The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-25 00:00:00

e toi `••••,.......„„..., .... led n ': 4 ° objected to war in the abstract, he confessed foril 'ltele-elrePathy for those who denounced the war s rn. ithit,''''otnercial purpo ses (Cheers.) He h ad no Yif °Y a ." those who would ;offer insult to the country, en be%stanee they d• • • hed the sales of their cet e t ers '"i lee e did no o 3elie n v i o n i s ti a calico . m . illenium. (Ch _ O ) 414 d° r • • It was upon a Christian he did of heo'ecd the weak aainst the strong , and principle. that he 'f ,.. he i , i '''. a i t; _co record his vote in favour of the resolutions . alr, If., b aon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire. e t4 h i g• h , t e l l ar. -INSON was of opinion that t t h h e e p i r m es p e r n e t ss w ie a n r t ice the great extent, he ascribed to til P e rer r r a le e Party had contrived to c onvey t to re t s h is e:a h t i e s he 'Rere e i ell o , e.essia that this country would no . Ikr of % thought the motion of the right m h i o se n h . i l e r v ie e m us il ,'etit ee Lenchester (Mr. Gibson) the most ce4 etieLl ed oil the journals. Tbe resolutions of the Tight cio e 7 f uer for Bucks were calculated fairly to elicit th e e r 'it 0h . r,,, t11 ,e house • but as they unfortunately . ned_ e f . 1P ,,,e boi e- 14 dams a the Government, who, in his . vi w, 'vete, " anienable to g blame, he should vote for the a mend- Tee liar' t r e t icia of GRANBY thou . ght they ought to "L;Ne, 'eel' the intentions of Ruses had really be: 3n of an ob ~,;° character. Ever since the treaty of Adr lanople, e.4',g 26 years ago Russia had had th .c! power, 1 - , 4 kied il l ,"° Lord Aberdeen ' to march at any st time she . iilll,e eo-til'islleheran on the one side, or upon 'e,onstanti th e Bad h e ,,,, veer. Had she done so? lt we.s said that ; 6 1 he h '" ° lll ing her time, and that it wee not till . 18 . 5 3 CO 4 4 1.41nd-herself in position to take the demi. if Zi' aco ei . t he Times newspaper lest, year declared th a a , t at ef . 'le the the had sent 20,000 men to Const ni _ i s b 4io p h ` 14 3? after Prince Mentchiloff returnel slid d ll e 11'44884 might have taken the city. Why, X 120,001 120,00 Farct the report of Sir llamilto t e h y e n n ;ou ' r, he Prince a'c4ilteffr,)ires disposable for the expedition. th e N t en, 'eft on the 21st of May, and Count Ne leelrode, t le kepe,,,,eca's later to Reschid Paella, assured I dm that lit e , - ,', 1 1(14 . had no intention of in: tieing war on the Se el thim'ae y e " such war would be repugnant to hie n_ e . Tl i t . a e t Vice' "° 4 why he did not take 'Constantino pi . . 'l,h 4 ottolalnt aimed at two Objects. The first was to a ttach 4 'Nia 41 ' ) . tilPire more closely to the balance . of power, ath cetio ne of kaiti e k issi the existing treaties ; and it appeared ktp D ' ll , 04 1 Croverement had assented . to that pee k 'tt ere art had refused to enter into a guarantee to t thires• rrangement by arms. The second part of I!:tri e ijoitit was the lipaiiation of the preponderance of i 4 :43,,, L he Black Sea. I Now, he did not thick that we e lt t ,cth e ' ll e re right to say that Russia should no ,build 4; 1 4 t o ~ certain number of ships in her own ports-than , 110 044110414 the number we might cheese to construct te t w th e l 'th or Sheerness. But Russia had offered to le N, th.ardanelles to be opened to ships of war o all ..0 1 4 "Ni g h t ° Sultan having power to close 'them wheuever 0, 411 i te l ? r e was danger. And. who objected to that Ili:Ctta,tee4ty'aie Turkish minister himself. The Russian t le tl i e '? tf t 4 .e °,,raade a second proposition, t the effect "Ye' 'lave 'ea should be closed, but that . the . Sul fi te: kh e ,,,toti e ; Power to open the Dardanelles on giving v dp„'Cip t l ci f his intention; and Austria had declFed that i 'llo;;,',a th a t offer elements for renewed aegotiations. If ca,.-",eut,,sght there were elements for negotiations, why l e h e C li t -l o o 4 1 ,'", here . : B ,ll e l i n d t rY chat consider Austria's propositions? The Anstria had actually made a pro ,i44i s ae We trusted that before the close of that debate /ftl i ° :',Pfor ee ''d know what that proposition was. He w 71, i Z i llea a ." - i j a ce, Provided it were but just and honourable, ‘QeirtZlaae-e'silY,oith regret . upon that . occasion men who i*te'llet re stigmatised as not caring for the honour no i" L 'lee l ', t hat . ); lie however believed that there was hat •"icle ho lie who desired peace on any other than Ir tte''glarei -t ms- (Hear.) At the same time, he thought be 4 hould not remain at war au hour after ' 1 jute be ..-4 e nd had been gained ; she was too great a ite,,lket, ahlpaueneed by aught else than what was essen- N e ° l . l l h,right. What we believed to be right that, ne,^cot,katain, but ought not to allow ourselve 5 `ta(7,4l e "" b a Late of war by it being said that we ion ha , i d f ik qn , 11° 'ea t t °l , ol, or we had not obtained possess eretlaler,.. chat was desirable was this, that the Hon se 44eZtlee-j'aid decla what was rieht and just ; up en :',401 11 31,1, 4 " it was forth executive to act. It si , 'as t he '' to ac". considerations as e these that he felt himself , I lep il i l trot e l r. e,e with the motion of his right hon. frittnd 'hi,„*ie le ue Rucks (gr. Disraeli). His right lion. 'lal 'be '' 4 ° he was desirous of shutting the door ht f ,o ,, a b o y tt a ti on. He could not agree with that pro "ise le R° doing h th ght a great difficulty would I° ,. i ti q . 4 llllnY of a s e afe o a u id hon - ourable peace. ler_or . i',ltr, li S h„'Y voting for the motion, he would be weak Nt'"it ' l ag their of her Majesty's Government, and so di eool heir influence throughout Europe. Such a '4''''ited,he feared be disastrous to this country, by i t e 4° V " t 7 contest in which it was engaged, and he felt o,l.."lln . cfri",,, e r,rote, to vote against the motion of his i t qc for tiIIILLIXORE said that it was his intention te t biee reit e Motion of his hon. friend the member for e. d, Felt i 3r °I Oxford (Sir W. Heathcote) . ; r a c ti o d ur e 108. 't e l e& e„T "hie he was taking an u . n s pop la I,:eti et ehe bY th State to the house , r u sons Per so ek lti e 10 e e °':'• member for Lainbe.hluhadeajeed to I I of ti.e,canse he said ho was for the vigorous.pro of t,'er -,, - " e war • but those who were anxious for t i ,,1 1 7c,,, uetZt:_the less desirous that that war should e eould not be 'll l tip o with Vigour if that pen ' H e (Mr. 41(4e O - old not d honourable terms. had i k tiokiat i ) ) e w e b il • not a a n gree with the noble . lord who "le 'at t ee he said that Russia Itli 0 act He thought that ete Prtph, honourably by Turkf . ey-____ ., inteniled in the com- Itteeoeae'ldetails furnished by Sir it k4 l l ,,t D o i rf °C any doubt whi . c , d that there never th e ao t• Indeed, ho belie e that in ig n ht S h ey a m ve ou ex r is h t a e d ee , which we were ON l ' l 'tle J t lq and necessary as a frientie to At a, e at ta , H e was not Je t ", t 4 qt a , .)toent engaged.. ~ete e 4t lib i fiend to tll3lt ' er tY and that glory should be founr'ied on lierty and glory of EnOrend, ki l .q t , I ta, 11 " ti e „ l) ,'-40aTE said, that although lie agr cod with t 4, ei e .Ls 111 11 ' M r'ittler-which had fallen from hi .4 hon. and 1 / 'ki: i ti tr , 44 itt his able speech, yet, coneidering the 1 4 tr i l t i k e t cla 4 , i w t ili c . ll remained to discu es . a question of such 4 tAr T , \° clll l ., l4l %ht be for the convenience of the house if t i - 1,0 1 '.1 1... il l the deba te,rat! ter than wait until a '4 "I‘ qt4' might bethought 1 ,, ° A la,' t ‘lal ee "ening. 'What ever - i i g t., 14 110 4• 4'4ll 'ill 0 ' f 14 c . 7 must all s ,dmit that they had a 1 7 li gib gt leie 5 5 1 ;., There was first the motionof the i:ld i -4ti le v e Gte a : ' 4 ° e be r lor Bucks-a distinct, s th'iit ee 'll : :ft t lt ie tl f ee ° l3 f l e .a ,, Lit of ill confide/ ice, with a somewhat ~,Vet h \ ioe l e e r t w or, - T ge k c iaration •th regard to the prose '',i'at e `',, tl . f ee ,.., 40 ri e e,,ell came t w h th. His i t t amndment made to etlit l eiiiy ri- ''i te i - e • . " eon. rnembm • for Portsmon h of 1 4 't le °ll . e; t covee t nernber for Oxford, in a . speec ,bet I I h., ; e11 )11 , ~',.' a n ame d tent to the motion of the gal, '.lllseetratt:ietocir Portsm ° P ortsmouth., and the hon. member 4 ' Nee.t tl 'eat, jeleleted the questhen decog ano d mar tethceN ' l no q..a d e u e lc id h ed arriv a d atgiving ade e to their policy. ,et 1171„,.., /4:ll,ftenite imPaVe, e can which he ehould Nt l a l lt It ~irQiicissible for e hi r m en t n o vote for the motion e ;tlie 44l a e rtbe l):l , eneber forßncks., because the uncertain I'lli)tteeerapia9°ll, language rat which the right hon. 4 4 /• 0 „ lag et a ' fl ed *are chiefly the result of negotia ,•kietlPle'ethe p ee ,. ll e nd. It would have been a violation ge`': lee " 4 tio tle " cf the Government if they had given 1, 441)(1i/1,', before the time for such explanations 11 , ise T r itir ° ,l,' a gree with the right hon. gentleman that telep ot i t e e f -ger Ile e • e it that negotiation had passed away, on. the ,10, ot, ati lt h ., , according to their latest information, yve. pitti o :e arisen of a probability, if not th e right c e er , - tl' t tcti'tt u e ece g i . e at a i n end to the horrors of war. H h d - 41 a I) iti ' ) latt.-.._. lie'd with the declaration of the right IN t kt o coNi si a declaration which, representing as he L a tap e rabl e aro Nyti i _rta nt a y , , e o n unt .of influence t_ e bli7,f ol . ' t. gre a t ett ',? .. _ efi , e . T t l e inte n nc e e f onthe o future the right hon. ,tliL'itl e , th:trt,stnontr• 'r he as open mo to the same charge of iii'et4ae tae 'cad been naade aeainst the Government. "e t t il ati„ . ) coefrallkness of the right hon. gentleman's l kfi ll NI, r 1 t a .cl not impute to Lim that tie had framed Jto 'elite S`l' ''a cao Persons holding opinions diametrically • 11 ‘t t i l Nee h e ' th er• Ile likeethe speech of the right i'ep'`iee 40 lefe;4l? well, for the right hon. gentleman ie tei l i . ) ,likt:,;e l l the house to declare its regret that the , ) ititeeli t Naa ;le n ha had not yet led to peace, If the right, k Y th ki % t t ' ll ae l , t , ;!_u1(1 only intooduce tbe word ." yet" into . "%Ole tw een " wotad be no great difference of t kp tl ltp aa en 131- ,horsh bon• rrentleman and himself. l e Ei 1 ,'41,j, 11 / ''Zi; a t' le ,d °f in the ' rn e otion of the sight hon. ?Vi, 4l s a,, ) 1 - , it spoke of the negotiations or corn- I,; 1 , 0 b.,, a , v lpg pleased away. Re thought the aspect N I 4 l k , tl ; Lrie nws „ (Sir F. Bari ng) amendment was kt ` S i t tt f ' 4 n n e t z "" i fic. As regarded the amendment l '4, Ith et e e tie - • bile , ember for Kidderminster (Mr. IS" eiZe'llt a t l a e l t ear and intelligible; and he (Mr. Glad e 'ee l tet , to b 40 thin.• but a clear and explicit docile 'vat, '0 th e , e toade b th* b . t It was well be on is Su . jec . lltisttio.f tielatest moment any interference with the . t " . 