The Sun. — London, England, 1842-03-05 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, March 4. lie LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at Ten Minutes past Five o'Clock. PRESBYTERIAN MARRIAGES. The Marquis of HEADFORT presented a petition from Monaghan favour of the legalization of Presby terian marriages. - SPANISH AFFAIRS. The Earl of CLARENDON wished to put a question, pursuant to notice, to the Noble Lord, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, respecting the preparations now being made in France for a fresh insurrection in Spain. These preparations were carried on with so Touch system and publicity, that they excited the alarm of all who were interested in the welfare and prosperity of that country. He had no doubt that communication on the matter had passed be ~. tween the Noble Earl and the French Minister f-or Foreign Affairs, and that the Noble Earl had been s us . eared that those preparations were not encourair"eil by the French Government, and that, with wach an assurance, he would rest satisfied. But, on the elver hand, in the struggles against fan-elfin ag awassion for ,which Spain was now preparing, it *uuld be of great advantage, and a. vast, encouragement Ito the Government and people of that, country , if t hey learned by a public declaration in Parliament, that the teal interests of Spain were not now a matter of in difference to this country, not treated as on a former occasion, as a party question, but that her Majesty's Gov. zumentsiveTe determined to uphold the present go vti-nment of Spain as the best which the circumstances of that country admitted ; and that it was the opinion ea . her Majesty's Government that it was the unquestion able interest of this country that Spain should b e completely . free and independent. He confessed that was his principal motive for asking the Noble Earl for much informationon as it was consistent with his duty to communicate. If any correspondence had taken place it certainly had, as yet, not produced any. beneficial results ; for it was well known that an aide de-camp of the Premier of France, Marshal Soult e had 'been sent down to Don Carlos, and was still resident with" that Prince. It was aleo nell known that an army for the invasion of Spain was uniting on the South of France, and that the Carlist leaders had been allowed to leave the towns which had )seen assi s p ' assigned for their residences, and to repair to the frontiers. 'Many civilians also had been permitted to come to the frontiers, and to trans mit large sums of money across the borders ; and these people declared openly that they had the !authority of the Government of France. He did not. I 'believe that they had any such authority, and that what- ever might be the policy of that Government, it was too; prudent to give any direct sanction to such proceedings.., .But yet those th',.ngs could not take place if the French ' Government chose to prevent them: as it was well known j that no man could stir a league in France if the Go -vernment chose to prevent him. Much less could those refugees, wh'.i were under the immediate surveillance of ' the police, and receiving daily rations from the Govern ment, move about where they thought proper, against , the will 'or without the knowledge of the Govern ment. It was also well known how easily the i Go vernment 'could interfere when it suited its purpose to do so. In 1839, when the war was drawine• to a close, and it suited the purpose of the ,French Government to put an end to it, an instant stop was put to the transmission of arms, ammunition, 'provisions, and. money across the frontier, and even persons who were considered 'obnoxious to the Go vernment of the Queen, were not alloWed to approach the frontier. But all those things thus suddenly prevented, liad been permitted for five years before. If the French iGovernment could . effect this along—a long line of nnonntain frontier, how much more easy to prevent the same proceeding on the part of men who were scattered throughout the interior towns, and were dependent upon the bounty of the Government for daily xubsistance ? That Government was the last which should tolerate those hostile preparations against a neighbouring , and peaceable state, when it considered avhat had :seen its own conduct towards Switzerland, 'which only gave a refuge to Louis Napoleon. The present conspiracy had no other object than revolu tion and disorder, and these were points well worthy the attention of every one who wished well to the coun try. 'He rejoiced in the conviction that no foreign inter vene'sm in Spain could be of the least avail if op- Toesd to the wishes of the people, nor could any etislng now deprive Spaniards of a constitutional el, overnment. Spain had of late made prodigious pro eggress in the establishment of order, and he was perfectly -convinced if Spain could only enjoy a few years of peace sand tranquility, she would soon regain her place amongst the nation:. Ile merely wished to ask the Noble Lord wtiether he was aware of the preparations which were Arlking place in Spain, and whether in the event of a con nspiracy taking place in Spain, it was the intention of Go seernmeet to send over any British men of war to protect the interests of Britain? , Lord ABERDEEN was not surprised that the Noble Marl should take an interest in the state and prospects or Spain, where he had so long represented her Majesty. I.lus he (Lord Aberdeen) would not consider Spanish /politics as a party question, for he believed every Govern -mem, and every man in this country, united in desiring - to uphold Spanish independence and prosperity. This policy' was the motive of the great triumphs of the Noble Duke near ~ him, and of the Govern ment opposite. This was their principl, whether Spain was; under a King-, Regent, or Cortes. But the present Gown-I-intent Aewevretl-partietilarly the support of her MajestY'' folliterrrnient, for it, had done more to ad -r.ance the ilit4r tes'sf thatcpuntry than any • other since the days or 'pal b,iffi; ;I ', yitent 'attempt had been e l / 2 completely •mat ci, ~• a ia t in Projection was well known to the SpaAlsh GOVernment, and her Majesty's Government; had reee`ived every assurance freni the Trench Government, that every attempt would be made to check and suppress that 'movement, Our Government had receive& the strongest assurances "ram . that of France. However, her Majesty's Government would do all it leg,itithetely could in the . provinces and on the coasts, to support the Government .of Spain. But the apprehensions of the Noble Lord were premature, for ' he (Lord Aberdeen) knew for at fast that no_ union had taken place be tween the Carlists and the Christinos. As for Cabrera, he had not even been permitted to go to Paris, much less negotiate for the beginning of an insurrection. Cer tainly, however, if notwithstanding the knowledge and strength of the Spanish Government, an insurrection should take place, her Majesty's Government would cer tainly send ships of war for the protection of her British 11Iajesty's subjects, and also to give every proper sup port to the Government of Spain, as our ancient ally. THE LATE SIR ROBERT KENNEDY. Lord BROUGHAM wished to call the attention of the Noble Duke and her Majesty's Ministers to a matter which lie had seen with great pain. He should do no more than simply call the attention of their Lordships to the fact. By 6 sec. 2 chap. of the Act commonsy called “ The Civil List Act," it was enacted that certain proportion's- of the public funds should be at the disposal of the Crown, for purposes set forth in the pre amble of-' the Act, . and' that it' was the bounden duty of 'the advisers of the Crown to recommend to the CrOn n for grants of pensions, such persons only as, by their services and integrity, were entitled to su c h henctits. No man who had read the despatches of the Noble Duke sopposite—whieh were more interesting, perhaps, for the statesman to read than -the soldier— could. doubt that a more . gallant and ..noble man than the late Commissary-General, Sir Robert Kennedy,' old not exist- That man—who, if possi ble, added to his nobility of character by dying in poverty, a proof that he could resist a temptation before which many great men had fallen—left two sisters who were in circumstances of extreme poverty. To these ladies, the sisters of Sir Robert Kennedy, had been awarded a pension of 501. a year. Unless he (Lord Brougham) obtained a satisfactory explanation of their granting so small a sum to each of those parties, he should give . notice of a motion for the production of papers relative to that grant. 'The Duke of WELLINGTON was glad that the Noble and Learned Lord had called the attention of the House to this subject. No officer was more deserving of the high respect of the public than. Sir R. Kennedy. That officer had served the public in most arduous situations with high credit to himself -and - advantage to the country. He had ac counted 1 for -- C sum which was almost incre- O'hle—a sum not ' less than fifty-four or fifty five millions sterling, to the satisfaction of the .anthorities at the Treasury. He (the Duke of Welling- teni) would.. eve, his attention to the matter under con -sitleiation, as ;there, could not be a worthier officer than 'sift individual now mentioned. Lord BROUGHAM said nothing could be more satis -ktetory than the observations of the Noble Duke. FOREIGN FLOUR. The Earl of ENNISKILLEN presented a petition from the . millers of Armagh, against the importation of foreign fl our into Ireland. . EXCHEQUER BILLS. Lord ''MONTEAGISE rose to make the motion which he had postponed on this subject, not from any wish of his, but to suit other parties. Had he been aware of the motion to come on in the House of Com mons last night he perhaps would not have postipened his. He hoped, however, he should not be 'prejudiced in the Opinion of the Noble Duke on this account. He (Lord At) wished to separate the present subject frOm that o f the h o ld ers of forged Exchequer bills. He would leav the question between them and the Parliamentary Com- Imiiisisiooffin.ce waslle proposed an i nqu i r y f or anot h er purpose. , of a peculiar nature—of great and serious responsibility, and which had for along time been littl e known to th e pu b l i c. But the functions of making out and issuing Exchequer bills were not his only functions, h e h a d the more responsible office to judge of the propriety of all money Payments and re ceipts for the publi c serv i ce. He was not removable from his office, except by an address from both Houses of Parliament, to which ho was responsible , and who se ' - officer, in fact, he was. .H a h a d addressed himself to this part .of the subject, to show that in inviting their consideration, it was his wish that they should searchingly inquire into the conduct of an officer who was ies pecially responsible to them, It he had be en gu ilty , o f any neglect of duty. The resolution come to in the other House was, to appoint a Parliamentary Commission, which he thought was not only the best which could be adopted, but ce r t a i n l y t h e only one which could satis f y those whe had any just claim on th e . Government, and to exclude those who had no such right. But he did net think it would effect what he desired to be as certained. What he asked their Lordships to inquire was, not whether the owners of those bills ought to be paid or not, but whether there was any delinquency in the affair which he held. lithe inquiry could, ITh the opinion of the