The Sun. — London, England, 1849-06-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 1849. struck its root deep, and had extended its branches to choose them from those to whom the Legislature in various directions, and to a considerable distance from of the colony gave its confidence, awl also to re the centre of Government. It was found that in one tain them, whatever his own opieions may be upon district, that of Montreal, there were secret societies the sunject. In a word, it recant this, as Lord Elgin organized, partly under French influence, and partly, he said, that every colony there'd be taken and deem, el to was grieved to say, under the guidance of foreegn agi- be• as the mother country with the constitution. They tators, or, to use the t ec hnical expression of the day, all knew that in this country the Ministers were the "sympathisers" fr om a ne i g hb our i ng empire, and under organs of the Crown, and the depositaries, for the time their guidance and inspiration those secret societies being, of the power of the Crown. They all knew that numbered, in the t o wn of Montreal and the neighbour- they were reep risible to Parliecaent, and held of ing districts, no fewer than 3,000 conspirators, thus during the pleasure of Parliament. Parliament in this showing no inconsiderable taint of disaffection. The country chose the Ministers, but the Cross had the conspiracy at last broke out into acts of riot, which led power of rejection, choice, or dismissal; but in the to the calling out of the military force, the civil f orce co l on i es t h e great d anger was, that the majority would being found' utterly inadequate to cope with it. The act the tyrant with the minority, which the power of rebels, who had arms in considerable abundance, were the Crown and of their Lordships prevented in that met by the force under Sir Allan, then Colonel Macnab, country. The Noble Lord having passed a glowing but who had since been knighted, in reward for his ser- eulogiurn on Sir Cherie, aft: rwards Lord Metcalfe, vices in that rebellion—one of the most economical mea- proceeded to read a dispatch written by the Noble Lord sures of that Government which had created so many now at the head of the Government to the then Gaver- Peers with large pensions, to whom he would not, how- nor-General, dated Oct. 14, 1539, which he characterised ever, further allude. The rebels were met by Colonel as the ablest state riper which ever emanated from any Macnab at the head of a force of militia and some man. Ile argues precisely vs he himself had done in Queen's troops, who fought, beat, and destroyed them, respect to the relations vs hich a colony should bear to and in pursuing them found signs of their disaffeciien the mother country. He argues against responsible Go wherever they went. The rebels, it was true, had fled vernment as suite 1 to a colony. In doing no he gives from Colonel M'icab, but they left behind them houses illustrations in support of the doctrine laid down, but deserted and despoiled, barns burned, and the prisons he never conceived such a case as British loyalists taxed filled with the loyal subjects of the Crown, incarcerated to compensate. French rebels.—(Hear.) Where the by those incendiaries and rebels. The very road they honour of the Crown or the E'upire was concerned, had marched along was strewed with the relics of their Lord John Russell lays it down that the Governor was pillage and of the fires they had lighted to destroy the justified in opposing the wishes of the Assembly. Now, property of the Queen's loyal subjects, who had of could anything more affect the interests of the Empire course left the country districts and fled to Montreal for and the honour of the Crown than a Bill to compensate security and shelter. On one occasion,—and he e ould men who had souelat to subvert the Government at the give them but one example, for painful it was to him to expense of those loyal eubjects who had expended their name it, it would be still more painful to adduce others blood and treasure in support of that Government? Upon —a gallant officer, Lieut. Weir—he named him only to the principles laid down by his Lordship, the conduct of do honour to his memory—was seized in fight by those the Government in Canada was undefensible. The two rebel troops and carried to the rear, where he was over- Canadas were unhappily united on this subject. Upper whelmed by numbers, who with a cowardice equal to Canada was altogether loyal and English; Lower Ca their cruelty, then plucked his epaulets from his shoul- nada, was in great part French. The consequence of this ders, pierced him with wound after wotind, destroyed his union was that the English were given over to the life, and mangled his body, before the royal troops could French. All the French Members of the Assembly, come to his rescue. Dr. Wolfred Nelson commanded the constituting by far the largest majority under their rebels on that occasion, and he was a claimant under priests and leaders voted together; but the English the Indemnity Bill for 23,0001., but had kindly, gra- Members did not act harmoniously together, and the ciously, and generously given up one-half of that consequences were obvious. There was also a Legis claim. He only mentioned that in passing, however, lative Council in Canada and ten Ministers. But the as he had been compelled, though most reluctantly, to majority of the Assembly being under the control of mention his name. Such was the rebellion which certain parties had passed a Bill which it was affirmed had been put down by the gallant officer he had men was never intended to give compensation to rebels. He, tioned and his coadjutors in arms. Such being the state however, denied that, and upon resorting to the Act of the colony at the p er i o d o f t h e re b e lli on, he had i tself for its character and objects, ho said ' that it was to call their attention to the frame of mind in which his intended originally to compensate both the loyal and Noble and lamented Friend, Lord Durham, found the disloyal. There was no wholesome line of dis inhabitants committed to his care on his arrival in Ca- tinction drawn at first ; but a Gentleman—Mr. Bolton nada as Governor-General. The exigencies of the case he believed—introduced an exception. The resolution compelled Parliament to suspend the Constitution of or groundwork of the Act contained so much excep- Canada, and inflict temporarily upon it an absolute Go- tion. His amendment, however, only, regarded persons vernment, and his Noble Friend was sent to admister the convicted of high treason and transported to Bermuda, government of the whole provinces with dictatorial power. and in the hands of the sheriff; but what became of rebels The state in which he found the colony he would give in not answering te the whole or apart of that description? the Noble Lord's own words, as given in the report to Were they within the exception that did not except feorn the Crown. Ia that report he said—" I expected to find the Act a large class of rebels and traitors who it was in Lower Canada a contest between a Government and now said it was intended to except? No line was a people.. I found two nations warring in the bosom of originally drawn between the loyal and disloyal. He a single state; I found a struggle, not of principle, but did not blame Lord Elgin for this, for he was supposed of races. It is in vain for me to expect that any de- to be acting under the influence of constitutional Go. scription I can give will impress on your Majesty such a vernrnent, being entirely in the hands of Mr. Lafontaine view of the animosity of those races as my personal ex- and a tyrant majority. Great stress had been laid upon perience in Lower Canada has forced upon me. It is the manifestation of feeling in favour of the Bill, as scarcely possible to conceive that the descendants of any shown by the majority of the Assembly. But he found of the great European nations can be more unlike one on a close analysis of the votes given on Mr. Wilson's another in character and feeling, more totally amendment, which was in face, against compensation to separated from each other by language, law s , rebels, that a great majority of English representatives and mode of thinking, or placed in circum- were in its favour. Twenty-seven English Members stances more calculated to produce mutual mid- voted for it and only fifteen ageinstit.F e ro n m ly t t , h .n e , s e e r h a e understanding, jealousy, and h a t re d. E ven i n t h e sc h oo l s d e d uc t e d fi ve , who were Ministers, leaving of Quebec and Montreal the boys fight as bitterly as the majority of nearly three to one of ihe loyal English men." He w e nt on t o sa y, " The intercourse of society party in the Legislature. Then, with respect to popular is entirely out of the question. The put lications of the feeling cut of doors, he found that Lord Elgin plumed press are of a difference and diversity, and of a mutual himself very much upon the number of addresses he had hostility, implacable and extreme to a degree unknown received. He admitted that a great number of addresses elsewhere;" and, as a last symptom, he said, that— had been made, and that a large number of signatures " even on grounds which ought to be neutral to all man- was appended to them. He had counted some kind—the sacred grounds of charity— even in matters of feurteen or fifteen thousand, but he had also charity, they cannot agree and unite together;" and, last observed that the great majority of these ad of all, that—" the only public occasions on which the two dresses confined themselves to condoling with raees meet, is in the jury -box, when they must meet, his Excellency on the late outrages, to the being summoned, and there they meet only to the utter statement of their regret at the attacks which had been obstruction of justice." The Noble Lord then proceeded made upon him, and the insult that had thereby been to read Lord Durham's dispatch, in which it was stated, offered to the Crown, and to an expression of their un that the British Canadian population would never again abated loyalty. But of the Bill itself' they said nothing. consent to any House of Assembly in which the French None of them expressed their approval of it. Perhaps population had a majority. It then talked of the union one or two touched upon itObut that was all, that was all with United States, adding, that for the purpose of yen- the result of the greatest exertions in getting up the ad geance, and to give a momentary triumph, an American dresses. He had been informed that there were, in fact, army would be received with open arms if it marched into what was called in this country hole-and-corner meet the country; that they would never again consent to be ings—they were got up by a