4 ifgait e • ev ernment but the house would aetract e 0 ,14 e Was 114 c onsented to a doubtful mode of ac t, t° 4 te:lcar thcrefore, glad that his hoes. friend's mo y tOt, and intelligible • but he also objected to his 'll l ti 't ee ecaase ' first, t • ' ic e met, i , e 8, it contained an e the "eef eeee 'e Purported t• maintain. t l A,: i the r ",, at Vienna ad failed, It stated untrue recital in conse• 'l7l ige e l( S ee e "!'al by Russia to limit her power ~4 1 h e inbl e -',, When any n- otion was brought be el'el,tel't,gh't lI I ' t ernas ought, be strictly correct ; lA4 t. t,„_ , L th„ t e terms of his hon. friend's motion ,tli" th;,' 4 0 ,7 condition because, though it was true I,:tta",tlschalcoff salt! he had no instructiolys to. i tik e f ` e l- Z it eal v y a e l t P , c , a w t er of Russia should be restricted a b uent wasting of the kl3'4et'aNici:a4a, evident that e' the point was reserved for lj k la ll t:llagi:V°4. With that record before the house, a,, , e , 0, aiet:,9 t with dry and bare matter of fact, to ‘,„`t be 4 tact ;71' that Russia' had declined to entertain ) 4 ' . le: " 0 ine 1 ,1 - „, e iesed to limit her power in the Black allteTc e e,7 l 're 4 •X e et of his h friend would be to totti„,iii,,therli; Ire warlike He ' maintained that the ' Lte e ,4 3 , „ e roe , on. colleague (Sir W. Heathcote) ex ; e s ,rr4 et le p,,"est terms, that the opportunity now ' 4 ; Vie te they 4t n egotiations, or communications, be eN ' !tl la ge a1 '1 % 41 2t, should not Le lost, but they should . Cu r se', fe Pried. 1 ,0 bring about terms for the settlement pike h rt 4 Le,Pute. The right hon. gentleman, the 't 'l,thet'n4lianashire, by a strange oblivion, had . I A; 4, y . St and second points were totally insig rPta44 '*e were Matters about which Russia "did not iletti.%;°hlertl'tothesrefore concessions of no moment, and I 'Vjli k ,e,t eb o ,:‘, cure the neutrality of Austria and t„ l "e r ,N y " r aea e c "' a month ago Russia was not desirous tl i S t th efeNa7eessions. Indee at that time she ore 4, right h ueSe concessions wand what was the 1,411 t e ktio n o e ° ,„. gentletnan then ? Why, he pointed 'lt it ' he,i'ct it ot • o 4- le mouth of the Danube as one among t l 4l ,° te h ' e t a Atf d ree eell, results of the contest. elq. e Zt s , t ; 'alb. "Plained that he thought this was not a N i/t `'harel• be lee s e °lit a ytettilt try al th e r c,cepted the explanation, and he quite t,lth 4 e c o ne legetYon. gentleman that he did not deem ti _e e s r e ,o e ll , ot unimportance. Well, then, of the four :l l 'el ii !L le„,''rtle poi',were completely settled, and the reason 4 t i l t „nt C is 4ot b u s had not been decided was simply be hoi ke'te•Nlyeeetv'ecia discussed. It was proposed for discus that Ll' 4 i tout fear objectedto enter upon it; . 4°t ' t 1 " Ith ril I)°w ers . I, li cet ed a th e in of contradiction, to state that these f i a t ~,,,h , the difficult arth point to prolong the war. The third t,,th t h ie !Nat" , Y. It might be divided into two parts, tiiph i te at jef orte , _ , L o a territolial guarantee of Turkey, and , t i r e thj i, s o ,. %t o_ ;i t , b e preponderance of power by Russia lee, ', l 't/1 13 ,,5e. ir regard to the former, he would not kel'op e ge kpin z th "ca, the only question remaining was )I,.thtNt"e3 Dro e Preponderance of power in the Black th: ea lee et e• a o pe . s ed a plan for putting an end to that y 4z, 4, ~i o r pa Proposed a first and seccnd method, tO th 1 ki) er e the i:fference between these various proposals t: l te' Da l. '" far to otlc-e. Ile'evould remind the house that la ti tces'ciPle laid Pledge the country in the face of Europe 10y.,s_ t w at othad,elown in these negotiations was a quer ~e,etei:rth4,Dousitilise would proceed to examine. He f t e he t t ll l l , 11 1. 1t h, k ) pitie.veraoiene, tore would b i e t l 0 41 'a/40 .1e : e a.% tb ey b raictht feet tilc dea fi l e w nt. h te the e q a u v e e stion He was not 74 r l ' l tiO h 'it• '"are Prepaered to il d ' 'sa pr o u w or to shrink from -eshe_)ienel-, connected with ' the y origin of this war ; '4ll:lititit 'vas difficult to overstate_ the 844 the weight of atiagemt of physical and moral t Pkt e4 l . r4". 4 i l , ` ll 111:° ~ .1d THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 25 1855. evils brought bout by the war, and the amount of physical and moral goof I which it had intercepted. We had not only a just but a mfficient cause for going to war. Let them inquire then, what was the controversy upon which they entered. The objects of the war, as they were originally contemplated, They did not . 'were not so wide as the evils he bad described. 4 attempt, and they thought it too much to at tempt, the t otal a b olition of the evil; an d , f or a l ong ti me, the four r seat Powers, confined themselves merely to narrow ing it w' tb.in certaiu limits and hemming it in. It was all ver r 1' 71 41 for gentlemen to say, at this time of day, " You ow eat to have ; sent your fleet into the Black Sea when Russia ne copied thr: Principalities." These were delusions which al rose from foergritfulness of the circumstances, and from the e scitement,V, - : the state of things which existed at a former - period. Nof only the Government to which he belonged, but no Gr ivernment, could by possibility, in June, 1853, have vent ared to take so rash a step, even with reference to the sts .te of English opinion. The first conclusion to which they mv .st have come would have been, that they would at once 1 " Ave abandoned, if they had interfered in any such Proe" ding, the co operation of Austria, Prussia, and France. Wha t . were the objects which were then contemplated ? IV II- were the questions which were then under dis cus mien ? The questions under discussion were these :—The E mperor asked a certain amount of ratification and extension of the treaty of Kainardji ; the Porte was ready to give a cer tain amount of ratification and extension to that treaty. The ques=tions raised were, whether the temporal, as well as the spiritual, privileges of the Greek Christians were to be pro tect,ed by Russia—whether the Greek Christians should have privileges gr gited to them which would place them on a par with the other non-Mussulman subjects of the Porte ; and wb,ether it should be by a separate engagement with Turkey, or by a general engagement with the other Powers, that these ghts and privileges should be guaranteed. In 1853, these rere the only questions in dispute between Russia and the Allied Powers ; and he was sure he should be confirmed and not contradicted by her Majesty's Government when he said that every one of these objects bad completely vanished. ( Hear.) There was now no question about a separate treaty between Rua and the Porte ; there was now no question as to the temporal privileges of the Greek Christians ; there was now no question as to whether the Greek Christians should enjoy the same privileges as the other non-Mussulmen subjects of the Po' rte. Nothing could be more simple—and really the matter w,as so important, and the words so few, that he hoped the hourie would allow him to put them in possession of them —nothing could be more simple than the issue to which this matte - r was brought after the tangled negotiations of 1853. Lord Derby, in fact, had confessed, in another place, that he had read through the Blue Book as far as the month of July, but that he found it impossible to proceed any further in threading the labyrinth. The negotiations gathered into a central point in December. That was the time they must 100 k into if they would get a clear view of the grounds upon wh;Lch this war wa s undertaken. The proposal made at that pet iod was summed up in these terms :—lt was done at Con ste .ntinca?le by a meeting of the representatives of the Four PC rivers , under the presiding influence of the active T ord Strat f, Rd de Reda& ; and the plan adopted there obtained a pre• f.eronce over the plan simultaneously adopted at Vienna, and be came actually the basis of the proposal finally made to the Ein poror of Russia. Now, what was the plan on which, in Dec,m -b Cr, 1853, the Four Powers were agreed, and which they pre sented to Russia as the full amount of the concessions which she had a right to demand. The first point related to the evacuation of the Principalities, which was to take place as rapidly as possible. The second point was, that all the treaties which were dissolved by the actual war, including the trf!aty of Kainardji, were to be removed. (Derisive cheers fr om the Opposition.) He knew not from what gentleman hat opposition came, but it showed the blinding influence of 'the exciting circumstances of the times, and of the strong feel ings of a magnanimous people, as opposed to that judicial understanding which, after all, ought to guide us in these transactions. The second• term, in December, 1853, was, after all, that the old treaties between Russia and Turkey should be renewed ; and the third term was, that the Sultan of Turkey should communicate, not to the Emperor of Russia alone, but to each of the five Powers, and that a firman should be issued, guaranteeing to the Greek Christians of Turkey all those religious privileges which might be enjoyed by the other non-Mussulman subjects of the Porte. These were the objects of the great Powers in 1853. There were many who were then listening to him to whom this statement would coma as a revelation. (Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, such was the turn which affairs had taken. He was sure that her Majesty's Government would confirm and not contradict him when he said that these were the terms so proffered to Europe and published to the world. He might, if it were prudent, carry still farther his statements, which would be corroborated by the documents which had passed between the Powers engaged in this great struggle, and especially between England and France. But what was the manner in which their proposals were received by Russia ? He had stated the terms of the il,rotocol of Jan. 13, 1P54, to which St. Petersburg gave no written answer. The answer was the mission of Count Orloff. When that noblemanarrived at Viennahe submitted the coun ter demand of Russia ; and now, having enabled them to as certain the fixed point from which they ought to measure their distance, he would proceed to make some remarks upon the demands then made. The tone they held, and the terms then required by Russia, when explained, would give them another fixed point from which they would be able to judge whether it was true, as some had said, that the ob jects of this war were not attained, and that if we retired we should retire as a humiliated and degraded nation. These wore the terms of Russia on the 2d. of February, 1854. This was the answer of Russia, upon the reception of which the 'resolution was taken, upon the recommendation of Austria and Prussia, by the Governments of France and England, to send that summons to the Emperor of Russia, which was immediately followed by the declaration of