Noble Duke, be at coined. issany other. way than that which he proposed, he would glaillOccept'that mode. Altheugh no one ienthe House had asadatiny none against : him persona ll y , y e t, there h a d b een hands inltongues busy elsewhere, which rendered it necessary. for him to put himself, as it were, upon his trial, for the valise of millions of public securiti es wou ld be e ndangered if the opi nion once &abroad that there was any laxity or carelessness lathe management of the business of the office over which he Podded. Re would take it upon himself to say that there had not bee n, in any 'one instance, the slightest degree of deviation from i he established, rulesand usages of the office. There had been it io carelessne s s, no relaxation. Much had been said of the cat elessness .eofleaving printed forms, and stamped papers in the introl the chief clerk. Certainly, it yr.x eas y to psi: it out s_ remedy for a particular fraud after it had been disoev ered and although the Commissioners had found that the piartie• ular fraud in question had been facilitated in that way , yet for 140 years the same • had been the usage of the office, it n d down to_the_ time of Mr. B. Smith, not one fraud had bee comm itted. He would beg to call their Lordships' attest ion to the fact, that this carelessness, as it was called, • Wa' Is not the result of a new system. There was not one of th arse inadvertencies which had not been made the subject of Par ) ramentary inquiry, which had existed not only anterior to 'the last century, but which had been frequently brought under the notice of Parliament. He might say that the very question of tke amount of confidence placed in the senior officer of the Exchequer had been brought before the Treasury from the year 1696 till the Administration of Lord Grey, at various times, and was uncorrected. Upon the extinction of the office of the Comptroller-General, the Legislature had all these facts before them, and they made no alteration whatever in the system practised in the Exchequer Bill Office. Orders were received to carry on the department as had been hitherto the custom. The Treasury acquiesced in the practice, and he (Lord Monteagle) must say that he did not blame the Treasury for their acquiescence, for they had the example of 140 years before them ; during which time there had been no one instance of anything unpleasant having occurred. In reality, the the Government selected every clerk in the office of the Comptroller-General, and they were se ected solely in consequence of their fitness for the office. Mr. Arthur Eden, a gentleman who had been 30 years in the Exchequer, and had been long accustomed to offices of trust 'and integrity, was appointed to the office of Assistant-Comp troller, and he• (Lord Menteagle) would say, that a more cau tious and attentive man—a man better qualified for the office, could not have been appointed. They were selected on ac count. of age and service, except one junior, selected at the re commendation of Lord Camden; than whom no man ever tirade greater sacrifices to his country.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. B. smith had been entrusted by Lord Grenville and Sir J. New port with the same functions he held under him (Lord Mont eagle). He was nephew to the late Sir Sidney Smith and of Lady Grenville. Thus he had been for a long series of years in his office, and he had the highest testimonials: A great saving had been effected in the Exchequer bills of late, especially since the Noble Duke came into power.—(Hear.) A great change was also made. Au establishment, costing B,OOOL, was made to do the duty of one costing 48,0001. a year, and it worked well, with the ex ception of the late fraud. He (Lord Monteagle) had no knowledge of any suspicion of Mr. Smith till Monday, the 25th of October. He had been at the office that day. He (Lord Monteagle) received a communication from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and found to his dismay that the issuing clerk was in custody on a charge of forgery. He (Lord Monteagle) gave the Government all the assistance he could. He had seen it publicly stated, nevertheless, that the Ministers who had asked his advice had severely , treated him. He (Lord Mont eagle) got all the keys of Mr. Smith, and nothing gave him more pain than when, on opening his desk, the first object met was the sword of the late Sir S. Smith—given to the man now under sentence of transportation as a mark of regard. The Government could hardly be blamed for trusting such a man. Next came an examination of the bills , of the clerks, and a sum of 18,900,0001. went through their hands without any mistake. This was greatly to their credit. Of the responsibility which might fall upon any party for detain ing these bills, he took his full share. It was the duty of the Government to withhold them from those who might turn them to a bad account. But at the same time it was under taken that the bills should be at any time produced for the purpose of enabling the innocent parties to recover against those from whom they had received them. Mr. Smith plertied guilty, his accomplice having been admitted as a witness. Now of neither of these facts had he any knowledge until the morning of the trial ; though an absurd report had gone abroad that Smith was induced to plead guilty in consequence of what transpired in repeated interviews • between him ( Lord Monteagle) and Sir Thomas Wilde, his (Smith's) legal adviser. Nothing could be more absurd than such a rumour, but it had made some impression on the public mind. On this account he had thought it necessary to declare that he never had any communication with Sir Thomas Wilde on the subject of the trial ; nor did he know anything of the course to be taken by Smith in the Crown prosecution until the morning of the trial.—( Hear, hear.) As to the Commission appointed by the Government, he did not think a wiser course could have been taken, or a bettereelection made of Commissioners ; nor would it be necessary for him to ask ther Lordships to institute any further inquiry, but for two or three statements in their reports, which were made in ignorance, or through that carelessness and infirmity to which all men were liable. He begged at the same time to declare that he had the highest opinion of their talents and honour, and meant to cast no imputation upon them personally in the remarks he had to make. They stated, after having gone through the whole of the evidenee, that they had been unable to trace, during the whole of the last fifty years, a departure from any useful practice or any relaxation in duty, except in five cases. If he (Lord Monteagle) disposed of these five cases, he trusted he should bring their Lordships to acknowledge that there had been no relaxation whatever in the execution of duty in the Exchequer-office. The Commissioners further stated that the internal errors in the officfe had escaped notice during a period of 100 years. The first of these cases was the abandon ment of the second counterfoils ; that took place upwards of forty years ago, and was under the order of the Treaenry of the day.—( Hear, hear.) The second case was the neglecting to compare the counterfoils with the bills. This duty had, in deed, been neglected in the Paymaster's-effice, but that was not his ( Lord Monteagle's) office, and did not come under his cognizance. He should now proceed to the sth case, the des truction of the counterfoils without the authority of the Trea sury ; that, no doubt, was in his ( Lord Monteagle's) office ; but it had been done since the year 1828, and could be of no real, practical convenience to the public. The others were more material points. The third was the signing of the bills by more than one person. Lord Grenville signed about 5,000 bills out of 240,000, leaving Mr. Eden to sign 235,000; and if any error had been committed by him (Lord Monteagle) it had resulted solely from his (Lord Monteagle's) undertaking a larger portion of his duty than his predecessors had done. Re had actually signed more bills than Messrs. Eden and Per eeval. The next thing (as we understood the Noble Lord to say) was an omission of the notification of his attorney. Lord tivanville had certainly notified who his attorney was, but Mr. Eden was not his (Lord Monteagle's) attor ney, and was not to be notified as such. He might be' censured for signing bills without signing a book, or in the presence of a clerk. Here he might be censured for disrespect to their Lordships' Judicial Tribunal, for thinking that his presence on appeals was merely formal, he did sign Exchequer bills on their Lordships' table. Those bills came and went in a despatch-box, and never were out of the custody of a responsible person. Also, he had signed on Committees and in Privy , Council. But he was never absent from the office when he ought to be there. But, if every official paper must be signed within the four walls of the office, the business of the Treasury or of the Secretary to the Home Department, could never be gone through. An impression had, however, gone abroad that the business of his office had been carelessly con ducted. On this ground, he asked for inquiry. He knew of the Commission of Inquiry proposed by the other House • but what he wanted was an inquiry whether or not he h a d relaxed in the duties of his office. In the Report, page 74, some mis take occurred. It would appear that Mr. Eden and Sir J. New port were examined. The fact was, both those gentlemen did as he did ; but when he approved of a document, he put his initials to it, that it should not come before him again. He hoped the Committee he proposed would not be objected to ; or, at least, unless their Lordships thought that there was nothing to be inquired into, he asked them to propose some ether inquiry. But he could not do his duty consistently without asking for, and inquiring after, the imputations that had gone forth. Of course, he would not have the audacity to be a member of the Committee he asked for ; and in asking for this inquiry, he redeemed the pledge he gave the Go vernment to bring this matter before the attention of the Parliament early in the Session. A message from the Commons brought up the Mixed Marriages Act (Ireland), which was read a fi rst time. ' Lord - BROUGHAM said that no parts of his Noble Friend's candid, clear, and satisfactory speech were in the slightest de gree objectionable, except those in which he went into vindiee. Lions of his whole conduct,which were objectionable only leenuse they were unnecessary, unless they might be considered neces sary to answer the insinuations which had been made against bins, which were as absurd as malignant. The course which the Noble Lord proposed to their Lordships was one which it ,was competent to them to take. The inquiry could not, he was sure, affect any one in the office of which his Noble Friend was at the head, although it might affect other persons in this great metropolis. and give rise to prosecutions. That might be a consideration which might cause their Lordships to hesitwAss I,•fore they acceded to the motion. His Noble Frienci had stated that the only occasion on which Exchequer bills were signed out of the office, were, twice by himself, once at the Privy Council and once in that House; but that they were sometimes signed by Sir John Newport, at his own house, ' when he was unable to attend the office through Meese, He would beg to remind their Lordships that there was a great difference between signing those bills away from the