knot of people who were in made stalking-horses of for the purpose of party contests one way or other interested In doing so, and they were at home, and that Lower Canada must be English at the no proof' that the voice of the people was expressed in expense even, if necessary, of the remainder not being these addresses. But on the other heed a vast number British. The dispatch went to say that the British of petitions and addresses from public meetings called population entertained a deep-rooted attachment to the upon requisitions, and presided over by mayors, sheriffs, British, as against the French, institutions, but that some and other public officers, had been presented against the there be parties to French domination. They would fly Bill. They were held in the face of day, and expressed to the Anglo Saxon Government in the United States. um quivocally the feelings of the people—and therefore, He (Lord Brougham) could not shut his eyes to what as far as addresses and petitions were concerned, there had passed latterly; a cloud no doubt bad passed over was an immeasurable superiority on the side of the op the hitherto bright and brilliant loyalty of the English ponents of the Bill. The Noble Lord, to show the Canadians in the recent outbreak at Montreal. He knew state of public opinion in Canada, proceeded to read a well it would be said that by the present proceedings he letter he had received from a person in an official po would be encouraging the rebels; that factious speeches sition in Canada, dated 9th of June, in which it was and divisions in that House go across the Atlantic, and stated that the excitement was very great among the give encouragement to those who misdemean themselves English in Upper Canada, and that if her Majesty gave in Canada. That was the risk which all statesmen must her assent to the Bill, it would cause the annexation of be content to run, as well as the slanders which they must the province to America. He (Lord Brougham) did also face in the discharge of a public duty honestly and not say that would be the case, but at all events, he fearlessly performed. As Burke said, when some such gave it as the opinion of a loyal man. He condemned charge was brought against him respecting America, or the riots and outbreaks which had teken place; but the Catholic question, he forgot which, " the fire bell placing himself in the position of those who had not that breaks our slumbers saves us from being burned been rebels—who had resisted rebellion, and who were in our beds." It was therefore that he (Lord Brougham) now to be visited by this ill-starred measure—ho could should go on fearlessly with his charge, and hoped, feel how much they were writhing under this infliction. in so doing, he should not be charged with having It was a common remark, that an injury to the feelings unnecessarily or wantonly raised the question, which it was more acutely felt than a more material injury, and was the bounden duty of Parliament to entertain and when these people felt themselves oppressed by a junc grapple with, and that no one would accuse him of having Lion of their rulers with those against whom they had a fellow feeling even with the most provoked of those striven when the authority of the Crown was rebelled outrages which disgraced, on a late occasion, their Ca- against—it was their duty to prevent these people from nadian fellow-subjects. There was much property de- this s. vere, this intolerable infliction. As to the argu stroyed in crushing the rebellion, and for some time ment for compensation drawn from the Act for Upper nothing was done to find compensation for those whose Canada, he totally denied its validity. In the first property suffered, for doing their duty as loyal subjects. place, there were very few rebels in Up, er A Bill was passed to give compensation to those toe al Canada; and if they had been numerous, the Bill subjects who suffered on that occasion, and it was clear, excluded them from compensation. Mr. Hineks's from the contents of that Bill, as well as the phrases- statements as to the five persons said to have been logy and its construction, that most false statements had rebels, and to whom compensation had been awarded, been made about it. It was clear, not only from the turned out to have been a mass of errors. Mr. Ingersoll, language used, but the words of the Governor himself, the commissioner, who made these awards had contra that compensation was given solely for property taken dieted these statements entirely. He saw a report of during the rebellion. Horses, for example, and provi- Mr. Hinekt's speech, and thereupon he tent that gentle sions, for which parties received the note of the re-spec- man a letter, denying the charge. He held it in his tive commanders of the military force, who had not at hand, and he admitted the bolt-nage in which it was the time money to pay for them. These notes entitled couched was more strong than courteous ; but that was the parties afterwards to receive pal . went ; it was a excusable in a person holding the situation of a judge, matter of contract, and as such was dealt with. An im- when he found unjust and untrue imputations made on POrtant event, however, happened. At that time the his conduct. Mr. Ingersoll sail--.'ln reply to your British party, who, for distinction sake, he should call statements I have only to say that they are not founded the loyal party—not that he used that term in an inva in tact ;" and he proceeded to state that this was the dious sense, but as a matter of history—the British, or more unjustifiable, when Mr. Hincks might have so loyal piny, were in the Councils of the Governor, and readily, at any moment, have come in possession of the measures were passed by the Canadian Parliament which truth. With respect to the claim of the would 'be Ge included that to which he had already re'erred. neral Duncombe, no such claim had been made ; and if The Duke of WELLINGTON—The Upper Canada it had, the Commissioners would not hare granted Bill? it. There was no claim from Mr. Cooke, whom Mr. Lord BROUGHAM—Yes. Hincks had called Tooke. Mr. Waterman was arrested The Duke of WELLINGTON—Hear. and tried, but not convicted. That meant that he was Lord BROUGHAM continued—These were followed acquitted. This claim was put in for supplies. and, as by others, and another event happened; he would not well as he could recollect, he held the vouchers of say whether it was judicious or not, the more particu- the officers for these supplies. That was not a claim laxly when he differed with men not on principle, but on for compensation, but for goods supplied. Even in a matter of tactics, which proved unhappy in its results. an enemy's country we paid for such supplies. It was in A conciliatory course was adopted, which, while it the nature of a purchase, and grossly untrue to call the aimed at reconcilement, had the effect of breaking faith sum paid on such vouchers for such supplies, a compen with the friends of the Government—a course which, in cation, in the sense the word was used. He could only endeavouring to gain an enemy, deprives them of their say, after looking at these random statements, that he friends, was sure to fail. It they could keep both, no could account for them by the inveterate he bit of asser doubt all would be well; but, as he had said, if they Lion which people in office have been accustomed to.—( A gained an adversary they lost their friends; and the laugh.) He had now brought to a close the facts which consequence was, that they turned the friend into foe, it appeared to him necessary to state on the subjsct of and made the foe despise them.—(llear, hear.) lie this motion. He was certain there could not be a more (Lord Brougham), for his own part, never saw that fatal course than to carry to an extreme this theory of trick tried that it did not fail, and cover with ridicule responsible Government. If it was good for Canada, it and contempt all those who tried it. He was for a con- was good for Trinidad, for the Cape, for other colonies; ciliatory course, for the purpose of a coalition, when and he would ask, where we should have been if they great parties in the state yielded a little for a public had adopted the theory of responsible government on good. That was creditable and honourable to all par- questions affecting slavery. As Mr. Canning had well ties, and capable of being made highly beneficial to the remarked, he would never trust slave owners with the state; but tt was a bad and bastard policy when it was responsibility of making laws for slaves. He therefore pursued as in Canada, and brought with it feelings of said, away with a theory which he felt convinced would great contempt, when friends were made enemies of, bring the Government of Lord John Russell into ridi and enemies taught to despise them, That happened in culm He did not argue the question upon that ground, Canada. The friends of the Government were dis- but he did say, that in exact proportion as colonial legis gusted, and the consequence was that the Government latures interfered with general questions, was it the found itself in a minority in the House of Assembly, the duty of th e S ecretary of State to hold te power of majority not being of the loyal party. The Prime Mil licensing or refusing what was intended to become the nister of the new Government was Monsieur Augustus law of the land. He did not call upon the Government Alexis Hypolite Lafontaine; and it so happened, ace or their Lordships to exercise the power of refusal—he cording to his own petition, presented to that House in did not ask the Government to advise her Majesty to re -1839, that he was obliged to fly the country before the fuse her assent to this measure—(Hear)—but he did ask rebellion commenced at all, as he was more than sus- them to take care that the Bill was free from errors, by peeled. He was "not out" in 1838, as they expressed it which compensation might be given for rebellion losses in Scotland, but he was a quasi rebel—he was implicated to those who were actually engaged in and aiding and in the proceedings then going forward in Canada, as abetti ng that re b e lli on . W e were on the eve of a great any Noble Lord might see who read Sir J. Colborne e struggle, and if they supposed that struggle between the dispatches giving an account of what was then going parent state and a great colony was viewed with indiffe forward. The Noble and Learned Lord then read a regime by our American neighbours, they were indulging letter from M. Lafontaine to M. Gironeud, written at in a fatal mistake. If, for a moment they rocked them this period, enclosing him 20,000 Louis-d'ors, or selves asleep under the impression that America would 18,0001., for the purpose of providing the people with not look across the