war. The de mands were—first, that it was to be an irrevocable condition that the negotiations should take place on the subject mat ter at issue not at Vienna or any neutral place,; the choice was given to Turkey that they should take place either at St. Petersburg, under the person of the Emperor, or at the head-quarters of the Russian army. This was the first con dition, essential and irrevocable. The second condition was the confirmation full and entire of the old treaties from Kain ardj onwards. The third condition was the protection of the Greek Churches ; the fourth was, of course, the evacua- tion of the Principalities ; the fifth was the restoration of the status in quo in the Principalities ; the sixth was, that Tur key should have a new set of stipulations with respect to the reception of refugees and strangers Such were the absolute demands which constituted the ultimatum of Russia before the war. Was there here a cause of war or not ? When first Austria had permission to refer to St. Petersburg, the pro position which was made was in the shape of Four Points. He did not shrink from his share of the responsibility of the de cision at which the then Government arrived in consequence of the male in which those propositions were received. (Conservative cheers.) He did not shrink from his personal responsibility in regard to the Crimean expedition. (Hear.) But he called upon those, who said that that expedition had entirely failed, to mark the difference in the language of Russia before and after that expedition. (Hear, hear.) He held that military expeditions in time of war were only to be regarded as means, and not as ends. (Hear, hear.) On the 26th of August, 1854, Russia replied to the communication of Count Buol, who had forwarded the Four Points. He would not quote the reply in extenso but the effect of it was this—that the Four P Ants were terms to which Russia could not consent except at the end of a desperate struggle, and a long series of disasters. He quite agreed with his noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that the naval and military forces of Rus sia'had lon g been the standing menace of Turkey. The ques tion of the Black Sea was one of great, he might say of insu perable difficulty. It was not in the wit of man to institute a perfectly satisfactory arrangeinent with regard to the Black Sea. If it were an open sea, like the Mediterranean, they might know what to do. If it were like the American lakes, close water, they would know what to do. If they were dealing with powers that shared the coast of the Black Sea— if it were shut in and not accessible to vessels of great draught of water, then, too, they would know what to do ; but unless they converted the straits of the Black. Sea into a canal, as it were, they could not get over the difficulty. On the other hand, if they treated the Black Sea in any of those modes, they should not overlook the fact of the weakness of the Turkish Government, and the importance to Europe of pre- WNW; an aggression on the Ottoman empire. The q uestion was surcavided with difficulties. There was no suggestion not open to objection. Nothing with regard to this limita tion of the Russian power in the Black Sea could be otherwise but an imperfect remedy for the present, and an imperfect guarantee for the future. Well, then, what was to be done ? They had to take their choice of several plans, all of which ] were imperfect. So far as Parliament was aware, he (Mr. Gladstone) and his colleagues left office pledged to nothing but thi destruction of the preponderance of Russia. They were Aware of that responsibility. They were responsible, with Abe noble viscount at the head of the Government, for having proposed the Russian limitation of the naval forces in the Black Sea. He always considered the plan defective, but he became an assenting party because he knew se no other. In doing so, they did not exclude themselves from profiting by any experience arising from discussions on the question into which they should enter, and they left them-elves open to per severe with that plan, or to adopt any other plan equally good, or it might be preferable, so as not to warrant. a contimiance of the war. What had been the reception of the plan for that limitation from the first night it was discussed in the House of Commons ? He considered, its reception had been most unfavourable. He had heard an hon. and chivalrous friend say that he was ready to go all lengths in defence of the war, but he had not heard any member of the house rise and say that bp was prepared to sanction the continuance of the war if the limitation were refused ; while, on the other hand, he would be prepared to accede to peace if the limitation were granted. He did not believe there were twenty gentlemen iu that crowded assembly ready to hold that line. There were some who thought this was not a question of con test as to terms. The ground on which they stood before Europe was, that they were ready to make every concession to refuse everything that should not be offered—and the dividing line was between the limitation of the naval force in the Black Sea and the discretionary power of the Turkish Government. They were cognisant of the fact, that the con ferences had been held. As regards the question of limitation alone, the conferences had been adjourned ; and, on that issue, they were called to vote by the motion of the right hon. gentleman, the member. for Buckinghamshire—a vote which, if it were affinitively recorded, would not represent the feelings of the house or of the country. If the vote of the house went to declare that this was not a question of terms, after what had taken place at Vienna, it would go far to in volve them in a breach of faith in thueyes of Europe. If it were not a question of _terms, what course were they to adopt ? This was not the first occasion on which they had to express a solemn judgment on the rights of peace or war. Were they to resort, or to think of a system of dismember ment? The objection to that was, that it was impos-ible. If we intend to make this question a war of nationalities, it would be well to consider whether we can make that waralone. He apprehended that we would be alone, and that Austria would not be likely to enter into a war of nationalities. From the comp sition of Austria, he would ask, was she likely to enter into a war of nationalities ? Will France do so ? He could tell them that France, as well as Austria, would not and could not enter into this war of nationalities ; in this she entertained a different opinion, be would ask how that war could be ener zained byher when she looked at the present state of the city of Rome. (Hely%) He would not say, can France enter into such a war, but could she en er into a war of nationalities under such circumstances He had read a few days ago some portion of thi debates in ho Sardinian Chamber rela tive to the Sardinian contingent for the war, and some of the members objected to its joining the English army, because they thought it would be in bad company. (Laughter.) They said the English had managed to lose 2,000 men out of an army of only 12000. He armed that, with many gentlemen, this was not a question of terms, for thesd have been acceded; but both gentlemen in that house and the public journals called out for military successes. Such an idea was hideous, it was immoral and inhuman, and he would say that no na tion had a right to make war for military successes alone. (Hear, hear.) l o f tou th ldin ey ,avk o a b ero tai itth n e ed success, they would want to c th on ey tin d u id e t s h o e h w e a w r o of Him in whose hands was th ° e a t r t h e e a w t o f t a h r e orft militaryem armies, p t e d a stghi muchrY wrath;ieis that of the infant in the cradle. He would ask what was the state of this que at s no t d io p n re ? those v enTthet termsb a Governmentsof France and England had proposed - certain terms p dz e rn e e o d f n E ec u e r ssa ope r , y the military occupation of the Crimea. Ru:osusinsaishiaYh, breakingw d h n i o ch w constituted e wt o ha n es . ceded what she at M first refused, except a mere trifle. Low, re said that we U have military suc cesses. .ti We do not consider that we have subjugated Russia, and therefore we I will continue the war until we make these succ,sses. He could not avoid s lying, that he thought neither peace nor the honour of Russia seemed to 'be the primary object in these arrangements, but that military glory was the primary object. Ho warned them that the eyes of Europe were upon them, and that their words uttered in that house would be quoted against them in the face of Europe, and by them they must rise or fall. The right hon. gentleman the member for Manchester, three or four months ago, made a solemn appeal to the house, and charted them with an earnestness that did him the highest honour, with a guiltiness of blood if they per sisted in maintaining the war. He (Mr. Gladstone) did not wince under that challenge, because he believed that it was a war of a class which we carried on at a distance that we might not carry it on nearer home—because it was a war which we carried on in the Crimea that we might not have to carry it on in the heart of Europe —just as in ancient times the greatest orators of Greece called on their countrymen to carry on war in Thessaly that they might not have to carry it on in Attica. They had recently had among them some of the most distin guished of their gallant troops, who received at the hands of her Majesty an acknowledgment at least of their valorous deeds. Many of those forms, he rejoiced to say, were again 'erect, and hail regained the elastic step of youth and health, but what were they i o say to the thousands who slept on the waters of the Bosphorus, or under the rocks of ,Palaklava ? And what were they to say to their gallant allies, who, ranged side by side with them in the hour of privation and danger, had suffered, he feared, in a much greater degree. (Hear.) But it was no consolation to him that in the fatal progression, the French should have suffer , d double our loss, though that was more than 15,030, and that more than four times that number of Turks slept beneath the ground. It was no conso lation to him to know that the Turks had lost 120,000, and the Russians 250,000 men —amounting altogether to nearly half a million of human beings, or at the rate of a thousand a day. With him the consideration was, that if the war were a war for smaller, secondary, and trivial objects—a war for objects which they dared not iu public papers to declare to the world, then he said, in God's name, while there was yet time, let them do something to put an end to that awful scourge, and let them, by the adoption of firm, moderate, and cautions terms re-open to Christendom the hope of a return to happiness and peace. Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, although I do not concur in many parts of the speech of my right hon. friend, 3 et I willingly yield to him the acknowledgment that he has discussed the question in a manner worthy of himself and of this house— (hear)—that he has considered that which was of most im portance to the continuance or the cessation of this war—that he has fairly brought before us the arguments which weigh upon his mind as to the conclusion to which he had come—a conclusion to which, if convinced by his argument, any mem bers of this house might subscribe. (Hear, hear.) So far the spirit of my right hon. friend's speech has been totally different from that of the sight hon. gentleman opposite—. (cheers) —who gave us no clear and intelligible account why he would continue the war— who used, to follow a phrase of his own, the most ambiguous language on the subject, and who detained us for two hours and a half with party attacks and ingenious sarcasms. (Cheers and laughter.) But, sir, before I speak of the right hon. gentleman's speech, and at tempt to defend myself from the attacks which he has made upon my conduct as a member of the Government, I must revert while they are fresh in my memory to some of the argu ments and topics urged by my right hon. friend who has just sat down. My right hon. friend says most truly that the terms already assented to by Russia go far beyond those which were originally asked by the allies, but surely he ought to have laid greater weight upon the very obvious consideration that, if such be the blessed state of peace that princes and sovereigns are most unwilling to exchange it for a state of war, that which will give an immediate remedy for an immediate danger suffices them to maintain that state of peace. But when once the rubicon is passed—when you have got into war—when once powers are engaged in conflict, then it becomes you to think, not what would have been sufficient before the contest com menced, but to consider how you can obtain peace which has in it the elements of safety and of duration. (Cheers.) I cannot, therefore, attach the value which my right hon. friend attaches to the change which has taken place in con sequence of Russia having felt the power of the allied belli gerents—the pressure of Austria concentrating her forces and threatening hostilities until Russia gave way—and the in fluence of the expedition to the Crimea. But the question is not whether the immediate danger is warded off, but whether you are to seek security for the future, and if so in what that security shall consist. There is one danger with regard to the principalities—that was the first point. The second point has not reference to any immediate danger from Russia, or any immediate protection to Turkey. But the third point did not contain a declaration that it sms necessary to revise the treaty of 1841, in the first place, with a view to attach Turkey to the balance of power, and, in the next place, to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea ; and my right hon. friend thinks he sees in the propositions of Russia a fulfilment of that condition. Now, the danger is that Russia having a preponderance in the Black Sea—having twenty sail-of-the-line in her harbour at Sebastopol—may, as has been shown, take advantage of the possession of that fleet and get possession of the Bosphorous, or land an army in its immediate vicinity. Now, what does Russia say to that ? Russia says that she will consent that the fleets of other powers may come into the Black Sea, provided always that the fleets of Russia may at any time pass through the Bosphorous. What would be the conse- queue; of accepting such a condition I The fleets of Eng land and France would seldom go into the Bosphorus, and not in any force in time of peace; but these twenty sail-of-the-Hue might at any time present themselves at Constantinople, b:;fore the gates of the Sultan's palace, and impose upon him what terms they please. (Hear, hear.) What was forbidden by the treaty of 1841 would have been possible and easy to Russia, and this is what the Russian ple nipotentiaries cal: a compliance with the terms proposed. (Hear, hear.) Then after I left Vienna another proposal was made, in which my right hon. friend seems to see a securAy; and it was this; to leave the treaty of 1841 as it now stands, the Sultan decl 'ring, as he has a right to declare, that he wishes to maintain the principle of Closing , the Straits, but that if Turkey was menaced she might call the fleets of her allies to her assistance. I can see but very little, very scanty . . security in that. Leaving the treaty of 1841 as it was before the commencement of the war in case of a menace of invasion, of violence on the part of Russia,' Turkey would have the right of every independent power of calling her allies to her assistance, and to that point where they could most easily assist her. I think in this case everything consists ha priority, and the fleets of the allies being at the distance, and a large fleet of the Russians in the near neighbourhood, it is probable that that menace would have been carried into execution be fore the Sultan could have called for assistance from his allies. (Hear, hear, hear.) If we had consented to such terms, I think it would have been right to say we did not pro pose the fulfilment of that part of the third point. (Hear, hear.) It is said that the third point is fulfilled. - • Why, the acceptance of a proposal so nugatory and meagre as either the first or second of Russia's alternatives would have been an attempt to deceive Europe in a manner quite unwor thy of two such nations as England and Turkey. It would have been far better to have said at once, " We are unable to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea— it must be built up again as soon as Russia can launch fresh ships, and therefore that part of the scheme must be aban doned." But consider that that scheme against the prepon derance of Russia in the Black Sea is one of the many securi ties which, having gone to war for, we have attempted to ob tain. That Russian preponderance in the Black Sea is next to the danger of Russia occupying the principalities ; and to finish Cm war without any security against that danger would indeed show that we had been defeated. My right hon. friend has dwelt much upon the doctrine that you must have suc cesses independently of all terms of peace. I agree generally in what my right hon. friend has stated upon that, and I doubt whether any will say that independently of all terms of peace, and independently of the security of Turkey, it was necessary to gain military successes. I quite agree with my right hon. friend that never has the valour of the English sol dier been brighter. (Cheers.) Never has the power of endur ance, the hardihood, and the fortitude of the British soldier stood so high as it has done during the present war. (Hear.) But if the objects are not effected by which we can be cer tain of having securities for peace, Turkey would be greatly endangered. (Hear.) If it should be said that not only had England and France relinquished the terms they had advanced —and terms which Austria had said were just and fair, but which Russia had not complied with—but in addition to that had withdrawn 150,000 or 200,000 men from the Crimea, without success, that would be a great addition, not only to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea, but to the pre ponderance of Russia all over the world. (Hear.) If you had that, which all men would acknowledge to be a security for peace and a safeguard for Turkey, you might then with all honour withdraw from the Crimea, but if, in addition to a failure in your terms of peace, you admitted a failure of suc cess, and withdrew your army, then Russia would immensely increase Ler power over the oivilised world. And now sir, having said this much with regard to the later topics in the speech of my right hon. friend, I come to the question of the nego tiations with which I was charged at Vienna. (Hear.) But . . _ _ let me state, in the first place, that although I thought suc cess in that negotiation came within the range of possibility, that at no time was I sanguine that success was probable. (Hear.) I can assure the right hon. gentleman that I felt I had no habits of diplomacy, and that, being more accustomed to parliamentary life than to intercourse with those who carry on negotiations, I was not the fittest person to undertake the duty. Tint when Lord Clarendon told me that he wished me to undertake that missioa—and my noble friend likewise con curred in that wish - and when I found that her Majesty had been pleased to express her approbation of such an appoint ment, I felt I could not honourably decline it. (Hear.) The sight hon. gentleman says I ought to have begun with the third point. That was not a question for me ; I was only acting as one of the servants of the two Governments of France and Great Britain. France, Great Britain, and Aus tria had duly considered the question, and when I was in Paris I was informed by a despatch from my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that the Government had resolved that the third point should be taken in the order in which it stood. (Hear.) It was, therefore, my first duty to consider of the first point and the question of the Princi palities. I believe that the concessions that have been made by Russia with regard to these Principalities are of the greatest importance. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman confounded two things which are essentially distinct. He speaks of the protection of the Christians to which I had referred in a despatch when I was Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and in which it was stated that it was presented to the Emperor of Russia as a duty, and that it had been sanctioned as such. Now there can be no doubt whatever that, with regard to Wallachia and Moldavia, not only by the treaty of Kainardji, but by other treaties—by the treaties of Bucharest and Adrianople—the Emperor of Russia had an engagement from the Sultan to protect the Christian subjects in the Principalities ; and if a congregation were t-übject to outrage, murder, and • pillage, I conceive it was the duty of the Emperor of Russia to ask for some re dress for such grievances. I know that, without any such treaty, our ambassador at Constantinople, on receiving an ac count from a consul that a Christian church was destroyed, or a Christian was murdered, thinks it his duty to bring the fact under the notice of the Sultan, and generally obtains re dress. (Hear.) But the treaties to which I allude are ex press upon that point, and it is impossible for me, or for any man, to deny that Russia had those rights by treaties. But the right hon. gentleman confounded these treaties with the proposal that was made by Prince Menschikoff, and asked how I could make such a dangerous admission as that there was a right of protection, and at the same time protest against it in the case of Prince Menschikoff. Why, the right of pro tecting those churches was sanctioned over and over again by treaties, but what Prince Menschikoff demanded was a claim of protection going beyond those treaties, and which arose, as stated in one of Lord Clarendon's despatches and in one of the four points, from an erroneous interpretation of the treaty of Kainardji. Of that erroneous interpretation I am the more convinced when I recollect a fact that occurred during the negotiations between Sir Hamilton Seymour and the late Emperor Nicholas. Sir H. Seymour said to the Emperor, " Have the goodness to point out on what part of the treaty of Kainardji your claim is founded ; " and his Imperial Majesty said—as an Imperial Majesty is likely to say—(a laugh)—" I will not point out to you the particular article of the treaty ; go to Count Nesselrode, an! he will point out the article of the treaty." Sir Hamilton Seymour as he was bid, 'went tO ' Count Nesselrode, and said, "Will Tour excellency have the goodness to point out to rao the par. titular part of the treaty of Kainardji on which your master's claim is founded." Count Nesselrode said, " I am not con versant with those treaties, but Baron Brunow is conversant with them ; tell your Government to apply to him, and he will point out the part of the treaty on which the claim is founded." But as Baron Brunow never attempted the task, I conclude that it was not any part of the treaty of Kainardji that gave such a claim. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gen tleman therefore creates confusion when he confounds that claim with the undoubted rights claimed by the Emperor of Russia for the protection of the Christians in Moldavia and Wallachia. (Hear, hear.) I will not at this late houa enter into any kind of disquisition about the navigation of the Danube, but I may say, that on that point likewise we have gained pretty considerable advantage. But we have to con sider the whole question, and a most important question it is, which has occupied us for those two years past, and which I think may occupy the Parliament of this country even for future generations—namely, whether it is not necessary to put some bounds to the progress of Russia, and in what man ner that object is to be effected. (Hear.) Far be it from me to say that I could pretend, from any reflections or lights of mine, to solve that great problem. (Hear, hear.) I consulted others not only in England and France—not only the mem bers of my own Government an I the members of the French Government —and I may venture to say, since he did me the honour to admit me to an audience, the Emperor of the French—(cheers)-.but likewise several statesmen of the continent of Europe, not engaged with either power, but whose well known wisdom and authority, and whose long experience in political matters entitled their opinions to the utmost attention. (Hear, hear.) Now what is the posi tion of Russia ? It might not be such as would have justified us in making war, or have excited us to make it; but, being at war, it behoves us all, and my right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford as much as any man, most seriously to consider it. (Haar, hear.) Russia has, since the' commencement of the century, increased her power more than any other power of Europe. (Hear, hear.) She has upwards of sixty millions of inhabitants, and has an army of 800,000 men in time of peace. After a considerable struggle, and much resistance by Lord Castlereagh, the re presentative of this country, and by Prince, Talleyrand, the representative of France, she acquired and retains Poland. The only limit was, that Poland was united to Rusiia by her constitution ; but that link, which gave to Poland a separate representation—a separate army, and as it were a separate existence—was totally broken, and a new and bard fetter of iron was employed to bind her to Russia after the insurrec tion of 1831. (Hear, hear,) In Poland she has erected six or seven fortresses, of at least equal strength with Sebastopol. She has conciliated the peasantry to a very great extent by a policy artfully adapted for that purpose. (Hear, hear.) At the same time the young men of Poland of rank and intelli gence, who might be filled with historic recollections and patriotic ardour, and would some day rise up against the policy of Russia, are carefully marked and selected and sent to a distance in the interior provinces, there to meet with no sympathy, where their names are unknown, and their "ate is forgotten by all except the relatives they have left behind. (Hear, hear.) In the Baltic we find from the discoveries made last year—since the commencement of the war—that a great plan of fortifications had been undertaken, which Sir C. Napier sent home, and which he said would have given Russia a complete predominance over the Baltic, because when those fortifications were completed, neither Denmark nor Sweden, nor any other power could have held up their fingers against Russia in the Baltic. In Germany she has connected herself with many of the smaller princes by marriage. Many of the princes of Germany, I am sorry to say, live in great fear of what they think is the revolutionary disposition of their subjects, and they rely upon their armed forces to pro tect them ; but what are those armed forces ? The officers of those forces are seduc,pd and corrupted by the Russian Court. Rewards, orders, and distinctions are distributed amongst them—even the receipt of money to pay debts will be accepted by them, and that money is liberally giveu by the Russian Court, so that Germany, which ought to be the seat of inde pendence—Germany, which should stand forward for the pro tection of Europe against Russia—has been for years under mined in its vital strength and independence by Russian arts and Russian means. I have hitherto not spoken of the im mediate danger with which we have had to deal. Tho imme diate danger with which we have had to deal was this—that, after a long course of violence and aggression, Russia had signed a treaty at Adrianople which gave her new powers, and confirmed many of the old., The dangers arising from that treaty to Turkey are admirably pointed out in a despatch of Lord Aberdeen ; but neither Lord Aberdeen nor the Duke of Wellington, who was at the head of the ministry at the time, thought it right to go to war on account of those dangers. I believe they acted wisely ; but now that we are at war we are not to forget the lesson Lord Aber deen gave, or keep out of sight the dangers that were pointed out in that despatch. (Hear, hear.) She had there fore great means of influence in Turkey, such means of in fluence that I believe, if she had been wise and prudent, it was quite sufficient to enable her to gain a permanent con _trol over the councils of Constantinople. But in an hour of imprudence—the Sovereign is dead, and the time for severe comments is passed by—she insisted upon what Turkey thought a degradation, and which she resolved to resist by force of arms. Lord Stratford bad some time before said, " I think the time is come when Turkey's position must be entirely changed. Either she will fall into a state of total dependence upon Russia, or she must get rid of those ma nacles and shackles with which for years past she has been fettered." We had to choose between leaving her completely under the sway of Russia, or raising her to something higher. We chose the latter part of the alternative. The immediate danger was warded off. The siege of Silistria failed ; but had it not been for the presence of the allied forces, it would have been renewed in the summer or autumn, and the Russian forces would have been at the Balkan. Russia retired across he Danube. Austria then said that unless the Principalities were evacuated she should declare war with Russia, and upon her forces being assembled Russia evacuated them. NoN , i, it was because these Principalities were placed under the safe guard of Austria, because any attempt to invade Turkey or to cross the Balkan and reach Coustautinople wasthuspre . vented, that we felt ourselves enabled to send to the Crimea ,he expedition which, like my right 'honourable friend (Mr. Gladstone), I still think we were right in sending, but the discussion of which I will, like him, reserve for some fu. ture occasion. There is, however, this fact, that from the pressure at Sebastopol, the Russian fleet is no longer one of 18 or 19 sail of the line, but a great part of it has been de stroyed by the Russians themselves. The question then came, how we could diminish her power and put an end to her pre ponderance in the Black Sca. lam not at all ashamed of the manner in which I agreed with Count Buol to invite the Rus sian plenipotentiaries to take the initiative upon the question. Count Bnol represented to us that it might be hurtful to the dignity of Russia to have terms imposed upon her for the limitation of her power in the Black Sea, but that in cousi- deation of the security of Europe She might make a propo- sition to that effect to Turkey, and he asked us, the plenipo tentiaries of France and England, not to bring forward our propositions until he had made the proposal. Ho made po proposal, and I followed it up—answering for England, and not for Russia, as the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) sup poses—with these words, " In the eyes of England and of her allies, the best and only admissible conditions of peace would be those which, being most in harmony with the honour of Russia, should at the same time be sufficient for the security of Europe; and for preventing the return of complications such as that the settlement of which is now in progress." (Hear.) I wish to ask, provided the security of Europe was attained and the return of what is called a com plication, what is in fact dreadful war, was prevented, was it not desirable that the terms should be compatible with the honour of Russia, and should be such as. to make her satisfied wit 4 the arrangement? (Hear.) Therefore I am quite willing to abide, and I believe my colleagues are ready to abide, by that declaration which I then made. The answer,which was delayed fora considerabl&time, was that the Russian plenipotentiaries were desired not to make any propositions ; and we are told in this circular that was in conformity with orders which had been given by the Emperor Nicholas. I think that was a very unwise decision. I have always understood that Russians of great sagacity always considered that the Emperor Nicholas paid too much attention to his marine, and that his fleets at Sebastopol and Cronstadt, though \ they might make a show on parade, would not be able to compete with those of the maritime Powers. I believe that to be a very sound opinion, and therefore I thought it possible that they would have made this concession, thus giving up something the cession of which would not really diminish the power of Russia as a great Power, but would diminish her power in the Black Sea. I hear it said that if the force was limited, the fleets of England and France might come in at any time and insult the coasts of Russia in the Black Sea. How would she be worse than she has been in the present war, when we have seen that