The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-04 00:00:00

whateve g ht be s!" Is oPr. s l e disappow,- VENING SLR N 141 Y they h a d b een in those illustrious exploits that threw a lustre round his name, and secured t ee peace,: f the world— even ou that occasion, in the year 1814, he (Lord Brougham) would venture to say his Majesty did not recollect any a pp e arance of g rea t er l oyalty and of greater devotion to the Crown than h e h a d seen on the present, in 1842. He (Lord Brougham) wou ld draw a conclusion from that Presently, but he first w i s h e d to advert to another cirstim stace. If it so happened that his Majesty had visited this tountry a few years subsequent to the former period, he would ha f ' . yef ound our joy turned into grief—he would have found the whole of the people of England plunged into the deepest sor rel, by the death of the Princess Charlatte—a calamity that ( was felt in every part of this country, as if each family had shat a similar deprivation. Now, his Majesty tame in 1842, and he found that upon the birth of an heir to the Throne there was as great joy and universal exultation, all oyer . Eng lia.nd, as if there had been born an heir to every fam il y l e the "`hnti•—( Hear. ) • From that two conclusions . might r w ell be drawn by the Prussian Monarch. Since his s 'twiner visit very great changes had taken place increasei the Constitution of this couetry, and a very large ye Of the privileges of the people had been effected, and a corriy arnple extension of the representative system had been He iL(Lreinstated by that which some people called a revolution. oredaellyroughsru) denied it all, and he s h o uld a l ways d eny the of that expression, but by a very great reform, a y treat change, and a ver reat extension to the popular p wer, les, and a very am ile y increase to the representative po and a very great adm l iss ' ion of the people to privileges - with fa in . the pale of the Constitution during the interval since his 11 jest i t l i ast k risited u Did his Majesty find that there was any 'rut at tee fears eXpressed as to the effect of Parliamentary 'reform ? Did he see any of those dangers i l l v e hic ti l n i d th t e l y iat w t e h re e told strewed the path - of the Reformers—did . People's love for the Crown was diminished —did he find, as it was said woul I be the case, that the foundations of th . e Throne were shaken? On the contrary, he found now, that if a change at all had taken place, it was evinced in an increase "f that devotion and loyalty to the Crown which had ever characterised the people - of this_ country, and which he (Lord Brougham) was proud to say still existed, 11entnithstanding all those extensions of privileges.---( Hear. ) ~faml, peradventure, one conclusion might he drawn by otherAhiestY, with respect to his own country, and an own conclusion by ourselves with respect to our • There was not in all Europe, at the present time, tieir believed there never had been, a more benevolent, a more Philanthropi s a more kind and humane Prince, on any of the one s of Et-urope. He was a Prince of large and liberal views --he was a Prince universally beloved by his own people— . and universally respected abroad-4 Hear, hear)—and unlike fIY Princes, at least of former times, of him it might be truly Said, that he ;I e a was the more beloved ari d t h e more respected the bet s observation he was known. He beli eve d t h at the result of his ;aljsty'servation in this country would be that he would e leynscsourard to proceed in those most beneficial reforms trY, because in t g .. d on er us° It would show him that there is . no rne promises made n of which his prede founifitlhntoernetsteofreththe by predecessor—promiseshis.enit.aaurea, w hic which, f t u h lefi faithlli and were enabled by heir by raised the Prnssian people, aid to repel the invasion of Fraric h e e , r'independence of the Prussian Crown. T Ise Pmmises, by giving his people a representa • five Cover Ctootvher l3n nriettn;a:: kr be safe and beneficial, and would even Ile (Lord e securityof his Crown and the Monarchy of his country. .their own country, to - s an d d rew the same conclusion with respect had been al d idea he ventured to say that those who tut 00 1 t.sapai;ehiaste, the of admitting larger numbers to the elective ten years since, no longer held such fears, t aa to i t It 'd .on It as judicious to extend the franchise, so as d o ha s f riht in the Pale of the Constitution the great bulk and obeli:at."' working-classes. He entirely concurred . in the on th e a n na I Made by his Noble Friend, the Noble Viscoun , n oble p • - awa on the first day of the last Sessien. His l asse , interestnd then warned their Lordships, and warned . the •°d ad , against allowing a state of things to continue theta i neither safe for them, nor safe for the Constitution of Hou,,s2,!r, Here, he said, was a code of laws made by one i n , ;Lot , Parliament, and in a great part by another, consist fore sy4emitnost.exclusively of one interest, !hat was no a f the w hich was liable to suspicion, and it ought to be altered g atne e safety of the landowners and of the two Houses of ;Par tite', nt themselves. He did not think that was a safe state of or 4 . 11 , , either for the two Houses of Parliament, for the Crown, to have LIM general stability of the Constitution of this country, ea 3t a representative system from which all were excluded were the who were owners of property. In what way they degrket:_admit those other classes by what degrees, by what slow do wo 3 if they would—but in , what way they would break obe ..that line which places all the property of the country on , p er , 3lll e, , and all the members of society not possessed of pro *halt if not in conflict, at least in opposition—by what rules, th e i r nleans, what degrees, he cared not how slow, how gradual ,kost"Peration might be, by what means they might best and prevail ed get rid of the unhappy state of things . that now b e „,,..10, he could not determine. But that a beginning m t u b s e trutTe7e, and that right speedily that a beginning th‘Zaec,..',Lowever cautiously, however carefully, howevernlgnouwaarodg tat a beginning must be made for the purpose of sh_ ou i ld for W e re that it was not their determination that mat . t. h true, 0 , remain in their present state, was a po,i ttef : Which he was As satisfied as with the truth or propesitr r a n s o s of py ti o ic . on whi e o law or physics. He knew that that wa. iorit y of be had not the happiness of agreeing with th sny e b m in a n - t freo ue their L ordships. On many former occasions he had I.IA h r ttlY felt it to he his duty to state his opl o to o n b t e o tw th e e e i o r the re ! ; 1) s ort those points. The difference P earli er ,wever, he was happy those i alluding to our relation:nines of the Address; he meant .th to say, d'clofnont opinion to the regard to one of those ise_eith Foreign Powers tions with that Power had her:ers, he could only repeat the . e w a i rnest hope, which he migh t , e expressed, that our negotia terudoauf, brought to a speedy, tarl !"' the eor ielo • ITZ W ILLIAM con d not but be surpriseed at a safe, and a satisfactory believed his I ‘ lo 6l e 'rt of his Noble Friend's seech. ni xes li , rierl had alluded to an expressionp Ile n ich had been Pti,sot,e,--t,e ofdby him (Earl Fitzwilliam) in. reference to the oiC 'ill, ohieh he had denominated as in essence a revs) : Littl e r o „tile would not then enter into that discussion,. or the sObjeet'.'ler what had fallen from his Noble Friend on h tatties, ,but he felt anxious to say a few words on one of the thatWa Qva,,l,lisedeu to in the Address ; the more . so, because he „ us . ii hive that if he were to remain entirely silent on whi c h ' ' , Pet his silence might be attributed to . motives by ett° he r A t e eves not actuated. He felt the most entire gratitude testa, far laJesty's Ministers for the course which they had adopts. is il. that course was known. He felt gratitude to her Ma to that mcrs fur having directed the attention of the House t Rad heeP_ai*ticulaMaw to which, under auspices less favourable, i duri t , A .` , tit s lot endeavour to direct their Lordships' att eration, iltoteve,"eral former Sessions of Parliament. He had not, o. ill ati , met with much support or attention from the maj d i yae our e st of their Lordships. Although he had earnestly en l'e,al fall t e .d ( ' t tf u , ittlraw their L ordships' attention to the subject he ft eeei t3 , llf , i neress the importance of t..e _qu 1 majority had t i' le ti o , gli t pro'he.a.Zt,oof their. Lordships, and . a h estion upon the And w at the ~,, e rner i t , l7, - L negative those propositions which he had had oef t i r io propose to their Lordships. no , drag '"se thr ee ti 1 th,,,t,,_ years, since he endeavou . red unsuccessfully to /s l . actien of he of the House to this subject, he had the sa oiiitstratio nearing it recommended to Parliamentby the Ad ti roat rati it in power some months ago, and now by the Ad- . 4.,, were twa.s thattnetlY n,,,i'lli,ert,ol3llll',i,eh had overthrown them, and overthrown - ' iculturists, an d at . hi sh tt ' power of their Lordships only, but by that th e w hish ~, I tc.Y Were able to obtain from the . agr th`:braction o t f t l_ . they had in the present law. at variance with those interests w w h t i h ch e Ile r, l 'ider at ! i t :r o lg; lier Majesty's Governmen li t t e i r t e h c ad om_m n h o e ee ndl ys , ) who ''' liot exa ." 1 , tithe Corn-laws to P . arliame . C wh„,: N 1,4 (1.1 now in what. relation to the Administra h had bee r , fc evcry ~,a 4l ike of great authority in the country, e and tl,, ir I r roae, who knows him respects, stood, but .0 he ‘„,3 bilolttrate.(f ti;;ottse. Opt , • 'e4t3hinVer,rs the leader of the party now in power i cease," that 'flini f "ght h Proverb " that marvels never But - it was a marvel to him, and it i ° ti 3 ' rat i°rl 1 ! 'UPPDXed to be th inspired genius of the Ad fs, le `are.' Yr'ic, without holding office himself, was a leader . ratiothe Corellstsr.atiroi, and wo had a sort of fraternal affection 1 ; 41 1 :1 atter all Wh t l l , t ' Pa r ii,.", should now agree to recommend its eton_soidoew op.,' e r h e , :tnent, though, of course, he could .no it was ',relio, d "flot rbeen Present at the Council in which was Bur. ,eeollllllaend it.-- ( Hear, hear .) . He wa from P ar' . that h t_iie heard of the well-working of the law 1 4„ 44 cer it t e '""oirl now be one of those who recommended ;l" Me an e consider it. Thia reeommendation, he thought, e'i r kl ' n4 was'nLething—( Hear, hear)—it could not mean that ke: tv t lO . ! , r, a I co n in from it, Or only . somethi . ng so small as n uke ;that ass,:'4, microscepe to ther Noble tioo had waved he might have, because ano . discover it. He did not sl a ,• li e to he a member of her Majesty's Admints re sift, of the dsirous of knowing, and he was sure a large theereece betelataunity were desirous of knowing, the precise pr laetine W en the one Duke and the other, knowing well ase % : l b i tise j ot ,' v w e b f ich one Noble Duke had made for the party Iffi I oot b ass he was the great organ. He was sure , he te s w th e 0 singular in ex re i a himself most curious to t eep the Partic u l ar Point P s , no . 