office, which Sir John Newport signed, and the signing of those bills away from the office, which the Commissioners said his Noble I'riend had signed. The bills which Sir J. Newport signed were " deficiency bills, " and no others. Th e bills which the Commissioners imputed to his Noble Friend were " supply bills." Deficiency bills were those which were issued payable upon the growing surplus of the consolidated fund. Supply bills were issued payable to " bearer." The deficiency bills were made payable to the " Governer and Company of the Bank of England, or order." If a tteficiency bill miscarried in its way back from the place bf signature to the Exchequer, it 'would be useless to the person into whose hands it might fall, because being only payable to th e Governor and Company o f th e B an k of England, it would be be useless to any one who could not undertake to forge the signatures of the Bank of England ; and, again, the defi ciency bills were for sums of enormous amount (from 20,0001. to- 100,00010, which would make it impossible for those, who fraudulently got hold of them, to use them for their own !account. But it was not so with respect to the supply bills; for in the first place they were payable to the bearer, and in the second place, there were none of them to a mater amount than 1,0004, so:that whoever got possession or them (but for one circumstance) might use them, and instantly obtain money for them. Thus in sending a messenger with a box of these bills, and every imaginable precaution having been taken to secure its safe arrival and delivery, there was one objection it was liable to, and that was, that the box ott it* way, instead of arriving at the Exchequer, might be broken open by the messenger, and the million of mo n ey taken out; for which, being payable to " bearer," he might receive in the City 80,0001. or 100,0001, or what not. He might do this, but for the check that not one of them could be presented for payment before the date of the issue. The only danger was, that a person might cash a bill without looking at ithe date, which might sometimes :happen ; therefore he ,disapproved of the practice. A mistake in the printing of tke Report made his Noble Friend say that Sir John Newport did not com pare the Treasury warrant with the statutory regulations ; whereas Sir John Newport never omitted this necessary duty. The only difference was that his Noble Friend signed his initials now N t p o m give T a h c e o r n e t r w a a d s i c i i o o t n a o s f h t a n d e . charge to thos e B i ll s , which he had c ompared. He (Lord B.) had g m r o a t d i ne d ag fo a r in i s t t ; Syiert his Noble Friend in stating what he h lic from fraud, slid im p ute a. done t o. protect the p u b- Sir J. N ewport hadindirectl y and unintent i onally that neglected his duty, in not initialli ng do cuments compared, as h e (Lord M.) had done. A could get mon e y tw i ce upon the same order;. as sif if a a man banker would pay a chequ e w ith out crossing it ! H(l.ord B. others who had been concerne d i n the Act under which ) gir and Newport acted and was appointed, had felt great anxiety could on not this point. He was bound to s h ow t h at this prevent the fraudulent clerk from re•issuing the Bills ; for the initials were placed on the wrong paper. When he heard of the statement, he made every inquiry, for he was alarmed at the responsibility of himself, and those who appointed Sir John Newport having passed the Act and created the office, and he was in a condition to prove that what he stated was the fact. Any one would suppose from the evidence of his Noble Friend that when the order with the sign manual was presented at the Exchequer -office it was Paid by the Comptroller as a cheque would be paid. But Ills Noble Friend knee/ that such . was not the ease ;- in deed, he could not but know it, for it. came under his know ledge every day. The process was this: when public money was wanted for any department, for the Paymaster of the civil ser vice, Paymaster-General of the Forces, a BoYal order with that THE gt.TNr, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 5, 1842 sign manual and a warrant from the Lords of the Treasury, were sent to the Comptroller of the Exchequer, ordering him to pay so much —say 5,0001. —t0 the paymaster of such a sox-- vice; but this order and the warrant were accompanied by a letter of directions from the Treasury, instructing the Comp troller how much of that sum was to be paid out at that time. But even that was not paid by the Comptroller. All he did was to give his warrant to the Bank of England, to transfer from the Exchequer account to the account of the Paymaster so much as the Lords of the Treasury directed. The Paymaster then obtained that money from the Bank by operating on that credit. At the time that a letter went to the Treasury a duplicate went to the Paymaster, warning hie of what had been done at the Comptroller• General's office, and that was his (the Paymaster's) authority for operating on that credit. He then drew his cheque, and every cheque that he drew was first signed by himself and then counter signed by his accountant and cashier, and unless all these sig natures were to the cheque not owe penny could be obtained on it. See, then, how many men must be concerned, how many forgeries and felonies must be committed, to defraud the public to the amount of one farthing? First, there must be the chief clerk at the Exchequer ; he commits a fraud and a forgery ; but that would not do, that would not obtain anything from the Bank of England. Not only, then, the chief clerk must concur, but the Paymaster of the Civil Service must commit a fraud too, and some one must have sent a forged letter from the Treasury to the Paymaster, and then the Paymaster must have his assistants, the accountant and cashier. concerned; so that there must be four felonies and two forgeries committed,before any thing could be done to injure thepublic. Yet this was what his Noble Friend called a case somewhat analogous to that com mitted by Smith, were the whole was entrusted to the care of one individual, and who could damnify the public without the assistance of any accomplice whatsoever. If Smith could not have committed the fraud he did without the concurrence of , three or four other official kersons, no public officer could be blamed. But the case of Smith was diametrically opposite to this, he committed the fraud himself. But the act of his Noble Friend putting his initials upon the Royal Orders and Treasury Warrants, could not have the effect of preventing those documents from being again used to get money ; but those Orders and Warrants were issued again, and again, as the money on them was paid by instalments. But his Noble Friend did not put his initials on the Treasury letter, which, however, was of no consequence, as it was quire impossible to commit a fraud requiring the junction of so many persons. But the weak point of the Ex chequer-office was often and often brought before Parliament. The last notification was by Sir John Newport himself. The Treasury knew formerly, as well as new, that the custody of the paper, stamped, sealed, and signed, was in the custody of the Chief Cleric ; but, certainly, as this practice had gone on without mischief for 140 years, they were not to blame for thinking that no risk was run. He (Lord Brougham) well knew what a sdrhpulous, careful man Sir John Newport was ; knowing that Lord Granville, who succeeded, was punctitiously accurate, it was the greatest injustice to charge his Noble Friend with not being more scrupulously accurate than those pre decessors. He concluded by apologising for having so long detained their Lordships upon a subject, which, however important to the service of the State, was exceeding dry and tedious in its details. Lord IVIONTEAGLE disclaimed any idea of casting any imputation upon Sir J. Newport, to whom, from his childhood, he had been bound by the deepest personal and political obli gations.—( Hear, hear.) He might have overrated the impor. tance of his new guards against fraud, but at all events, he had introduced them for the good of the public service. He was satisfied that Sir J. Newport could never be induced to sup pose that it ever entered into his (Lord blonteagle's),brain, to say one word, in the moat remote degree reflecting upon him. Lord BROUGHAM explained. The Duke of WELLINGTON was understood to say that the Commissioners, he was sure, intended to make no charge against any individual. The Noble Lord had brought forward this motion for his own justification, that the matter might be sifted to the bottom and that it might be seen whether any blame attached to t he head of the office. He (the Duke of Wellington) did not know that any blame ever had been attached to his Noble Friend.--( Hear, hear.) He thought it would be better to postpone this motion for inquiry till some step should be taken in the other House of Parliament, and some steps should be taken by the Government nn the subject. The Noble Lord approved of the measures adopted by the Go vernment on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord wished for an inquiry into the manner in which matters had been conducted in his (the Noble Lord's office). He, (the Duke of Wellington) did not knew whether it were possible to make any amendment in this House. But if the Noble Lord had put upon paper what he wished to have done, he (the Duke of Wellington) would speak to others, and would, by Monday, obtain a distinct answer to the .Noble Lord's idea.—( Hear, hear.) It appeared that tli is transaction had been carried on since the month of April, 1836, and that some persons were supposed to have a guilty knowledge of it, and though there were no doubt some innocent sufferers, yet there, no doubt, were many who took these bills well aware that they were net legal documents. It was, therefore, abso lutely necessary that a rigid investigation on the subject should take place, to protect the fair holders and uphold the character of these papers in future. Under these ci rcumstances , h e trusted their Lordships would approve of the measure when it should come before them.—(Hear, hear.) In the mean time the House should tak e no steps , and pledge themselves to nothing. He had read the Report of the Com missioners' and he would say that it m a de no c h arge aga i nst the Nob% Lord, or against the office ; though he would say that he thought some of the machinery of the office had not been wisely made. But he would reserve his opinion until the case of the holders was decided, then he would assist in having those points remedied, and preventing similar evils from happening in future. At present he hoped the Noble Lord would withdraw his motion, and if he would mention his wish to morrow, he the Noble Duke would see what was to be done. . He thought that as doubts had existed they ought to be re. moved by a judicial inquiry. With these observations he begged him to withdraw the motion. The motion was then withdrawn. The House then Adjourned at ten minutes past Eight o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 4. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly before Four o'Clock. On the motion of Mr. W. MILES, the Weston-super- Mare Improvement Bill was read a second time, and or dered to be committed, after a few words from Mr. IL Berkeley. Mr. 