The Sun. — London, England, 1849-05-05 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, May:4. The LORD CEtexcELLon took his seat on the Wool sack at Five o'clock. Lord FEVERSHAM presented several petitions against a repeal of the navigation-laws. Lord STANLEY presented several petitions with a similar prayer. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented several pe titions with a similar prayer. The Earl of TALBOT presented petitions from War wick and othei places with a similar prayer. The Earl of FALMOUTH presented a petition from Penzance with a similar prayer. The Earl of DELAWARR presented a petition from Cambridge, praying for a restoration of protection. The Duke of BEAUFORT presented several petitions against a repeal of the navigation-laws. SOUTH DEVON RAILWAY. Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from Mr. Charles Saunders, the secretary of the Great Western Company, complaining that he had been represented as secretary to the South Devon Railway Company, He (Lord Brougham) had never stated that he was secretary to the South Devon Company. The petition also stated that the Great Western had no connexion with the South Devon, except as the holders of a great number of shares—that of course gave it great influence over the South Devon. The Great Western paid up their calls. Mr. Saunders did not pay up his calls. He purchased preference shares when there was a guarantee of six per cent. for ten years; they ceased paying the 6 per cent. at the end of the first year, and that he said be would not pay up his calls, and then it was suggested to him that the trans action was illegal. Such were the statements of the petition, and he thought it better to detail them to the House. He had understood from several Noble Lords that Mr. Saunders was a most respectable person. Lord LYNDHURST said that Mr. Saunders had nothing to do with the South Devon Railway, except as a shareholder, who had paid his calls, had afterwards taken preference shares, and had, on being informed that those preference shares were invalid, refused to pay any more calls on them, until the point as to their validity should be settled, and proceedings were now pending to decide the point. Lord BROUGHAM had been requested by Mr. Hunt to say that he was not the solicitor to whom he had al luded on the former occasion, and he certainly had not alluded to Mr. Hunt. After a few words from Lard Campbell, the Duke of Cleveland, the Duke of Beaufort, and explanations from Lords Brougham and Lyndhurst, The Earl of GRANVILLE said that he could cor roborate the statement that the first time that it was suggested to Mr. Saunders that these preference shares were illegal, was during the course of a conversation under the gallery of the House of Commons. He had seen the gentleman who had first made that suggestion to the House of Commons. REPORTING THE DEBATES. Lord BEAUMONT gave notice that on Friday he should move the consideration of the Standing Order 130. In consequence of the construction of the House, and of the noise below the bar, it was impossible for the reporters to hear accurately what passed in the House, and he should, therefore, on Thursday move the consideration of this standing order. PETITIONS. Earl GREY presented a petition from the merchants of the city of Montreal, complaining of the loss of the advantages they had derived from protection, and praying for a repeal of the navigation-laws. The Earl of EGLINTON presented a petition from Arbroath against the repeal of the navigation-laws. Lord STANLEY presented a petition from certain operative silkweavers of London against the repeal of the navigation-laws. Lord kONTEAGLE presented several petitions from certain guardians of the poor in Ireland in favour of a property tax, rather than a rate in aid. The Bishop of CASHEL presented several petitions in favour of a grant for education to the Established Church in Ireland. He denied that the Established Church in Ireland was rich; he knew no rich Protes tants of the Established Church in Ireland. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE explained. CANADA. Lord STANLEY had understood that it had been stated that no official correspondence had taken place with regard to the Bill for granting in demnity to those who had suffered during the late re b:llion in Cana la, but that correspondence had taken place, and taken place privately, in order that they might not be laid before Parliament. If such a system of private correspondence were suffered to prevail Ministerial responsibility was at an end, and the suc cessor of the Noble Earl would have no records before him as to the opinions or information received by his pre decessors. He hoped to bear that the correspondence would remain in the office, and might hereafter be pro duced. He word l ask if any offici.d communication had taken place on the subject, and whalier the responsi bility of assenting or dissenting from the measure was to be cait upon the Earl of Elgin. Earl G REY said no official correspondence on the sub ject had taken place, neither had the reports of the proceedings of the Canadian Legislature been trans mitted to the Colonial-office. It was not the practice to transmit them until the close of the session. He had or- dered all debates to be forwarded up to the latest date. He had had a correspondence with Lord Elgin, in which he claimed the right of assenting or dissenting from the Bill in the first place, and then to be sub mitted to the Government. The Governor had stated that ho thcught it inexpedient that he should be called upon to state what course he intended to pur sue until he should be called ❑pon to act. That Bill had not been submitted t,) the Earl of Elgin, nor were public Acts ordinarily submitted to the Governor until the close of the ses44on, and Lord Elgin had stated that the time had not come for his decision : He (Earl Grey) had a Ivisedly ab- stained from givik Lord Elgin any advice directly or indirectly as to how he should act, fur he was convinced that the best way of ruling the colonies was to give their governors a lsrge discretion and a generous and trusting support. Should he leave office next week, the documents left would furnish his successor with every information they could desire. He had, as all his predecessors had done, written private letters to the governors of colonies, but he should think he was departing from his duty if the official correspond ence did not contain every information that could be useful or necessary with regard to the government of the colonies. Lord BROUGHAM said that the question of his Noble Friend had, no doubt, originated in the monstrous doctrines laid down in another place, that the government of a coleny could be carried on by private communications. The subject dropped. NAVIGATION-LAWS. The Earl of ITARROWBY presented a p3tition from Liverpool against the repeal of the navigation laws. POOR-LAIV The Earl of POSSE then moved for the production of any correspondence that might have taken place between the Poor-law Commissioners in Ireland and the boards of guar either with the view of inducing the guardians to give or withhold out-door relief. Ile was particularly anxious for the correspondence which had recently taken place with the unions of Balinasloe and Dungarvon, in reference to out door relief. The general opinion was, that where no out door relief was given, the poor-law had been well admi nistered, but where out-door relief had been given, that the law had been badly administered; and the peasantry had remained in a state of destitution. In the union with which he was connected—that of Parsonstown—there was no out• door relief, and the poor-rate last year was 3s. 9d. in the pound ; while in the union of Tullamore, in the pro vince of Leinster, adjoining the union of Parsonstown, and where there was out-door relief given, the poor -rate was so high as 12s. 6d. in the pound for the last ten months. It was therefore of great importance that they should have some information on the subject; as also as to the expense of ad ditional workhouse accommodation in Ireland. Should it require any length of time to make and produce all the cor respondence, he had no objection to limit his motion to the cor respondence which had taken place within the last six months. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE had no objection to the production of the return under the modification stated by the Noble Earl. At the same time, he thought the system of out-door relief not a bad one, as the ratepayers said, why not give out-door relief to the poor, as while it only cost them 2s. in the pound to relieve the poor out of doors, it cost them 6s. in the workhouse. Lord MONTEAGLE condemned the system of out-door relief, as it was the means of opening the door to fraud. The return, as modified, was then agreed to. The Earl of CARLISLE introduce d the Freemen's Lands Bill, to enable the corporations of municipal towns to take leases, without applying for a special Act of Parliament. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 4. The SPIAHER took the Chair at Four o'clock. CONSIDERATION OF LORDS' AMENDMENTS. The Lords' amendments to the Epsom Rates and Not tingham Gas Bills were considered and agreed to:— ABDY'S ESTATE BILL. This Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. THIRD READINGS. The following Bills were read a third time and passed: Chester and Holyhead Railway (Increase of Capital, with Powers to the London and North-Western Railway Company to subscribe thereto). Kirkcaldy Harbour, Docks, Ferry, and Petty Customs. Sunderland Dock Act and River Wear Commissioners' Act (Amendment, &c.) Whittlesey St. Mary and Whittlesey St. Andrew Union of Parishes, and for improving the Town of Whittlesey. PETITIONS. Mr. F. MACKENZIE presented petitions against the Registration and Marriages Bills. Mr. J. WILLIAMS presented a petition from St. Asaph, numerously signed, praying that no bishops or clergymen might be appointed for Wales unless they were conversant with the Welsh language,'and attribu ting the spread of dissent to.the non-observance of this rule. Colonel REID presented a petition from the Dissen ters at Windsor, against the proposed alteration of the marnage.laws._ Colonel SIBTRORP presented a petition to the same effect. __ An MN. MEMBER presented a petition in favour of medical reform. An HON. MEMBER presented a petition in favour of the Clergy Relief Bill. Mr. COWPER presented a petition p ray i ng that the owners instead of occup iers might bo rated for small tenements. Sir R. H. INGLIS presented a petition from th e archdeacons and clergy of the Archdeaconry of Oxford against the New Marriage Bill. The Right Ron. Baronet presented a similar petition from Manchester. Lord G. MANNERS presented a petition in favour of protection, and a national rate. Mr. MOFFATT presented a petition against the new Drainage Bill. Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from medical 13491 1 9 t 4 hin Prgalit intormural intermtuits. ' Mr. COBDEN presented petitions from York and other places in favour of the Clergy Relief Bill.l Mr. COWAN presented petitions from Edinburgh against the Marriage and Registration Bills (Scotland). Sir E. BUXTON presented a petition from Birming ham praying that the produce of slave countr i es might not be admitted into this country until they abolished the slave trade. Mr. F. MACKENZIE presented petitions from Peeblesahire against the Registration and Lunatic Asylum Bills (Scotland). Mr. MILES presented petitions from Somersetshire complaining of the amount of the recent grants to Ireland. Major BERESFORD presented a petition from Saf fron Weldon, praying that some control might be exer cised over the county rates. NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Mr. F. O'CONNOR gave notice that, on this day fortnight, he should call attention to the transaction of railway companies throughout the United Kingdom. Mr. THORNELY begged to ask the Lord Advocate when it is likely that any Bill for medical registration would be introduced ? The LORD ADVOCATE said that in eight or ten days he should be enabled to place a measure on the table of the House. In answer to a question from Mr. CARDWELL, Mr. LABOUCHERE said that he had not received any communication from Captain Denholme with respect to the excessive loading of steamers. When that was received, it would be placed on the table of the House. Lord DUDLEY STUART asked whether there was a measure in contemplation for amending the Metropo • litan Building Act? Sir GEORGE GREY said no notice had been given of the question. Lord DUDLEY STUART said, notice had been given of a question with respect to intramural burials. He wished to know when a measure on this subject would be introduced? Sir G. GREY said that a Bill had been prepared un der the auspices of his Noble Friend at the head of the Woods and Forests; but as it required reconsideration, it was determined to bring it on at a later period of the session. Lord DUDLEY STUART—We may hope for it this session? Sir G. GREY—I hope so.—(Laughter.) Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the House at its rising do adjourn till Monday next. BURIALS IN TOWNS. Mr. WYLD presented a petition from the inhabitants of Westminster against interment in towns. THE NAVIGATION-LAWS. In answer to a question from Sir H. WILLOUGHBY, Mr. LABOUCHERE said that, so far as he was con cerned, there was no foundation for a statement said to have been made by Mr. G. F. Young respecting a conversation represented to have taken place between him (Mr. Labouchere) and Mr. Hume, in reference to the repeal of the navigation-laws. He had received a letter from Mr. Hume, who was too ill to be seen, intimating that the statement made by Mr. Young at the meeting in the City, to the effect that if Mr. Hume would assent to the third reading of the Na vigation Bill he (Mr. Labouchere) would next session bring in a Bill to repeal all the clauses in the Bill to which Mr. Hume was said to have objected was en tirely without foundation. LAND IMPROVEMENT AND DRAINAGE (IRE LAND) (ADVANCES) BILL. On the House going into Committee on this Bill, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he wished to say a few words on the present state of Ireland. He entirely differed from those Honour able Gentlemen who seemed to conceive that all at once, by some legislative measure, the whole state of Ireland could be ameliorated. The change which was required in that country was a total change in the social system of the west of Ireland. They must now look to an entire change in the social system in that part of the country. Nobody could be more mistaken in his opinion than those who thought there could be no improvement in the present state of the west of Ireland. He agreed rather with those who felt that there were better prospects in store for the coun try. No doubt great evils existed in that part of the country to which ho had referred, owing to the large number of small tenants who held under middlemen, and without the means of eviction, which had been resorted to during the last six months, he was quite sure that no improve ment whatever could have been effected. Under the recent system the landlord depended upon the mid dleman, the middleman upon the small tenant, and the small tenant upon the potato. When, therefore, the po t tto was stricken with the blight all these classes and the result had since been that the land now remained uncultivated, because it had been impoverished by the previous mode of culture. The letter of Captain Ken nedy to the Poor-law Commissioners gave a correct pic ture of the evil —one, too, that proved, beyond all ques tion, that the case was one which no possible legislation could meet. What was really wanted to effect a remedy was the application of capital to the land by those who were ready and willing to invest it. It' there were any such, as he wes assured there were, Government was ready to assist them; but, besides that, all that Government could do was to relieve those whose estates were too much incumbered to admit of their being disposed of in the market. To show what improvement had been effected by a new system of farm ing introduced into Ireland, he need only mention the case cited the other night by the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamwor th, adding, at the same time, that even in the dreadfully distressed union of Ballina, which not lcng ago was thought to be in a hopeless condition, some capitalists cennected with the Ssciety of Friends in Yorkshire had done an immense amount of good by taking farms in the union, and adopting the English mode of terming. lie had received a letter yesterday which he considered the House would think with him was of a very satisfac tory nature. It was from Mr. Burke, the inspector of the Ballina Union, in the county of Mayo. It stated that the pursuance of the acts of indus try have increased, and that a general opinion prevailed amongst those with whom he had conversed that the people desired to draw out the resources of the sell, an evidence of which was to be found in the fact that the cultivation of waste lands had been set about. Coming from one of the most poverty •strieken districts of Ireland, such a communication could not be regarded otherwise than most cheering and satisfactory. He could read a number of other communications, all tending to show that better days were dawning upon Ireland, but he did not wish to fatigue the House.—(Hear.) He believed he should he enabled to satisfy the House that the grants heretofore made had led to the profitable employment of large masses of the people. He might observe that the Government pos sessed 43 inspectors, without whose sanction no money was expended, and who exercised a careful supervision over the expenditure of the money which had been ad vanced. They were the best guardians that could be appointed, and they prevented the useless expenditure of the public money. Without referring to any other mea sures that might be necessary for the welfare of Ire land, he thought that that which was really wanted was employment fur the people.—(Hear, hear.) He believed and looked forward confidently to the time when the desire for employ ment would not exceed the demand. The first power which he intended to seek from the House was that the money to be advanced might be made in accordance with the Lands Improvement Act; that Act providing, according to his idea, tee best mode of applying the money to proper and wholesome purposes—since, under it, the relations between landlord_ and tenant were pre seried, and the influence exercised by the Government only extended to ordering that the money was properly expended, and the improvements of the land properly made. Out of the grants previously made 3,074,0001. had been applied for, and the advance of 1,500,0001. or one-half, sanctioned by the Government. The appeal for grants made to the Government amounted to 1,544,0001., given up 112,000/.—resanctioned, 59,0001; so that there was now lent (as we understood, for the Right Hon. Gen tleman articulated his figures indistinctly) 1,491,0001., leaving a reserve of about 9,000 L 948,0001. had been issued, leaving for the employment of labour 952,0001. By the application of skill and industry, under the Land Improvement Act, land in some parts of Ireland which, two years ago, was not worth half-a-crown an acre, was now worth 10r. an acre. Indeed, from the im proved system of drainage, the land, upon an average, was improved in value 80 percent. He knew an instance where 175 acres of arable land occupied by tenants, some of whom were ejected and others of whom had emigrated, had been turned to , grazing pur poses, and within less than two years it yielded a return of 10 per cent. On an average the whole of the arable land laid down to pasture had given a return of 8L per cent. With respect to arterial drainage there was some considerable misapprehension on this subject, as to what was the state of the law, and great disappointment had been felt in Ire land that an unlimited supply of money was not always forthcoming. The intention of the Act was that all funds for that purpose were to be raised by the issue of debentures. He heard very great fault had been found with the Board of Works, because they had not undertaken works when, as it was alleged, they had funds to carry them on. It was only fair before such complaints were made that the . parties making them should have taken the troubl e to inquire whether the Board of Works really had funds to carry on such improvements. Honourable Gentle men must remember that in 1847 those works in many parts of Ireland were undertaken with the view of affording out-relief; and works which would not have been undertaken were under taken at that time with the view of affording employment to the poor in distressed districts. At University Hall in Galway, land which formerly only produced 301. per annum had been effectually drained, and now yielded the landlord 1301.—(He ar , hear.) At Bo rrisokaine, land which previous to the drainage was completely covered with flood, was now in a state of profitable cultivation. Formerly it was valued at 2s. an acre, now it paid no less than 13s. per acre, and the whole expense of working this beneficial change would be about 9s. per acre for twenty years. Notwithstanding, then, what had been said against the Board of Works, he thought the works completed under their direction had been most successful, and he should pro pose, therefore, to the House to advance a further sum for carrying out arterial drainage.—(Hear.) He pro posed to advance this year a sum which, to the extent of the reports, might be expended on works already commenced in the distressed counties, and also upon works the preliminary proceedings connected with which had been completed. The counties which were most distressed were Mayo, Galway, Clare, Roscommon, Leitrim, Cork, Sligo, Limerick, and Tipperary, and the money which had been expended in those counties amounted to 270,0001. The repayment of money which had been made amounted to 300,0001., of that sum 100,0001. was re-issuable under the Act of last session. Having made those statements to the House, the Right Eon. g040:21414 C9INIRCIOCI by akin 1 11 41 a MI of 1A0%14 be advanced for the purpose of carrying out the objects of the Land Improvement Act, and 200,0001. for river drainage, the amount to be advanced out of the Consolidated Fund of England and Ireland. Mr. ORMSBY GORE said, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had taken great credit for arterial drainage in Ireland; but he (Mr. Ormsby Gore):was in possession of returns from more than one county, which showed that the experiment was to the landed pro prietors of the country a most expensive one. He had been charged for these operations by the Government 2001. for the drainage of six acres 20 perches. The drains were 2ft. 6in. deep, Ift. 2in. over, which was at the rate of 32!. 