0,._ e Noble Dtik hail succeeded s that constituted the dierence be ef a!ti. li e __ e and the Noble Lord who 0pt:41, 4 , 0. ", no doubt, as anxious to protect the interests . it s ght i t .. '-'. as , the Noble Duke who had seceded, and 4 ,ia114,10? Inprioll3 to alter the present law.—(He . aro But Ile of theftrnePahlie s houlds be disabused, and be put in p t osse m v et colieeteftPlon ga to a law so important to he e . (s. l : tre at , ' from all that had passed that evening, that . som 'he"rislaws an important change was about to be made , in the eere wouslhoe greater the better. lie hoped the etsasoovreern ef, thoped could troduce large and comprehensive . m ~..,,,,re dealt he li as e terah.nefhe Noble Duke who was the inspiring genius ' I-, was about t ' deal with the Corn-law . s as . 164tcar, hear 1 " tr) t t hat e ''. " 0 hoped the Noble Duke woul h d . with the quell on of Catholic Emancipati t or i i o . repeat 41tteted inaniftegn, as useful as any of those . w 1 e t kit to th roe of war, so glorious to lurnstlf . and so . im . - 14'en i t e country which had distinguished his Adminis ,rithe tss4o`eBhe_9•l_ Ther'e was some resemblance in the history dei7rent'w felt as much ha . d no doubt but many of their Lord- Corn` ' o s f Inthehuolyprrise at t the effectannouncement of the to a change in the k e lti s t li h w trt s it ' e a" . ..theerye had f ormerly nn felt l in 1829, when they were ti o le o. eita t i ott 7 . ' The e war low that arge measure of Catholic _ country required the eon emp 0 _ lated altera rtellose w e i t iq it Pl.Ots however, be supposed that he was one f /it: hadall the ecovoilssidered such a measure as a nostrum if ]t r never ex under which the country laboured. i a l s ed the _ oe pressed such an opinion —he hail never so con the th at O s stion. But this was his opinion of the Corn wa,llitstnes: wahilietlileovoawrions c.aalseds zhicticioutldben discovered of the nation, there ti°4 4 t o i r i 'e w hich was prevailed like rn s u o ' efli on cient as the 'opera ltay th at e Corn -laws. de did, g not, however, go so far as to 'erred, Tr, eu a large alteration of the Corn-laws ' would go to evil, all the evils of the country • nor did he say that those , t hey e-0e,,r,,,e remediable. He meant ' to o furthr—he believed "ad b e — ''' tot go back to thatstate ofprosperity which they fir er b efor e ... . / s h a d syn.l°Yed. This had been no case of fluctuation— t" ow e pe uee n a gradual declension—( Hear, hear, from a t ° h e Peer on the Ministerial benches.) He was glad teat 4 8 e the assent of his Noble Friend opposite to ola eora serti on _ of one who was so well acquainted with the that, theturing districts• Each successive year had been worse tha t ev e preeeding ; and he understood from high authority, _r en a.t the i" . 4 ax le , e, present roo.eent there was not the slightest ap ,course 0 ; any Improvement. They had gone on too long in o ,eg upoo'_ mischievous legislation. They had gone on too t ev reCoveall exclusive commercial system, and they could not i l t at se s r t. the co m po si tion which they had gradually lost. But ei t , to _ ,lo y they should not use every means in efi t , "er to arrest the progress of decadence. Hs had often 'nto e th s e i full it ot u te l )° , s n, their Lord h i p s, and he did so again, to goi place' -'4 tt ry : i';' 01 1, and devise some remedy for the state of the u t ti He was aware that a great change had just taken ,t tlY it : e Cabinet ware great and important change undoubt ia thi, I , a s ' 1 heir Lordships who formed so large a majority wer e oo 'l t Ou s e, and the individual Members of that majority, w ere th e ;It° Persons who would say it was of no consequence who ParOf the czaaembers of the G overnment,or who were the Members loos:_Mtiet• They would not say look to numbers am( not to h e s r, a , Was the case at the opening of the first Session of P t i eff P 4 szt _Parliament, about five months ago. His Noble Piped _"e Isresideut of the Board of Trade, at that time dutywa, ,an addt ess to be presented to her Majesty, in which hill, paragraph ;_sol3ut we feel it, however, to be our ~o r ' l , l,l l:Ay to represent to your Majest • that it is. essential j est , deliberations on this and other mait ' ers that your Ma att,tYf4Government should posses s the confidence of this House !ells a/.l'"uoiry, and that that confidence is not reposed in that e'Setesty's Ministers." The majorits of the House held looseilaifon—a pretty convincing proof' that a majority of this MY heledd a. doctrine which he (Earl Pitzwilliarn) undoubt person. with them, that they were sometimes to look to 4 as well as to measures. He thought that doe- trine would go out of doors ; and the question would be asked, what has been the cause of that important change which had taken place In the Ministry within the last few days? He hoped that whatever measures were brought forward, they would not be founded on the sliding scale. The principle of the sliding-scrie was the principle of protection— the principle of protection was the principle of exclusion—and the principle of exclusion was to embarras the commerce and the prosperity of the country. Their Lordships should make up their minds ; tbey should not oscillate between protection and non-protection. They should make up their minds to one course or the other. He was not so much opposed to the system of protection with a view to see the prices of necessa ries lowered—as to encourage commercial intercourse between those countries, whose only commodity for intercourse was the raw material. He hoped they would act upon this princi ple, and not until they did so would they benefit the country. The Duke of WELLINGTON wished to say a few words upon the subject under consideration of the House, at the same time his Grace begged leave to decline saying anything, or adverting to any topic which might have th e effect of sus pending for a moment the good temper which had prevailed to his great satisfaction throughout the whole of the debate upon the Address, which his Noble Friends had proposed and seconded; his Grace begged leave to state he did not wish to enter into any detail of the measure which it was intended to be submitted to that and the other House of Parliament by her Majesty's Government. That measure, when it was brought before the House by those whose duty it would be to bring it forward, would show that they . had acted con s i s t en tl y w ith th e i r f ormer course . He hoped that it would give entire satisfaction to the country, but he did not feel called upon to say more upon the subject, and he was sure he could not say more with any advantage to that which appeared to be the object best suited to the wants of the country.—( His Grace was so inaudible that it was almost im possible to collect even the substance of his observations.) The Duke of BUCKINGHAM would endeavour to satisfy the curiosity of his Noble Friend who had asked what were the reasons which induced him to act as he had done ? Those opinions he had formerly expressed remained the same, and were upon those subjects unchanged. A measure had been proposed to him (the Duke of Buckingham), to the details of which he could not honestly adhere, and he thought it his duty, as an honest man, and acting consistently with those opinions, to retire from that office which he held in the C;►bi net.—( Hear, hear.) Since he had the honour of holding a seat in her Majesty's Government, he had not had the mis • fortune of differing from his colleagues on any other question. But he differed from them upon that subject, and he should feel it his duty to give it his most strenuous opposition when it came before that House. But on all other measures which they intended to propose, he should give them his sincere and cordial support.--(Cheers.) ADDRESS TO PRINCE ALBERT. Lord WHARNCLIFFE: moved an address of congratula tion to his Royal Highness Prince Albert, on the birth of tha Prince of Wales, which was agreed to. The Duke of WELLINGTON proposed the Earl of Shaftes: bury as Chairman of the Committee of their Lordships' House. The LORD CHANCELLOR, seconding the nomination, said he could not allow this occasion to pass without bearing his testimony to the zeal and efficiency :with which his Noble Friend had always performed the duties of his office. The motion was then agreed to, and the House adjourned at Eight o'Cl9ek to Half-past Three to-morrow. HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 3, The doors of the Gallery were not opened until half after one o'clock, at which hour not more than thirty Members were in the House ; among whom were Sir George Strickland, Mr. Wakley, who had taken his scat on the front Opposition bench ' • Mr. F. Shaw, Mr Maclean, and Colonel Sibthorp. Si r R 11. Inglis shortly after wards entered the House. Members now continued to arrive at intervals- until 20 minutes to two o'clock, when the Speaker entered, and took his seat, immediately after which prayers were read. Several Members entered the House as the reading of prayers was concluded, among whom we particularly observed Mr. Wallace. The first Cabinet Minister who made his appearance was Sir Henry Hardinge, who ar rived shortly before two o'clock, and took his seat on the Treasury bench, on which Colonel Sibthorp left his usual seat, and joining Sir Henry on the Treasury bench, re mained in conversation with him some time. At five minutes after two o'clock the booming of the cannon an nounced the approach of her Majesty, and a crowd of Members rushed into the House, and took their places, and from this time the Bar of the House was thronged. At a quarter after two o'clock the Gentlemen Usher of the Black Rod appeared at the table, and summoned the House to attend at the Bar of the House of Peers. The Speaker immediately obeyed the summons, and was accompanied by the greater num ber of the Members present, who crowded around him so inconveniently, that in his way down the floor of the House the Right Hon. Gentleman was compelled to turn round and call " Order, order!" three or f our ti mes . _ _ At half-after two the Speaker. returned, and the House adjourned to a Quarter before Four. - The SPEAKER took the Chair at a Quarter before Four o'Clock, and immediately upon taking his seat he informed the House that in the interim between the last and the present session he had, under the Act empowering him to do so, issued a new writ for the city of Dublin, in the room of Mr. West, deceased. Sir Thomas Hepburne took the oaths and his seat for the liaddington Burghs. Mr. PENDARVES moved for a new writ for the Western Division of Cornwall, in the room of Lord Falmouth, now called to the House of Lords. Sir THOMAS FREEMANTLE moved for the following new writs. 