'CRAVEN BERKELEY presented a petition against the Severn-Navigation Bill. The'Boston Harbour Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. On the motion of Mr. DENNISTOUN the Edinburgh and Glasgow Railway Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. Mr. PHILPOT presented a petition from a parish is Gloucester against the Severn Navigation Bill. The Cheltenham and Great - Western Railway Com panies' Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed, On the motion of Sir B. HALL, the St. Pancras Im provement Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. On the motion of the same Hon. Member, the Duke of Bedford's Estate Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed. The Hon. Member also presented a petition against the Stanhope and Tyne Railway Rill, Mr. TATTON EGERTON presented a petition from certain individuals, complaining that the promoters of the Bolton Railway Bill had not complied with the stand ing orders. The petition was ordered to be referred to the select committee. The Hon. Member also presented a petitivi against the Staleybridge Gas Bill. On the motion of Lord ELIOT, the St. Austle's Mar ket Bill was read a second time. Sir ROBERT INGLIS brought up the Second Report of the Committee on Public Petitions. Mr. HUTT presented a petition against the Stockton and Hartlepool Railway Bill, which was referred to the select committee. C ORN-LAWS. TetitiOns against the Corn-laws were presented from the following places;—Manchester, (5), by Mr. Marsland; ditto, (5), by• Mr. Busfield; Christchurch, Marylebone, Hemel Hempsted, and several other places, by Lord Dun can; Chorlton-on-Medlock, and three other places, by Mr. 11. Berkeley; Manchester (5) by Mr. C. Berkeley; five by Mr. G. Duncan; and Edinburgh. (6) by Mr. Denuistoini. Mr, TRIPP presented a petition from the millers of Gloucestershire, praying that in any alteration of the Corn-laws, flour might be equally protected with wheat: Colonel CONOLLY presented a petition from th elders of Little Kay, praying for a repeal of the Act Anne, commonly called the Patronage Att, The HoN. and GALLANT AllintlBll, also presented a petition from Donegal, praying for a prospective law authorising Presbyterian mixed marriages. Mr. YOUNG presented a petition from Monaghan, praying for a law legalising Presbyterian Mixed Mar tlages. The HON. lgEittnEn also presented a petition praying the total repeal of the Corn-laws. Sir V. BLAKE resented a petition praying for a total repeal of the Corn-laws. Sir IL B. PHILLIPPS presented a petition from St. Davids, with a similar prayer. Sir DAVID ROCHE presented a petition from the millers of Limerick, complaining that the law which prevented the importation of foreign flour was to be altered and would interfere with them ; also a petition f'►om victuallers of Limerick, stating that 11 the Act of Union, they were placed upon the same footing with the victuallers in this country,. and complaining of the late legislation of the House on the subject. Mr. AINSWORTII presented a petition from the in habitants of Bolton, asking to be heard before the Com mittee on the Borough Improvement Bill. Mr. HUTT presented a petition from Forfar praying that the bonding of flour may be substituted for that of corn. Mr. O'CIONN - ELL prebented a petition from War rinKton, 4n Lancashire, for a repeal of the Union. Sir J. EASTHOPE presented petitions from Forfar, Lincoln's Inn-fields, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Salford, and several other places, against the Corn-laws. Mr. MACAULAY presented two petitions, one of which was from Edinburgh, against the Corn-laws. Mr, M. PHILIPS presented several petitions from Manchester to the same effect. On the motion of Lord MAHON the Copyright Bill was read a first time, and ordered to be printed. Mr. DUNCOMBE presented a petition from the Easingwold Union, in the North Riding of the county of York, praying the House to alter the Poor-law, so as to give greater discretionary power to the guardians in the matter of granting out-door relief. The SPEAKER announced to the House that he had been informed by the examiners of recognizances that the two sureties of 5001. each, for the prosecution of the Dublin Election, were unobjectionable. Lord G, SOMERSET presented a petition from the merchants and shipowners of Newport in the county of Monmouth, in favour of the Severn Navigation Bill. Mr. THORNELY preserted one petition from Kircud bright, and five from the working men of the Metropolis, praying for the total and immediate repeal of the Corn laws. Mr. ELPHINSTONE presented a petition from Man chester with the same prayer. Mr. COBDEN presented similar petitions from the workin g men of Stockport, from the Magistrates of Dunfermline, from places in the county of Northumber land, and from Manchester. IMPORTATION OF CORN FROM AMERICA. Sir R. PEEL said, that he wished to inform the- Gal lant Officer opposite (Sir C. Napier), whom he then saw in his place, that he had made inquiries relative to the length of time occupied by vessels in voyages from the United States of America to Liverpool. He found I that there Was no mea ns of obtaining direct official information on the subject through the Custom House. He had, however, received a statement on the matter from the Ameridan Consul at Liverpool, which he would then lay upon the table of the House. It was an ac count of the average number of dais occupied in voyages from the several ports of the United States to the port of Liverpool by all vessels laden with flour or corn during the year 1841. Sir C. NAPIER said that he had no wish that the Right Hon. Gentleman should have gone to the Ameri can Consul for the information in question ; and he was sorry to find that the accounts were kept in so slovenly a manner at the Packet-office. If, however, the Right Honourable Baronet were satisfied with the information given by the American Consul he (Sir C. Napier) should also be satisfied. Sir R. PEEL said that the Gallant Officer could take what course he pleased upon the matter. Sir C. NAPIER then moved for a return of the num ber of vessels laden with corn which had arrived from America, from the Ist of January, 1841, to the the port of Liverpool; a number of days occupied in Ist nd of January, aratn return the a t each voyage. Sir R. PEEL then laid upon the table the account , to which he had already from the American Consul Sir C. NAPIER said that the paper gave a return both of vessels laden with corn and flour, while he only wanted the number of vessels laden with corn. Sir R. PEEL said that the statement, which he made on a former occasion, related to a vessel laden with 1,000 barrels of flour. NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Mr. FERRAND gave notice that on Tuesday next, when the Honourable Member for Salford should move for the returns of the names of individuals or firms mills, who paid the wages to s instead of money, or who supplied their provisions upon the truck system, k th e e e rr in g la c b o o tt4 ur n ers flax in he should move that the following words be added— , or s o il o k d g " returns of the names of manufactures of printed works, or proprietors of coal works or iron works ;" and also after the word " truck system," he would move the fol lowin c , words—" A return of the names of all such own ers of cotton, flax, silk, or printed works, mills, or iron or coal works, who compelled their workmen to reside in cottages, the property of their employers." Mr. WODEIIOUSE gave notice of a motion for a return of the names and salaries of the Commissioners who had been at various times appointed to inquire into the hand-loom system. Sir G. STAUNTON gave notice that, on Monday next, he should move for all communications received from Captain Elliot relative to the affairs of Canton, and our relations with China. _ _ Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice, that on Monday next, on the Order of the Day for a Committee of Supply being read, he should move for a return of the names of all persons who had registered arms in the county of Down, in Ireland. He would also take the opportunity of putting a question to the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Elliot) respecting the trial of parties who were tried for the murder of a person of the name of M'Ardle. Sir V. BLAKE gave notice that before the passing of the new Corn-law Act he would move that, in conse quence of the unusual depression of the trade of the country, a clause should be inserted suspending the pay ment of all duties upon corn until January 1, 1843. Mr. ELPHINSTONE gave notice that on Tuesday next he should move for certain returns relating to the legacy duty, in continuation of the papers laid before Parliament last year. Colonel SIBTHORP gave notice, that in the Com mittee on the Bill for the Importation of Foreign Corn, he should move that all duties payable on the importa tion of corn or wheat flour, after the passing of the Act, should be levied and paid at the period of the importa tion of such corn, instead of at the time of its being taken out of bond. Mr. STAUNTON moved for certain returns relating to the issuing of letters of marque against China (as we understood) which were ordered. Mr. F. FRENCH, in moving for certain returns re lating to the sums levied on the different counties for the improvement of the River Shannon, gave notice that on an early day he should move that the Commision for the improvement of the river Shannon be abolished. The Honourable Member also moved for certain returns, relating to vaccination in Ireland, which were ordered. Mr. SHIEL postponed to Thursday, the motion of which he had given notice, relative to the production of the communications between the Earl of Aberdeen and the French Ambassador, on the subject of the French occupation of Algiers. PORTENDIC. _ _ _ Mr. SMYTHE wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government, if he was prepared to state to the House the progress which had been made in the negotiations with the French Government, for the purpose of obtaining for certain British subjects com pensation for the losses they had suffered in consequence of the conduct of the French authorities at Portendic. Sir ROBERT PEEL begged to state that some time since, as long ago he believed as April, 1840, a Commission had been appointed consisting of Commissioners appointed by the Govern ment of both countries, for the purpose of inquiring into, the merits of the respective claimants. The sit tings of that Commission had been interrupted from va rious circumstances, but very recently the English Com missioner had returned' to Paris, and the Commission had resumed its sittings, which he had every reason to believe would soon be brought to a satisfactory termi nation. Should anything, however, occur to frustrate the hopes which he entertained on the subject, he would take an early opportunity of giving the House informa tion on the subject. CORN-LAW S. Mr. M. GIBSON begged to ask the ;Right Hon. Baronet opposite whether he was aware of any commu nications on the part of certain dignitaries and clergy men of the Established Church, having taken place with any member of her Majesty's Government relative to the new system of taking the corn averages, and the effect it may have upon the title rent charged, and also, whether they would adhere to the proposed system of taking them. Sir R. PEEL said that of course he received nume rous letters every day upon the subject of the Corn laws, but he was not aware that he received any such formal communications as the Hon. Gentleman had al luded to. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that he wished to ask a question of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Vice-Pre sident of the Board of Trade with respect to the new towns for taking the averages. , He had heard that in particular counties, towns, which had corn markets, were left out of the new list and ethers put in. He did not mean to say that any partiality in selecting certain towns was in tended, but he wished to know if any a statement could be made respecting the change of particular towns, and why others had been selected. Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he would answer the Noble Lord After he had brought in the Corn Importation Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman then brought in the Bill, which was read a first time. Sir R. PEEL said that he would take that opportu nity to answer the question of the Noble Lord. The Bill was drawn up in conformity with the resolutions It was drawn up in general conformity with the expla nation he gave on the part of her Majesty's Govern ment, on moving for leave to bring in the Bill. There were one or two points on which he wished to make a statement tit the HOtise. The first was with respect to -the inspectors. He received coninitinietttions from them, and from persons interested on their behalf, with respect to the hardship of removing then, and that their removal would give grounds for claims to compensation which lie wished to amid. He proposed that the averages in the new towns should be taken by the Excise officers, and placed under the Board of Ex cise ; but with respect to the towns that were not entered i he proposed that the present inspectors should be continued, a they Were perfeetly efficient ; and that they should be placed under the Board of Trade. He (Sir R. Peel) proposed to give the Treasury, acting hi concurrence with the Board of Trade, the power of granting superannuated salaries to those inspectors who may , be removed from office, and who, for a length of service, and propriety of conduct in the discharge of their duties might be entitled to retiring allowances. The whole duty would be performed by the Excise, with out any, or scarcely . any . additional expense to the public. With regard to the period when it was proposed that the Bill should come into operation, as it was intended to give an immediate remission of duty, it appeared to him (Sir R. Peel) that it would be desirable that as soon as the Bill obtained the assent of the Legislature, that it should come info operation as soon as possible, he would like to permit the duties substituted by the Bill, for the existing duties to be in operation as soon as possible ; the Bill, therefore, on its passing, would come into operation immediately,—(Hear.) With re spect to the other question put by the Noble Lord his (Sir R. Peel's) object was, as he had already stated, that the places from which the returns should be taken should be as extensive as possible, with a view in tha first instance to obtain more accurate information of the quantity of corn sold, and the prices of those different towns. But in taking those averages in these towns, he had no wish whatever to add these towns for the purpose of diminishing the price of corn,' and raising the duty. The Noble L9rd asked upon what principle those towns were selected . ? He (Sir It. Peel) found it was exceedingly difficult to ascertain what was the relative importations of thus! , towns, or or what was the quantity of corn 501 d in them, but this revision of the list of towns Was conducte uopneon principle, which appeared to At in which the Present there were about 150 or 151 towns averages were taken by menus of inspectors ; him to be a fair of course th on tl e iat at li ti s , , , there was a certain number of proportion cultural, manufacturing, and which bore a relative M to propor— commercial towns. In the selection of the towns &inflected with the rural and agricultural districts, he had attempted to maintain the same ratio in the new towns, with respect to the proportion of agricultural to manufac• turing town s , as was observed in the existin g list. That wa s th e gener al pr inciple on which he had attempted to proceed. The Noble Lord would have an opportunity of seeing the list, and if it could be shown that there were towns, with respect to which Gentlemen were in the possession of information .which he had'not had the means of procuring ; and if it should be found that some errors existed, he couldonly state that h a e had r to col list taken all the means in his pr o e lect of those towns which were most important for this pur pose. If any errors should be found, those errors would be a fit subject for discussion. He must, of course, neces sarily submit himself to the pleasure of the House, but after the sense of the. House had been marked on the ques tion, he should proceed with the measure as ra pidly as was cons i s tent with a due delibaration of the details and principle of the Bill. Ile proposed, therefore, to fix Monday next for proceeding with it, and if on Monday other business should prevent its due consideration, he should- not bring it on at, any hour which would be unsuitable to the discussion. If the sense of the House should be decidedly in favour of the improvement of the existing laws, he should do 411 in his power to bring the Diu WO as early operation as possible, without at the same time . pressing it unduly agair.st the sense of those who might wish to take part in the discussion. With the understandieg then that on Monday next, if the business of supply should occupy the House to an inconvenient hour, he should take the earliest opportunity afterwards for the second reading. Mr. COBDEN claimed the indulgence of the House in a matter personal to himself. It would be in the re collection of the House that, a week ago, an Hon. Member had stated some facts personally relating to him ; it was stated that while he was complaining of the operation of the Corn -laws, he was working his,mills night and day, by which cruel means he had amassed a large fortune. The facts not being then within his knowledge, he did not think proper to answer this statement ; but he had since written into the country for information to enable him to meet the charge, and he might first mention that the concern in which he was interested, employed 600 people, and during the last 18 months it had be en employing by night ten men, from the 31st of July to the 4th of September. During that interval they had employed ten men by night, in casual work of finishing and dressing. Now, the charge of cruelty to himself must necessarily mean that the same hands were employed. He would, therefore, be allowed by the House to explain that they had furnished work by night to hands who were out of work and who would have had nothing else to do, if they had not employed them. He read an extract of a let ter that he had received on the subject, stating that they " only wished they could employ 600 extra hands, for if they wanted 5,000 they could get as many very glad to get work, for the men had never been so badly off." Now he might mention, with re gard to the cotton printing business, as the House did not , seem to have a very clear knowledge of the distinction be tween a cotton mill and a print work, that cotton printing was something like paper printing,—it had its seasons, and to prevent a cotton printer from occasionally employ ing half a score men at night, in particular seasons,would be like interdicting the printing of magazines, which were required once a month, as of newspapers, or any other kind of publications.—(Hear, hear.) He mentioned this in order that Hon. Gentlemen might know that there was a distinction between a cotton printing work and a spinning mill. He hoped that the two had not been confounded, from a desire of fixing upon him that peculiar odium which seemed to be attached to the cotton mill. Between a cotton mill and a printing mill, there was, in fact, no more analogy, than between a cotton mill and that House. He (Mr. Cobden) had not an atom of mill-work belonging to his establish ment. The Hon. Gentleman opposite had made a sweeping charge against the Anti-Corn-law League, stating that the manufacturers who belonged to that body paid their wages upon the truck system. Now that, as a violation of the law, or at best, an evasion of the law, was a very serious charge ; and as he was proud to avow himself a very conspicious member of the Anti-Corn-law League, he hoped he might be allowed to state, as far as he was acquainted with the case, how far that charge was deserved.—(Hear, hear.) "Of course you are aware," said the letter which he had received that morning, "that our wages are paid every Saturday morning, and our rule is that every person in the works shall be paid by eight o'clock in the morning, so that they can lay out their money to the best ad vantage when and where they pleased."—(Cheers.) Now nothing could possibly be more futile than for a person like himself to stand up there and to disclaim the truck system, if he practised it ; for he assured them that the shopkeepers in the neighbourhood of _ any large establishment were exceedingly jealous, and very acute in perceiving who were the parties that paid money and who were not. He therefore begged to say, in answer to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, that he had paid 20,000/. a year for wages for the last ten years, and that he had never either directly or indirectly been concerned in keeping any shop about the establiah- ment ; every farthing had been paid in money.— (Loud cheers.) That fact was notorious to every one in the neighbourhood of the establishment to which he belonged.—(Hear.) And now he must be al lowed to state, in answer to the Hon. Gentleman oppo site, that when he made that charge so broadly, without excepting himself, he was aware at, the time, for an Honourable Gentleman opposed to him in politics, who lived near to his establishment, had told him, that as far as he (Mr. Cobden) was concerned, that charge was not true ; and he called upon the Hon. Member for Wigan, though an opponent in politics, to state whether every word which he now uttered was not the truth—(Hear, hear, hear)—and now, as he had said a week ago, he repeated that he, consi dered this to be a very undignified occupation, firthem ; and he might be allowed to state, that in fu ture he hoped he should not be expected to come forth and occupy the time of the House refuting charges of that kind from the same quarter.—(Hear.) If any Hon. Gentleman should condescend to take the slightest interest in his personal character, he would refer him to his neighbours and to his work people ; he would refer him directly to them, and if any Honourable Gentleman in that House, or out of it, should take upon himself to speak as to his character, he only wished him to carry out towards ' him the golden rule, of " doing unto others as they would have others do unto them," by first making inquiries as to his character in his own neighbourhood.