St. Lawrence, oh, let him wake them arms, and clothing, and ammunition. That was the from their pleasant dream. It would he the first time i lang uage u se d after th e re b ellion was crushed, by .M • in history that a Government and a peopl e w ith out t h e Lafont a i ne , who was now Prim e Minister, and before control of the Crown, and the moderating influence of be was allowed to return by virtu e of Lord Durham's an aristocracy, were to be entirely unmoved by such amne s ty. N o w when he (Lord Brougham) found a struggle. If they imagined that bee-muse Ame that Prime Minister the leader of p r t en- rica had more land than she knew how to cultivate gaged in a rebellion, and pursuing ruch a a use —more produced than she could find markers for_ even after the rebellion was crushed, h e would not look to an increase he said enough which justified him 1 .1: - n the of her dominions, and of her stores, he could only say slit that, therefore, she use of the cord loyal as applied to `the other that h it would be infinitely greater wonder and miracle party. Ile did not call M. Lafontaine a disloyal Minis ter or a disloyal man. He may be perfectly loyal, but l e an he knewtheh the fa m e ens most hattl power he for dominion grew s would not call him loyal as contradistinguished from ful nations, and the other party, who were always so except the shadeevery day an age which passed over them lately, He would now bring fled. hear.) America counted was contrary w to it grew in proportion as it was grati their Lordships to the year 1848, but before he did so he ;.essient, and he asked theta if they were going ruth musttill she heard that this Bill had received the Royal pause for a moment to account for the circumstance of Lafontaine and his coadjutors being Ministers of the •e yisN s ,r 3 l ,in and recklessly to plunge into the gulf that was before them. The Northern States had a Crown in Canada. A notion sprung up, which was yawning i g ntere much encouraged by his Noble Friend, the late Lord Southern interest in the annexation of Canada and the Durham, that the colonies should be permitted to enjoy mediate an inteer,estthough they had not so direct and im was called responsible Government. Now if he Canada was the relPgarentlY, for runaway slaves.—(Hear, had yet one great reason. were to say that he clearly and distinctly understood hear.) They had alsou-teh general love for American what was meant by responsible Government he would rule. But the whole of thee American States had ine one st be givin g himself credit for perspicacity which he did great reason to watch with direct and earnest • t re not possess.—(A l aug h.) left as far as he understood the struggle between the p arent country and the co it it wa s thi s. I t was not, as t h e i r L or d s hi ps would see, lo -• lorry, We had given up the principle of protection, confined to Canada alone, but had reference to all their and adopted the principle of free trade; they were colonies. and Consist e d in this—whoever was the Gover. gradually extending that principle to one article nor of a colony was bound to appoint his Ministers, and , after another, a fact which he observed with wore sated, his reply was that the Bill had no such view; and as to the intentions of parties, how could they at the end of eleven or twelve years ascertain who aided, and who aaisted at least in heart, the rebellion which took place?—(gear, hear.) For his own part, he thought that such an inquiry instituted at the end of twelve years into the feelings of parties at that period would create such bitterness of party spirit, and exasperate to such a degree existing animosities, that it would be infinitely better if no indemnity Mester er was granted than have such inquiries instituted. The Noble and Learned Lord said that a majority of the English race voted against the measure ; but what was the fact? As the Hotise of Representatives then stood, it consisted of 46 members, 31 of whom were of English origin, and 15 returned of French extraction. The English popula tion of both provinces was something less than one-half the French, and when the Noble and Learned Lord said that the addresses presented to Lord Elgia were no test of popular opinion, he agreed with him. de believed that the real expression of the opinions of a people were to be taken from their representatives, and neither in this coun try nor in Canada would he, for one, ever listen to or be lieve public opinion was ever collected from any other source than through the votes of their representatives in Pedigree it. They all knew how these things were got up; but elide he did, so, he would remind the Noble and Larded Lord that there was something more than ad dress( s ; for deputations from all parts of Canada had waited on the Governor. G ere- ral to offer him their support. —(Bear, hear ) He (Earl Grey) also perceived by the mail which arrived that day, that the Opposition no longer clamoured as they had done before, for the dis solution of the Assembly, and the recal of Lord Elgin. When he found a party strongly deprecating a dissolution, the conclusion he had a right to form was, that they were not confident in anticipating a majority. It was from Upper Canada the addresses bad come expressing con fidence in Lord Elgin, and he must say that the Noble and Lear ne d L or d h a d s h own no groun d for her Ma jesty interfering to prevent the operation of the Act which had received the support of two thirds of the Assembly. All he called on them to do, by refusing their assent to the Noble and Learned Lord's motion, was to affirm the opinion that that House was not called on to interfere. The Act was one which the Provincial Government had a right to pass, which the Governor-General could not disallow, and which it would be wrong for the Home Government to interfere with. Instead of the Noble Lord's resolution casting oil, as he said it would, on the troubled waters, he (Earl Grey) believed that its effect would be to do the very reverse.—(Elear, hear.) His conviction was, that to come to such a decision as the Noble and Learned Lord would lead them would be a grievous blow to the peace and prosperity of Canada, and on that ground he should feel it his duty to oppose the resolution.—(Hear.) Lord LYNDHURST commenced by saying that he had not been in the habit for a considerable time of ad dressing their Lordships, but on the present occasion he felt that he was imperatively called on by a duty he owed to their Lordships and to the Crown to express his dis approbetion of the conduct which had been exhibited towards the Noble Lord at the head of the Government in Canada. No one could by possibility feel more strongly than he did upon the treatment he had received —the insults and perils to a hich he had been subjected ---and no one could more strongly condemn those intem perate acts which had distinguished the conduct of a por tion of that population. It was not his intention to go into the question of responsible Governments, but this he would say, that there might be cases which would render it necessary for this country to interfere.—(Hear, hear.) The question was a very narrow question, and turned on the construction of the Act of Parliament, and his objection to it was, that it rewarded rebels.— ("Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham and the oppo• sition Lords.) Those who perided their lives and eho shed the:r blood to put down the rebellion were now to be taxed to remunerate the very persons who had been in rebellion for the losses they may have sustained. —(° Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham.) He approved of the amnesty when it was promised, but he knew of no ease where persons who had been in rebellion had not only received the be nefit of an amnesty, but also had been rewarded for the part they took, and had been remunerated for the loss they had sustained on account of their own rebellious acts.—(llear, hear.) He could not avoid referring to Sir Allan MtNale, who had been alluded to in the course of the debate, and who had been sneered at by the Noble Earl on the opposite side (Earl Grey) as if his conduct had not entitled him to their respect and admiration.— (Hear, beer.) Nuw he (Lord Lvndhurst) begged to in form their Lordships that Sir Allan M'lslab was at the head of his troops at the battle of Toronto, but had not been in action, as the rebels fled at their approach. He had also hen with his troops on another occasion, when the rebels had decamped, and on various occasions had exhibited his activity end loyalty. For this conduct Sir Allan had received distinct thanks from the Governor• General of Canada, Lord Seaton, and he had afterwards received thanks from the Crown, and the title was con ferred on him, which, although one not very high in point of rank, was nevertheless valuable as a reward and acknowledgment of his services. The question they had to deal with resolved itself, as be had remarked, into a very narrow compass—the consideration of the Act of Parliament. The provisions of that Act embraced all persons engaged in the rebellion, with the exception of those alluded to in the proviso, and the effect of the Act was to reward and compensate persons in the rebel lion.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition side.) Let him refer to the case of Mr. Papineate Now he did:not sub mit; he absconded and went to the United States, and afterwards passed to France, sand be did not return till the Queen's pardon was proclaimed, and then he returned to Canada.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not clear, he would ask, that Mr. Papineau was the instigator and one of the fathers of the rebellion? and yet he would be entitled to compensation under the provisions of thatlAct.—(ellear," from Lord Brougham.) The rale that was followed in construing all Acts of Parliament was, that whatever did not come wiihin the exceptions of the Act came as a matter of course within the sphere of its operation. What then was the fact, that the prime instigator, who had voted for the 8.11 giving compensation, was entitled to make his claim for having sustained loss.—(Hear, hear.) Was not that an affront to the loyal people of Canada, who had exerted themselves in aiding to put down the rebellion ? And from whom was the compensation to be received? From this coun try ? No; but from the very persons by whose loyalty baenidlith)uyswahtotesme bprt.a_ve(riyi,haer, had hear, b ee fr n om thedeteated n Opposition.)ilisre Let their Lordship s ta k e the case of the late rebellion in Ireland —the lead ers of it had been tried—had been i convicted, and were to be transported. Suppose, after a time, that her Alajesty was to grant these individuals a pardon, and that by the revolution of events they were to return to this country, and were to become members of the Government, and suppose that they were then to propose a measure to give compensation to those who had been engaged with them in the rebellion, was there one in that House who would not express his deep detes tation of such a proposition?