7 —For the borough of Leo minster, in the room of James Wigram, Esq., who had accepted the office of Vice-Chancellor ; for the borough of Bandon Bridge, in the room of Mr. Sergeant Jackson, who bad accepted the office of her Majesty's Solicitor-General for Ireland; for the University of Dublin, in the room of the Right Hon. Thomas Lefroy, who had accepted the office of Baron of her Majesty's Court of Exchequer in Ireland ; for the borough of King's Lynn, in the room of the Right Hon. Sir Stratford canning, who had accepted the office of Steward of her Majesty's Chiltern Hun _ _ dreds ; for the borough of Liverpoid, in the room of William Cresswell Cresswell, Esq., who had accepted the office of one of her Majesty's Judges of the Court of Common Pleas. The SPEAKER informed the House that petitions had been presented against the returns for the boroughs of Bridport and Sunderland, and that the securities were unexceptionable. Sir T. FREEMANTLE gave notice, on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that he would move to-morrow for leave to bring in a Bill for the application to the service of 1841 of the sum granted in the two last sessions of Parliament. Also on the part of the Noble Lord the Secre tary of the Colonies that he would move to morrow for leave to bring in the Bill to amend the Act of the sth and 6th of William IV., for regulating the carriage of passengers by mer chant vessels. Also, on the part of the same Noble Lord, that he would move to bring in a Bill for regu lating the sale of lands belonging to the Crown in the Australian colonies and New Zealand, and that he would also move to bring in a Bill for regulating the salaries of Bishops and Clerks in Jamaica, Bar badoes, and the Leeward Islands. The Honourable Member also gave notice, on the part of his Right Honourable Friend, the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, that on the Bth of February he would' move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend and consolidate the laws for regulating the trade of British possessions, and to make certain alterations in the duties on goods, wares, and merchandize brought from British possessions ; also that he would on the same day move to bring in a Bill for the better regulation of railways. The Hon. Member gave no tice on the . part of 'the Chancellor of the Exchequer that on the 15th of February he would call the attention of the House to the subject of the late frauds connected with the issue of the Exchequer bills; and on the part of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, that on• the 17th o February he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide more effectually for the inspection of houses licensed by Magistrates at Quarter Sessions for the reception of insane persons in England and Wales. Mr. WALLACE gave notice that on Tuesday next he would move that an humble address be pre sented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty will be graciously pleased to command that an immediate and diligent inquiry be made into the nature and extent of the misery and destitution under which the inha bitants of Paisley, and other towns in Renfrewshire, have been suffering for so long a period, and are still enduring. And further, that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to command that the said in quiry be prosecuted rigorously, so that the re sults may be laid as soon as possible before this House, with a view to its providing with all speed against the longer continuance of the intoler able distress ; as also against the evident and imminent danger and disease and pestilence following in its usual course, thereby causing more numerous deaths from cold and hunger, and actual starvation, than hitherto, as well as increasing the ruinous tendencies of these appalling evils on the moral character of all who are directly affected by them, or who live within the range of their influence. Mr. D'ISRAELI gave notice that on Thursday, the 10th i ns t., h e would bring under the considera tion of the House the Consular Establishment of the Empire. Dr. BOWRING save notice that on Tuesday next he wo u ld move for any communications which had been addressed from Bolton to the Home-office during the late recess, with respect to Mr. Mott. Col. SIBTHORP gave notice that he should on a future day move for leave to bring in a Bill to abo lish the present office of Comptroller of the Exchequer. Sir G. CLERK gave notice that he would to-mor row move the Sessional Orders. The Hon. Member also brought up a Report of the Lords of th e Treasury on an investigation re specting the issue of Exchequer Bills. A Bill respecting Clandestine Outlawry was read a first time, and ordered to lie on the table. At this period Mr. Wakley, Member for Fins bury, entered the House, and, on proceeding to take his seat on the Opposition benches, was motioned for ward towards the Ministerial side by several Mem bers, amidst the cheers and laughter of the House. TIIECORN-LAPS.The House being now well attended, and a pause of some moments having elapsed, Sir ROBERT PEEL rose and said, Mr. Speaker, I wish now to give notice that on Wednesday next I shall move that this House resolve itself into a Com mittee of the whole House for the purpose of consi dering the laws which affect the import of foreign corn.---(General cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) I would have named an earlier day, even Monday, r • THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 4, 1842. but there are some papers of which the House ought to be first put in possession, and which Hon. Mem bers should have an opportunity of considering more maturely, than they could have if the motion were fixed for so early a day as Monday. I believe that in giving this early notice I shall not interfere with the views of any Gentleman who might be entitled to ad dress the House, and as I apprehend there will be no Order of the Day—(Hear, hear)—l should be un willing .to postpone my motion till Friday; but I think that any Gentleman who may be disposed to insist on his right, will, on further consideration, not demand a preference on Wednesday, but that considering that it is the first Wednesday of the. Session, and that there is no Order of the Day, he will waive his right to suit the views of her Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear, hear.) THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. The SPEAKER have to inform the House that this House has been up to the House of Lords, when her Majesty was pleased to make a most gra cious Speech, of which for greater accuracy, I have obtained a copy. H e th en rea d h er Majesty's speech, (for which see Lords' report.) THE ADDRESS. The Earl of MARCH' then rose and said—ln rising to move the Address of this House, in answer to her Majesty's most gracious Speech, I am sure I am only speaking the sentiments of the House, when I say that we participate in the joy and gratification which the whole country has ex pressed at the safe birth of the Prince of Wales. If anything could exceed the joy and the gratitude to Providence thus universally expressed, it must be the gratification of the country that the christening of the Prince had been performed under the auspices of a Monarch, who was not only distinguished as a patron of the arts and sciences, but also as a most zealous de fender of the Protestant faith.—(Hear, hear.) I shall now, Sir, briefly allude to some of the topics of the Speech itself.—Pirst, with respect to our relations with Foreign Poivers. I am sure it must be gratifying to every man in this House that the greatest of all blessings, peace, is likely to be long maintained.— (Cheers.) lam sure, also, that every one must be gratified that treaties have been entered into with a view to abolish slavery and the slave-trade, and I have every hope that those treaties will effectually put an end to that h o r r ibl e traffic.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the "war with China, however much we may regret its continuance, yet I feel and I think that the House will concur with me that it could not be given up without compromising the honour of this country.—(Hear, hear.) And I cannot but look with pride to the success which has attended our army, and which has been obtained with so small a loss of life—(Hear, hear)—and solely by the bra Very and discipline of our troops.—(Cheers.) Now, Sir, with respect to the distress which unhap pily prevails in many parts of the country, I think it cannot fail to excite feelings of commiseration in every man's breast.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I think that every man must desire most earnestly to alleviate the distress of those who, under every suffering and pri vation, have maintained their loyalty to their Queen, and respected the laws and the peace of their country. —(Hear, hear, hear.) The speech next refers to the finances of the country, and I think all will agree that it is necessary to turn the attention of Parliament to the subject, and not to allow the expen diture to exceed the income. I think that it would be very difficult, under existing circumstances, to effect any reduction of the expenditure.—(Hear.) I think that if we wish to retain our Indian possessions, and own distant colonies, it will not be possible to reduce the army or navy.—(Hear, hear.) I think it de sirable, although the number of men of war may be reduced in time of peace—never to allow a man of war to leave the harbours of Great Britain without a sufficient complement of men for any service which might be required—(Hear, hear, hear) — and with respect to the army, I think it expedient to enable the Commander-in-Chief to relieve fre quently the regiments in the East and West Indies.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") I think that would be the best economy, and that it would lessen the mor tality which we have had so frequently to de plore. I think it necessary to meet our difficulties promptly and boldly. New taxes will be necessary. —(Cheers from the Opposition.) But I think care should be taken that they be such as will not press heavily on the people.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) As to the Corn-laws, I must say, for my part, that I much prefer the revision of them to be undertaken by men who have the interest of the agriculturist at heart,' than by those men who pro posed a fixed duty of Bs., and many of whose sup porters were opponents of any protection.—(Hear.) The landed interest of this country does not seek a greater protection than that which may be sufficient to enable them, burdened as they are by general and local taxation—(A laugh on the Opposition benches, followed by cries of " Hear, hear," from the Ministerial side of the House) — to compete with foreigners.—(Hear, hear.) I trust this question may be discussed in this House with calmness and moderation, avoiding everything likely to set one class of society in array against the o th er —(Hear, hear)—not forgetting that the home mar ket is of great consequence to the manufacturer on the one hand, and that on the other the manufacturing population are the best consumers of agricultural pro duce.—(Hear.) I am well aware that any remarks of mine are not likely to have any weight in the House or the country, but I have deemed it due to myself, and the interests I represent, briefly to state my views upon the subjects touched on in the Speech from the Throne.—(Hear, hear.) lam ex cessively obliged to the House for the kindness with which they have favoured me.