—(Cheers.) Now, before sitting down, he might be allowed to state that an Hon. Gentleman in that House had been entrusted with a number of declarations from a large body of individuals in Lanca shire, who had requested him to lay before that House a distinct denial of the charges so broadly made against the members of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Hear.) Mr. VILLIERS wished to make a few observations, as he was entrusted with a statement from several manu facturers, members of the Anti-Corn-law League. The House would remember the cireumstances under which the charge was made against the manufacturers, by the Hon. Member for Knaresborough. He made certain charges against the manufacturers gene rally, and afterwards he qualified those charges by stating that he meant them to apply to the manufac turers of England, members of the corn-law League. The nature of those charges had become matter of notoriety. Those charges were of a most serious character. It was right that those charges should be sifted to the bottom ; and as he had a state ment, utterly denying the whole of those charges, on the behalf of a great number of manufacturers, members of the Corn-law League, he felt bound shortly to bring them before the House.—(Hear, hear.) The charge made by the Hon. Member for naresborough was that the manufacturers in his neighbourhood could not compete with the Anti-Corn-law League manufac turers, because it was their practice to pay their men in goods and not in money. It was true that money was given them, but the whole of that money was taken from them by the servants of those for whom they worked for the payment of clothing and the necessaries of life. He also said, that it was a_notorious fact that the master manufacturers cleared 25 per cent. upon goods that they sold to their workmen. Now, that statement having been submitted to a great number of master manufacturers connected with the League, they had in a deliberate manner drawn up a formal denial, in which they repudiated the whole of the charges contained in the speech of the Hon. Mem ber for Knaresborough, as far as they were concerned. They stated that they were utterly destitute of truth ; that they kept no truck shops; and that they paid their workmen in no other way than in the current coin of the realm. This declaration was signed by the following manufacturers belonging to the Anti-Corn-law League John Brooks, for Butterworth and Brooks, High-street, Man. shelter, Sonnyside, and Bolton. Thornton Brothers and Sons, Mosley-street, Manchester. Simpson, postrow and Co., Mosley-street, Manchester. Astrewry, Critchley, and Co., George-street, Manchester. Callender, Bickharn, and Co., Mosley-street, Manchester. I'. Novell', $5, Booth-street. Geo. Schuster, 52, Spring-gardens. Leese, Kershaw, and Co., High-street, Manchester, Eccles Shorrock, Blackburn. Samuel Lees, Manchester. Oxon and Walsh, manufacturers, Stockport and Manchester. Fort Brothers and Co., oalico.printers, Manchester. Jno. Barrett and Sons, manufacturers, Manchester. E. Armitage and Son, Bank-buildings, Manchester. James Carlton, Mosley-street, Manchester. John Burd and Son, Mosley.street, Manchester, Joseph Raleigh and Co., Market-street. Samuel Matley and Son, 15, New High-street. Ryland and gone, 11, New High.street. Johp and Robert Ashton, Hyde and Manchester. Tennants, Clon, and Co., Manchester and Liverpool. Edmund Potter and Co., calico.printers, Manchester. P. J. Willem merchant, Booth.street, Manchester. Wood and Wright, calico-printers, Manchester. Honfleld, Filder, and W. Knivett, calico-printers, Manchester. J. and B. Pearson, Manchester. Thomas Broadbent and Co., Manchester. H. and E. Ashworth, Bolton. Jacob Bright and Sons, Rochdale. George Cheetham and Sons, per ThOmas Walker, 43, Spring-gar. dens, Manchester. J. B. Rayner and Brothers, 18, Strutt-street, Manchester. Thomas Iteyner and Sons, , J. and S. Alcoa, d, Milk.street, Manchester. Joseph Smith , Grafter, 14, Mosley-street, Manchester. George Millington. 9, Faulkner-street. Gibb, Gray, and . Gibb. 29; Mosley.street. Willta Bayley. and Brothers, 34, Mosley-street. James Burt and Son, 16, David-street. Schunck, Souch ay, and Co„ 21, Cooper-street. Robert Charlton and Sons, Blackfriars. Ann Remard and Nephew, 22, Bond• street. Henry Bollard, 41, Mosley-street. John Mayon and Co., 17, Newmarket-buildings. Geotga Earnshaw and Co., 17, ditto. C. P, Henderson, 23, George-street. Du Fay and Co., 32 and 34, Booth.atreet, Sesatant and Co., 10, Sounding.alley. Gardner CHI Baxley. Samuel Bowers, a 4, Spring-gardens. George Woolley and Son, Bridgewater.place. .1. /L Barnes and Sons, Farnworth Cotton-mills, Harvey, Tyson, and Co., Salford. Smith and Downtw, Marsden-square. Samuel Mitchell, High-street, Manchester, S. A. Butterworth and Co., Hoyle-street. Hyde, Sons, and Sowerby, Dukinfield. The following parties signed their names on the single printed copies of the declaration:— John and Nathl. Philips and Co., Manchester. John Slagg and Co., Manchester. John Munn and Co., Manchester. Andrew Hall, Manchester. Samuel Brewis, Manchester. Trustees of Billington and Ashton. James Knott and Son, Ashton-under-Lyne. Chadwick and Ashworth, Manchester. Matthew Binns, Manchester. Samuel Higginhottom and Sona, Aehton.under.Lyne. Aspinall and Cross, Manchester. William Richardson and Sons, Manchester and Lilly.hill. James Chadwick, Manchester. Samuel Malley and Son, Manchester, &c. Langworthy Brothers, and Co., Manchester. Roberts and Walton, Manchester and Burnley. Nelson, Knowles, and Co., Tottington, near Bury. lie thought after this that the House would feel satisfied that the Hon. Gentleman opposite ought to enter into some explanation on the subject. Mr. FERRAND would 'first reply to the Hon. Mem ber for Stockport. He did not charge him with cruelty to his workmen.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") As far as he re collected, he said, that the lion. Member for Stockport had worked his mills both day and night. He never used such an expression as abominable cruelty. — (Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Honourable Member had said that he (Mr. Ferrand) had charged him with adopting the truck system. He could assure the House that he had never done .so. If it had been his intention so to have done, he shoulo have plainly told him so in his presence. It was true that the Hon. Member, to whom reference had been made, had told him that the Hon. Member for Stock port had not been' guilty of adopting the truck sys tem, but paid his men in money.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped he had now stated sufficient to satisfy the House, and the Honourable Member for Stockport in that respect. With regard to what had fallen from the Honourable Member for Wolverhampton, he was prepared to prove by credible witnesses that a great number of members of the Anti-Corn law League had paid their workmen wages in goods. He did not say all.( Hear.) He never used the word " all" at all—( Cheers and laughter)—and he again asserted that he was prepared to, prove, on the oaths of clergymen, of gentlemen of the highest respectability and station, of manufacturers, of tradespeople, of working people, who had given him their names since he had brought the question before a Com mittee of that House, every assertion that he had made the other evening on the subject—( Cheers)—and there was an Hon. Member on the other side the House who had said that he was prepared to prove every word that 111 (Mr. Ferrand) had said, and ten times more. Mr. VILLIERS said that the Hon. Gentleman had said that the explanation was only a miserable quibble. Ile (Mr. Villiers) contended that the Hon. Gentleman did charge all the Members of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Cries of " Order," " order," " chair," " chair.") The CHANCELLOR of EXCHEQUER rose to order. When any Hon. Member disclaimed having uttered any words which were imputed to him by another Hon. Member, it was decidedly out of order for a Hon. Member to get up, as the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton had done, and declare that the Hon. Member had uttered the words he disclaimed. Such a mode of proceeding was not at all in accordance with the usage of Parliament. Mr. VILLIERS again rose, but was met by loud cries of " Chair, chair," " Order order," in the midst of which the Hon. Member resumed his seat. Mr. LABOUCHERE rose to order. He did not under stand his Hon. Friend to say that the Hon. Gentleman had charged all the manufacturers.—(Cries of " Yes, yes," and " Order, order.) He understood his Hon. Friend to say that the Hon. Member for Knaresborough had said that the bulk of the members of the Anti-Corn-law League were in the habit of paying their workmen their wages on the truck system. Mr. VILLIERS again rose, but was again met by loud cries of " Order, order." He hoped the House would allow him to explain what had taken place. He had made a mis take, and had apprehended that the Hon. Member for Knares borough had charged all the manufacturers in the manner al luded to ; and he (Mr. Villiers) had so stated in big reply. He was met by criestof " No, no," and he (Mr. Villiers) then said the Hon. Gentleman then limits his charge to the manufac turers constituting the Association called the Anti-Corn-law League. The Hon. Member for Knaresborough touched his hat, and said " Decidedly." He (Mr. Villiers) did not say that the Hon. Gentleman said the word " all," but he had in cluded in his charge every member connected with the Anti- Corn-law League.—( Cheers, and cries of " Order, order.") The SPEAKER said that after an Hon. Member had given a positive denial of words imputed to him, it was decidedly out of order in any Hon. Member to contend, atter such a dis claimer, that the Hon. Member had made such a statement. Mr. VILLIERS was willing to say that he had misappre hended the Hon. Member, and was ready to receive his ex planation, which he understood to be, that he did not intend to allude to all the members of the Anti-Corn-law League, but only to some individuals of that body.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) Sir B. HALL wished to ask a question of the Hon. Member for Salford and the Hon. Member for Knaresborough. The Hon. Member for Salford had given notice of a motion for Tuesday next on the subject of the truck system, for returns of the districts in which the truck system was pursued by ma nufacturers in paying the wages of their workmen ; and the Hon. Member for Knaresborough had given notice for an amendment, extending the motion to other parts of the coun try, particularly to the mining districts. He wished to know whether the Hon. Gentleman wished, if the motion was granted, or if the returns could not be made out, to call the at tention of the House to the necessity of legislating on the sub jeet. There were some parts of the kingdom in which the system prevailed to a great extent. After the statements which had been made to the House, it was impossible for them to allow the matter to rest, and he thought the most efficient way of putting stop to the system would be by making public all the which could be obtained regarding it. He consi information rhi dered that a mom' effectual way of putting a stop to it than the introduction of a legi s lativeenactment. Mr. BROTHERTOI .§aid that the motion of which he had N given notice related to cotter , silk, woollen, or flax mills; „, cause by an Act of and he had so worded his motio n, Par liament inspectors were appointed whycould furnish the in formation in question. He had not asked to. returns relative to printed works, or to iron and coal works, because these did not come within the province of the Inspectors of Factojes, and he did not see how these. returns could be obtained. His object was to ascertain the extent of the truck system, but, not from any belief that that system was practised in cotton or other mills. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite ( Hr. Ferrand) might move for separate returns, aecerding to the terms of his notice, if he thought proper to de so; but his (Mr. Brotherton's) motion motion might be defeated if the Hon. Gentleman coupled his notice with it. inasmuch as the information relative to printed works could not be obtained through the Factory Inspectors. Lord J. RUSSELL wished to observe before the subject was dropped, that he thought it of the utmost importance that the House should agree as to the manner in which the accusa tions brought by the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Ferrand should be investigated.—( Hear, hear.) He certainly had not understood the Honourable Gentlemen 'to have brought forward allegations against the manufacturers generally; but he had understood that the accusation was made with the explanation that though it did not apply to all the manufac turers of England, it applied to those: manufacturers only who were connected with the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear," (la the Opposition benches, in the midst of which we understood Mr. Ferrand to adopt, by nod ding his assent, the interpretation of the Noble Lord. ) Cer tainly the impression with which he (Lord J. Russell) had gone away, although the exact words were not used was that the great bulk, the great majority of the manufacturers be longing to the Corn-law. League were guilty in the first place of fraudulent practices With regard to their manufactures ; and, secondly, that they cheated their workmen by selling their goods which were worth 25 per cent. less than they charged. It would appear, if he understood rightly the Hon. Gentleman's explanation, that what he meant was only that some of the manufacturers belonging to the Anti-Corn-law League had been guilty of the practices, and that to that extent, he was ready to prove his charge. That was not certainly any contradiction tf what had been read by the Hon. Member for Salford. There might, no doubt, be manufacturers belonging to the Anti-Corn-law League guilty of such practices, and there might also be manufacturers very much in favour f the Corn-laws, who had been guilty of similar practices.— (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There might be charges quite as serious brought against many farmers—they might find out cases of farmers who paid their workmen the scantiest wages, and who acted very oppressively in their mode of paying those wages. But what was to be avoided as much as possible was that charges of this kind should be brought in such a manner as to proiuce an impression that the great body of our countrymen engaged. whether in ma nufactures or in agriculture, were guilty of these fraudulent practices.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear," from the Opposition benches.) He much regretted that the Hon. Gentleman, if he meant to make an accusation so limited and so confined, did not express himself in such a manner as not to be mis understood; and the more so, because those who listened to him came to such rapid and instantaneous conclusions against all the manufacturers.—(Cheers, and cries of "No, no," from Mr. Ferrand). If the Hon. Gentleman had any further explanation to give, or meant to bring forward those charges again, he believed there was no doubt of his having an opportuity of doing so.—(Hear, hear.) He must say that for his part he heard with pain the speech of the Hon. Gentleman, and he must say likewise that he had seen with great pain charges made in many of the speeches, not of persons in that House, but of persons connectej with the Anti.. Corn-law League, against those who maintainer; the present Corn-laws, as if those persons had been animated by . a desire to ruin and destroy the great increase of the manufacture... ( Hear, hear.) There may have been a bias on both sides, and personal interests might have influenced both parties, but that there was any part of 'their fellow-countrymen so sordid and wedded to their own interests as for these reasons to main tain the Corn-laws ; or that there was any party which, for the same reasons wish to alter them, he (Lord J. Russell) did not believe ; he thought the charges unfounded in themselves, and that they ought not to be made.—(Loud and long cheering. ) With respect to the motion of the Right Hon. Gentleman he must say, from several communications he had with other gentlemen, it was their intention to take a debate on the prin ciple of the measure, as to whether it was a good settlement of the question as regarded the Corn-laws or not. That being the case, if the question is brought forward on Monday next, it was the intention of his (the Opposition) side of the House to take a debate, and divide on the question : because, if it came after the estimates, it was impossible it would have any effect. He thought it right to let them know that it was their intention to take the sense of the House on the subject. Mr. FERR AND said, he wished to state that he had as serted that frauds had been carried on by the manufacturers to a great and frightful extent, and that the truck system was also adopted to an alarming extent, and was increasing daily to an amount that, as far as the poor were concerned, Gad only knew.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") Mr. VILLIERS said, that he wished to make a few obser vations on a slight difference in the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and he begged that he might be allowed, though contrary to the rules of that House, to read one line.—(Order. ) The SPEAKER intimated to the Hon. Gentleman that he was out of order, and could not proceed. Mr. M. PHILLIPS wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet, or the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, whether they were prepared to answer a statement made with reference to the foreign cotton trade. It was stated that the foreign trade of this country had suffered in consequence of certain practices which had taken place in the foreign market, from the circumstance of the particular mode in which cotton goods had been prepared.—(A laugh.) Sir R. PEEL could not form any opinion upon the sub ject. He did not see, since his appointment to office, any representations of the description alluded to by the Hon. Member. _ . ° • FINANCIAL STATEMENT. Lord J. RUSSELL wished to ask the Right Hon. Baronet at what time he would be prepared to snake his financial state ment. — git R. PEEL, in answer to the question which the Noble Lord had put, stated that the motive that existed for bringing forward the second reading of the Bill for the Importation of Corn, was solely with reference to public interest. He (Sir R. Peel) would then state the course which he should be de sirous of pursuing, but that must depend entirely upon the will and pleasure of the House; he received daily communica tion urging the great necessity of a speedy adjustment of that question, but he wished to take the earliest opportunity to explain the views of her Majesty's Government with respect to the financial and commercial policy of the country ; he felt the necessity of that most forcibly—( Hear, hear.) To night he proposed to introduce the estimates of the Army and Navy in Committee. The House would be fully occupied with those several questions until Wednesday the 23d March. Good Friday would be the 25th Alarch, when of course the House would adjourn according to usual custom for some period. Consequently on Thursday the 24th, there would be an inter ruption for some time, however short, to the progress of business. Suppose the estimates of the Army and Navy should have made such progress in Committee as would justify him in explain ing to the House the views and opinions of her Majesty's Government with respect to the financial polio, he should not he disposed to postp one i t b eyon d t hi s d ay wee k, an d there fore, with reference no t on l y to persona l conven i en ce, but to public interest, he w ou ld be anxious that there shou ld b e as +-' ~" s ..r./ little delay as possible—that there should be no unneee ssal ey interruption.—( Hear, hear.) On those grounds he the it% ht it essential that the financial statement should be made as so on as possible, and he would not think it necessary that .. I he beforewhole of b e th m e ad A e rm it y alntd was s v o y f E tb st e im o a t t m es os s t he i mulpdobrteaneeeenstib( l s e: , red I should be determined, from the probable demand on the„ ,: . -:._ ; l ' i country for the protection of commerce, and the relatio us os ~.,;,-e. r i the country generally, what would be the amount of the for ee tcl.,, be kept up both of the Navy and Army. Consequently , % rhea •*, the House came to vote as to the number of sea men _;vb for the Navy, and the amount of the Army, he should be it's- - in proposing that the House shoull resolve itself int o a Committee of Supply, in which he should be able to l.o s r ta t : 0 6, ,- 6 , , the financial views of the Government. He had stater: to tit, ' 4 . 7e House what was his own impression of what would be public convenience, but the course to be taken would dep 'Ol, . 11 01 1 " - the decision of the House.. De- did, however, earnest!)' °, ° P ''' that the House would so far affirm the proposal to be ma ae a . ' to the amount of force, that he might be in a condition , 01 1 , Friday next, to explain the views of her Majest)'s Governm es ' with respect to the finances. With regard to the second rea k; , ing of the Corn Bill, if it was intended to take the principle c!',.; kw d , the Bill into consideration he should fear that it would defer tl sdi li . ; ; i4 period till Monday next. And if he could not bring it on at a 3's 4 0 's t early hour on Monday , he would at once say that he would deft ! Doi ; ' ~.,., it till Wednesday. He would not bring it on on Monday s' -,' i" . - .11 unless he could do it at such an early hour as to ensure it a fair • • discussion. Lord J. RUSSELL fully concurred with the Right• Hon. Baronet, as to the importance of taking an early day for the second rb.ading of the Cprn Bill. But the Hon. and Gallant Member nes: him (Sir A. Leith Hay) had a most important question to brin,;, , on, and which it would be impossible to leave without explanatiov ; and he hoped the urgency of the present measure, would lead iris Hon. and Gallant Friend to postpone-4 • his motion - e Sir A. LEITH HAY said , from the wish e xpr essed b y the • Noble Lord, and the statement that had just been made by the • '! Right Hon. Baronet, the first Minister of the Crown, it was. his most anxious wish not to obstruct the consideration of a- .• ) question of such paramount importance , and interest to the, •I' . 4 0 country. He should net, therefore, press his motion. Lord HOWICK conceived that it would by no means expe dite the measure, to have the second reading of the Bill fixed: ti for Monday next. The SPEAKER then put the question—That the Corn BM be read a second time on Monday next, which was agreed to. Sir R. PEEL then moved, that the House, at its rising, do adjourn to Monday next.—Agreed to. WEST INDIA CLERGY BILL. The West India Clergy Bill was read a second time, and or dered to be committed on Monday next. s'd , SUPPLY.