13s. per acre. Mr. F. FRENCH said the expense was so great in these cases that parties, on viewing the estimates presented for their execution, would not proceed with their improvements. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said there was hope for the future ; but he could assure him that the only hope was upon the broad cast of potatoes set this year, upon which they relied, but if that crop failed, the famine of 1850 would be much more severe than that of 1846 and 1847. The Hon. Gentleman then gave a description of the state of Mayo, which he said was in the greatest distress. If something was not done to improve the country, and to develops its re• sources, it would be as a millstone round the neck of Eng land, and would finally be its ruin. He hoped they would have a Committee of Inquiry appointed, and then they should know how far Ireland was fairly taxed. Mr. VERNON SMITH was not going to express any opinion on the measure before the House, until he ascer tained what were the feelings of Hon. Members for Ireland. He voted on a former occasion against the grant of 50,000/., not from any feeling of indifference to the sufferings of the Irish people, but from a wish that the money might be ap plied in a better manner. He wished to know from his Right Hon. Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, what advances were given under the Land Improvement (Ireland ) Bill ; and whether the interest upon the sum advanced, which was to be secured as a rent-charge on Irish prof erty, was regularly and punctually paid ? He understood his Right Hon. Friend now to be for giving 300,000/. for one purpose,and 200,0001. for another; the money vote for the Land Improvement Act, having, he supposed, been already exhausted. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did not state that the funds advanced under the Land Improve ment Act were now exhausted. He stated that 9•0,0001. remained of the 1,500,0001. granted ; that ' the amount of the sums issued was 548,000 L, and that the 900,0001. was available under the Act for the next three or four years. It was obvious that that money having been located in another way, it could not now be given for the increase of employment, except under the provisions of the Land Improvement Act. The amount of application for ad vances under that Act was 3,974,000/. ; of which 1,544,0001. was sanctioned by the proper authorities. Of that latter sum 112,0001. had been given up, and 60,000/. of it again re appropriated; so that all which remained in hand now was 900,0001. Now, as to the interest in the shape of a rent charge, of which his Right Hon. Friend asked him a ques tion, he could state that all rent charges due on the sth of October last were 4,9891,, of which 4,9351. were paid, leaving a balance of but 53/. due.—( Hear, hear.) Of the sum payable on the sth of April, 2,0001. were already paid, and more could not be expected. With regard to measures for compelling parties who had borrowed to pay, he certainly would advise the most stringent measures to be taken if it should be found necessary. Mr. HERBERT believed the present measure would be nefit the country, in forwarding arterial drainage; but he could not say it would afford that employment to the people which was expected. He complained of the present area of taxation, as promoting the greatest of evils. Much of the misery in Ireland was attributable to the failure of' the poor law, in consequence of a want of equalisation of the elec toral divisions. Grants of money like the present were, in consequence, thrown away, while this evil existed. There were English Members in that House to whom he would appeal under such circumstances, and say, give them a poor-law in Ireland, similar to that now existing in Eng land, and they were prepared to submit to all their respon sibilities. Mr. AGLIONBY should be glad to know from the Irish Members whether there was a chance of agreeing on any subject connected with Ireland, during the present ses sion ?—(A laugh. ) Sir H. BARRON—And English Members differ too. Mr. AGLION BY—No doubt, but not on important points. Indeed he thought the Irish Members would agree on a ques tion of money, and he dared to say they would yet do so, although some of them, like the Hon. Member for Roscom mon, now found fault with it. He objected, however,.to one thing—in which he not only expected opposition from the Government, but the Irish Members. He was averse then, to the management of the works being given to the Board of Works, because that board was the most expensive ma chinery that could be got. In some cases, as had been stated by the Hon. Member for Shropshire, they charged 32/. for draining where it could be done for 51.; and he therefore thought that in justice to the Irish landlords, it ought to be taken out of their hands. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER wished to correct an error into which his Hon. Friend had fallen. The money so appropriated was not expended by the Board of Works, but by the landlords of Ireland, wader the Land Improvement Act, inspected by an officer from the Board. The money expended under the River Drainage Act—was certainly by them—but it was so expended because it was found impossible fur the landlords to do so. The Government had been forced to undertake works which they had no wish to do, but that arose in consequence of the works going through the properties of a number of landlords. The fact was, the sum of 321. alluded to by the Hon. Member, and on a former occasion by the Hon. Membsr for Shropshire, was under the Relief Act, and not under the Land Improve ment Act or the River Drainage Act at all. Mr. AGLIONBY regretted he had taken up the time of the House in mis-stating anything; but he would not give the Board of Works a single farthing to expend as public money in Ireland. In the case of Lough Corrib, evidence was offered to be given to the Chancellor of the Exchequer of their misconduct, and he declined. Au investigation, he con tended, was necessary. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL—Question, question. Mr. AGLIONBY said it was the question. The question i before the House was the proper management of money in Ireland. Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL said that the drainage of Lough Corrib was brought under the notiee of the House as a pri vate Bill, and had nothing to do with the present question. Mr. AGLIONBY contended that it had. Here was a com pany who had expended 15,000/. in wages alone, in the drainage of Lough Corrib, until they were stopped by the Board of Works, and when a deputation waited on the Right lion Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to give him informatfon on the subject, he declined seeing them. peer T rse h nfn e u.s C ed ll At A no N at C peep E ei tLOß of the EXCHEQUER denied that h e v u e tio in u fo w rm as a m tio u n de o t n u h th im is c su er b t j a e i c u t iy fr , o h m ut anj e question t swaasii‘esrilepd(vlo.aue clone. t e. courton him, inasmuch w i a a s u m d uch until s t the h a t icto N At v udl o Geiniu u dstLt l oinesEtt b pNsh e ßuißnti Nne u la l l e lvceß l rna sx e en s ulp s lahldnaes t idfh o unieper supported t t h h a e n m k e e d as t u h r e e N and h entered Noble Lord i into c rt ' a is i pme details relative to the distress which existed in opposite for the measures with which he proposed t meet it. He would suggest to the Right Honourable Gentleman whether some scheme could not devisedbe by which some must co-operatione active m ea at takenh could s g bea rtetshtedesideratum.p secured. re a e n T t h t e i m et To employment h la s b s o u ur in Ireland was nassisthere transition state from one system to another, which w going on in Ireland. If Ireland was placed in a better aa no posi tion than she was now, the revenues of the country would be greatly increased. The expenditure of money on Ireland now would eventually increase the prosperity of the empire. Mr. GROGAN said he gave her Majesty's Government credit for having :at length taken the state of Ireland into their serious consideration. Before they could carry their measure into effect for the improvement of estates, they must find purchasers for them. He feared that there was but little prospect of finding purchasers for the immense quantity of land that their measures would throw into the market. The poor. law would be another obstacle to the improvements an ticipated. The difficulty of obtaining co-operation in Ire land would certainly be met in some degree by the Arterial Drainage Act, but some alteration was necessary. Mr. TRELAWNEY rose to oppose the granting of any money from the English Exchequer for Irish purposes. Since he had been a Member of that House, lie believed so much as ten millions had been voted for Ireland. Now, under these circumstances, one of two things, it was clear, must happen—either that the soil of Ireland must be brought up. to a point to enable it to support the population, or the popu lation must be lessened, so as to proportion it to the means of the productive power of the soil. If he had any hope that this was the last grant, it would be different; but he found, according to the accounts in the newspapers of the contiaued distress, notwithstanding he had heard of the recovery of the potato, that there was no such prospect. The drai upon this country for the relief of Ireland had h a d th e e ff ec t of creating dissatisfaction with the measures of free trade, be cause free trade was blamed for producing that distress which was caused by the advances for Ireland. However unplea sant it might be for him to do so, he really must oppose the proposed grant. Mr. AUGUSTUS STAFFORD said the Hon. Member had mainly limited his objection to the fact that granting mosey to Ireland had been the cause of raising an outcry against free trade, because poople, he said, attributed the distress to free-trade measures, when in reality the Honour able Member affirmed that the distress was caused by the advances made to Ireland. Where the Hon. Member had received his information of the recovery of the potato, as he called it, he (Mr. A. Stafford) was at a loss to understand.— (Hear, hear.) One thing he thought obvious was this, that there was some danger in making Ireland so largely a debtor. The amount which Ireland already owed, and which she would further owe when this proposed grant was passed, and when the contemplated advances were made to Irish rail ways, would soon make it become a question, how far they had acted wisely in making one p ortio n of the empire so large a debtor to the other portion.