—(Hear, hear.) And yet that was what was now doing in Canada.—(Hear, hear.) The principal party who brought in the Bill evidently did so for the purpose of rewarding his asseciates in rebellion. It had been said by the Noble Ear! that Mr. Lafontaine had not been engaged in the rebellion. But what was the fact? In 1837 Mr. Lafontaine saw the danger, and he came over to this count-T. The Executive Council, however, issued a warrant for his apprehension, and, upon hearing of that, he went to France, and be never returned to Canada till atter the amnesty had been proclaimed. Yet, the Noble Earl had told them that Mr. Lafontaine had challenged in quiry. He (Lord Lyndhurst) had a great respect for the judgment and abilty of the Noble Earl, but he must say that some of the shifts he had resorted to in the course of his speech were really ludicrous. He conjured their Lordships to treat the subject under consideration with seriousness. The Noble Earl had inquired bow they I were to find out who were the parties engaged in that rebellion, but by the. records of the courts to which the satisfaction than some of his - Noble Friends near him.—(Hear, hear.) The Americans rejoiced at this policy on our part. Not b cause they sympathised with us by any means—they sympathised much more with the Canadian rebel:.—(dear.) He had seen letters addressed to merchants in the City, in which the ut most joy was expressed at the passing of the navigation laws, but they said, " Don't imagine we are ping to follow you; on the contrary, we shall draw restrictions tighter than ever." The Americans had a strong desire for protection, and what prevented them from making it complete? Upper Canada.—(dear, hear.) It was impoeeible for them by any Custom house regulations, by any number of officers, or by any American militia. to completely guard a coast of some 14,000 or 15,000 miles in extent. A friend of his, a Member of the other House of Parliament, when in Illinois lately saw some hatchets. He said, " These are very curious hatchets." " Yes," said the party addressed, " and yon can't make such hatchets; they cost only 1 defier and 25 cents." That mistake was soon corrected. In a short time 5,000 hatchets of a very superior kind, English make, were imported into the district, and sold at halt a dollar a piece. The moment that this was heard of down came a parry of militia to seize the hatchets; but they failed in doing so, because they were sill sole and conveeed oat of the way by the people. Now, while there was such a difference in the price of hatceete as that between 1 dull. 25 cents. and halt a dollar, it was clear that it was hope less to attempt the enforcement of any Custom-house regulations. All they want is a frontier, and Canada would be that frontier.—(Hear.) Therefore it was that he implored their Lordships to knit more closely to them the affections of their fellow-subjects. It is was by any unworthy concession, by any sacrifice of power, or even of wealth, that end was to be attained, he would not counsel it; but there were no such sacrifices required in order to retain their love and uffection, tend to render the severance of the colony impossible.—(Hear, hear.) He had the strongest sympathy for his f e lt ow - su tj ects , and he could not but fed that it was a cruel desertion to take any step e hich would throw them into the hands of America. He had seen many of these men, men who had fought on the field of battle, and these men to whom Canada bad been a home for half a century, who bad all their possessions, as well as their families, who had risked life in delenee of the power of the British Crown, would be driven against their will into the great republic of the west, and if so, he could only say, that like their forefathers, they would leave England from their loyalty to the Crown. He called upon their Lordships to save Canada from being made the sacrifice to this whim of responsible Govern ment. He implored them to adopt the resolutions he would now move, teeliog perfectly certain that they would pour oil on the troubled watere, and restore peace and concord to Canada. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the resolutions. Earl GREY could net, although he had listened most attentively to the arguments of the Noble a Learned Lord, under rind what object he sought teffiltetain by submitting the motion which he lead brought under the consideration of their L erdships. He had not heard one syllable advanced in sustainment of the necessity of the proposition, nor was it attempted to be shown that its adoption would tend to promote or facilitate the har monious government of Canada by the authority of the British Crown. OF the two hours and a quarter which the Noble Lord had occupied the attention of their Lordships, fully one hour and three quarters were taken up with prefatory matter. It was not expedient that he should follow the Noble and Learned Lord through those discursive observations; but though he should not follow the Noble cued Learned Lord through the whole of his lengthy statements, there were never theless some points on which he had fallen into error, that he felt it to be his duty to notice them. His his torical review of the connexions between England said Canada was altogether incorrect. In substance and spirit the Noble arid Learned Lord said that the Cana dians were French in heart and spirit, that they were alienated from the British Crown, and that they were kept down only by force. This was a statement which he denied in tote. For many years Lower Canada had been much attached to England, and in the revolutions whi c h had taken place the militia of Lower as well as of Upper Canada had distinguished itself by no ordinary display of valour. No doubt a portion of the population had been betrayed by designing men into the guilt of rebellion in the year 1838, and it was furthest from his intention to say one word pelliatory of that guilt. He could not avoid remarking that the whole cause of dis• content would have been remedied much sooner and more effectually if neither force nor treason had been used. Though disaffection existed at that period it did not follow that they should always regard the Canadians as a disaffected and disloyal race of men When they spoke about Canada they should recollect that that coun try was added to the dominion of the British Crown by one of the most successful wars in which the country ever achieved a victory, and that the painful policy of the Ministry who brought about that glorious consumma tion, was to bury in oblivion past rebellions and disaffec. bons. This was the policy pursued at Culloden and by Henry IV. The entire spirit of the Noble and Learned Lord's speech was that they should adopt qtlite an op posite policy, but having shown how absurd such a course would certainly prove, he thought it unnecessary to pro ceed further with a relutation of his historical statement. The Noble and Learned Lord then complained of M. Lafontaine'e promotion to emolument and office, after, as it was allegsd,he had been engaged in treasonable practices. Now he (Earl Grey-) thought it would have been most unwise to have excluded a gentleman of M. Lafoutaine's talents and influence from being raised to distinction in the administration of the public anirs of the province. It was quite untrue that M. Lafontaine had been im plicated in the rebellion; or that he had fl'-d from Canada in consequence of treasonable acts. He sug gest:d certain constitutional changes, not being satis fied with the form of governmennund he did his best to obtain that change in a peaceable manner; but it was quite a misteke to suppose that his views were not strongly opposed to disaffection or outbreak of any kind. When he returned to Canada he challenged an investigation of his conduct, but unsuccessfully. The Nobles Lord then proceeded to consider that portion of the Noble and Learned Lord's speech in which he ad verted to the Rebellion Losses all, and stated his ob jection to its sanction by the British Legislature and Crown. It appeared to him (L and Grey) that the inter ference of that House in matters of colonial government should be confined to extreme cases, and if they inter ,ered at all, it ought to be in a regular and constitu tional way.—(Hear.) It' the Noble and Learned Lord thought that Parliament ought to sweetest the refusal of the sanction of the Crown to this Bill, the proper and respectful course would be to make known their wishee by an address to her Majesty. He contended that to come to a resolution on a question of colonial govern ment was a mode as unusual as it was irregular and in convenient. In 1831 another Act wes passed autho rising the several claims and demands for violence done by her Majesty's forces in the suppression of the rebel lion to be taken into consideration with a view to their being raid. Their Lordships would observe that by the :cords of that Act compensation was extended to all losses incurred by the inhabitants of Upper and Lower Canada, and inflicted by her Majesty's troops —whether regular or irregular, imperial or provincial. The Noble and Learned Lord was very se vere en him for appearing ignorant that the objects and intentions of an Act of Parliament must not be taken or judged from the acts or policy of a Governor-General. but from the words of the statute itself. He (Earl Grey) thanked him for that reproof, and if their Lord ships would turn to the words of the statute, to be found in page 31 of the papers presented to their Lordships' House, they would sea that it contained nothing what ever confining compensation to one party or the other. But, in point of fact, compensation was granted to par ties eho had taken an active part in the rebellion. If the Noble and Learned Lord would refer to the speech made in the Canadian Assembly by Mr. Hincles, the Inspector-General of Accounts—an offiee tantamount to Chancellor of the Exchequer in this country —he would see that some of the persons most active ia the rebellion, and absolutely convicted of high treason, had their claims put in and allowed. Messrs. Harris, Ingerson, and Hunter were paid, though notorious rebels, and the Lieutenant-General of the rebel army, the Commissary-General, and Dr. Cooke, of Norwich, who was convicted and sentenced to be hanged. re ceived compensation. The Noble and Learned Lord says that the payment to Dr. Cooke was contradicted, but what was the tact? The reporters in the House of Assembly called him Tooke instead of Cooke, and that was the amount of the contradiction. Mr. Hincks states positively, that he knew his handwriting, and that he saw the receipt signed by him for compensation, paid under the Canada Compensation Act. Dr. Hatterman was also convicted of high treason, and, he believed, was paid compensation; there was, however, some doubt about his case, but a remarkable circumstance occurred, to which he should call the attention of their Lordships. When an action was brought against him for the sup plies furnished him for the rebel army, he pleaded that he did not act as a private individual, but as commis sary-general of tho rebel army.