—(Hear, :ear.) Hav ing great confidence in her Majesty's present ad visers, and agreeing, as I do, in the sentiments con tained in the Speech delivered this day by her Majesty from the Throne, I now beg leave to read the Address which I have the honour to move I in reply. The Address was then read by the Noble Earl. It was, as usual, an echo of the Speech from the Throne. Mr. BECKETT rose to second the Address, and said—Mr. Speaker; in rising to second the Address which has been brought under the consideration of the House by the Gallant and Noble Earl the Member for Sussex. I beg .of you, and every . Honourable Member of this House, to extend to me your indulgence while I trespass on its patience in a matter so important as that which has brought us together, namely, what shall be the most dutiful, the most respectful, and the most becoming address we can offer to our beloved and gracious Queen.—(Cheers.) Sir, the Address which has been -so ably moved by the Noble Lord will, I conceive, meet with cordial ap probation f rom th e House, because, whether we look at the topics o f w hi c h that Adress is composed, or, the language in which it is embodied, the House will perceive it combines everything of cheers.) hhel induce uers public c ) ursei b. illustrious csl eT under nhiHrde Sir, among House individualaas me r i t r so i t : o - ,m a g l , importance to the interests of the country.—(Hear, who eott authorityha tmeh had o Addressi beeng s aann t dy us sanction.—(Loud nugebaotj alludedlesoeofnot. subjects f the (awforward 0 iuet would doi come before the House, there is none possessing so Much interest as that which relates to the birth of our Prince ; and I think I should very much miscalculate the feelings of the House if I did not say that no congratulations from any por tion of her Majesty's subjects have been more warm than those with which this House wishes to approach her Majesty, or any prayers more earnest than those offered by it in thanks for those virtues and excellences which adorn the parents of that Prince. May he combine in his own person, the many virtues of those parents.—(Loud cheers.) With regard to that ceremony by which he has been brought within the pale of the Christian fold, and which has been *dignified by the presence of foreign royalty, this House, I am persuaded, has seen it with the greatest satifaction ; and, Sir, in looking at it, we must hope that in the introduction of that Prince within the pale of the Church, another pillar has been added to its support from that stock which has already afforded so many and such faithful upholders of it. It could not but be highly gratifying to the House to have her Majesty's assurance that our re lations with the other Powers of Europe wem e main tained on the most amicable footing ; and it must also be gratifying to them to have other collateral evidence of the pacific disposition of the other States of Europe. France, that great and mighty nati )n, had laid aside her preparations for war ; Spain, that beautiful country, which had been so long desolated by foreign enemies and by internal discords, was at present recovering from the disastrous effect of these misfortunes, and he hoped that the day was not far distant when her sons might return to the cultivation of her natural and fertile soil. The other Powers of Europe, by entering into that compact, to which her Majesty alluded, for the abolition of slavery, had given proof of their wish to maintain ami cable relations with, and of their trust in, this country. With regard to China, whilst he re joiced at the success of our arms in that distant country, he could not but indulge a hope that' when China found that British valour was equalled by British generosity, she also would join in an alliance with this country, which was so much desired by all.—(llear.) With regard to America, he could but regret that she had not joined in that treaty which had been entered into by the European Powers for the abolition of the slave trade. Perhaps, however, the time might yet arrive whe n th ey would have the gratifi?.ation of finding that America would join with the other , Powers in the adoption of measures for the abolition of that desolating and debasing traffic.— (Cheers.) lie would now address himself to those por tions of the Address which more immediately related to our internal policy. He thought the House could not be sufficiently thankful to her Majesty for having pointed out for the consideration of the House those subjects to which she had been so graciously pleased to direct their attention, and which so devly affected the vital t regardl i e commerce in,c)tthe et finances, Eln o oa f unseee the s w, country.—(Loud i dw n t a ir s interests of the country. He more particularly alluded to the subject of the Corn-laws—(Cheers)—of the finances—(Cheers)—and of those duties which affected ith allowed the expenditur e to exceed the revenue should .-r persuaded L t o h u a d t c system sa e tt r e s nm . )0 indivi dual whichW Cheers.) Wi t h regard to the Corn be continued.__( laws, he congratulated the House that at last a day had been fixed for the discussion of that most important sub ject.—(Opposition cheers.) He hoped whatever might be the result of that discussion, a due regard would be paid hetwhase statec connected nee of t - that s t ix part m on o t f hs the ago. coun try'The e to the intere s t o f t h e agricultural labour of the country, at the same time th at a proper regard was paid to the commercial inte rest. This led him to say a few words on heard statem en t s made of the awful distress under which " H l o til use whichhad that part of the country was then suffering. He re gretted to say that that distress was now frightfully, aggravated.—(Loud cries of" Hear, hear," from the Op position.) He would refer to the returns of workhouses I Ch ea a r r , it l y iea a r e , d ' from the O see pp i o e s t i i t e i s on v . ) ) lie ve to show th a t a p p li cations for relief were greatly increas ing, and were i n many instances made by persons who had b een f ormerly in a state or comparative pros- Preefreirty;o—thee I many were now appli cants to these charities for relief, pro we th u a ld t who had, not long ago, been themselves dispensers of charity.—(Hear.) He regrett e d t o be obliged to state that, in his opinion, pauperism was advancing in this country.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) He rejoiced that a great measure for remedying these evils had received the attentive consideration of the Right Honourable Baronet in whose Government the House had such confidence, and he hoped that that measure, whatever it might be, would provide for the regular employment of the poor and it proper remuneration, as unless that were. done,‘he felt convinced there could be no permanent • prosperity for this country. " The history of our country proves, I think, that Parlia ment has often been called together in great emer gencies ; and happily also history proves that the Par liaments of this country have been equal to the difficulties by which they were surrounded. But, Sir, I shall venture to say that at no pre v i ous per i od were the people so fully entitled to our sympathies and assistance as at the present moment. The people have suffered deeply, but they have suffered patiently.—(Hear, hear.) Their loyalty to her Majesty has never been shaken or for gotten, their confidence in—the wisdom of Parlianaint continues unabated, and their hopes in the ability of the distinguished and talented Administration, which now presides over the destinies of the country, are still strong.—(hear, hear, from the Ministerial benches.) Sir, the only hope or wish which I entertain in second ing the Address, so ably moved by the Noble Lord, is that it may receive that approbation from this House to which it is entitled, and that it may lead to other wise resolutions and pro ceedings on the part of this House,. which may prove to the people that the reliance they have placed in Parlia ment has not been unfounded.—(Hear, hear.) With these few remarks I beg leave to second the Address." ' The question being put, Mr. EWART said he was unwilling to intrude upon the attention of the House, the more so as no other Gen tleman had thought proper to r is e — (Laughter) —but he (Mr. E.) was desirous to take that opportunity of expres sing his approbation of the sentiments that had that evening been addressed to them, particularly of those of the Hon. Gentleman who seconded the Address, and who had pathetically and too truly described the miseries of the people. He (Mr. Ewart) cordially concui fed in the feelings and hopes expressed by that Hon. Gentleman, and for those miseries which they both agreed in lamenting, he (Mr. Ewart) trusted that her Majesty's Government were prepared to introduce some efficient remedy. He rejoiced to observe that in the course of the speech from the Throne one remedy seemed to have been already traced out, which had been suggested by a Com mittee of that House, which was at least an adoption of its principles; he meant the Committee on Import Duties. If he he (Mr. Ewart) were right in his construction of the Speech from the Throne, it was the inten tion of her Majesty's Government to adopt the suggestions contained in their Report ; and, sup ported by the evidence taken before that Com mittee, he would also add his hope that it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to attend to one important article on which the present import duties pressed very heavily, an article which was almost a necessary of life in this country—he meant sugar. The anticipations of the Government respecting the supply, and the price of this article had been disappointed, and even during the last month had been raised to such an amount as materially to interfere with its consumption, whilst also evidence had been laid before the Treasury, showing that a reduction of duty on that article would tend greatly to the welfare of the people in this country, and also to the increase of the revenue. He also trusted that the re commendation of that Committee to reduce the duty on coffee would be adopted, for such a reduction was not more called for by the commercial interests of the country, and by the domestic wants of the people, than by every principle of just financial reform. It must be satisfactory to every Member of that House to know that coffee and sugar had been most beneficially and most extensively substituted for the deleterious spirits hitherto used to such a destructive and moralizing extent by the people of this country. ,Referring to our treaties with foreign countries, he would express a hope that it was under the contemplation of Government to enter into a treaty with Holland respecting the im port of Dutch produce, especially the produce of the Isle of Java. In the first place, such a treaty would greatly extend the exp or t s of this country ; and next, we could greatly increase our supply of sugar, by admitting the growth of Java, which island from the production of a few tons of sugar in 1831 was now producing 65,000 tons annually. He knew not whether he was justified, yet he could not help inferrring from the speeches of the mover and seconder, rather than from the Address itself, that it was the intention of the Go vernment to propose something like a Property-tax. Certainly taxation was hinted at in those speeches, and it was not contradicted by any Gentleman on the Minis terial benches. No ; it was his conviction, as he had again and again