—(Hear, hear.) It had been stated, upon good authority, that until the area of taxation was narrowed, no man's liability in that country could be known. He would also observe, that when the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer complained of the long debates caused by Irish Members preventing the passing of measures of relief, he (Mr. i Staf ford) would remind the Right Hon. Gentleman, that t was only by these protracted debates that Government was com pelled at length to come forward with beneficial measures. Sir H. W. BARRON begged leave to remark, that when observations were made about the spee ches of Irish Members, he would just remark, that of the ten gentlemen who had addressed the House on the present question, seven of them were English Members. When Hon. Members talked so largely as they did about the adv ances made for Irish relief, he would call their attention to what had recently been ad vanced for improvements in England. It appeared, according ing to a return which had been made only ten days ago, that there had been a sum granted by that House, amounting to Gentlemen, therefore, thought proper to express themselves eight millions, for English purposes.—(Hear.) When Hon. as they did about their miserable advance to Ireland,. he would request of them not t o be so for g etful of the eight millions which had been adv anced to England.—(Hear.) When people talked about the p otato famine being over, he would simply ask them before they ventured to make such statements, to snake themselves a little acquainted with facts.—(Hear, hear.) He had received a letter from Mr. Villiers Stuart, a gentleman who was well known to some Members of that House , a nd who was chairman of a union in Carrick-on-Suir, who stated that such was the extent of the distress, that so many as 199 people had been admitted into the workhouse in one day. — ( Hear, hear.) He was also enabled to state that in a union in Tipperary there were not fewer than 579 able bodied labourers at present in the workhouse. He con tended. therefore, that this was a kind of grant which had been extended to England and Sc otland before on precisely similar grounds; and he would suggest to the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the Board of Works should not make a greater advance than 1,0001. to any one person. Another suggestion which he would also offer was, that, considering the great number of able-bodied paup ers at present in the workhouses, and the little employment that could be found for them, it would be desirable to bind the parties borrowing the money to spend it within twelve mon ths ; because, if the money were to be retained wholly or in part, for one, two, or throe PM/ it 1T9 1 114 not tumor the purpose they C9Ateth, THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 5, 1849. plated. He thought this: was a step in the right direc tion, and was most willing to acknowledge it as such in the most ample terms.—(Hear, hear. ) Mr. J. O'CONNELL said that giving full credit to the Government for good intentions in bringing forward this measure, there were one or two points to which he must be permitted to allude. The first was, that it was very necessary to stop the great waste of human life in the west of Ireland; and if it were necessary to grant additional aid in order to raise the scale of dietary, he thought the Go.. vernment should take it upon their responsibility to do it, although in so doing they might attract much popular dis satisfaction. Another point was, the necessity at all times great, but now most stringent, ofgiving security to the tenants in their holdings, so as to ensure to them the enjoyment of the fruits of their labour, food for the present and security for the future; but at any rate, food for the present, under measures which he felt confident ought not to be lost sight of, and he hoped the Government saw the necessity of provid ing immediately for both. Mr. REYNOLDS said, that though many Hon. Members wished the grant had been greater, still he believed all were glad to know that the Consolidated Fund was not to be for ever hermetically sealed against the people of Ireland. He had that day been sitting in the Irish Poor-law Committee, and bad there heard evidence which would harrow up the heart of any humane person ; and h - ewas even satisfied that had the Hon. Member for Tavistock, who spoke so strongly against the measure, heard it, his views on the question would at least have been much modified. He hailed this measure as one of material advantage to Ireland, and he could assure the Government that they would receive the thanks and gratitude of the people of that country for it. For his own part he begged to thank the Government most cor dially, as an Irish Member, for the useful measure they had brought forward. The resolution was agreed to without a division. The House resumed, and the CHAIRMAN reported the resolution to the House. THE MARRIAGES BILL. Mr. S. WORTLEY said he wished to explain to the House that he had yesterday told many of his Hon. Friends that if this Bill could not be reached that night before nine o'clock, he should not propose to go on with it. If that were a general understanding, it would be exceedingly wrong to press it ; but he believed that that was not the case. At nine o'clock they were hovering on the verge of a division. It was then little more than twenty minutes past nine, and as it seemed to be the general feeling of the House that the Bill should be proceeded with that night, he should propose to proceed. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he had consented to postpone the other orders, in order to afford an opportunity for conti nuing the discussion of this question, and as on that account many Hon. Members might have gone away in the belief that those orders would not be taken, the night would per haps be wasted unless the debate proceeded. Sir R. H. INGLIS said he hoped the Right Hon. Gentle man would not press on his motion that night, after the un derstanding that was come to yesterday, especially because it could not be concluded that night. Mr. STUART WORTLEY said he thought there would be no danger of occupying the attention of the House too long, if he yielded to the general feeling, and proposed to proceed with the debate. Mr. GOULBURN said that as an understanding had been come to, that the debate upon this Bill would not be taken that night, those who were anxious for it had no doubt gone away in the belief that it would not be moved. After a few words to the same affect from Mr. HENLEY, who also expressed his opinion that the debate on the Mar riages Bill would not close that night, if commenced, the other orders were postponed, and at length the adjourned de bate was moved. Sir R. H. INGLIS then said, that as the other orders were deemed of so little importance that they might be postponed until next week, and as he was sure that the Marriages Bill could not be debated to any useful purpose, he should move the adjournment of the debate. Mr. HENLEY seconded the motion. The House then divided, and the numbers were— For the motion 25 Against it Majority against 9l The House then resumed the adjourned debate Mr. BUNBURY was somewhat struck on the previous evening with the remarks of the Honourable Member for Plymouth (Mr. Roundell Palmer) in reference to the law on which this question rested. It was not for him (Mr. BunbnrY) and those with whom he acted, to show that the question was not supported by the Divine law; it was rather for these who held op posite opinions to show that it was; and if the law of God was express upon the subject, then they should adhere to that law. A great deal had been said and written on the subject. on the one side and the other, and if they looked to the evidence contained in the Blue Book—evidence which he believed to be strictly impartial—they would find that a ma j ,rity of the clergy of the Church of England had expressed themselves in favour of a change in the law. It appeared to both tending to de him that their p resent l aws ac t e d upon the people just as their " game la ws " acte d upon poachers, moralise. He would, i n conc lusion, sum up his remarks in an expression of opinion that they should not, on this subject, maintain any prohibition not strictly based upon, and main tainable by Divine law, and on those grounds he should give his assent to the Bill o f Hon. Friend. Mr. HOPE quite agreed with his Hon. Friend who had just addressed the House, if they could not show that this law was maintainable upon the authority of the law of God, that they should, on that ground, and on the ground of social expediency, make an alteration in it. His Hon. Friend had said that a majority of the clergy who were examined on the subject were in favour of a change in the law; but what was the fact ? Why, that there were but ten of the clergy altogether examined on the question, and that five were in favour of, and five against a change in the law. In a social point of view his Hon. Friend thought it was desirable that a man should be permitted to marry his brother's widow, as he would naturally be the best protector of herself and children, and this was put forward as the poor man's argument.— (Hear, hear.) There could not at all events be any distinction between the permission of marrying a brother's widow and a wife's sister. Ho contended that the statistics with regard to the number of these could not be relied upon, as, in fact, the greater pa r t o f th ose p ersons i n humble life who were supposed to be married within these prohibited degrees, were really cohabiting together, and had never been married. He then adduced two instances of parties, the one of fifty-nine, and the other sixty-eight, ap plying for permission to marry in order to prevent the scandal, as they alleged, of living together as brother and sister. He would ask, was it to give relief in such cases as that, that they would relax a law which had the sanction of the Christian Church for fifteen hundred years. A large portion of the Kirk of Scotland were against the change, a majority of the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland and of England were opposed to it. Sir G. GREY said he would briefly state the reasons which induced him to vote in favour of the second reading of the Bill. It was not necessary that he should enter into the subject, as it had been already exhausted by the speeches between a man and hi s d eceased wife ' s sister settled by ref erence to scripture. Every delivered on the debate. Neither would lie enter into the theological argument upon the que s ti on , H e did not think a cou m ld ir man should settle that point in his o wn m i nd. If there was n r i o a t g b e e beeat sil y any Member of that House who thought that such a mar riage was prohibited by Divine law, he could not, of course, vote in favour of the Bill upon the ground of its social necessity; but if he did not entertain an opinion that it was contrary to the Divine law, or that scripture was doubtful on the subject, then he might form his own opinion upon the question. They had every oppor tunity of forming an opinion from the information which had been afforded them by the speeches delivered on the subject, and by reference to the various pamphlets which had been recently written on the subject. For his own part he did not think there was any scriptural prohibition against such marriages, and he therefore was free to vote in favour of the Bill, on the grounds of social convenience, and the general interests of mankind. References had been made to the authority of the Church. If by that was meant the au thority of the early fathers or general councils previous to the Reformation, he could not attach much authority to them, as in that case he would be carried much farther than this prohibition, and