—(A. laugh.) That, however, he need hardly add, did not avail him, for the plea was not received. The Noble and Learned Lord was exceedingly romantic in his observations in praise of Sir Allan M•Nab. No doubt that gentleman did good service, but the Noble Lord was dreaming when he talked of his great actions, for he was never actually engaged in the rebellion of Upper Ca nada. The Noble and Learned Lord gave so eloquent a description of his gallant actions and achievements, that one should have thought he fought such battles as that of Salamanca or Vittoria. Under the Act of Parliament to which he referred payments were made in Upper Canada to persons convicted of treason, and yet no fault was found or clamour raised against it, and immediately consequent upon it was an address of the Parliament of the United Provinces, praying that an inquiry should be set on foot respecting the losses incurred in Lower Ca nada. He should also mention that when this Bill was under discussion it was objected to, inasmuch as it was alleged that if an inquiry were to be instituted in Upper Canada with a view to give compensation, Lower Can ida ought also to be included. The inquiry respecting Lower Canada was conducted by Commissioners appointed for that purpose, who were appointed by the advice of those gentlemen who now objected to the Act which gave that compensation. They were directed by Lord Cathcart to make the inquiry by the rules of evidence which governed courts of law, and accordingly, when it was concluded, a Bill was brought in during the pre sent Tear in every respect like that previously passed for Upper Canada, submitted to the Assembly of the United Provinces, and, after considerable opposition, passed by a large majority. Some discussion occurred as to the propriety of excluding those either convicted by a court-martial, or having submitted to her Majesty's mercy, were afterwards sent to Bermuda, but the pre amble of the Bill was of great importance, for it stated that the losses for which compensation should be made were strictly confined to those who had suffered from wanton and unnecessary damage. All losses brought on themselves by parties engaged in the rebellion, or en couraging its promotion, were excluded. If they ob jected to it ou the ground that rebels were to be compeu- were tried? But, dici&: - Isfobie Earl mean to say, that all who had been engaged in the rebellion, had been tried? Why, Lord Colborne had taken 800 prisoners, soul, of them with arms in their hands, and the names of 352 only had appeared. What, then, was to hinder some of these parties claiming compensation, and for the loss of their time while they were detained prisoners?— (llcer and laughter.) Upon these grounds he was opposed '0 the measure. He was surprised, knowing the ability of the Noble E4rl, at the careless manner in which he had gone through the Act. The Noble Earl then cited soma of the clauses, and said that under one of them the 800 persons he had alluded to might claim compensation for the very arms they a ere found to be in possession of when they were taken prisoners.— (Hear.) Compensation could also be claimed for any loss sustained in the suppression of the rebellion, from force used by her Majesty's troops, and compensation could also be claimed by owners of premises which had been used for purposes of defence by her Majesty's troops. There was another class he had been reminded of by his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham), namely, 104 persons who had been outlawed for treason.— These persons could also claim compensation under the hear.) Were their Lordships then pre pared to sanction such a measure? Unless they treated Canada as an independent state, he thought they were bound to interfere to prevent the carrying out of the measure ha had described as one injurious to the empire at large, and to that respect which they owed to the British Crown.—(tlear, hear.) With respect to the appointment of the commission under the Act, he would remark that when the Crown issued a commis- sion the Crown had the power of giving instructions, but when a commission was issued under an Act o f Parlia men t, th e y were b o und by it, and the Act could not be qualifi e d by any instructions given by th e Governor-G enera l. I t h a d b een said that there was no intention to give compensation to the rebels. Mr. Baldwin had said so in a part of his speech, but he (Lord Lyndhurst) believed, nevertheless, that the Act was passed with that intention. The Noble Lord then went on to rem.irk upon the species of evidence which might be recived before the commission, and next call, d attention to the preamble to the Act, and to that proviso which had been introduced, and according to which compensation was not to be given to those parties who had been actually engaged in that rebellion. It was no. torious that Upper Canada, to a man, was loyal, and they sustained no loss; but the loyalists in Toronto did. Why should all these suffer for losses sustained by rebels? The Noble Earl said what were they to do? The alter natives were open to them. Pass the Bill and with it keep up all the agitation in Upper Canada, which would be followed by the most serious cons luences. But an. other cJurse was open to them. Withhold the assent of the Crown—that was no unusual course. Tho Attor ney-General said that there was no intention of com pensating rebels. Why, then, .persetteuupassing this measure —bring in a Bill according to the intention which had been expressed, and pass that instead. That would be the course he would recommend, and it would enable them to avoid the difficulties which he contemplated would follow on this Bill becoming law.—(Hear.) He Legged to apologise to their Lordships for entering more at length upon this topic than he Intended, but he had About ten days previously to Lord itietcalfe's resigna tion ho instituted a strics inquiry into the losses sus tained by the loyal subjects of Canada durieg the rebel lion, and thus discovered who were the persons worthy of being indemnified, and who were not; but such was not the course adopted by Lord Elgin, for on the 12th of December last, when he issued orders to inquire into the losses of the Lower Canadians, he made no distinc tion between the loyal subjects, and those who had been armed in the field against her Msjtsty's forces. The Noble Earl (Earl Grey) had already stated that the limitations of this Bill were sufficient, and that no in• vidious distinction was to be made by the Commissioners of Inquiry, except between those who were, and those who were not convicted of treason. Ile was at a loss to know how those Commissioners could try the matter properly, when they were instructed not to interfere with any who were not convicted as rebels, and particu larly when they had not the power of a lrninistering an oath. He believed that there was no intention on the part of Lord Elgin to limit this Bill to parties who were not convicted ; for, from what had take place in discussing the measure, he considered that there was enough to show that the Noble Duke n-as in error all trough; and he was well aware that in the course of that discussion numerous q Jestioes on that point, as to their being rebels, which the Ministry on all occasions avoil d, by every possibly ingenuity to answer. One of the members of the Canadian House of Representatives (Mr. Cameron) said that he hoped that there would be no 6tar C:iamher transactions, but that everything woulti be done openly, and that all who suf fered would be compensated. Mr. Htticki said that all who had been convicted of high treason shenll be ex cluded from the benefit of the B 11, but that it was irn possible to say who were or who were not. Mr. Drum• mond stated the Act of Amnesty did away with all charge against those who advocated rebellion, and that the time was not far distant when ail wou d receive com pensation for their losses; and also the President of the Council spoke in favour of compensating those aho had been guilty of high treasom From all those circum stances be thought that he had given sufficient proof that the Ministry of Lord Elgin were for compensating those rebels. The only exception that he knew of was Mr. Jones, who resisted that project by stating the converse. tion he had with Mr. Lafontaine, which he would read to their Lordships, to the effect that the latter replied to his question, that all engaged in arms against the Qieen would be entitled to compensation by this Bill, and by this means Lord Elgin listens with too much credulity to the advice of his Ministers, who, as he (Lord Stanley) had proved, are prepared to compensate even rebels who had been in arms during the rebellion of 1837 and 1838; and the question now was, will the House of Lords acquiesce in the principle :of the Secretary of State, who has already stated that this was not a question that would affect the interests and honour of the Crown anti the safety of the Canadian people, and that thi s Bill would be the means of th row i ng oil on the troubled wa ers. He hoped that their Lordships would support the motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Brougham), as it was not to address her Majesty, but to delay the Bill until a better one should be substituted, as there was a very great anomaly in many of the clauses of this measure. He looked upon the measure as one of very great importance, and as one which required of their Lordships to call for the interposition of the Crown, so as to prevent such mischievous legislation. He thought that the time for suppressing animosity of war races had arrived, and that the system of packing the Legislature of that country should be put an end to, for every circumstance belonging to that Bill, showed that such a step had been taken, the haste with which it was carried, the import ance of the large minority arid the self-interest of the majority. Thus he thought that was the time for effect ing peace and happiness for those colonies, when the present Ministry came into office, but so favourable an opportunity was slighted and overlooked, to the disap pointment of all persons. Lord CAMPBELL briefly explained. The Earl of ST. GERMANS said that he did not wish to give