stated, that a fair and honest Property tax, equally affecting landed, funded, and personal pro perty, would afford the most efficient relief to the com mercial industry, and sufferingpopulation of the country. The Right Hon. Baronet the First Lord of the Treasury had just stated his intention of disclosing his somewhat long-concealed views on the Corn-laws. One portion of that subject appeared to him to be of pressing import ance ; it was that which related to our trade with Ame rica. It was most galling to reflect that the portion which was the most valuable, that is, cotton, indicated marks of suffering and gradual decline. The average im portation two years ago was 24,000 bags per week, and last year it was but 21,000 bags. It was most de sirable, therefore, seeing that this was the most impor tant branch of our trade, and that America was our best customer, to draw closer the bonds of commercial inter course with that country. But he feared that the con templated alteration cf the Corn-laws would not be sufficient to bring to us the natural produce of America. However desirable it was to accomplish a closer connection it could not be effected, unless we took besides cotton some other of the natural produce of that country, and especially corn. In a recent Report of a Committee of Congress, it was expressly stated, that if foreign countries would not take Ame rican corn in exchange for their' manufactures, it was incumbent on the Legislature to provide for the American agriculturist a market at home. So long, therefore, as we continued our system of prohibition, they would continue their system of protection. With respect to Germany, from which we had the - most dangerous rivalry, so far we were now excluded from the markets of territories containing a popula tion equal to our own, being 26,000,000. These were included in the Confederation ; and he held 'in his hand an extract from a distin guished writer 'on Prussian statistics, who said, " Since the Confederacy has been formed, and the Cus tom houses abolished, there has taken place an immense' increase in the cotton, silk, and woollen manufac tures, for which hitherto we were dependent on neighbouring countries, and especially • England. Germany is now not only independent of tither countries for these manufactures, but is able to"supply her neighbours." That confederation was, 'to some extent a recognition of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) It was as much so as the abolition of the dis criminating duties between Scotland, Ireland, and Eng land; and it was his opinion that the only way in which wo could oppose the -rivalry of the confederacy was by the adoption of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) The effect of the increase of manufactures .in Ger many, in consequence of the union has been an increase of the materials supplied by the agriculturists, and this increase of manufactures in Germany has been in con sequence of the extension of free trade. So far f rom lowering wages, as Hon. Gentlemen on th e other side seemed to think, it had the effect of wages, for the same writer to whom he alluded continued to obs erve t h at employment and • there had been an increase of a rise of wages. He trusted, therefore , i n common with many of free trade would others, that the doctrine be carried 's into operation by her Majesty Government, which, after the most sincere conviction, he wa s induced to 11 b believe would so materia y blen efit the c ountry, and. which had been so a put forward by the Committee on Import Duties which sat during the last Parliament. With great anxiety, therefo re , h e 'looked to the development of those principles of free trade, and he hoped he might do so with confidence also. But at the same time he must express his regret, that, although alterations in the flyicthtueatinscale would be beneficially set aside, and still that sliding scale be subjected to alteration, ye t it would be a sliding scale, and that the inherent effect of the bad principle on which that scale w as f ounded was still to continue, and which was the occa s i on o f un ncertaint3. But if it we steadiness of price and u re the intention of her Majesty's Government to develope a more extended measure than any which merely involved an alteration in the sliding scale , he should hail it with satisfaction, and he would assure th e Government of his most sincere support. He In_!_ ah gh r t e be allow e d to express the hope that the Right lion. 13 __ _et the M em b er for Tamworth would take ; stand firmly and boldly upon what he believed to be the permanent and real interest of his country, and that on this most vi tal question lie would not allow a desire of conciliatinghi various i n t eres t s to interfere with the exercise of sincere convictions. —(llear, hear.) It was his (Mr_. Ewa r t' s ) lot to come into Parliament when the Rig h t Hon. Baronet was compelled to alter his policy on the i mportant sub ject of religious freedom. At that time he entertained no doubt, from sincere convict and he ion, of the policy of religious ascendancy ; Right trusted trusted, that in these important times, the 4 - ion. Baronet would not maintain a system of social ascen daney—upholcling one interest at the expense of another, and he believed if such a, system of social ascendancy 'as adopted by him, and if he did not become its opponent, tie would sooner or later become its victim. The SPEAKER having then read the Address from the Chair, Lord JOHN RUSSELL said—l regret I cannot give, with perfect satisfaction to myself, a silent vote in favour of the Address proposed for the adoption of the House, as some misapprehension might exist, if some one be longing to this side of the House did not express the opinions we entertain with regard to certain points in that Address. I shall, therefore, venture to trouble the House with a few observations, before it comes to a conclusion upon this subject to-night.—(Cries of" Hear, hear.") I must first observe, that I most heartily concur in the sentiments contained in the commence ment of the Address proposed by the Noble Lord, and I assure her Majesty that we most heartily concur in them, and join with the feelings of gratitude to Almighty God on account of the birth of the Prince, expressed in that Address. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) I feel, both on public grounds and as re spects her Majesty in the uniform exercise of the pre rogative that is vested in her Majesty, and the manner in which she has exercised it from the commencement of her Majesty's reign till the present_ day, as well as on account of that happiness of which she is so well de serving, that I cannot give a silent vote for the adoption of this Address, though it may seeem to combine in it the elements of public and private felicity.—(Hear.) heartily congratulate her Majesty, that the ally of her Majesty has attended in person to be the sponsor foi the Royal Prince, whose christening has been lately cele brated, and, I trust, with that Royal Personage, cele brated as lie is, no less by his station and abilities than .by his wisdom, we shall always continue on terms of cordial amity.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to other parts of the Address, which relate to Foreign Powers, I must express my concurrence in the sen timents which have been expressed. lam rejoiced to hear that our relations with Persia have bc:!ii not only restored but placed on a permanent basis, and that with regard to all the Powers of Europe we are on the most amicable terms. I trust that any difference or causes of dissension which may remain with regard to the United States of America may be satisfactorily adjusted—whether it was wise to send such a mission to that country, is a point which I do not feel called upon to give any opinion, or whether it was better to send a Special Commission to America for the puryose of adjusting those differences. Those who thought it best to adopt that course are re sponsible for it, but I can only hope that it may be sa tisfactory ,• for we all feel in common the benefits of j peace, and o f t h at commercial intercourse which I strengthens and blesses all nations.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, I am come to that portion of her Majesty's Speech which relates to the domestic situation of the country ; and I must say with rega - rd to that portion of the Speech, with the greatest satisfaction to those topics to which her present Ministers have advised her Majesty to advert. —(Loud Opposition cheers.). What those measures may be which the Right Hon. Gentleman may think proper to introduce, with regard to the finances of the country,—what those other measures may be for regu lating the importation of commodities from foreign coun tries which the Right Hon. Gentleman's colleagues may think it proper to introduce, I know not ; perhaps it may so happen that when I become acquainted with their details, :I may not be able to give them my support. But it is satisfactory to me to find that with regard to the nature of the measures which her Majesty's present Government have advised her Majesty to recommend to the consideration of Parliament, their principles are of a nature precisely similar to those which the late Mi nistry recommended to the consideration of Parliament. —(Cheers.) Questions which, in our hands, were said to be calculated to excite discord between class and class, to create disturbances throughout the country, and to inflict incalculable injury, are now it seems those questions which are to be submitted to the House by her Majesty's present advisers, as the measures best calculated to get rid of our financial difficul ties, and to remedy the distresses of the country. —(Loud Opposition cheers.) The Noble Lord, who moved the Address to-night, and who in moving it gave full promise of his future career in this House, told his constituents before he was elected that nothing could possibly be worse than the mode in which the late Ministry proposed to treat the financial difficul ties of the country.—(Cheering). I cannot but rejoice to find that now the leading men of all parties are agreed that all attempts to relieve our financial difficulties and distresses, must be conducted on the same principle; that all are agreed that the state of our finances require the serious attention of Parliament ; that all are agreed that our finances ought not to be allowed to continue, year after year, in their present state; but I do say, that whilst you attempt to remedy the state of our finances, you are bound to take into your consideration the laws respecting the trade and commerce of this country—(Hear, and cheers)_. laws which impose a heavy taxation upon the people, not for the State-,—(Cheers)—not for the Crown—(Loud cheers)—not for the Exchequer—(Continued cheering) —but for the sake •of different classes.—(Loud and long-continued cheering.) My Right Honourable Friend near nit in his statement in April last of the finances of the country, stated that it was necessary to improve the finances by invigorating the resources, and improving the general trade of the country, and that thereby we should im prove our finances.—(Hear, hear.) Was he wrong, I ask, in laying down those principles ?