuart feels induced, in the interest of s t itr, ) manity, to state that Du Barry's exc e ll en t Revale/il7 10°' et); Food has cured her, after all medicines had failed, o ',y tion, bile, great nervousness and irritability of T 11 41 1. 1 1 ° standing. This food deserves the c on fid ence of all 101 11 ' and may be considered a real blessing. InquirieSce, cheerfully answered.—Trevagler,•Gulval, near Penzl ii pall 20, 1851.—Eighteen years nervous debility, violen',so s ? tion of the heart, throbbing of the temples, v iolent t ot'? the left side and back, shortness of breath, cough , li b iar of •the extremities, cramps, spasms, flatulency, ret e o °Je such general weakness, that I was consequently fe 3r ro o , '`,o l ' ing when on my legs, all these symptoms h a ve been r e 60 Du Barry's excellent Revalenta Arabica Food. -- 3 WI olb; In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. , 11 5 . ' The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-oface n r " at . y (1.; Du Barry &Co.. 77, Regent-street, London ; el s " p''' o l; Piccadilly; 60, Gracechurch-strect ; 330, and 45 1 e , s ti' i c 4, Chcapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill ; 49, Bishopse t oii 55, Chuing-cross ; 54, Upper Baker-street; 63 18, ;tor Oxford-street; 89, High-street, Camden-tom; 04, mall ; 7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, Now Bond-stree t c o o' st. comb street ; 13, King William-street, City ; , street; 21, Cockspur-street; 95, Farringdon-str e e ir a te' Faure Churchyard ; 6, Edward-street, Portruan-'4 BIRTHS. OF A SON. 0" On the 16th inst., at No. 14, Park square, ""*". {b° Hansard. . ' oil? On the 16th inst., a t th e Li me s, Clapham- o°l3j re , wife of Mr. Wm. Edgar, jun. o is l° On the 15th inst , in Maddox-street, Mrs. a' P . OF A DAT/OMER. 01°" ow On the 15th i ns t., at 9, Devonpprt - s t re et, t or square, the wife of John Gregory Forbes, Esq. OP On the 14th inst., at 9, Portland-place Love r Mrs. Joseph B. Garwood. MARRIED. m ar 0,5,', On the 14th inst., at the church of Allbs ll°7 t e o c l ; city, D. Cubitt Nichols, Esq., of Heathcote-stre;ioDls lenburg-squarc, to Marie, second daughter of G• or' Rcq., cf Trinity-square, Tower-hill. ~. 13 0 1 ) ; 0° On the 14th inst., at St. Pancras Church, .1 01 ' n to Por k bill, S Qnick, Esq., of Chalcott Villas, Haverstoc - Jo n es, Catherine, edest daughter of the late Thos. of Chester-place, Regent's.park. w et ii ,poi ) On the 16th inst. John Hill, Esq., of Scan -°p°-Pd P e ll o y 0::n o e n - t i :h a E e rk s 1 c ;6 . t:h g a e i g d n e s c r.; 3 a . t 10, Ken sin gton - nil 3 re ' it 0" ichs o 11- 0 ° On the 13th inst., at 6, Keppel-street, itu sf/e o i V Fraliois Valentine, Fag , aged 81. On the 13th inst ,at Clifton•down, 00 3 , ...................... 000 ,1 Blanc a' , d - ' 1 . ,c r, , _,--,- ~.s „ y 0 il l, Lon-134i: : Printed end Publielyaa by MUlty" 50. S d i 01..i.0. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun 0 1 -li ce ' 0 00 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the A/Walesa, Tuesdayi dgly , l7, 1560 e Bristol, COtTNTRIES a a f e : N ar ikr I ' l ' 3 4s ~ i 0 V v , IP ~ E 'TO~ ~~TT t t , ] tl 1 WI" lur, Pbo The Der , h Daid three 17, ....,.... pi Dated , % . 4_li 044,k