would be involved in many other pro hibitions which were repugnant to common sense—such as the prohibition of marriage between sponsors and guardians and wards, and other cases where no consanguinity existed, prohibitions which were repugnant to the judgment and feel ings of men. If the authorities of the Church meant the opinions of the early reformers and of the Church, as esta blished by law in this country, he did not think the pro hibition could be sustained upon such authority. This Bill did not make such marriages obligatory, if it did it would be highly objectionable, but it left every one free to act as they thought proper, who were not members of the Church of England. Looking at the question as it referred to considerations of social policy, he thought that all the argument and the reason was in that point of view in favour of a relaxation of the law. The law of 1835 was only in tended to remove the doubts which at that time exist e d w ith regard to this descr i p tion of marriages, and it was th e object of the framers of that Bill to set those doubts a t rest. It was in its passage through the House of Lo r d s th at the prohibitory clause was introduced. Previous to the Act of 18 35 these marriages were not void, but voidable, and the consequence was that the uncertain state of the law, in this respect, gave rise to great anxiety, the parties never knowing when steps might be taken to render them void, it being merely accidental whether or not they were dis solved. To remedy this was the object of the Bill. The effect of the Act of 1835 had not been to prevent marriages of the kind ; it was introduced to prohibit it taking place, and the consequence was, that no change had been produced by it, and marriages of the kind prohibited were being cele brated the same as heretofore. That was amply proved by the evidence taken before the Commissioners—that evidence further showed that those marriages were not only entered into by parties moving in the higher spheres of life, but that they were so by those moving in less exalted stations; and what appeared to him to be the strongest point of the case was, that while the evidence upon which the measure was founded was gathered from the opinions, and feelings, and wishes of the common people on the subject, the arguments of those who opposed it were founded on the various shades of ec clesiastical doctrine and church practice ; and that therefore, to his mind, th e f orger sort of evidence had a much stronger effect than the latter. Those who knew best the habits and feelings of the people, gave their evidence in favour of a mea sure such as the present, and therefore attaching more im portance to the evidence of those who ought, he conceived, to know best the habits and feelings of the people on the sub ject; he would support a measure founded on such evidence, rather than reject it on no other evidence than the opinions of those who had no such knowledge of the subject ; all that could be said against the measure was, that it might cause some difficulty in respect to marriages among the higher classes of society, but as they had it in evidence that it would confer great benefits on these of a lower grade, he con fessed that he for one would not hesitate to give the measure his support. There were now evasions of the law in respect of marriage,'„and a great deal of perjury practised, often ,in order to get the ceremony carried out, and he conceived that the present measure would be the means of, in a considerable degree, doing away with that. These considerations ought not to be overlooked. Besides, they had the experience of other countries to guide them. The fact was, that such marriages as that contemplated by the measure were allowed throughout the Continent, and in the United States of America, and he had not as yet heard that in any of those places any inconvenience had resulted to the community in consequence of such a law being in force. They had also the great body of the Protestant Dis senters in this country in favour of the measure, with a large number of the Roman Catholics, as well as a large body of the members and clergy of the Church of England asking for the change, and, with these facts before them, he saw no reason why the measure should not be entertained. Sir ROBERT INGLIS admitted, that while it might not be desirable to enter into a dissertation on the sacred Scrip tures in that House, yet it was true that there were cases in which they were bound to do so. The present he considered one of those cases. With a view to their coming to a deci sion in this case, they must seek the guidance of the word of God, and unless they took the Old and the New Testament together, they could not come to a decision on the point. Let them take the 18 chapters of Leviticus, and interpret it in connexion with the New Testament, they would find that it fully bore upon the present case. The general prin ciple laid down in that chapter was, that a man should not marry those of near kin to him, and unless they could say, because the marriage of a man With his daughter was not expressly prohibited by the word of God, while it was said that he should not marry his granddaughter, then he said that they had as good a right to say that a man could not marry his wife's sister, such not being directly prohibited in Scripture. He could have wished that the system adopted seven years ago, when they were not even allowed to discuss the question, should have been followed on the present occa sion. But then it was said in the interim a royal commis sion had been issued, and a mass of evidence collected on the subject. Into that evidence he did not require to go, as his Right Honourable Friend the Member for Cambridge had ably discussed that part of the question. For himself, he had never risen in that House with greater personal pain than on the present. and he said again, that he wished the dis cussion had not been raised. He believed that there never had been laid on the table of the House a document so in formal and so irregular, as was the report of these royal commissions. The Commissioners had not recorded their attendance on any one occasion. But so far front this Bill being the result of the researches of the commissioners these Commissioners in the end of the report stated that they had come to no decision whatever as to whether any or what measure should be introduced for a change of the law. Therefore the Commissioners reported nothing, and wanted the Houseto do nothing. He agreed with two or three of the facts stated in the report of these Commissioners. The Com missioners stated distinctly that the public opinion of Eng land was opposed to any such measure as the present. No one could deny that the Bill before the House was against the doctrine held by the Church of England, and whatever might be said by those who wished to make it appear that they were in connexion with the Church of England, but who, by their practice, were not—by their decision he would not be bound, as he was prepared, by the authority of the Canons and Prayerbook of the Church of England, to prove that such a measure was alike in direct opposition to both. With respect to the law of Scotland which this Bill pro posed to supersede, he called the attention of the House to the fact that that law was not a municipal law—that it was not such as Lord Hardwicke or Lord Lyndhurst proposed to set aside, for it was founded in the confession of faith set out in the sth of William and Mary, and stating that no man was to marry a nearer relation of his wife than of his own. That was no obsolete statute, not having reference to the feelings of the present day ; for the opinion of the clergy of Scotland was against the measure, as admitted by the Commissioners themselves; and if they added the laity also, they would have been correct. His Right Honourable Friend, the Secretary at War, had that very evening stated, that if the Bill unhappily passed, he would move that it be not extended to Scotland ; and he (Sir R. Inglis) hoped the Hon. and Learned Member for the University of Dublin would, on behalf of Ireland, give notice of a similar motion, for he believed the feelings of the Irish people were as much outraged as those of Scotland, by the introduction of such a Bill. The Hon. and Learned Member for Southampton con tended that the present law of marriage in England arose from the foul source of Henry the Eighth wishing to marry Anne Boleyn. He denied that; but at all events, the prac tice of the universal church was against such marriages for 1,500 years. It also formed for the last 300 years a portion of the canon law of England, and he trusted it never would be set aside by an Act of that House. Should the Bill, how ever, get into Committee, he would endeavour to modify it as much as possible, particularly that clause which left the clergy to perform such a marriage or not, just as it pleased them. He knew no greater source of dissension in the Church than that would be ; and he should, therefore, give it all the opposi tion in his power. Suppose, for example, the Rector of St. Pancras refused to do so, and the Rector of St. Giles per formed such a marriage, would that, he would ask his Right Hon. Friend, tend to promote unity or that one common doctrine which members of the Church of England were so willing to uphold ? There was one circumstance, however, of great importance, namely, the feelings of the women of England. He believed they were opposed to it, and wherever he went to, the feeling was against such a proposition. He did not allude to the 1,120 women whose petition the Hon. Member for Devonport alluded to in his able speech ; he did not mean those alone, for he himself had many communica tions, and one in particular from a lady of rank and con dition, who stated that she had eleven sisters, and that were the law hitherto as now proposed, she should not have allowed one of them to come near the house, for she would be jealous of them all.—(Laughter.) It was well known that many sisters who devoted their lives to the eare of the orphan children of a deceased sister would never have en tered the house if this Bill were law, and would, as soon as it was passed, abandon those children who owed so much to their care and attention. He contended the Com missioners had not conducted that inquiry wish that labo rious research which the case required, and that, therefore, the report they presented to the House was exceed ingly defective. For his own part, he should be most happy to extend, as far as he could, the reasonable happi ness of his fellow-creatures, but he must not do so when it was opposed to the word and will of God, and he therefore implored the House to reject this Bill, in deference to the feeling of the people of England, to the great majority of the people of Scotland, and of the people of Ireland, the latter of whom expressed most ably their opinions by the petitions presented to that House, by the clergymen of the Established Church of that part of the United Kingdom. If it be also true that the great Church of Rome concurred in the same feeling ; if it be true, as he had already said, that it was peculiarly a woman's question, he implored of the House not to violate the law of God, or his Church, or offend the great mass of the people of this country, by the passing of such a Bill.