—(Loud cheers.) During the recess we have had various measures proposed, and there has been a notion encouraged that her Majesty's Ministers were dis posed to act in accordance with some of these schemes. There were first of all the delegates of the Ten Hours' Bill. These gentlemen, after several interviews with dif ferent members of her Majesty's Government, by which considerable theatrical effect was produced, and in which, after a vast deal of stage display—these Gentlemen Delegates of the Ten Hours' Bill, who after wards turned out to be the Socialist Editor of some New Moral World—(Cheers and laughter)—encouraged the hope that the Government would adopt the measures of relief which they had proposed ; but it now appears from a letter written within these few days by a Noble Lord, I know not whether lie be present or not—(Hear, hear, from Lord Ashley, who was in the s id e ga ll ery ) —and whose sincerity I honour, that the Right Ho nourable Gentlemen who I believe, is actuated by motives not less sincere or praiseworthy, than those actuating the Noble Lord, but who acts with more wisdom and more caution, has now declared himself ready to oppose any Ten Hours' Bill, and I rejoice to hear it, because I believe that if any measure for the limitation of the industry and labour of our manufacturers should be even entertained by Parliament, it would cut at the root of our vast manufacturing interests, and conse quently of our national prosperity.—(Loud cheers.) At another time we were told that the Government con sidered an extensive scheme of emigration as a measure well calculated to alleviate the distresses of the country, that a vast number of people were to be transported at the public expense to the colonies. A letter has been published within these few days, written by the direction of the Noble Lord at the head of the Colonial Depart ment, declaring that no such scheme of extensive emi gration is entertained.—(" Hear, bear," from Lord Stanley.) The Noble Lord seems to contradict me. I know not whether lam to conclude that some such scheme is still entertained, but if so, at all events we have heard no mention of it. If the subject should be brought forward I shall for one be ready to dis cuss it ; but until the Noble Lord gives notice of his intention to propose some such extensive scheme of emigration at the public expense„ I for one must disbelieve it.—(Cheers.) Then, again, during the re cess, I have frequently heard it contended that a great portion of the party now in power were opposed to the New Poor-law, that such a tyrannical measure as the New Poor-law could never be supported by a so-called COnservative Government, and that if they did not repeal the law, they would, at least, abolish the Commission ; but when "look to the last appointment which has been made to that Commission, an appointment which does equal credit to the Government and to the Secretary of State for the Home Department, and one of which I highly approve, I cannot but say, that no thing could be such a complete practical refuta tion of the notion that the present Government would repeal the New Poor-law than that ap pointment.—(Loud cheers.) I am glad to find that the -Right Honourable Gentleman--disclaiming all these empirical propositions for relieving the distress of the country, propositions in my opinion only calculated to enhance those distresses has adopted those sound principles which have been propounded by all theoretical writers, and by all men who have at all studied the subject— principles on which the measures proposed by the late Government were founded, and which have been left by that Government as a legacy to their suc cessors, or to the country—(Hear, hear, and cheers) — on principles which I trust we shall see before long on the Statute-book of this country.—(Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman has given notice respecting the Corn laws. As that noti ce s t an d s f or a few days hence I think it most inopportune to enter into details, or now to discuss the principles of that question ; but one thing I beg leave to say, and that is, that I request the Government, and the Right Hon. Gentleman at its head, to consider the course which the discussion of the Corn-laws has taken since I gave notice of 'a motion for their dis cussion in May last—how little has been advanced in fa vour of the Right Hon. Gentleman's principle, that is adherence to the sliding scale, and how much has been stateknot by the members of one party or another, but by an impartial consideration of the Corn-laws, and the Corn-laws only, on the part of the public at large, in favour of the principle which I proposed, that is a moderate fixed duty.—(Hear, hear.) I hope before the Government propose their scheme they will consider whether it is a scheme likely to be enacted into a law with a prospect of endurance.- —(Cheers.) can readily yield to the Honourable Gentleman, that if he propose an alteration in the Corn-laws, with the support he has, he is likely to have no difficulty in obtaining the assent of this and the other House of Parliament ; but I beg of him seriously to consider what mischief must take place if the result should be, that no sooner has the Royal assent been given to it than the agita tion on the Corn-laws will commence afresh in the country —that the public should feel that they had been falsely and wrongly dealt with, and that i t was necessary, by petition or otherwise, to obtain a re-consideration of the subject.—(Loud cheers.) Some Gentlemen may, perhaps, think that the passing of an Act of Parliament upon this subject will be quite sufficient to put an end to all discussion and discontent ; but I beg to tell them that this will not be the case—that great as the anthority of Parliament may be in this coun try--(and I wish it may be always great) — still .that authority cannot supersede and override the conclusion of sensible and reflecting men, drawn from their observation of the working of any measure= (Cheers)- 4 -and with respect to the farming interest, as to every other ' interest, I believe it would be the greatest possible mischief that can happen to them, if, after the new law is passed, their feelings should be, that they could not make an agree ment with their landlords, or venture on a bargain with confidence, for such must be the case if they apprehend that the new law will not endure.—(Cheers.) The Right. Honourable Gentleman has an opinion that tin der a fixed duty such would be the case, and therefore, doubtless, he would not propose a scheme on that principle ; but if he have considered since we last met all that has been urged by ex perienced men —by men, for example, such as Mr. Hubbard, who has written a very able pam phlet in support of the fixed duty, I trust the Right Honourable Baronet is not disposed to give further opposition to that principle,—(Hear, hear.) I will not enter further into that subject, seeing that we shall have shortly an opportunity of recurring to that question. Ico n on ly assure t h e House, in the words ofLord Melbourne, that that justice which was not done to Lord Melbourne's Government, we will endeavour to do to the Government which has succeeded us. If the mea sures which are now brought forward with respect to import duties, shall be found to be measures founded upon right principles, we shall cordially give our assent: If they are measures which we think ought to be amended we shall state fairly and candidly what amendments we think ought to be introduced. With respect to one phrase in the Speech, and one phrase in the speech of the Noble Lord who moved the Ad dress, with respect to new taxes, perhaps it is hardly necessary to say that I think there is nothing in the Address which is now proposed which pledges the House of Commons to the imposition of new taxes. I think the words themselves are exceedingly cautious. The words of her Majesty are—" 1 feel confident that, fully sensible of the evil which must result from a continued deficiency of this nature during peace, you will carefully consider the best means of averting it." These words, I consider, leave us perfectly open to maintain the principles if we should so think fit, that we main tained as a Government, that it would be better, seeing that the expenditure of late years had been increased by temporary causes, and seeing that it was a great evil to propose new taxes, unless they were ab• solutely necessary—(Cries of "Hear, hear ")—that it would be better rather to wait and see the result of a new modification of our commercial system than to resolve to impose new taxes.—(Bear, hear.) Ido not wish to say that such will be precisely the course which I shall follow. I shall be ready to hear the statement which the Right Lion. Gentleman will doubtless make as to the whole course which he means to pursue, and cer tainly' if I um not able to support him in the plan which he proposes, I will take care to give him due notice of any point upon which I may wish to take the sense of the House. Sir, I will only end by saying that it is a great satisfaction to me that upon this occasion, w h en we are to congratulate her Majesty upon the birth of a Prince, there is nothing in the remainder of the Address which will prevent me from giving it my cordial assent, and whatever differences we may have hereafter, or whatever dissension may spring from the measures hereafter to be proposed, I trust that there is nothing which will pre vent the House from giving its unanimous assent to the Address. Sir R. PEEL rose, and said—Sir, I cannot be sur prised, although I am gratified to have the Noble Lord's advice, that upon this occasion we should unani mously—whatever be our divisions—whatever be the prospect of future conflicts—that we cordially concur in presenting an Address to her Majesty, which contains the heartfelt congratulations of this House on the event which has recently occurred, and which has given new sta bility to the Throne and the Government of this country. Sir, having long held the opinion that there was incon venience in calling upon the House on the first day of its assembling without the means of previously ascertain ing the sentiments which might be contained in the Address that there was inconvenience in calling upon the House to pledge itself to positive measures, my colleagues and I purposely framed the - Address in a man ner which we hoped would not provoke the collision of the House, we felt perfectly certain of the unanimous concurrence of the House in that part of the Address which Conveys congratulations on the ' event to which I have referred, and I am perfectly convinced, that if the event has completed the domestic happiness of her Majesty and her illustrious Consort, it has also added at least to the private and domestic happiness of almost every family in this country.—(Hear, hear.) Sir, the Noble Lord very lightly touched upon those parts of the Address which refer to our foreign affairs. In all those parts of the Add r e ss h e pro fessed his r ea di ness to concur. He expressed his satisfaction at the conclusion of a treaty with the Court of Persia, and at the prospect of the permanent establishment of amicable relations with that Court. I cannot allude to the subject without bear ing my testimony to the cordial co-opfration which the 1 diplomatic Minister of this country has received from Russia. 