her fleet has been no seourity at all? No sooner have the fleets of England and France appeared in the Black Sea than her ships have skulked into Sebastopol, and several of them have been destroyed. I told one of those persons to whom I have alluded, whose name I must not mention, that we intended to propose the limitation of the Russian fleet, but that I was told Russia would object to it. He said, " If that is so, it is a proof that she means aggression." I thought that observation perfectly just. I cannot conceive why Russia should hesitate to make peace in order that she may have eighteen or twenty sail of the line at Sebastopol, unless she meditates some future aggression upon Turkey. And that I now believe, still more than I did last year, still more than I did before I went to Vienna, to be in the contemplation of Russia. Russia thinks that Turkey cannot endure long, and thinking that when Turkey breaks up England or France will hasten to sieze Constantinople, and thud menace her empire, she feels it necessary to be beforehand with these Powers, and make herself mis tress of the city. Put it, however, which way you will—as an act either of aggression or of self-defence—it comes to the same thing, that it is the intention of Russia, at some future time—it may be, in no remote future—to possess hersolflof Constantinople. (Cheers.) Believing that to be the case, aro the Governments of France and England to close with the proposition of Russia, that they should have no se curity exvept that, in case of menace, Turkey might call up the fleets of her allies ? I admit all the imperfections of the security we have propose 1, but let the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) and the house recollect that we are by a sti pulation with Austria and our position in the war precluded from asking for any territorial concession. No doubt, the return of some of the provinces which Russia has wrested from Turkey would be a better security than the limitation of the fleet ; but if we had proposed such a course, Austria would have opposed it, and Russia would have left the conferences. We were, therefore, obliged to resort to the other security, and I confess I have seen no better plan than that which we proposed, except the other plan, to which Russia was still lgsahticif:hips more or " What does less ?" and then he went on to say , " You ought, in f ac t, more opposed, of making the Black Sea altogether a commer cial sea, and forbidding the entaance of ships of war i n t o it . Such, therefore, is my defence with reference to this poi n t. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli)--and his languag e seemed i t signify to whether t t h o e be extremelyeßussa has ambiguous—said, four or °us e i • gu to carry on the war defensively ; you ought to defend Turkey when Russia is prepared to attack her." Now this comes to one of two conclusions —_ the right honour able gentleman has not told us which either to be there perpetually to defend Turkey, and thus to make au eternal war, or, having defended Turkey against the immediate aggression, and Russia having consented to say, for the hundredth time, that she will respect the integrity of Turkey, that we should withdraw our forces and make peace, having no security beyond those to which Russia has already consented—that is the plan of my right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford. But my right hon. friend fairly and manfully avowed that plan. He brought it before the House of Commons of England, and declared that these were terms upon which he thought that we should be secure. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli), however, said —" Put an end" (not to war—but) " to the n ego ti ations; " ° at once proposing that we shoulil have no success, no security for peace, and at the same time proposing the continuance of the war. Can anything be more inconsistent, more extravagant than such a proposal ? Now it has been said that Austria has not given us all the support which she might do. As far as the support to be given in conferences i is concerned she has fully given us that support, and with re gard to this last proposition of calling up the forces of the allies when Turkey was in danger, she said that is no security —that is leaving the preponderance of Russia unlimited till the moment when the danger becomes intolerable. (H I must say, sir, I do not expect, however, that Austria is prepared in the present state of the question to take an im mediate part in the war against Russia, I believe that she would have consulted her own interest and dignity better if she had some time ago joined us in that war, but at the-sa mo time there are considerable motives, there are powerful' mo twee, to iniNCOO liar iu uniutainiug poace /tit Russia,. _ ' In the first place, she has not her capital in the situation of either London or Paris, which are free from any danger of incursion by the Russian army. She has no fortresses in Gallicia to prevent the Russian army marching at once to Vienna, while she has no secure alliance on this subject with Prussia. (Hear, hear.) These are some of the motives which have deterred her from taking an active part in the war and the Austrian Government feel that, un less they can show that there is some predooainant and ne ' cessary motive to induce her to go to war, she would not be justified in calling upon the population of German:7' to support her in it. I tell this openly to the house, beca.'ise I think that not only ought justice to be done to Austria, but like wise because I do not wish to hold out any hope that she will take an immediate p ar t in the war, I do think, ho wever, that her position is such—that her treaties and engagements with us are such, that, if the war continues, she w ill find it necessary to take part in the war. But of this I feel slue, that the part Austria has played in not taking a share of tile spoils of Turkey, which Russia had confidently expected, said in joining us, will never be forgiven by passia, and, there fore, her only safety is in buildi ng u p suc h a lli es as may socur, e , her against Russia. (H e ar, h ear ,) Si r , f or th a t reaso n ishau be ready to vote against the motion of the right hon. get ,tle man the member for Buckinghamshire. This, sir, i s a gn. .at national question— perhaps the greatest national questio. ' I that ever enga .ed the counsels of the house or called forth the resources of the country—and yet the right lion. gentle man seeks to degrade it to a mere party struggle. Sir, the right hon. gentleman alluded to the distrust which is felt in the Government. I do not deny the existence of that dis trust, but I do not believe the cure for it would be found in the substitution of the right hon..gcntkman for my noble friend who sits on this side of the house. I do not believe such a change would create that general satisfaction which the right hon. gentleman seems to expect. (Heir, hear.) I hear much said about administrative reform. I think that is a natural desire, and I entirely agree in the object required ; but I want to know why it should be presumed that there are other merr, either sitting on the opposite side of the house or elsewhere; who could carry out administratiire reform. better than those who arc at present in the possession of office. I believe you could not have a better measure than that which has been proposed by my noble friend Lord Pan mure on the subject of reform in the department of the army. My noble friend proposes to place the civil branches of the , army under the superintendence of one Secretary of State, thereby having the eye of one man to watch and the hand of one man to guide the machinery connected with the army. So far as the departments of the army are concerned the evils eomplained of are remedied ; while, with regard to the other departments of the Government, I do not find that there is any special accusation as to them. Ido not find with regard to the Financial Department, the Home Department, or the Colonial Department that there has been any complaint made of inefficiency in those departments. I believe, therefore, that the right hon. gentleman, while he has not founded his propos 41 on any particular accusation, has no better founda tion for the remedy which he says will do away with the gene ral distrust. lam convinced that the party opposite would not gain any credit by the carrying of this motion, because it would be said that in a great crisis the great Con servative party, for upwards of a year, came forward with the greatest patriotism to support the Crown and sustain the honour of the country ; but, after little more than a year, they abandoned that patriotic cour...e when they thought there was an opportunity of slipping into office. (Hear.) I believe the right hon. gentleman and those who vote with him would gain no credit by such a course, and whatever may be the division in this house I think, in point of reputation, this has been a false move of the right hon. gentleman. (Hear.) If he can censure any act of ours, if he can put his finger upon any act of the Government and censure that act, of course we are open to any censure, to any observation, to any criticism which this house may choose to make ; butto bring forward vague words, to merely catch up what seems to be the feeling of the moment, and which may not last but a day or two, to be so impatient as not to wait until after the Whitsuntide holidays to know if the negotia tions are concluded, betrays, I must say, such a falling off-in the patriotism which has hitherto been displayed in the votes of hon. gentlemen opposite, that I think they will add nothing to their fame or reputation by the course they are now taking. (Cheers.) On the motion of Mr. WHITESIDE, the debate was then adjourned until to-morrow (this day). Sir WM. SOMERVILLE obtained leave to bring in a bill to encourage the providing of improved dwellings for the labouring classes in Ireland. Lord PALMERSTON intimated that the committee on the bill for the better local government of the metropolis would not be resumed until the Tuesday after the recess, and there fore the house would meet to-morrow (this day) at the usual hour, instead of at 12 o'clock, as had been previously ar ranged. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-past one. THE MINISTRY AND ITS SUPPORTERS. A meeting was held yesterday afternoon at the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury, in Down ing -street, which was numerously attended by all sec tions of the Liberal party in the House of Commons. Being a private meeting, reporters were excluded, and we are therefore unable to give a detailed account of the speeches delivered on the occasion. Lord Palmerston, in a speech of some length, vindicated the policy of his Government, asserted the unanimity of his colleagues, and stoutly maintained their resolution to prosecute the war with vigour until terms should be obtained calcu lated to insure at safe and honourable peace. The pre cise nature of those terms his lordship claimed for the Government the right of determining according to cir cumstances ; but those of his audience who expected to hear any definite statement on this momentous question weht away very little wiser than they came. The meet ing was afterwards addressed by Messrs. Lowe, Layard, Bright, Cobden, Lord Robert Grosvenor, Sir James Graham, Mr. Laing, and other gentlemen, who gene rally concurred in censuring Mr. D►sraeli's resolution, though considerable difference of opinion was expressed as to the amendment of Sir F. Baring. The tone of the meeting, though by no means harmonious, was, perhaps, as favourable t the Government as could be expected nn ier circumstances so little calculated to inspire confidence. The following is a list of the members (numbering 203) who attended the meeting : Graham, Sir J. Molicreiff J. Shelburne, Earl Ilerbert, S Thorn.son, G. Klmr, L. Wool; Sir C. Gardner, lt. Perry, Sir E. Diolesworth, Fit W. Wickham, ii. Rams len, Sir J. Macaulay, T. B. Price W. Kinnaird, A. Lewis, Sir G. C. Haidiey, C. Portman, W. Ellice, B. Kershaw, J. Dcnismi, E. Villiers, C. Crook, J. Howard, lion. C. Bouverie, Hon. E. P. Ileadlam, T. Ebrlngton, Viscount Hay ter, W. Acton, Josenh Ellice, E., Jun. Mulgrave, F arl of Chambers, T. Marshall, %V. Hall, Sir Benjamin Brocktehorst, J. Lowe, R. Grey, Rt. lion. Sir G. Rich, B. Warner, E. Russell, Lord J. Kirk, W. Traill, G. Gib.on, M. Baxter, W. Baring, 11. Cobden, R. Oliveira, B. Cdbbett, J. M. Bright, J. Duke, Sir J. Milton, Viscount Horsman, E. Stanley, W. Dundas, F. Hervey, Lord A. lliangies. R. Lindsay, C. Castlerosse. Vis. Bidduiph, Col. R. M. Mills, T. Basile, Archel. Heywood, J. Cavendish. G. C. Russell, H. Morris, D, Lemon, Sir C. Laing, S. Cheetham, John Craufard, E. H. J. Goodman, Sir G. Brotherton, J. Coffin, W. Townshend, Capt. J. Ewart, J. Tynte, Col. C. Pechell, Fir G. Phillimore, R. J. Cockburn, Sir A. J. E. Ferguson, J. Fitzgerald, J. Monsell, W. Scobell. Capt. Caulfield, Lt.-Col. J. Peel. F. Hankey, T. Bonham-Carter s J. De Vere, S. E. M +the vm, A. Walmsley, Sir J. Wells, W. Matheson, Fir J. Russell, F. C. Scrope, G. Bland, L. H. Collier, R. P. ' Dmgarvan, Viscount ,ktiderson, it J. Ingham, R. Ricardo, S. Beaumont, W. Forster, John Berkeley, Adm. Hantner, Sir John Ewart, W. Sheridan, R. O'Briem, P. Wyvili, M. North, F. Harcourt, G. G. Ricardo, 0. Berkeley, Hon. H. Langston, .1. 11. Seymour, Lord Jermyn, Rt. Hn. Earl Glregson, Samuel Cowan, C. Esmond e, J. Seymour, D. Phillimore, J. G. Brand, H B. W. Luce T. Vane, Lord H. Bethell, Sir R. Matikinnon, W. Atherton, W.' Robartes, T. Biggs, W. Milne , W. M. E. Seymour, H. Strickland, Sir G. Norreys, Sir D. Williams, W. [ Tancred. H. Moritz, G. Price, Sir R. Heard, J. Littleton, E. Peel, Sir R. Forret , _ ~. , Lord A. Forster, Charles Davie. Sir H. R. F. Herbert, P. Waterpark, Lord Grosvenor, Ld. R. Duncan, George Clay, Sir W.. Bt. Wortley, J. S. Aealr, H. Layard, A. H. Duff, G. Grace, 0. O'Flaherty, A. 111arjoribanks, D. Elliott, J. E. Itice, E. Cardwell, E. Keogh, W. Bruce, H. A. Gordo.i, A. 3avendish, C. C. Walter, J. Smith, M. Scully. V. Clifford, Lt.-Col. H. M. Osborne, R. Lee, W. Alcock, T. Ball, J. O'Brien, J. Scholetield, W. Johnstone, Sir J. Foley, J. 11. Hogg, Sir J. W. Fitzroy, Henry Bulkeley. Sir R. Dent, J. It eed, J. Thornhill, W. Fitzwilliam, G. Ferguson, Sir It. Shafto, R. Bell, J. Bruce, Lord E. Grenfell, Charles Fortescue, C. S. Clinton, Lord It. Dalrymple, Viscount Rumbold, C. Duncan, Viscount Crossley, F. Goderich, Viscount Wilkinson, W. Freestun, Colonel Smith, R. Berkeley. G. Heneage, Geo. F. Baines, Rt. Hon. M. Wilson, J. Chaplin, W. Stafford, A. Barnes, T. Thornely, T. EXTENSIVE RAILWAY ROBBERIES. For a long time past the London and North Western, Lancaster and Carlisle, Lancashire and Yorkshire, and other railway companies have been subjected to considerable loss and great annoyance from continual robberies of goods in transit over their lines. To such an extent has this pilfering been practised, that as much as 401. or 501. has been paid at once by way of compensation to persons whose property was stolen. Articles of every conceivable description were missed. Valuable shawls from Paisley, silver plate and hard ware from Birmingham, boots and shoes from Not tingham, flannel jackets and stockings from Dum fries, silk handkerchiefs, tortoiseshell combs, books and stationery, spirits, &c. It was pretty evi dent, from the systematic manner in which the robberies were carried on, that the thieves must be rail way officials ; but when packages conveyed long dis tances were tampered with, the difficulty was to ascer tain on what line, or what portion of a line, this took place. The Lancaster and Carlisle Company adopted the expedient of having lock-np vans for parcels, but without avail—robberies were of as frequent occur rence as ever. At length suspicion attached to John Butler, a breaksman in the service of that company, and his house at Carlisle was searched, but nothing was then found to criminate him. He, however, was dis missed from the company's service a few weeks ago, upon which he removed to Preston. An eye was kept upon his movements, and on Monday night Mr. J. E. Brierley, superintendent of railway police, and Sergeant Pool, a Preston detective, vi s it e d Butler's house, ard there discovered a quantity of valuable property, includ ing shawls, handkerchiefs, combs, books, &c. The police i also found in the prisoner's possession a large II made so as to fit conveniently on a man's chest,flts underneath his waistcoat, and evidently intended en a_ gallon to allon ; carry off liquors, its capacity being about h a bladder, which seemed to have been used ' for a similar purpose, a gimlet and a small tap, by means drawn from of which, it is surmised, spirits wereof a gal lon—and a key of peculiar casks—some of these having lo st u p wards construction, which fitted the locks of . the company's vans. On Tuesday ) the prisoner was brought up before the borough magis trates, when Superintend tßrierley deposed to the facts e above narrated. Ho also stated that the company had rece ntly paid 251. for lost shawls, some of which he be h house. at the d were among those found prisoner's Have The man was remanded for a week, to afford au oppor tunity of procuring witnesses to identify the stolen pro perty.. NAVAL AND MILITARY IN LELLTGENCE. Another under Re ar c -Ad han ni g i e ra i l n E t a b y e n o es rd w er as fo m r block-shipsldsaeiliyngesotefrdtahye.They g ot up steam yesterday afternoon, and at 5 o'clock weighed and dropped out to St. Helen's Roads, nearly within gunshot of Spithead, instead of going to the More direct, as previously ordered. Rear-Admiral Baynes wais very unwell on Wed nesday night. 'All the ships of the fleet yesterday morning " dressed " in honour of her Majesty's birthday, and at noon fired a general Royal Salute. Vice-Admiral Sir. Thomas Cochrane, 1C.C.8., hoisted his flag in the Fire Queen steam tender, and, accompanied by Rear-Admiral Superintendent Martin, steamed through the fleet, giving Rear-Admiral Baynes his final orders. Yesterday they proceeded to Cowes to pay their respects to her Majesty at Osborne. The Enterprise, Capt a i n C o ll inson, was towed out of Sheer ness basin on Tuesday, and her officers and crew were yester day conveyed to Chatham by the steam-tender Wildfire to be paid off. The Tartar, 20, screw steam corvette, Captain H. Dunlop, arrived at Sheerness yesterday at 6 a.m. She left Faroe Sound on the morning of the. 18th inst., leaving there' the Duke of Wellington, bearing the admiral's flag, the Ajax, Blenheim, Arrogant, Conflict, and Archer. The Imperieuse arrived there on the day previous, and left the same day for England, with orders to touch at Kiel. Sma:lpox was raging very badly on board the Duke of Wel ii:n-tou and the Arrogant. .....The Geyser and Archer have taken a large number of pr I zL ,ss•24 to 25 have already been reported t o h ave been ca p:-. 1 1, - ed by them, all laden with va, uable cargoes o f tallow, hemp,. bristles, dc., most of which are now on thei r Passage ' home. - - _ - -- On tho day after the Tartar left Faroo Sound, she ex ebaug-ed numbers with the Orion screw steam line,of-battle ship. The damage done to the Tartar by her late collision wi:l require her tojbe 'docked. She was struck on her port side, two ports' abaft the gangway port, by 'tha Imperieuse stem on, by which her mainmast was broken into three pieces. Mr. WilliOn Moore, London pilot, has been appointed to take charge o: the transport Rob Roy, as Baltic pilot. The Weasel g'uu-'oat, Lieutenant Rob3rt G Craigie, tender to the Ceesir, lea Sheerness yesterday, at 4 a.m., direct for the Baltic. • The various works in the dockyard at Pembroke are being carried on with e.nergy. A new frigate is to be immediately built upon the slip lately occupied by the Sutlej. Her arma ment will be 50 guns, and her length over all is to be about 240 feet, and she is to be built for the screw propeller. The Repulse, 90-gun ship, Itos been thoroughly altered for adapta-. tiou to the screw, her after frame timbers having to be moved for the purpose. The Brunswick, 80, is to be launched in the course of the summer. ,Tho dry dock is to be lengthened and widened, at a cost of 10,001 Mi., and two new slips are to be constructed, with'a boat basin, at an expense allowed this year of 15,0001. The Meteor floating battery vitas commissioned on Wednes day by Captain Seymour. The Peninsular, and Oriental Company's screw steam-ship Alma, No. 1 transport, has arrived out at the Crimea, and disembarked her troops, consisting of 1,030 rank and file, with 25 officers, under the command of Colonel Gordon Drummond. • APPOINTMENTS. Lieutenants—Robert B. Beale, to the Neptune ; Richard Dawkins and George S. Naros, to the Glutton floating bat tery ; George J. Malcolm, to be additional Lieutenant of the Pembroke ; James A. Poland, to the Meteor floating battery. Chaplain Rev. George C. Williams, to the Retribution. Second Master Dover Farrant to the Cossack. Midshspmen—C. G. Fane, to the Euryalus; Hon. M. R. Wingfield, to the Nile. Clerk Henry W. Molesworth, to be Assistant-Paymaster of the Agincourt. Clerks'-Assistants—Hugh C. Goldsmith, to the Thomas ; J. C. Wdod, to the Belleisle hospital•ship; Warwick Woold ridge, to the Medusa. _ _ _ Na;val Cadets—H. F. Bunbnry, to the Hawke ; N. A. R. Spicer, to the Royal Albert ; M. A. Shelley, P. F. Bertie, G. C. E. Lockhart, H. T. Skeffington, W. W. Poynder, E. A. Ward, J. B. K. Trite, and C. E. A. Dansey, to the Duke of Wellington. Orders have been issued for the immediate embarkation of the following regiments of cavalry, and detachments from the cavalry depots, to join the service troops of their respective regiments at the seat of war—via.:-Ist (King's) Dragoon Guards, from Piershill barracks, Edinburgh, to embark at Liverpool ; 15th (King's) Hussars, from Exeter, to embark at Plymouth ; each of the abovementioned regiments will embark nearly 650 strong, exclusive of trumpeters and far riers. Detachments from cavalry depots—vix.