—NAVY AND ARMY ESTIMATES. f) 4 The Order of the Day for going into Committee of Supply was then read. js'f' s On the question that the Speaker do leave the Chair , RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN THE ARMY. ai ? Mr. O'CONNELL, pursuant to the notice he had given " On going into Committee of Supply onArmy Estimates, to it call the attention of the House to the state of destitution, with •`i respect to religious assistance and instruction , of the Catholics . fr serving in Her Majesty's army : also, in like manner, to call the attention of the House, on going into Committee of Supply on Navy . Estimates, to the total destitution of the Catholics in the navy, of all religious assistance or instruction in their faith," said, that he would not unnecessarily detain the House with this subject. But it was a matter that struck him to be of vital importance, in connection with the supplies to be granted to her Majesty for the purposes of the Navy. The facts he had to state were unquestionable. It wee unques tionable that a very considerable number of the persons em ployed in the Navy were members of the Roman Catholic reli ligion. The proportion was not so great in the Navy as in the Army ; but still Ireland furnished a large number to the Navy. There could not be a higher character than that which the late Lord Collin-wood gave of the boys brought up in the Navy. Ireland did not supply so snany able seamen to the Navy as England did, but its supply of boys was very considerable ; and , the seamen who had been brought up from boyhood in tile ser vice were found to be among the very best. Now, it being quite certain that a considerable number of the seamen in the Navy were Romnn Catholics, it must be admitted that, in point of fact, no provision whatever was ,made with respect to the religious worship or religlous, in struction of these seamen. Not a single shilling was e.nl ployed for this purpose in the Navy. Those seamen 1 0 whom he alluded had • no communication with the clergy men of their own persuasion—no period was allotted to then% for religious instruction and prayer or communion with clergy-- men of their own faith. These facts were undoubted, and be respectfully submitted to the House that something ought to be done to remedy that destitution. It was quite clear that the House would concur with him in his views on the subject, and that it would be a means of inducing those who were dis posed to enter the Navy to enlist in the service, if some pro vision, such as he alluded to, was made.—(Hear, hear.) r' It was equally clear, that to a certain extent the destitution he adverted to must, to a certain extent, operate against that class of persons adopting the profession of their choice. He' was: not to be told that persons would enlist in the service, notwithstanding the want of religious instruction in it. That was the reason why that distinction - should not be allowed to continue. Complaints had been made ; ort r : and he had received many, comvlaining of the manner in 4 ' 9 4' which they had been treated in this respect. In many in stances, their attendance at Protestant worship had been com pelled. Some complaints had also been made against the offi cers of the Coast Guard, who, in extenuation of what they had done, stated that they had received instructions from the Ad miralty to compel men to attend prayers where there was no Catholic church. He wished to know if any such instructions had been given? and, if there had, whether there was and objection to their being produced ? The Right lion. an d Learned Gentleman concluded by moving for a copy of the in- - ' e structions given to the Water Guard in Ireland respecting Divine service, and the reading of prayers to the men. Sir R. PEEL said with respect to the instructions, he wa s not aware whether they bad been issued or not, but if they bad he could have no , objection to produce them. With respect to, the other matters referred to by the Ri g ht Hon. and Learne d Gentleman, he thought he had better abstain from giving of answer at present, as he should have another opportunity doing so. The motion was then agreed to. AFFAIRS OF SPAIN. t ion of" cha O ir n . the motion being again put that the Speaker do leave the Lord PALMERSTON sail he wished to ask a qu es vh i c h • ec t to the Ri g ht Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) on a s ubj mem _ ' ,; his attention had been drawn some time ago by the on . ber for the Tower Hamlets, and which he was sure had occ pied the serious attention of the Gov e rn men t. He ought to ft! apologise for not having given notice of the question, but he was quite sure that the Right Hon. Baronet would be able at once to answer it. The question of the Hon. Member :had re lated to the dangers which were threatened to Spain front cer tain proceedings in France. Since the time when his Moo. Friend had asked that potion, reports had become still more, prevalent, that enlistments at the depots, and organizations Si Bums t a very extensive character, n ec e ss aril y i nvolvin g expenditure of very large Bus of money, we r _ now in progress in France, the avowed purpose of which vs 4 . 0 to assist in an early irruption in Spain , for the p ur p ose of pro-.. ;ai r l meting the interests of Don Carlos in the: country. Now, n. 7, could not doubt that the Government of t his coun tr y ha" . f made strong representations upon the subject to the Govern ' ment of France ; for besides the general interest which tn., Right Hon. Gentleman very properly admitted that E n g i must have in the maintenance of the order of things at; pr es ent ) / 1 0 0 established in Spain. the Quadruple Treaty, though nos no m r re;,l in such vigour that they could expect the parties to act up its provisions, would, from its spirit which ought still to an' fixate both France and England, justify the English Govern - , ; 0, merit in makiug str.:tig representations to the Government o f France, against any dalger to Spain originating in Franc e, which the Government of France had the power to prevent- , 4:tlt He could not, therefore, dour.: t- that the English Governme nt had made strong representations to the Government of France on this subject. He would rather infer from hat had Pass e t that the Government of France had given to the Goyernm e l, of England assurances that they would use those means w, ic , were in their power to prevent this movement from talu n r effect. He could not believe that the French GovernMe rt ,l owing its origin as it did to popular will, founded as it si . w upon popular institutions—he could not believe that that GO-: vernment would lend itself to a con.piracy, the avosre n and notorious purpose of which was to control th e . will of the people of Spain, and to establish either a despotism, or a near approximation to a despotism• i 3 that country. —( Hear, hear.) Certainly their inference of the i power which the French Government possessed to coot r . transactions of that kind within its territory would ex . ,1 ) .., °5 ; that Government to the imputation of connivance if notw'', 3 ; were done which would effectually prevent an outbreak. therefore wished to ask whether, in addition to those assn ' rances, which he would take for granted her Majesty's tif t , vernment had received from the Government of France, ,!.", every thing should be done to prevent this conspiracy tr% taking effect—whether, in add:.tion to those general assure s ' ce ss ' they were aware whether the French Government was 91 not taking effectual steps for the purpose of preventing i n ,2ntion in Spain on behalf of Don Carlos?. gin R. PEEL said the Hon. Member fnr the Tose'd d asked him w a ir ti t v h e er c h e e re w bi a n s et a i w ee are an t d hat ee th ev ere t ; Hamlets h.; in progress a . gainst the frontier of Spain. Re " 0 which was directej he was aware that an active partisan ! 44 also asked him whethes . the late civil war, Genera.' Cabrera, was actively eng aged h i e iracy. He then stated that b e Paris in organisiug that cons } : had no positive information ; that he had beard ft report, but that it was impossii;, l e for him to s 'l o , whether General Cabrera was or 'yas not in Pa r 0 It had been supposed that he had asserted that Cabrera w,„ _ v s° " ( 1, Paris ; but he had made no such assertion. The Noble PS, must excuse him if he could only say for the present that 1. Government hal ,since its accession to power, maintained im most friendly relations with the existing Government of Se ca .. , They had done all that a friendly Government could do to co 01~ solidate that Government by counsel and advioe, where O w counsel and advice could with propriety be given to c0n6r 0 0 .,.. character. During the period of the existence of the s so q' , vernment now established in Spain, that country had, its 4 1" / great progress in the restoration of or der and the reviv„al l i s p t t mfie p Goe r 00 0 dn tystepbie continued tu r n he i em t ied y rec . :nupotri n T ohtssaa h tpdka r ene o rt c u iatet g kyhs h : aon o t f u i at : in Spain.t tcr e tei systet, conformityr interestuaT g sh g fea l y e rw s aih o ts ahi f tndht hieetnit Spainentered or,: g :s e ; e: : :1 1 copo b r 4:o ✓ rj,; munications upon the subject with the Government of 1 1. 11 :0 c a .40 4 but the Noble Lord must excuse him if he declined , us .. . 0 1s 1 ;r 9 sense of duty, to enter into details upon that point. Ilt s vr ,,, o 's - t i take that opportunity of expressing a hope that the people would rally round the national standard—(Ch ee ,'" ./ would forget their party disputes and internal divisions ; ; ;:he' they hadreason to credit the existence of thowconspire e ,...,• - os t trusted they would feel that this was a time wn''" " loos the interest of Foreign Powers should be looked to, bet w Govern their own exertions should be directed to maintain the tha t silent which ruled over them ; and if they did rally round defy. Government, his belief was that they should be eenblased round that combination, and their conspiracies, to whieh i r e p , e rs) Lord had adverted.—(Cheers.) With his (Sir d e St e . opinions in respect to active interference in the doniesrep_43„ fairs of that country, he could not promise more than sy !•1 44 /, were and cordial good will on the part of the British Grozlrz. sq. to the Government of Spain. But if the Spanish animated by that spirit, by which a people struggling _ ' might dependence ought to be animated—( Hear, hear)— ne d e e o p t e a n n d a u e p ti o v n e it that e t e h t e i y ee w , would find, b o e n t le t part eym o p f e th t t b il Y ;u i l r l o : terest in their exertions which would enable them ,t t r u. „ h „ their independence, and to carry their Government antly through any struggle to which it might be exp e V._ to Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that it was most g hat wish pre. eat d among men of all parties ; namely, odenee• perceive from the answer of the Nblale Baronet, thtahtetbustpeeeto. should be enaLled to maintain her freedom and indepet wished (Cheers.) Neither . the Government nor the couvilstwely de , for any exclusive or paramount influence in Spain; all isolidated, sired was to see the institutions of that country cot _ o , g so that Spain might be enabled to take that high Pflaocrej:lie the nations of Europe which ought to belong to her e 000 00. role character of her people. With respect to tl! for mes 0t ii M which the Right Hon. Baronet might think it rig?..vA t go o n s s tA ' 4 he (Lord John Russell) would not, after what the tug"' tittle. lse! Baronet had said, ask him for any further " Plapa to Pttr eae ' to what would be the proper policy for this country.o_ of syry , whether it should merely be confined to the exp o rueniZ ldbe adoted, pathy,whether measures of a more active nature sh ch or what steps should be taken, must depend o n•the t. ' the movement against the Spanish Government reirtreeha.,:_, r atter of c If the steps taken in Spain should assume Ill!rel eoun t r ito ivil - war, dim would be unwise in Ibis " 10; 1.04 - ft........