1 The sense of common interest in the' Court of Teheran might well have induced that country to accede to our proposals, j and it , might have bee n ex p ec t e d t h at, qu i te i ndependent of all foreign influence, we could have established friendly relations with Persia ; but there might possibly be obstructions—(Hear, hear)—an attempt to interfere with and impede those amiable relations, but I am bound in justice to the Emperor of Russia to state, that there has been by his authority on the part of his agent every effort to influence the Court of Persia to re-establish amicable I relations with this country.—( Hear.) Sir, the Noble Lord seemed to intimate some doubt as to the policy of sending a special mission to the United States. I think the Noble and Learned Lord should bear in mind that some of the causes of difference between the United States and this country have long existed, that the attempt on the part of various Govern ments, by means of correspondence, to bring them to a satis factory conclusion, has failed, and that the continuance of those unfortunate causes of discord leads to fresh and increased irritation; and it certainly has appeared wise to her Majesty's Govern ment, without implying the slightest reflection on the very able Minister who is now in the United States (Mr. Fox)—but it has been thought advisable to send a person who has held a station in the councils of this country, 1 and who is fully possessed of the views and intentions of her Majesty's Government, to the United States to attempt, by some other mode than that which has hitherto been resorted to, anti hitherto at least has not been successful, to effect which would be a great object fur the interests of humanity and civilisation throughout the world, namely, the restoration of perfectly friendly and cordial relations with the United States ; or I should not speak of friendly relations, I should rather speak of the termination of existing differences than the restoration of friendly relations ; but if those existing diffe rences can be altogether extinguished I say the extinction of them will be not only for the common interest of the two countries, but . for the g enera l i n t eres t o f h uman i ty and civilization throughout the world.—( Hear, hear. ) He had . been influenced by a sense of public duty. The sacrifice lie was called on to make, he made cheerfully, because lie concurred in opinion with her Majesty's Government, that in considering the relation in which we stand towards the United States, and the opinion in which he is held in that country, no individual could be more welcome than the one that had been appointed.—(Hear, hear.) I am not aware of any other topic with regard to our foreign relations on which to advert.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord referred to some of the plans of her Majesty's Government for the relief of the domestic embarrassments of the country. The Noble Lord said he had heard various schemes suggested, and that he was pleased to find that no reference had been made to the plan of a general emigration.—(Hear, hear.) I think the Noble Lord must have had sufficient experience in public affairs to know that because certain measures are imputed by the public press to the Executive Government, it did not thence follow that they were to be immediately prOposed. I thought the Noble Lord would not advert to the ap pearance of a paragraph in the newspapers, imputing certain plans to the Government. I thought the Noble Lord was perfectly aware of the exceeding inconvenience of adopting certain lints of policy, because they may have appeared in the public papers.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord then referred to interviews which the Ministry had with certain deputations from the manufacturing districts. Sir, I am rather surprised that the Noble Lord should have spoken with such asperity of the Social deputies. It was true the Members of her Majesty's Government had such interviews, but they never thought of conferring upon any of the deputation the high honour of presentation. Sir, It is perfectly true that I, for one, had an interview with a body of persons who, I believe, called themselves msel: t, m sa deputation from th e m a nu f a ct u ri ng c l asses in , t I do not know what course the Noble Lord wool .! 111., advised me to pursue with respect to seeing them. Does he think that it would become a person in my situation to have declined an interview without first inquiring into the cha racter of those who had requested that interview ? I had no notice of the names of the persons ; nor did I inquire into them, and let them have been who they might, I should have received them without the slightest inquiry of their political opinions, if I had, as I had at that time, sufficient leisure to do so. I saw those persons who called upon me, and they certainly de ceived me so far that I thought they were deputies from the working classes, and that they were not only deputies from those working classes, but they were well ac quainted with the business upon the subject of which they called upon me. I conversed with them, but I was no party to the publication of the report.—( Hear, hear. ) I was never consulted, and I never expected it would be pub lished.—(Hear, hear.) I must be allowed to say that I de precate extremely the publication of these interviews with Ministers. At least they ought not to be published with out ascertaining from the Minister, whether he acquiesced, be cause the tendency of the communication is this, it discourages the free and continual intercourse which is so desirable. —the change of a world in what is stated by a Minister at such interviews makes the greatest difference as to the inten tion of the speaker. A - question may be put for the purpose of obtaining i t t o have a v information,e very d different e t n h t e t Minister .ideey. _m ( i fe ayan a s r w o.) e ie r a it r ,een i • si e state broadly that I was surprised when I saw the report, and perfectly innocent of the intention of deriving any advantage from any dramatic effect it was calculated to produce, and 1 can assure th e H ouse th at unt il I found out that some part of the persona present were connected with the newspapers, I thought I had been conversing with men who represented working men.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) With respect to the Poor-law, I think the Noble Lord must have at once put an end to the apprehensions that had been excited by paragraghs in the newspapers, when he considered what had. recently occurred. I now approach that portion of the Address which involves a subject of the most serious considera tion. lam quite sure the House will not expect me to enter at any length into the subject of them, as the reading of her Majesty's Speech by the Speaker was preceded by a statement from myself that I would, on the first day consistent with the convenience of the House, submit the views of her 3lajesty's Government on this most important subjeet. I have given a notice for Wednesday upon the subject of the Corn laws, and I must now postpone altogether the discussion of any subject connected or colaterately connected with the question, until I have an opportunity of bringing it in the regular form before the House. It was my intention to have imme diately brought under the consideration of the House the who!s question of the commercial and financial condition of the country, and to have submitted it at onee to the knowledge and consideration of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) I am precluded, however, from taking such a course by considerations conneeted s%iththepublicasseserryteiede., On the p ar t o f h er M a jesty 's Government I when the House separated under the impression that the recess should be a long one—l gave, on the part of her Majesty's Government, an assurance that that recess should be occupied by us in a careful consideration of a ll t h e great subjects which pressed 'upon their attention. I undertook, on the part of the Government, o review all the great questions connected with our com- _E VENING SUN also, that when re-assembled,Parliinambreltgirithesubjee_.... .... mercial and financial condition.—(Hear, hear.) I undertook, t under r e thsehiorueeldnsbei. consi deration, views, , G ov e rnment,auv t n s i ,o n n e a c , n e , b s i s u a t r h delay t y eihyaiotru ali eh teieheGalopmvreeeimrledreens t t , ol, ll 3 : s m u:, n hini i c t i s iti r it e nh s e po tlh.e n p s r ih opo i n li u t w y sed as itto a s carry those views into effect. That pledge I am I prepared to redeem. I should ask for no further delay in bringing those questions forward than th e time which is essen tially necessary for the due management of the public ser vice. I propose with respect to the financial policy of the Government as soon as a sufficient vote of supply shall be taken in a Committee of Ways and Means. f propose at once to proceed to the statements I have to make. I du not ask, for the postponement of the Budget until all the services o: the year shall have been voted. Ido not ask for a ptos (pneerre:Lin it ol of whautiailsey takesalle place. dtheß So udget ta , until ailts contents tperiml of the i y Iprielpasaeredadtuodedst.a_te( alluded.—(Hear, theviews Governm e ntu;un the subjec tst hear.) As I said b e fore I should have wished to state those views simultane ous ly, so th a t th e House might judge upon the ly are to w n h o ich whole of them at once. But I think it would be inconvenient that her Majesty's Government should postpone the consideration of the mea•ure on the Corn-laws until they were enabled to advantag e , th ere f ore , I must forego, and I shall bring forward, propose a reso l ut i on i n a C omm i ttee o f W ays an d Means. That in the course of next week, our proposal upon that. subject. As soon as in a Committee of Supply the estimates, or suoli a portion of them as shall be imme diately necessary, will have been voted, I shall then, on the the earliest possible flay, in a Committee of Ways and Means, state the views of the Government upon the financial policy to be adopted, interposing no other delay whatever, except such as may be necessary for a consideration of the estimates which may be presented to the. Committee of Supply. I trust the House will at least approve of the fairness of the course which we mean to pursue. I shall, on the part of my colleagues, say that we are prepared to redeem the pledge which I gave before the separation of the House last Session. After having carefully einsidered those subjects—after having in stituted such inquiries as we thought advisable, we are now prepared to submit to the House those measures which we think the interests of the country require. We shall submit them in that manner in which they can most conveniently be brought under the notice of Parlia ment and upon the responsibility of the Government. They are the measures which, looking at the various and complicated interests of the country—looking at the extreme difficulties of our financial position—they are the measures which, in our judgment and opinion, it would be most advisable fO 0 0 1 , t• It will be for the House of Commons to determine whe ther they shall approve of our views—whether they shall ratify our measures—or whether they shall adopt in preference to them other views and other measures for the i (-lief of the distress of the country, and for the promotion of its industry, which may be proposed by the Opposition. —( Cheers. ) Mr. ‘'ILLIERS said that he did not rise to dissent front the liberal generalities that they bad heard that evening, for he shared in the general satisf ac ti on a t t h e prom i ses contained, or perhap s the admissions implici, in the Speech.