—(Cheers. ) Mr. NAPIER then moved the adjournment of the de bate, after which the House adjourned at Half-past Twelve o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Coinmons.) FRIDAY, MAY 4. STANDING ORDERS COMMITTEE. The following Resolutions were reported from the above Committee : 1. That in the case of the Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (Extension of Ashton Branch, of Clifton Branch, &c.) petition for additional Provision, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with :—That the parties be permitted to introduce their additional Provision if the Committee on the Bill shall think fit. 2. That in the case of the South Devon Railway (to regulate priority of Dividends) petition, the standing orders ought not to be dispensed with. 3. That in the case of the Westbead's Patent (for Im provements in Manufacturing Fur into Fabrics) petition, the standing orders ought to be dispensed with:—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill, on inserting the notice once in the London Gazette :—That the Com mittee on the Bill do examine, in the first place, how far such order has been complied with, and do report the same to the House on the report of the Bill. . . • First and third Resolutions agreed to.—Report to lie on the table. SHEFFIELD ELECTION. An event unprecedented in the political history of Shef field has happened this week—the election of a borough Member without a contest. The proud distinction of being thus unanimously returned has fallen upon Mr. John Arthur Roebuck. The retirement of Mr. Ward, as one of the representatives of this borough took place on Friday (yesterday) week, and on the same night a new writ was moved for, issued, and sent down to the sheriff of the county. On Saturday the writ was placed in the hands of the mayor, Mr. T. R. Barker, upon whom, as returning officer, it devolved to fix the day of election. His worship, without a moment's needles delay, announced by placard the earliest day that he could appoint for the nomination—namely, Thursday, the three intervening days required by law being Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday. The election took place on Thursday, at ten o'clock, and was conducted on a spacious and commodious hustings im mediately in advance of the enclosed area of the Corn- Exchange, and the large vacant space in front (the New Haymarket) was appropriated to the assemblage of the in habitants. Precisely at 10 o'clock, the Mayor and Town clerk having taken their place upon the hustings, Mr. Roebuck arrived and ascended the platform, accompanied by Mr. Fisher, Mr. Dunn, and other gentlemen. Among the more influential electors present on the hustings we noticed—Mr. Fisher, Mr. Dunn, Mr. Philips, barrister-at-law ; Mr. Gainsford ; Mr. Hinds, solicitor; Mr. J. W. Smith, solicitor; Mr. Hills, grocer ; Mr. J. P. Cutts ; Mr. Councillor Wall ; the Rev. Mr. Rhodes, of Fulwood ; Mr. W. Fisher, jun. ; Mr. M. J. Elli son ; Mr. Isaac Ironside ; Mr. Isaac Schofield ; Mr. G. L. Saunders ; Mr. R. Roper ; Mr. Fewsdale ; Mr. Mycock ; Mr. John Yeomans, jun. ; Mr. Beale ; Mr. R. Otley ; Mr. Johnson, Fargate ; and also a party of ladies. The preliminary forms having hewn observed, Mr. W. FISLUER came forward and nominated John Arthur Roebuck, Esq., as a fit and proper person to represent the borough of Sheffield in Parliament. Mr. E. SMITH seconded the nomination. Mr. lIIONSIDE concurred in the nomination of Mr. Roe buck, but entered at same length into points on which he differed with him. The first of these was as to the exclusion of criminals from the exercise of the franchise; the rest related to what Mr. Ironside called questions of social re form, in answering which he gave Mr. Roebuck 12 months to consider. Mr. Rosana( then came forward, and said that it was not one man, nor one class of men, that had brought him to the position he then occupied; that he was there as the repre sentative of the whole constituency, and that going up to Parliament as the representative of a large commercial town, he hoped his opinions might have power where they ought to have power. It had suggested itself to him that this se lection had been made because he had educated himself to the business of legislating. It was his firm belief that a man could not be a good legislator without education, and that amateur legislation led to the evils which they saw around them. He would be their representative, but not their delegate. He had heard it said that labour was the source of all wealth, but it must be conducted by intelligence to make it effective. In the manufacturing community which surrounded him he found many internal disputes, and he be lieved that there were wrongs on both sides. As to trades unions, it was a perfectly right course for men to combine together if they acted legally, but they might come to a wrong conclusion even for their own benefit. Mr. Roebuck here proceeded to repel a charge brought against one of the Judges by Mr. Ironside, in connexion with a case of illegal combination in a trades union. Having also stated his difference with Mr. Ironside on other points, he proceeded to state his opinion that most of the evils which afflicted the working classes had nothing whatever to do with the exclusive state of the franchise. It there was a Chartist Parliament elected to-day, and they were about to ; legislate, these differences of opinion would arise up on th e question of the issue of money. There would be a minority and a majority, and the Chartist Speaker would have to de clare who had it. England contained a large number of people, and the Chartists would soon find that they formed only a small fraction of the community, and that people would go to a Chartist Parliament who did not approve of the Charter. He wanted the law to protect the working classes against any man's interference or coer cion; when he did that he did all he could do. The law could not make bread, it could only prevent the working man's bread being taken from him. if he could assist in any way the enfranchisement of the people, they would always find him ready. He would not pledge himself to any body or any thing, but if he did not act as they liked, they knew what to do. As to the effect of taxation on the suffer ings of the people, his view was this,—he thought that the unskilled labourers' whole wages were decided by tl sir num bers; and supposing that immediately after the wage was fixed the whole of the taxation was taken off the commodi ties which formed the consumption of the working man, what would be the consequence upon the wage of the la bourer. He sincerely believed that the instantaneous effect of its being discovered that tea, tobacco, sugar, and such like, were lowered one half in price would be that down would go the wage one half. If that was the rule, taxation did not oppress the unskilled labourer. But taxation interfered with the rule that a man should have perfect liberty to exercise his ingenuity, his skill, and his capital, without let or hindrance from anybody. If large portions of the public Toney were spent upon idleness or unnecessary squandering, as he saw from day to day, the great body of the people were deprived of their wealth, and the happiness of the com munity was detrimentally affected thereby. But the great mischief was done indirectly, by the terrible trammelling of the labouring man's ingenuity, and not direct l y by the effect , upon his wage. With respect to his opinion upon Frost, Williams, and Jones, he thought that they had acted un fairly by the working men, and that any educated man leading an unarmed multitude right into the face of discipline and well-armed infantry was not a good or a wise man. Ho would himself, if a time came, as come it might, that rendered rebellion necessary—he would himself be the man that would be shot . down. He would not run away, and let others be shot; and these men having done so, he would not ask any Minister of the Crown for the remission of their punishment. As to local taxation, there appeared to him a great deal too much of it, but it was too intricate a subject to enter on then. Mr. Cobden's scheme of taxation he charac terised as an unstatesmanlike view. If it was necessary to take ten millions off, let it be so ; but if it was requisite to have a certain sum to carry on the business of the State, he would have that sum, whatever happened. As to the question of Church and State, he honestly supported the principle that every congregation ought to support its own minister. But where a majajority of the community wanted a State Church he would not go against it. If he found that a ma jority in this country said that a State Church ought to be simply a Church of the Protestant Episcopal part of the country, he would go that way. But he considered the revenues of the Church to belong to what, in common par lance was called " the Church," meaning thereby the Churchmen, and not the Church. The Church was the great body of communicants, and not the clergy; therefore he drew the conclusion that Church property belonged to the people, and the majority of them might do with it what they liked. He did not believe that the majority of the peo ple were agreed to divest at once any portion of the Episco pal Church of the country of their property, and to make it property for any other purposes. He believed that if England was polled to-morrow a majority of its inhabitants would be found members of the Episcopal Church and in favour of its connexion with the State. In Ireland this was not so, the Church there being in the minority. He was prepared, therefore, instantly to do away with the Church of Ireland, which he regarded as one of the greatest enormities in Europe. He proposed to apply the funds of that Church, not to the endowment of Roman Catholicism, but to the education of the Irish people. The New Poor law was a dismal subject, and he would deal with it as well as he could while there was a gleam of sunshine. Mr. Roe buck then proceeded at great length to explain his views on this point. He concluded by expressing his great gratifica tion at the manner in which he had become the representa tive of the borough of Sheffield. It proved to him that amongst all classes of his countrymen upright conduct did meet its own reward, and that if a representative did his duty by the people, the people would do their duty by him. The proceedings terminated with the usual vote of thanks to the Mayor. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, May 4. (Sittings in Banco.) IN RE TICE " SATIRIST" NEWSPAPER. Mr. KNOWLES appeared to show cause against a rule call ing on the sureties for the printer and publisher of the Satirist newspaper to show cause why the Duke of Bruns wick should not be at liberty to proceed against them on their bond under the Ist William IV., c. 73. It appeared that the Duke of Brunswick had obtained a verdict and judgment against the Satirist for a malicious libel, and there being no property available to satisfy the judgment, his Royal High ness sought to set in motion the provisions of the statute above-named against the sureties. That statute enacts that if it should be made out to the satisfaction of the Court of Exchequer by the plaintiff in such a cause that he has not obtained any satisfaction from the defendant, it shall be law ful for the Court of Exchequer to direct such proceedings against the sureties on their recognizances as might be taken by the Crown to recover any fines and penalties. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, being in court when the rule was mentioned, interposed, and informed the Court that this proceeding seemed to him to be an assumption by the Duke of the office of public prosecutor. He was constituting him self thereby the representative of the Crown for the recovery of penalties due to the Crown, for the bond was given to the Crown. Mr. KxowLEs suggested that the only proper way of enforcing the statute was for his Learned Friend the Attor• ney-General to file an information. The CHIEF BARON—The section certainly would warrant that view of it. We will hear the other side. Mr. SNOW, in support of the rule, contended that the words of the Act justified the Court in interfering on the applica tion of the plaintiff in the original suit, otherwise the statute would seld.)in be enforced, except at the discretion of th• Attorney-General. Mr. KNOWLES having been called on to continue his argu ment on the merits, submitted that the Duke had entirely misconceived his remedy. The Ist William IV., c. 73, sec. 4, only contemplated actions against " the editor, conductor, or proprietor," and the defendant in this action was only the printer and publisher. Mr. SNOW, in reply, urged that the printer and publisher fell within this section of the Act, and not the editor, con ductor, or proprietor, who never entered into the bond. If this objection were to be allowed the Act would be wholly in operative. The COURT, however, thought the case was free from doubt. The defendant being neither editor, conductor, or proprietor, the Court h a d no p ower t o proceed against him in the way pointed out by this rule, which must, therefore, be discharged with costs. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, May 4. (Sittings in Banco.) THOMPSON V. THE WESLEYAN NEWSPAPER ASSOCIATION. In this case Mr. Serjeant Talfouri and Mr. Grey appeared to show cause against a rule obtained on a former day by Mr. Serjeant Bylesand Mr. Willes, calling on the defendants to show cause why the verdict should not be entered for the plaintiff on the first and fourth issues non obstante veredicto, pursuant to leave reserved at the trial. The action was tried at the Middlesex sittings after Hilary term last year, before Mr. Justic e M au l e. Th e act i on was brought by the plaintiff as the endorsee of two bills of ex change, accepted by the Wesleyan Newspaper Association. The declaration stated that the association in question was a registered company under the Joint-stock Companies Registration Act (8 and 9 Victoria, c. 110), and that by their deed of settlement a power was given to two of the directors of the company for the time being to accept bills of exchange on behalf of the company, and that two such bills, one for 1041. and the other for 521., were drawn by one Healey upon, and were accepted by two of the directors of the company on behalf of the association, and counter signed by one Brewtenal, the managing director duly autho rised in that behalf. The pleas material to the argument denied the authority of the directors to accept the bills on behalf of the association. The deed of settlement made provision for the purchase of the Wesleyan newspaper by the association for 3,0001., 1,0001. of which was to remain as a debt, for which the directors were empowered to draw bills of exchange, or to make promissory notes, pursuant to the directions of the Joint-Stock Companies Act. The deed also provided that it. should not be lawful for the company to contract any debts fur more than 1001. at any one time, except for the purchase-money, and that the directors might accept a bill of exchange or make a promissory note for that balance. There was also a power in the deed of settlement reserving power to the directors to alter and vary the company's contracts. The directors having given a note for the balance of 1,0001. of the purchase money to Healy, at his recriest for the convenience of discount, gave ,smaller bills in lieu of the 1,0001. bill, two of which were those sued upon, the 1,0001. note not having been delivered up. dealey afterwards became bank rupt and the 1,0001. note passed into the hands of his as signee, though no demand had been made in respect of that note. The 45 section of the Joint-Stock Companies Act directs that bills of exchange accepted by a joint-stcok com pany should be signed by two of the directors and counter signed by the secretary. At the trial the Learned Judge who tried the case intimated an opinion that the defendants, according to his construction of the deed of settlement, were entitled to a verdict, but reserved leave to the plaintiff to move to enter the verdict for him if the Court should be of a contrary opinion. In showing cause against the rule the Learned Counsel contended that the directors were not authorised by the deed of settlement to accept those bills. The deed only contemplated one bill for the balance of the debt, and the power ought to be strictly pursued; and the deed being re gistered, the plaintiff' had the power of inspecting it and ascertaining the limited power of the directors as to accept ing bills. — Mr. Sergeant BYLES and Mr. WILLES, in support of the rule, contended that the directors had duly exercised their power, and the plaintiff being an endorsee for value, it did not lie in the mouth of the defendants to deny the execution of the power. The deed recited that the parties of the first part had entered into a company for the purpose of purchas ing the copyright of the Wesleyan newspaper, and of the fix tures, types, &c., of the office, for the purpose of carrying on the paper. This agreement was in the nature of a partner ship for carrying on the newspaper. They had power given them by the deeds to draw bills ; an inspection of the deed would show that to a proposed endorsee, and the bills were drawn according to the form ordered by the 45th section of the Joint Stock Companies' Act. The bills were, therefore, the bills of a trading partnership, having power to accept such bills, and were duly accepted. On these grounds it was submitted that the defendants were liable on the bills de clared on. The COURT took time to consider its judgment. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. THAMES. ___ _ His Highness the Prince Cast eleic ala, the Ambassador to this Court for the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, came before Mr. Ingham, with Mr. Bodkin the barrister, and a gentle man belonging to the firm of White, Broughton, and White, solicitors, of Great Marlborough-street, for the purpose of obtaining process against Captain John Moody, late com mander of the steam-ship Bombay, which was seized about seven weeks ago by the Custom-house authorities for a vio lation of the Foreign Enlistment Act (59th of George 111., chap. 69). The vessel and stores have been since valued by Mr. Cornell, the Queen's appraiser, at 50,0004 and are still under detention at Blackwell. Mr. Bodkin, after introducing the Prince, addressed the Magistrate, and said he was directed by his Highness to apply for a summons against Captain John Moody, a Bri tish subject, who, in violation of th e l aw, had, without leave of h er Majesty Queen Victoria first had and ob tained, fitted out and equipped a steam-ship called the Bom bay, for the purpose of assisting the insurgents of Palermo, who were in rebellion against the authority of their lawful sovereign, the King of the Two Sicilies. The Act 59th Geo. 111., c. 69, commonly called the Foreign Enlistment Act, was a very important one, and began by stating that " Whereas the enlistment er engagement of his Majesty's subjects to serve in war in foreign service without his Ma jesty's license, and the fitting out and equipment and arming of vessels by his Majesty's subjects without his Majesty's license, for warlike operations in or against the dominions or territories of any foreign Prince, state, potentate, or per sons exercising, or assuming to exercise, the powers of Go vernment in or over any foreign country, colony, province, or part of any province, or against the ships, goods, or merchandize, of any foreign Prince, state, potentate, or per sous as aforesaid, or their subjects, may be prejudicial to and tend to endanger the peace and welfare of this king dom." After reciting other enactments, the Learned Counsel went on to say that the wisdom of the law could not be ques tioned, and then read the 7th section applicable to the present case, and which expressly prohibited the equipment of vessels for warlike purposes, for the service of any foreign power with out the consent of the Sovereign of these realms ; and upon con viction the offender was liable to fine or imprisonment, or both in the discretion of the Court. Amidst the convulsions which affected foreign states, it was well known that the Sicilians had rebelled against the authority of the King of Naples—or more properly speaking, the King of the Two Sicilies—whose Ambassador to this Court was the present complainant. Soon after the breaking out of the insurrec tion in Sicily the insurgents commissioned agents to visit England, and they purchased two large steamers, the Victor and the Bombay, both (as our reporter understood the Learned Counsel, who was occasionally scarcely audible) for merly belonging to the Oriental Steam Navigation Company. The real destination of these steamers was, of course, kept a secret as long as possible, and one of them, the Victor, was fitted out for warlike purposes at Live r p oo l, and sailed from that port before the Sicilian Embassy could obtain sufficient legal evidence to justify her detention. The Victor proceeded to galta, where her name was changed to the ludependanza, and she proceeded to Palermo as a war steamer, and reached that place only two days before the Neapolitans blockaded the port. The same steamer had since left Palermo with the Polish General of the insurgents and 200 insurgents ou board, and reached Marseilles a few days ago, where she was seized by the French authorities, and the Pole and the Sicilians made prisoners. It was, however, with the Bombay that the magistrate was called upon to interfere. Sicily formed part of the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, which was on terms of peace and amity with Great Britain. The ac-. credited agent was his Highness Prince Castelcicala, who, as the representative of his Sovereign, had a right to complain that steamers had been fitted out in this country to aid and assist the insurgents in Sicily. The Bombay was a steamer of very large burden, well calculated for warlike purposes. It would be proved in evidence that she was pur chased by the agents of the Sicilian insurgents; that the, command had been vested in Captain John Moody, and that considerable alterations had been effected after the original owners had parted with her, although she was a new steamer. Her knees were strengthened, and improvements effected to admit a traversing battery into operation on her decks. Her bulwarks were so constructed as to conceal her batteries, and a large powder magazine was formed. En gineers and stokers were engaged to take her from this port to the Mediterranean, and everything was in readiness for her departure on her