his vote in silence on this occasion, because this question originated with the Government with which he had the honour to' be connected, and he, there fore, felt that he would not act a meetly and straight forward part if he did not give his reasons for his oppo sition to the motion of the Noble Lord (Lord Brougham). The Noble Lord then entered into the history of the Governors-General before and since the Canadian Parliament was established, how Lord Dur ham had investigated into the condition of the Canadas and had reported the benefit that would accrue from a union in the Parliaments of the two colonies, which had been acted upon by the Imperial Legislature. He then eulogised Lord Elgin, and deprecated any interference on the part of their Lordships with respect to any measure passed by that local Government for their own interests, particularly 'as the House of Commons had, by a great majority, agreed to leave the management of their local affairs to themselves. Lord LANSDOWNE said that he thought the ground on which his hopes rested had been already stated by his Noble Friend (Earl Grey); but he should confess that he never stood in the same situation as at present on so important an occasion, because this was the first time since the Canadian Parliament was constituted that any opposition had been offered to the transactions of that Parliament by the Imperial Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) Since the full benefit of Coastitutional Govern ment had been given to Canada, it had worked well, and this was the first time that their Lordships hail been called upon to decide whether it was a substance or a shadow. The question they were called upon to decide was one of tho most difficult nature, arising from ex tended empire. There was great difference in the cir cumstances of each colony, and according to these they must judge as to the best form of Government in a small colony, where intelligence was confined to a small sec tion of the community. That Government might be best carried on by a large power on the part of the parent country, but, where the large t roportion of the people were in possession of these qualities, they had a right to a hat might be called Constitutional Govern ment—(Hear, hear)—and, he trusted, that not only Canada, but many other large provinces, might enjoy that form of Government. But there was a third form, when they had given a colony a constitutional form of Government, and remain jealous of its exercise. They must not give a government to be held in leading strings, because they differed from the action of the pro vincial legislature, or call in the whole power of the parent state to override its decisions. lie would remind their Lordships that this was no qaestion of principle but one of detail, and that in order to make it appear a question of principle, the Noble and Learned Lord had assumed the very question of principle, by speaking of' the Bill as one for rewarding criminals. He utterly denied it. If the Bill was of the character described, it should have in the first place enacted that rebels should be rewarded. But it did nothing of the kind. If its principle had been that, he would say that it was carried out very imperfectly. No one 'could be said to be cri minals except those who had been convicted.—(Cheers.) But what did the Noble and Learned Lord ask them to do? Simply this, that having given the people of Canada a constitutional Government, they were to disallow its conchniens, and, without any knowledge of the facts, equal to that possessed by those mho passed the measure without considering the Bill, clause by clause, to reject the Bill thus passed.—(Cheers.) But they were told this was not the expression of the opinioe of the people of Canada. Who were they to take as the people of Canada ? Were they to take those who had burned the Parliament-house. —(Hear, hear.) He be lieved that Noble Lords on the other silo of the House would, on any other question, argue in the same way.— (Hear, hear.) He would call to their sec 'llecdon that in Canada there was a council composed of men of here ditary families, in which respect it resembled that House. He aeleed if that House was of recent creation, but it was said that numbers had been added by Lord Elgin; that was true; but large additions had been made to the Council by previous Governors, and he asked their Lord ships if, in the progress of a country, such additions were not absolutely necessary. But he asked at the same time if, after the lapse of twelve years, without disturbance, it was just to keep hanging over the heads of the French Canadians the imputation of disloyalty, and to exclude from the Council all who belonged to that race.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more calculated to des:roy the character of this country for justice and impartiality, and thus to weaken its influence. The Noble and Learned Lord had himself received M. Lafontaine when he came to to this country with that hospitality which distin guished his treatment of illustrious exiles. He was certain he would nct have done so if he had considered onovfileteddemrnebiteyl.waMs p.aLssaefdb,ntbauintewdeindt n b o a t ck wa to it C ti a l - 1 n h th a im e da e , a lc a t trusting in his character and conduct, and was received in a gener ous sp i rit by Lord Durham.—(Hear,hear.) But th ere were now asp . ersions thrown upon M. Laf o n t t h a e i n Governmente because as a he was o French esct racti w on a , s andupon e French t one fact ? th a t out of ten or twelve there . What were only three French members. He said that if we meant to keep Canada, we must not exclude the representatives of one half of the population from a share of the French Go vernment. He believed that a growing feeling existed among the French population, that of all the people in the world they were those who would gain the least by annexation to the United States.—(Hear.) further,An a d vernmen that the increasing liberality of the British Government which was producing an impression on thei r u t a h t e ta o ch n e e d bes t t h calculated emstrongi to y pr to omo t t h e at thei interests, arnea, and that of th ec oolrodny said ge this Bill w n C heaes the work r s.) The N o o f b I a e and Learned Lord done so because he felt it his imperative duty.—(Cheers.) It was his intention in future to trespass but seldom on their Lordships' attention. Lor. CAMPBELL said that his Noble and Learned Priced had forgotten that the Bill was now law, and law in operation, and if they advised to withhold the Royal sanction, it could only be by interfering with the law in Canada, and annulling the acts of the Governor-General. That would, indeed, he throwing oil upon the troubled waters, and fanning the flames of discontent. He must confess that he had heard with pain the speech of the Noble and Learned Lord. He was in hopes that he had returned to the cause of liberality—that he would have remained attached to that cause, as he had begun, and would have died in it.—("Oh," from the Opposition.) He was old enough to remember his Noble and Learned Friend a staunch Liberal, and when he would have sup ported this Bill, and treated the arguments against it as they deserved, but he took a sudden turn, and associated himself with those of whom he was accustomed to speak by no means with respect.--(Cries of " Qu2stion.") He then took another turn, and he was in hopes that he would have persevered in his new course.—(Loud cries of " Question.") He not only supported Vie emancipa tion of the Cetholics—(Order)—but actuary assisted to emancipate them.—(Cries of '• (Seder.") He had been a steady supporter of free trade.—(Q es lie was speaking to the question.—(Here loud cries of " Question," arose from their Lordships, amidst much laughter.) He was expleining that by whatever mo tives the Noble and Learned Lord was actuated—(re newed cries of " Order," which drowned the conclusion of the sentence.) Ills Noble and Learned Friend, he was afraid, was influenced with regard to the French Canadians, by considerations that they were aliens in race, in language, and in religion.—(Question.) It ap peared to him, that his Noble and Learned Friend had taken a most perverted view of this Act of Parliament. The question was upon the construction of the Act of the Canadian Parliament. That Act followed the pre cedent of the Act with respect to Upper Canada, which was unrestricted in its language. It was proposed to do the same justice to the Lower Province that was done to the Upper Province. It would be most injurious to in troduce clauses in the last Act which were not to be found in the Act for the Upper Province. Many there suffered serious loss, and every objection made against this Bill would apply with greater force to the first Act. Now, be came to the construction of the Act. Every lawyer knew what his Noble and Learned Friend had labourer' so much, that the con struction was to be taken from the words of the Act, and not from the comments of the Governor. Upon the words of the Act he denied that compensation could be claimed by rebels. The claimant must show that ho had suffered a just loss. Unless it can be shown that his claim is just, it is to be instantly dismissed. Could M. Papinesu claim compensation? He apprehended not; nor any person who had suffered in the act of rebellion, because the claim of such a person would not be just, he not being a loyal subject. If every claimant before he could receive compensation was to prove that he was a loyal subject, it would lead to great injustice and oppres sion. It Mr. Wilson's amendment had been carried, great inconvenience would have followed. In every case there might be an objection taken, and then, in ef fect, a trial for high treason would follow. It would have led to interminable inquiry, and often to great in justice. And in every case where a party was convicted of rebellion the most serious results would follow. Under those circumstances, it was expedient to reject that amendment. This Bill being now the law of the land, the question is, should it be disallowed. It was said that the United States had an eye to this province. He believed that nothing would more delight the United States than the passing of the motion of the Noble and Learned Lord. It would give rise to a war of classes, with all its disastrous consequences. For these reasons he trusted that their Lordships would be of opinion that her Majesty's representative had acted wisely in giving his assent to this measure. Lord STANLEY said he had listened to the able, lucid, and powerful speech of his Noble and Learned Friend behind him (Lord Lyndhurst) with anything but pain, and rather with admiration.