—.(Hear, hear.) Indeed, a greater discouragement to those who pinned their faith on the promises of monopoly, or a more auspicious sign for those who were struggling for freedom, could hardly have been given—( Hear, hear)—and he, for one, heartily re joiced to see t h at , notw i t h standing the vast influence which the landed proprietary possessed and exercised, socially and poli tically, there was a power beyond them in the genera' opinion of the country, that 'they dared not resist.—( Hear, hear.) And th oug h f or some years past they seemed to be indifferent to the mischiefs of their law, vet when the evils of this l aw me t w i t h general detection , wisely shrank from inaintaining-it.—( Hear, hear.) He would not, however, dilate on the subject at this moment, against the wish of the House ; he chiefly rose to add the expression of his hope to that of the Noble Lord's, that the Right Hon. Bora , net, whom the prop ietors appear" now to have invested with complete power to do what he deemed right, would seriously consider in what way he could deal with the Corn-law, with the view to ibs permanent settlement—(Hear, hear)--and, for this purpose, he hoped that he would well weigh what had been the effect of deferring so long the settlement of this ques tion.—( Hear, bear.) - The Noble Lord hat said truly, that the present system was quite discredited among all who desired any change ; and it was true what he said, that there,was a party in the country who do not desire to see the present law com muted for a fixed duty, but that party was larger when the Noble Lord roposed his pl an th an w h at i t was now— ( Hear, hea r—and what he (Mr. Villiers) wished the Right Hon. Baronet to consider was, whether the public mind had not now undergone a great change as to the principle or policy of imposing a tax at all on the food of the people— (Hear, hoar)—and whether, by (lint of distress and discussion during the last five months, there was not more unanimity now against the propriety of taxing the food of the community, than the most sanguine could have expected—( Hear, hear) — and whether any settlement could be deemed satisfactory short of leaving the trade in food free ?—( Hear, hear.) He firmly believed, that during the last year, the folly, the cruelty—he could almost say th e c r i me — o f t hi s l aw, h ad b een generally de tected, and would not much longer be endured--( Hear, hear) —and he believed that the wishes of thousands, nay, millions, would not be consulted, if the earliest convenient opportunity was not taken of bringing the whole question of the imposition of any tax upon the daily food of the people before the House, and this he now gave notice he should do.—(Cheers. ) Mr. ESTCOuRT—It cannot be denied that the agriculturists of this country are at this moment placed in a very extraordinary position. The Noble Lord has desired my Right Honourable Friend to take care that he proposes such measures as shall calm the existing agitati Is ; but I hope, at the same time, that those measures will not be founded upon any regard to that agitation, that it will not be adopted in order to raise or put down agitation, but with a due regard to the interest _ of all classe s i n thi s great country. At the present moment the agriculturists know well that they have just sustained a great loss in the Queen's Council—the Duke of Buckingham, whom they have lost, is known by them to have been for many long years the champion, defender, and friend whom they were wont to look up to; that through many long years they placed all their confidence in his assistance. We know, too, that they have lost his services, at a moment when the other great branches of the industry of this country are putting in their claims for the to al abolition -of that landed protection which he de fended ; at the very moment when they are placed in these circumstances they do not see their accustomed friend. However, I am certain that no man acquainted with the general feeling of the agriculturists will deny that they are not adverse to any change which in the wisdom of her Majesty's present Ministers may be considered neces sary:. All they ask is, that they may be redeemed from the anxiety under which they are at present oppressed, and I thank my flight Hon. Friend for fixing the earliest day for taking into consideration those changes.—(Cries of " Question.") The SPEAKER then moved the adoption of the Address, which was agreed to. A Committee was then at pointed to present it. Sir G. CLERK moved iiiat the notes and proceedings of the House be printed. Mr. GLADSTONE moved for a return of the ditties on the Importation on corn, as we understood. NEW WRITS. New writs were then ordered for the borough of Taunton in the room of Air. Bainbridge, and also for Clacmaman. Sir R. INGLIS gave notice that he would on Monday neat move for the appointment of a Library Comm ittee. The House then adjourned.- COMMISSION Or' LUNACY. Yesterday the Commission of Lunacy to itquire into the mind of Mr. Daniel Gundry was resumed before Commis sioners Blount, Murray, and West, at the Gray's Inn Coffee- Wow, Holborn. The inquiry commenced with the examination of the three po licemen who were engaged in taking Mr. Gundry into custody. Noel, the head porter at the Albany, was examined at consi derable length, in the course of which he gave the following instances of the extraordinary behaviour of Mr. Gundry : While in his cab in the court-yard of the Albany he would lay his head back, close his ems, and remain in that position for a great length of time, nail crowds collected, and people ac tually supposed him to lie dead. In May, when he came out of Tothill-fields prison, and returned to the Albany, he was in the habit tif calling after any females who happened to pass through the building, and abusing them in the most scurrilous manner without the lea,t cause ; he would call them pigs and prostitutes. Ile went to Putney in his cab, and ,on his re turn he took up a bricklayer's labourer, and made him ride on the horse until they arrived at the Albany, and then he dis missed him, giving him five shillings. He gave the street sweeper bs. a day for looking after his horse, and upon one occasion he gave this man a carving knife, desiring him to use it in killing the pigs and prostitutes who ventured near the Albany. In the month of September Mr. Gundry locked himself up in his chambers and admitted no one, and when his dinners were brought by the street sweeper before alluded to he (Mr. Gundry) used to open a small portion of the door, with the chain up. Whit 114. confined himself to the cham bers he used to amuse himself by throwing glasses, dishes, and plates out of the windows on the men who happened to be at work repairing the pump, or doing other jobs on the premises. Cro,-examined lied tilled the situation of head porter at the Albany tOr 313 years. Mr. Gundry was there about four years. William nuttleton, groom to Mr. Moseley, of the Albany, stated that on Sunday, the 26th of September, he was in the court-yard of the Albany with his master's horse and cab, and Mr. Gundry came up to him, and oidered him to go away. Witness told Mr. Gundry he was waiting for his master, bet Mr. Gundry insisted upon his going out of the yard, threaten ing him that if he did not do so it would be the worse for him. . Witness paid no attention to his orders, and Mr. Gundry then became excited, and called him " a brute, a beast, arid a son of a —." Witness walked the horse up and down, and Mr. Gundry came to the window of his chambers and threw a water bottle at him, and afterwards two dishes and several china plates. Gerald Gooderich. Esq., slated that he had been for many years acquainted n ills Mr. Gundry, having been at Cambridge University with him, and having seen a report of Wednes day's proceetiugs in .the rimming new papers, he was induced to come forward to give evidence. He had been very inti mate with Mr. Gundry up to the year 1833, when he went abroad, and did not see him again until 1836, when their friend. ship was renewed. During the time Mr. Gundry was at col: lege he was considered to be exceedingly clever, but eccentric in his manners. In 1838 witness observed that his eccentri city had become much increased, and that his views of men and things had changed. After the lapse of two years witness put a❑ end to the acquaintance in consequence of the fear outer tained from Mr. Gnndry's expressions of hatred towards every one. _ Cross-examined—Mr. Gundry spoke French and Italian fluently. He had travelled a great deal, and wa. a man of very close observation. Witness's father was a clergyman, re siding near Ashford, in Kent, and he had left witness means to support himself independently, but he followed the Trofesion of a portrait painter. Afr. Steph . en Olding, of the firm of Rogers, Olding, and Company, bankers, of Clement's-lane, stated that he knew Mr. Gundry had a life interest in 76,0001. Three per Cent. Consols, left him by his great uncle. Alr. Gundry kept an account with their firm, who drew his dividends for him twice a year, amounting to 2,000/. When the dividends became payable, Mr. Gundry never had more than a few pounds re maining in his favour at the bank. In the month of May last year, Mr. Gundry applied to witness for a loan of 8001., but it, was refused him, as h e (Mr. Olding) had heard that Mr. Gundry was expending more than his in come. He advised Mr. Gundry to curtail his expenses , upon which h e th rea t ene d to remove his ac7 s.e. Upon th e d a y Mr. sundry was tried at the Wegmin st, siol s, he (M r . Oldi ng ) h a d a conf e rence with him for about au hour, and both witness and Mr. Gundryo'sthseolicitor charge of en deavoured to prevail upon him to plead guilty to assaulting Giblett, the policeman ; but he ref used in his conduct. to take their advice, and exhibited a great deal of Centricity o ntxol over the Cross-examined—Mr. Gundry has n 800/. he should c ontrol had merely a life prin cipal of 76,000/. invested in the Fu ce n:_t: i, : interest ; and if witness had adv .. an nt. I have had no security for i r ee o ar isel in support of the commis- Mr. STOCK, nu , of I a l etter i written by Mr. Gundry to Mr. the Westminster Governor,i3:lll sion, here handed in tit ewe , 4th had . Olding. It was dated t from d that Mr. Tracey, the June, 1841, and sta e d ) th• t if 1 000/ informed him ou r . Gun.ty a , ~ and two sums of -. .,00/., were po de sited at the prison, he VC ould be set free. The letter concluded by urging Nlr. Olding to effect his liberation. There being several other nitnessea in attendance, the fur. ther inquiry was again adjourned. otr ies visit mor e nt lie uel n oug' bad r e • Toe