warlike expedition when she was de tained and seized by the Custom-house authorities at Black well. It would be satisfactorily made out that the Bombay was equipped under the direction of Captain John Moody, and that when she went down the river on an experimental trip to ascertain her speed Captain Moody had the command of her, and the agents of the Palermo insurgents were on board. He therefore asked that process should issue against Captain Moody. With the political part of th e question had nothing to do, and he would abstain from saying whether the Sicilian insurgents were entitled to sympathy or not. People might sympathize with their cause if they pleased, but it was the bounden duty of the distinguished foreigner whom he represented to protect the interests of his Sove reign, and for the Government of this country, and those who administered the law, to take care that the Act of Parliament' was carried out to prevent our being embroiled in the wars of foreign states. INGHAM—DO you apply for a summons or a warrant, Mr. Bodkin? Mr. Bodkin—For a summons. A late Act will enable you to grant one. The question is simply this, whether I have not made out a case for your interference under the 7th sec tion of the Act. 111 r. INGHAIK read the 7th section, and said that Mr. Bodkin was entitled to the summons. He supposed the ob ject was, for the captain L to be brought before him, and if the charge was made out, to call upon him to find bail to answer the charge at the sessions. Mr. Bodkin—Exactly so. I ask in the first instance for A summons only. Mr. IxattAm—And the Prince Castelcicala comes before me as a complainant? Mr. Bodkia—Yes Sir, to protect the rights and interests of his Sovereign. Mr. INGHAM—Let the summons issue. Mr. Bodkin-1 have prepared a form, Sir, and the sum mons, with your permission, will run thus :—" That you. John Moody, did unlawfully, and without the leave and license of her Majesty Queen Victoria, equip, and endeavour to equip, and knowingly did aid and assist in equipping a certain steam vessel called the Bombay, in order that such vessel should be employed in the service of certain persons assuming to exercise the powers of government in a certain foreign state—to wit the kingdom of the two Sicilies—and with intent to cause and commence hostilities, to wit a certain foreign Prince with the King of the Two Sicilies, when her Majesty was not at war at the time of the commission of the said offence; contrary to the statute." Mr. IsGnAsf—Let the summons issue in that form. Where is the Bombay now? Mr. Bodkin—At Blackwall, in the possession of the offi cers of the Crown. The summons was then made out, anl the Prince and his suite retired. NA VAL INTELLIGENCE. Ar.EA, Aram 22.—The passing events of the last feW days are of exciting interest ; steamers, arriving from ports of Sicily, discharge their living cargoes of the vanquished• Republicans into the island, and we are now literally swarm ing with people of that nation of every hue and grade. The news of the unwillingness of the National Guard of Palermo to burn powder against the troops of Naples reached us on the 19th inst., by the French steamer Independente, on board of which vessel arrived here the Duke of Verdure. Colonel Massa, and several members of the Palermitan Parliament, who have effected their escape; and the cele brated Ruggiero Sittimo is hourly expected by the steamer Bosphoro. The Chevalier Wiercinski, whose letter to the Minister of War at Palermo, I sent you on the 16th inst. by the Locust, left us this morning with his family, by the French steamer Eurotas ; and so great is his poverty that he could only ob tain a deck passage, the Admiral having refused him a pas' sage by the Hibernia. Her Majesty' ship Hibernia is ready for sea, and is under orders to leave this place for England on Tuesday next. The Admiral's flag will be hoisted on board the Caledonia. Yesterday arrived a steamer from Genoa with the Repub lican flag flying. Her Majesty's judges have this week been employed in the trial of two suldiers of the 44th Regiment, William Forth and James Alexander; the one, charged with robbing Frenchman; the other, being on sentry, for stopping a Greek and robbing him. Forth was convicted and sen tenced to six months' imprisonment; Alexander was ac quitted. _ _ _ n A private of the 44th Regiment, John Ward, fired his gun into a powder magazine on the 19th inst., and afterwards threw uff his regimental clothing to make his escape. Ile was siezed, and delivered over to the main guard, and yes' terday was brought to a court-martial. His sentence has not transpired, but it is thought that the principal charge Is not proved. The Genoese fleet is hourly expected. The India mail, expected on the 24th, will be sent through France, by the Medusa, Captain Bathurst, who so nobly entertained Sir C. Napier, en route from Marseilles to Leg horn. PonTssiourrn, May 4.- By the death of Admiral Sir Adam Drummond, K.C.H. an officer of 70 ye ars ' service Sir John A. Ommanney, K.C.8., Vice-Admi ra l o f t h e Red, o bt a i n s the rank of Admiral; Rear-Admiral Sir D. H. Mackay, Com manding-in-Chief on the Cork station, attains the rank of Vice-Admiral; and Captain Ferguson (1814), obtains his flag. The usual changes in the squadron of Red, White, and Blue, also take place. Captain Peter Richards, C.B. (1828), superintendent of the Pembroke Dockyard, is ordered to be removed to Chat ham Dockyard, vice Sir Thomas Bourchier, deceased. Captain Henry Algernon Eliot (1830) is appointed super intendent of Pembroke Dockyard. Captain Sir Thomas Sabine Pasley (1831) is appointed to the Castor, 36, at Chatham, to hoist a broad pendant of the second class, and take the Command-in-Chief on the Cape of Good Hope station, vice Rear-Admiral B. Reynolds, C. 13-0 who will be removed to the south-east coast of America, vice Commodore Sir Thomas Herbert, K.C.8., to be ordered home- FUNERAL OF SIR THOMAS BOURCHIER, K.C.B.—The re mains of this gallant and distinguished officer were inter red on Thursday at the new burial-ground at Chatham , with military honours. The procession left the superinten dent's official residence at half-past two o'clock ; the flag ship Poictiers firing minute guns, and the colours at all the Government establishments and on board the ships being lowered halfway down the staff. All the naval officers et the port, most of the officers of the garrison, together with the officers of the dockyard, formed the mournful cortege, Vice-Admiral the Hon. G. Elliot, C. 8., Commander-in-Chief at the Nore, bringing up the rear. A detachment of the Royal Marines formed the firing party, and the Marine band performed the funeral march. The large concourse of offi cers of all services, and the thousands of the respectable in habitants of the town who were present, testified the great respect in which the gallant deceased was held in the neighbourhood. The statement that Captain Charles Hope i 3 appointed Superintendent of Pembroke Docky ar d, an d that Captai n Sir Thomas Pasley, Bart., is appointed Commander to suc ceed Rear•Adiairal Reynolds in command of the Cape, 13 not true. The Admiralty have ordered that vegetable tar be dis continued for paying the bottoms of ships, and for saturat ing the paper placed under the copper, and that mineral tar be used in future for that purpose. The Comet steamer, Commander Otter, went to Spithead on Thursday, and sailed for the Hebrides on Friday. It is expected that the value of the freight of the Ca' lypso, 20, Captain Worth, from the Pacific, will be 3,000,000 of dollars. In port and fitting.—The Victory, 22, flag-ship of the Commander-in•Chiet ; Illustrious, 10, Admiral Superinten dent's flag-ship; *Victoria and Albert Royal steam yacht; Excellent gunnery practice ship ; Blenheim, GO, steam block ship, and guard ship of steamers; and Rolla, 6, exe rc ise brig for naval apprenti ces; Stromboli, Plumper, and *Reynard steam sloops; Fairy, Fire Queen, Elphin, Bee, and Myrtle steam tenders; Echo steam tug; Fanny, Commander-in' Chief's yacht; Portsmouth, yacht ofAdmiral Superintendents At Spithead.—The Superb, 80. In the Steam Basin.—The Ajax, 56, steam block ship ; Victoria and Albert Royal yacht; Sidon, Termagant, Re tribution and Penelope steam frigates; Cormorant, Phcenix, and Polyphemus steam sloops; Urgent and Sprightly steam packets. In Dock.—The Princess Charlotte, 104 ; Vindictive, 50; Grampus, 50 ; and Devastation steam sloop. N.B. Those marked with an asterisk are in the steam basin undergoing repair. The old basin is under repair. Wind, S.E. by S. ; moderate breezes and hazy weather. CHATHAM, MAY 4.—The Pigmy steam vessel has pro ceeded to Sheerness to be employed under the direction of the Vice-Admiral the Hon. G. Elliot during the time the Wildfire steam vessel remains under repair. The Castor, 36 guns, is masted, and is now rea d y f or com mission, and sh e i 3 daily expected to hoist the peadant ; there are waiting a number of blue jackets to be entered as soon as she is commissioned. The Cleopatra, 26 guns, Captain T. L. Massie; the pendant of this ship was hoisted on the 2d inst., by the Master, J. T. Davies, and the same day the First Lieutenant, E. A. Por cher, joined the ship, and the previous day 84 supernumerary seamen were brought by the Confiaace steamer from Ports mouth, and the Myrtle steam vessel also brought from Ports mouth 26 seamen for the Cleopatra ; and on the 3d inst. the Royal Marines from the Chatham division joined the same ship, viz., 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, 1 drummer, and 31 privates under the command of First-Lieutenant James Taylor. The Cleopatra's complement is to consist, including officers, of 240 men ; she is completed excepting trifling j obs consequent on ships fitting for sea. The Duck, Savage, master, sailed yesterday with stores for Devonport ; and the Rochester naval lighter, Sudwicks master, sailed for Woolwich with stores. rADv."— :VE RTISE MEN T. —TEE EARL OF ALDIiORO you AND HoLtowAv's PILLS. —An ast oun di ng cure by this miraculous medicine, alter every other means had failed. See extract from big Lordship's letter, dated " Villa Messina, Leghorn, Feb. 21, 184 5 . Professor Holloway —Sir : I beg to acquaint you that your pills have ef fected a cure of a disorder in my liver and stomach which all the molt eminent of the facility, at home and all ever the continent, h a d not been able to effect ; nay, not even tha waters of Carlsbad or 1.1!4" rienbad. (Signed) " ALDsortouon." These wenderfhl pills will cure any disease of the liver or stomach.—Sold (also HellowaY S Ointment) at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, :Maid, and by *ll medicine vendors throughout the civilised world. BTHS, At Tiptrce-hall, E ssex , o n the 4th inst., the lady of Mr. Mechi, of a daughter. On the Ist inst., at Antony, Cornwall, the wife of W. H. Pole Carew, Esq., M.P., of a son and heir. On the 2d inst., at Sussex-place, Regent's-park, the lady of I. Moses, Esq., of a daughter. On the 2d inst., at Bolton-street, Piccadilly, the ails of Dr. Tyler Smith, of a son. DIED. At St. Ilelier's, Jersey, on the let inst., Sarah Forbes, wife of Captain Williams, R.N. A. St. Leonard's-on -Sea, on the 2d inst., Julia, only (laugh' ter of the I:..te Vice-Admiral Peacocke. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the covnty of Bliddloaez, Saturday, May 6, 1849,