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear," from the Opposition )—The conciseness and force with which he grappled with the argument showed the undiminished vigour of his intellect, and he should have thought that if there was any one feeling which it was possible to have after that speech, it was ie no way akin to that which could have induced the Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Campbell) to meet it by unworthy taunts.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) His high position, his great experience, his high character, his distinguished and eminent ability, might have secured him in the honoured decline of his years from that insult.—(Loud and general cheers from the Oppo sition.) If it was the case that the Noble and Learned Lord had listened with pain to the speech of his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst), he was sure that few of their Lordships sympathised with him in that opinion; for he was much mistaken if the great majority of them did not listen to it with a great deal of pleasure, —(Hear.) In addressing himself to the question be!ore the House, he did not mean to repudiate what was said by the Noble Earl the Secretary for the Colonies, in respect to responsible Government, so far as the Colonies were concerned; but while he made that ad mission, he wished to qualify it by saying, that he did not think the Government of a party was good for their colonies. At' the same time, he was bound to say that he had so far given countenance to that system by not having objected to the admission of Lafontaine into the Government of Canada. But while he admitted the principle on which he was admitted, he having been the minister of the people's choice, he could not go farther; for were he to do so, and say that the man so admitted was to exercise a control over the representative of the Sovereign in that particular colony—that he was to in stigate measures, in conformity with the wishes of his party, and from them through the Legislature, then be said that such a sys ern was subversive of the law and practice of this country. Were such to be the case it would be a perfect farce to say that the Government of this country was responsible for the actions of the Go vernor-Gent ral of Canada.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that this measure had received the consent of the Canadian Parliament, and that therefore it would be wrong in that House to reject it, or to find fault will it. But if such doctrine were admitted, if it was said now that a certain Bill having received the as sent of the local legislature in Canada, and that conse quently it must be recognised and adopted by that House and the Government of this country, then he said that the constitution of Canada was much more democratic than was that of the United States.—(Hear.) If the Prime Minister of Canada was to have the power of ad vising the Governor-General in all such cases, what was the use of the Legislative Council of Canada? And he had no hesitation in saying that were such a system at tempted to be carrried out, a legislative body, elected by some other party than the Legislative Assembly was at present, would be found necessary. The Legislative Assembly of Canada had been increased by twelve mem bers since last year, and it was no answer to him to say that the m tjority of them were of British origin, for it was the fact that they were elected to carry this par. ticular Bill.—(Hear, hear.) What would be the effec if on any particular measure one hundred and fi'ly ad ditional peers were introduced into that House for the purpose of carrying such measures as the Government of the day might deem necessary? Would not that be thought a measure of the greatest injustice?—(Hear.) But that was what had been done in Canada, and, by having recourse to it, they had introduced a system more democratic than was the system of Government of the United States. The question then came to be, in what respect was the Government of this country to interfere ? The Noble Earl had said, what was the use of calling up old recollections ? No such thing, said the Noble Earl, was done after the rebellion of 1745. But was there ever any mea sure for giving compensation to those who had been engaged in the rebellion of 1745 attempted to he pressed upon the country?—(Hear, hear.) It was be cause the present measure rewarded rebellion, and calved on innocent parties to compensate unconvicted rebels that it was considered unjust.—(Hear, hear.) So far as Upper Canada was concerned, he did not believe that it was ti e intention of the Acts passed by the Par liament of that provir ce to compensate rebellion. The first measure passed by that Parliament was for the purpose of giving compensation to those who had sustained losses in consequence of their property having been destroyed by the rebels. An Act was subsequently passed, extending the provisions of the Act to losses sustained not only by the ravages of the rebels, but from the acts of her Majesty's forces in crushing that rebellion. When that Act came to be discussed, he had the honour to hold the seals of the Colonial office, and the nature of the claims submitted for compensation was in strict accordance with the terms of that Act. To show the necessity for its being enacted, be stated the case of a person who had allowed his property to be destroyed, in order to forward the operations of her Majesty's troops against the rebels, who was not considered entitled to compensation under any of the existing Acts, and it was to meet that case that the Act of 1834 was l t e . passed. In no case, ho wever, d i d he believe that a single i sixpence was given in compensat i on to a rebel under g —(Hear, hear.) Th e N o bl e and Learned Lord(Lord Campbell) had said that there was no difference . between the cases of Upp er an d L ower Canada;but was it not the fact, that while in Upper Canada the reb e lli on was almost put do wn b y the loyalty of the inhabitants, in Lower Canada it required a large number of her Ma jesty's troops to suppress it? And while the Noble and Learned Lord had said, why not pass the Act for Lower Canada, as a similar one had been passed for Upper Canada? he (Lord Stanley) said that while the Act pas,ed for Upper Canada might not strictly have excluded rebels from compensation, yet the present one had a far less chance of doing so in Lower Canada, where they were much more numerous, and therefore he obj cted to it. It was said that all rebels would be ex eluded under the Act, as only those were to be heard who had just claims of compensation. But would the Noble and Learned Lord say that those outlawed would i be in cluded, or that thos e parties taken with arms n their hands would be excluded ? It was said, why go into such inquiry as to who were rebels, or who were not ? But und er thi s A c t the Commissioners are bound toin vestigate under what circumstances the losses for which compensation was claimed were sustained. The Noble injustice of Learned Lord had talked much about the of putting the claimants for compensation in this case under, as it were, a trial for high treason. Why compel them to admit, the Noble Lord said, that they had been rebels. But where was the hardship of compelling those parties who claimed compensation to tell in what manner they had sustained their losses. He had not the slightest doubt but that when the present measure was proposed, it was the intention of Lord Elgin's advisers to have com pensated rebels. That was far from the policy pursued by the late Governor-Geneetil of Canada, Lord Metcalfe. —(Hear.) Having been officially connected with that Noble Lord, he could state, to the credit of his memory, that while beset with difficulties, while labouring under a most painful disease, he never for a monent shrunk from the performance of his duty, and be never would have con seated to the passing of such a measure as the present. tyrant mjority, because it proposed to reward those who have suffered, without any specific exclusion of those who had taken part in this rebellion, and that in opposition to the loyal feeling of the people in the co lony. He found that principle first laid down in a resolution affirming the necessity of giving compensation to the inhabitants of Lower Canada for losses during the rebellion. That resolution was passed not by the French majority, but by the exclusively loyal section of the population, who now protested against it. The _Canadian Assembly had only adopted that resolution with exclusions which were not men tioned in it, and at that time Noble Lords had their correspondents in Canada, as they had now, and they they then said nothing about danger, and he said it was DOW too late for them to come forward and object to it. —(Hear, hear.) Ile admitted that the Bill might have been more carefully worded; but he asked, having given the colony a constitution, would they enter upon a contest with it upon the mere wording of a Bill ? ( Heer.) The Noble and Learned Lord had called upon them to consider the con ,equences of their vote. He equally did so. It was an important vote. He had seen occasions on which this House had been called upon to disagree with the decisions of the other House of Par liament with local Legislatures, and to censure the con• duct of governors, but never before had he heard of that House being called upon, without full deliberation, to disagree with the other House of Parliament, with the local Legislature, and with the G overnor o f the Colony ivested with the Queen's authority. It was un necessary for him to say that the occasions were and rare when slut a power should he ^ -~.,, . But be did say, that IsLen a man Wee 14 - :en, -- after full consideration of the rehj,et, tit:iniit that. such a measure was required, Le deserved (o'l'e:respect and snpport of their Lordships, and notetheir cm detnnation.—(Cheers.) Lord BROUGHAM replica. The Noble Marquis - had said that, having given representative institutions to a colony, the occasions were rare when they should interfere with it. He admitted it, and the onus lay upon him. He accepted it. Unless they were rare and ex traordinary occasions, they had no right to interrere. If they were to vote money to a foreign enemy, they would clearly be acting wrong ; and, for his own part, he saw no difference between voting money to a foreign enemy and to rebels against the Government.—(Hear.) The Commissioners had no discretion. Lord Elgin had no discretion. The Government WAS responsible, and in the hands of M. Lafontaine and M. Geraud, the brother of the rebel; and even according to the Bill it self and their own words, the compn nsetion was only to be given fer just claim-; s) that, -recording to their own showing, there must be an inquiry before compensation could be aw! riled. Ile would only add. that if this was not a case or the interference of the Crown such a. case could never arise, for, cxc pt in the iLstinice of voting money ti a. fereiem enemy, he coull conceive of no strorig,r ground for its interposition; and with that remark he would leave the resolution in the hands of their Lordships. Ea 1 GREY did not believe that any warrant was ever sent to this country against M. Laf,eitaine. Certainly he had never heard of it, and he was perfectly per suadtAl no such warrant was ever issued against him. 'Feist he kiiew—that covered by on Act of indemnity, M. Lifornaine went back toCa.neda cud cnal:enged irquiry. Luis impression was that when he was here and had his petition presented he had the advantage of finding from the Noble and Learned Lord the greatest possiLle sym paty for his wrongs and the wrongs of his country.— (Laughter.) After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, Their L3rdships divided. The numbers were— Content—Present ..• 54 Proxies 42-96 Not content—Present 46 Proxies ... ... 53-99 Majority against the resolutions 3 The House adjourned at a Quarter past Two o'clock. FLOATING OF THE BRITANNIA BRIDGE OVER THE MENAI STRAITS. MENAI STRAITS, TUESDAY EVENING.—This great engineering achievement was accomplished to-day with extraordinary eclat. Unfortunately the morning opened unpropitiously, with a high south-west wind; but as the sun moved towards the meridian the wind dropped, the rain discontinued, and the weather, as well as every thing else, worked well for the coming off of the ex periment. The scene, as early as six o'clock, presented a very busy appearance, multitudes of men depositing the buoys and shipping the enormous cables from the London and Manchester platforms of the works. Ap prehensions were entertained in the early part of the day whether the wind and tide would be sufficiently calm to allow of the operation. The tide, at this time, was 17 feet, and the force of the wind raised it another foot. The signals, consisting of different coloured flags, under the direction of Mr. Steph-nson, were placed on the dif ferent capstans, for the guidance of the precess employed in navigating the great tube, on the Anglesey shore, and at other points. Early in the morning the tube was lowered three feet upon its piers, so as to enable it to start earlier, and take advantage of the tide at high water. Steamers up the straits—the Prince of Wales, Cam bria, and Ayrshire Lassie, from Liverpool; with trains from Manchester, Chester, Holyhead, Liverpool, and other parts, came trooping in throughout the day. The arrivals, in addition to those already given, include Lord Nee/borough, Lord Mostyn, Mr. Duff, M.P., Mr. Chapman, Chairman of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway ; Sir C. Smith, Sir J. Williams, Archdeacon Jonas, Mr. Samuda, civil engineer; Mr. Parsons, direc tor of the Brighton Railway; Mr. Borthwick, civil en gineer; Mr. Guppy, Mr. Berkley, civil engineer; Mr. Vignolles, and many others, with the resident gentry. A brief description of the works of one of the largest engineering structures of the day will fully illustrate the arduousness of the task involved in the vast operation. The masonry work, by reason of its gigantic charac ter, attracted great attention. The abutments on either side of the straits are huge piles of masonry. That on the Anglesey side is 143 feet high and 173 feet long. The abutment on the Carnarvonshire side is nearly as large, but owing to the elevation of the ground, the masonry is less in altitude. The wing walls of both terminate in splendid pedestals, and on each are two colossal lions couchant, of Egyptian design, liftieg their limestone foreheads in the face of every train. These lions, like the tube they adorn, are on a gigantic scale, each being 25 feet long, 12 feet high, though crouched, 9 feet abaft the body, and each paw 2 feet 4 inches. Each weighs 30 tons. They contain, in tote, 8,000 cubic meat of stone, and weigh, one and ell, 120 tons. There is some intention of surmounting the central tower with a colossal figure of Britannia, in stone, 60 feet high. The town rs for supporting the tube are of a like mag nitude with the entire work. The Great Britannia Tower in the centre of the straits is 62 by 52 feet at its base upon the rock; its total height from the bottom 230 feet; it contains 148,625 cubic feet of limestone, and 144625 of sandstone; it weighs 20,000 tons, and there are 387 tons of caat iron built into it in the shape of beams and girders. Its province is to sustain the four ends of the four long iron tuba s which will span the straits from shore to shore. The total quantity of stone contained in the bridge is 1,500,000 cubic t. The side towers stand at a clear distance of 460 feet from the great central tewer, and again the abutments stand at a dis tance from the side towers of 230 fret, giving the entire bridge a total length of 1,849 feet, the date of this pre sent year of grace. The side or land towers ale each 62 feet by 52 feet at the base, and 190 feet high. They contain 210 tons of cast iron. Another point of attraction durirg the morning was the huge stages and scaffolding, probably the most ex tensive ever constructed. They are of the same charac ter as that employed at the New Houses of Parliament, The scaffolding of the tower is very lofty, and the weight it has to support is 1,300 tons. The framing round the Britannia Tower rises to the vast height of nearly 250 feet. The entire) scaffolding is capable of sustaining 2,000 tons. There are in it 570,000 cubic feet of timber and 20 tons of iron bolts. The chief centre of attraction, however, was the interior and exterior of the novel and gigantic tubes—the one floated on the pontoons, and the others us they lay upon their platforms, presenting the appearance of stupendous iron tunnels. As these were the lions of the day, and as one of the largest was safely floated to its final resting place, interest will attach to its description, and a description of the one in question will be a description of them all. The length of the great tube transported yesterday is exactly 470 feet, being 12 feet longer than the clear span between the towers, and the greatest span as yet attempted. This ad ditional length is intended to afford a temporary bearing of 6 feet at each end after they are raised into their places, until there is time to form the connexion between them across the towers. Their greatest height is in the centre 30 feet, and diminishing towards the end to 22 feet. Each tube cone sista of sides, top and bottom, all formed of long narrow, wrought-iron plates, varying in length from 12 feet downward. The direction in which these plates are laid and rivetted together is govern e d by t h e di rect i on o f the strains in th e different parts of the tube. They are of the same manufacture as those for making boilers, varying in thickness from three-eighths to three-fourths of an inch. Some of them weigh nearly 7 cwt., and are among the largest it is possible to roll with any existing machinery. and half ln the sides h an inehth ick; btute the pla longest a n s ge r s e 6 and t plater. 8 are e e long, nten bottom,: being 12 feet long by 2 feet 4 inches wide, arranged in,double layers. At the top they are 6 feet in length and 1 foot 9 inches in breadth. The con. nexion between top, bottom, and sides is made much more substantial by triangular pieces of thick plate, rivetted in across the corners to enable the tube ,to resist the cross or twisting strain to which it will be ex posed from the heavy and long-continued gales of wind that, sweeping up the channel, will assail it in its lofty and unprotected position. The rivets, of which there are 2,000,000, each tube containing 327,000, are more than an inch in diameter. They are placed in rows, and were put in the holes read hot, and beaten with heavy hammers. In cooling they contracted s th tr a e t n i g t l r y eq a u n i r d e d d a re f w o rc t e h e o f p f l r a o t m e s rivet to cause the plates to slide over eac fl h oa o t t e h d er. total weight of wrought iron in the fo to n g r e t t o he s r ix so to p n o s w t e o rf e u Ta l ho ly, he Garforth, of Dukinfield, Manchester, and . others ackwall. The trains will pa ss yester day is 1,600 tons. Ir has been constructed tube by Messrs. by Mr. C. Mare, of BI f b water. through T th h e e m, n o a r m e e r s th of e s th tr e att g s e , n a t t leni l o e o n w ee h t ti b o a v v e o high water. The names of the gentlemen who havo been continuously engaged on this great work since 1847 are, Captain Moorsom, the resident dire c t or; M r. Frank ' Forster, resident engineer; Messrs. E. and L. Clark and Wild, assistant engineers; Messrs. Nowell, Hemming way, and Pearson, contractors for the masonry; Messrs. Mare, the celebrated shipbuilders of Blackwell; and Messrs. Gatorth, of Dukinfield, contractors for the iron tubes; Mr. J. Greaves, general manager of the nla• sonry ; Messrs. J. and A. Greaves, contractors for the scaffolding and stages; Mr. J. Campbell, engineer of the tube work; and Messrs. J. Morris and H. Hodgkinson, managers of it, all of whom were present yesterday. At three o'clock the spectators, by tens of thousands, had taken their place upon the piers. The tubes and shores on either side of the straits for a mile in length presented a vast amphitheatre of human beings. ahe pilots, to the extent of 200 or 300, took their stand on the pontoons, to ply the gigantic tackle. As many more stood ready for action at the capstans; the cables, six inches in thickness and of league-long lengths, were attached to the steamers that were to have the towing of the tremendous freight. All eyes were fixed, with mingled feelings of confidence and fear, on the gigantic fabric, upon which Mr. Stephenson and Captain Claxton, who f ormed, if it may be so said, the ntens anirnat indent, amid the ominous silence of the msuernrotueundsiunedon h surrounding thousands. Soon after the utmost excite springing on thethefirs first sadden signal l flog, and a shrill s t ra i n f r om the trumpet of Cap tain Cl ax t on, from the top o f t h e tu b e , t o t h e p il ots to te Afirnsgtlse signal,a si that of of the take the tid e an d p i pe a ll h an d s f o r th e exp l o i t. This was responded to by a loud burst of enthusiasm from the seamen, whose immense efforts, united to those of the steam. tugs, told upon the screws and tackles, arid upon the hitherto motionless monster, who then glided very slowly, and amid intervals of increasing cheers and sa lutation, without injury or jar, and with a majesty that could only be compared to that of a mountain moving on the waters, to the site of its final resting place. We have since received, by Electric Telegraph, a dis patch which states, that during the operation one of the capstans broke ^nd that the floating of the tube was put this morning.