—the 10th (Prince of Wales's) Royal Hussars, and 12th Lancers, from Maidstone ; the 11th Hussars (Prince Albert's), and the 17th Lancers, from Brighton ; and the Ist Royal Dragoons, and 6th Enniskillen Dragoons, from Canterbury, to embark at Southampton ; the 13th Light Dragoons, from Dorchester, to embark at Plymouth ; and the 4th Light Dragoons, the Bth (Royal Irish) Hbssars, and the 4th (Royal Irish) Dragoon Guards, from Newbridge, to embark at Kingstown. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JoURII7Ath. MR. DISRAELI'S MOTION. (Firm the Times of this day. ) Had Lord John Russell remained to this day at Vienna, or were there any reason to fear that thrOugh his ascendancy we were drifting to a dishonourable peace, then certainly there would be reason in an attack directed so exclusively against this one man. But the exaggerated personality of the attack is itself calculated to throw Parliament and the nation off their guard. It cannot be necessary that we should believe Lord John Russell to have acted so important a part as at once to have kindled the ambition of Russia, exaspe rated the hostility of England, and wielded the conference with the same steady aim to irretrievable confusion. Surely the present crisis can be appreciated without entering so thoroughly and with so decided a prejudice into the career of any one man. For oar part, we would rather consider what is to be done entirely apart from any personal considerations. We cannot give in to the cheap and politic compliments which Lord Palmerston lavishes on his troublesome colleague. We cannot see that the latter (lid do his work at Vienna with consummate ability. The Proof is not to be found either in the minutes or in tho result. But, putting his Lordship's honest endeavours wholly out of the question, we ask for two assurances on the authority of the whole Cabinet—the first, that the war shall be prosecuted with the utmost vigour: the other, that England will n t listen to any nugatory and insulting proposition from the author of that war. It is quite reasonable, after the lan guage that has been used in the House, particularly after ' it has been asserted over and over again that the delib 'rations aro not closed, and the Conference, as it were, is still sitting, that the public should have some security against what they will feel downright humiliation. Indeed, when Russia has concluded the Conference by simply giving England and France leave to do what they will do without asking her leave, or some such illusory proposal, and when in the face of this insult the Conference is declared to be still open, it is necessary to define and restrict the basis within which nego tiation is for the future to be confined. But, seeing that Parliament is compelled to handle two subjects at once, and to comprehend them both in one reso lution—for such is the double character of some IM-dozen resolutions and amendments now before the house—it were to be wished that hon. members would say rather more ex plicitly what, in their opinion, the Allies should be content with. Mr. Gladstone appears to be easily satisfied. A treaty laying down on paper certain numbers of ships, and certain rights of ingress and egress, will, in his judgment, amply re munerate England and France for some hundred thousand lives and hundred millions of money. What terms' we may eventually have to submit to must depend on the fortune of war. It certainly maybe in the intention of Providence, for the humiliation and correction of civilised Europe, that, like Greece, she should fall under the iron heel of another semi barbarous Macedon ; but, with that example before us, it is our business rather to be warned, and to avert the omen, than to g;ve way to it. If this is our intention, as we trust it is, • all experience warns us against mere paper treaties in dealing with a great and unscrupulous Power. If we can, and if Pro vidence will so far second our daring, we must obtain a better security than words ; and, strong as Russia is, she cannot prevent us taking this security by the destruction or occupa tion of her great stronghold in the Black Sea. The enter prise may be audacious, and hitherto unsuccessful, but it is only a question of time, men, and money, and the British public will feel quite easy as to the result, if its Government will only promise to submit to no disgraceful compromise, and to omit no labour, no cost, no reasonable sacrifice of any kind, no appeal to the patriotism of the country, that may be necessary for the effective prosecution of the war. ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM. MEETING IN SOUTHWARK. Last night a public meeting of electors and inhabitants of the borough of Southwark was held at the Bridge-house Hotel, London-bridge with the view to assi s t th e movement now in progress for the promotion of reform in the adminis tration of the public departments ; Mr. Apsley Pellatt, M.P., occupied the chair. The large room in which the meeting was convened was crowded. The fallowing resolutions were agreed to : " That this meeting believes th degraded condition to which our country has been reduced to be attributed to the corrupt and culpable appointment of incompetent persons to official positions ; and that yet greater national degradation can only be avoided by the exclusion of mediocrity from the various departments of the Executive, and by the distribu tion of the duties and emoluments of office among men of especial aptitude and high capacity. " That this meeting, having full confidence in the patriot ism and judgment of the managing committee of the Administra tive Reform Association, and regarding a thorough adminis trative reform as the best and safest preliminary elec toral equality and residential suffrage, in order to the real representation of the people in Parliament prays them to be earnest and energetic, fearless and faithful in the prosecution of their noble undertaking, that an end may be speedily and finally put to the countless evils of Government by corruption —appointments by favour —promotion by purchase, and the distribution of honours and dignities in rewar d for servility, sycophancy, and demerit. " That the manly exposure of the monster grievance of the day by Mr. Layard entitles that honourable member to the confidence and gratitude of the people ; whilst the vain at tempts to bolster up the existing system by personal abuse and gross misrepresentation of its courageous denunciations have excited universal disgust." A resolution was also passed authorising the formation forthwith of an association in the borough of Southwark, in connection with the Administrative Reform Association re cently established in the city of London. The meeting separated after the usual compliment to the chairman. Mlle. Dejazet is announced for a series of last repre sentations at the Gaiete, where Frederic Lernaitre has also been playing for some time. THE JOINT CONSULATE OF LIBERIA.—Mr. Jolin George Cop Lewis Newnham, her Britannic Majesty's Consul at Monrovia, the capital of the Republic of Li beria, on the western coast of Africa, has received the dis tinguished and unusual honour of an appointment to the office of Consul of France at the same place. His ap. pointment in the latter capacity was notified to him in a highly complimentary despatch of M. Drouyn de l'Huys, the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs to the Em peror of the French, and the British Government, has Permitted him to accept it. The Government of the Republic has recognised the appointment, and thus Mr. Newnham is at once Consul for England and for France. ROYAL DUBLIN SOCIETY.—The Lords Co mm issioners of the Treasury have approved of the plan s ofd its thesros will so ciety's proposed7museum of natural history, museum erec tion is to be forthwith set about. Th e new and occupy w th it e h so th u e th h s o i u d g e e o b f y th a e fisoecmieit- circularys lawn, and be con nectedcolonnade on pillars ; corresponding stru c t ure will be erected on the opposite or north side. The building itself will be 230 feet long, and 40 feet wide, and, in addition to the great space it will afford for displayi ng ground floor and sid e wa l ls,specimens on the it will be furnished w ith two tiers of galleries, S.I2O.,qTING INTELLIGENCZ TdtThihshifataeroaddrdne.Eecsdepsom E F. P L 3 ' o ..y ll l ea ß r.o A i C d E s S ta .— ke T s H of uß so sri s a o L each, II ft; colts Bst 111 b, Allies Bst 61b. New Derby Course. 4 subs. Mr. Powney's Marc Antony, Sit 11Ib ......... (A. Day) 1 Mr. Joseph's Tenn, Bst 111 b ............... (.T. Osborne) 2 Duke of Bedford's Pelham, Bst 111 b (S. Rogers) `,S Betting-6 to 4 each agst TohmalfaandlenMgtahrc. Avnetryonbyad-- 3 to 1 agst Pelham. A fine race with Tom and Marc Antony from the haff , the latter winning by Two-Year-Old Stakes of .10 sore s as h 50 ; colt st 71b, s 8 fillies 8t 41b. Any hawith w . he,.. starting slb extra. Half-a -mile. ',, 21 subs. Mr. J. M. Stanley's Sugarcane, fist 41b(Bartholomeeo 1 M. J. Morris's Bubble, Bst 71b ............... (Baehatn) 2 Mr. Howard's Overreach, Bst 41b . . ... (Wells) 8 The follow ing also ran—Missenden, Jane Shore, Daring Rangier. Betting—b' 5 t taga—ni titosazstJabnlee and Sh eah: • s ore ov 4 er t r ol csga t % gar. a n Sugarcane each agst Bab e fed throughout, and won very cileverly I) ,Y half a l eng th : th e secon d b ea ti ng th e thi r d b y a neck ; a head only l e t we e n th e third and fourth. c The Grand Stand Plate of 100 soya, added to a Haodioap Sweepstake a of 5 sovs each. Extra weight for cert a i n winners. :)erby Course. 25 subs. Mr. J. M. Sta nley's The Veteran, by Old England, 5 yrs, 64 121 n (A.shmall) 1 Mr. Morris's Cossey, 3 yrs Est. cr. Cliff) 2 Mr. Death's Ciaribounie, 4 yrs, 7st 31b (Charlton) 3 Mr. T. Sare's G c ssip, 5 yrs, 7st 81b Betti ng -6 to 4on Cossey, 4to 1 apt Vet ( e P r a an lin . er) 4 half A a capital-raoe up the Straight, V eteran w i nn i ng b y the fourth lengt clhose ; the second beat the thi r d b y a h ea d, an d ixp. Her Majesty's Plate of 100 guineas, for mares ; three year-olds, 7 s t ; four, Bst 91b ; five, 9st 2113 ; six and miles quarter. Admiral 0. V. Ilarcourt's Ellertnire, by Chanticleer, 3 yrs ................................... (Batesl Mr. Jacob's Nell Gwynne, 3 yr s .. ( Charlton )) 2 Mr. Daley's Black Swan, 5 V i n ............ ' . S Steggles) 3 Red Rowe and gt:u . ... a15....(a1.2. Betting-7 to 4 agst Ellerinire, 2to 1 ag r st Black Swan. Won easily by three-quarters of a lenth ; a length and a half between second and third ; bad fourth. Vines-nu broke down. The Selling Stakes of 5 10 , 78 each, with 30 added, for 2-yr-olds and upwards. Optional selling weights. N ew Sait' T.Y.C. Three quarters of a mile. Four subs. Dir., s Allington, by Sir Hercules, 5 yrs (401.) Bst 211, (Nightingale), walked over, and only half the ~ a dd ed money" was given. The Cobham Plate of 50 soya (Handicap) for all ages. Extra weight for certain winners. New T.Y.C. Three quarters of a mile. Mr. Prenter's Duke of Lancaster, by John o'Gaunt, 4 yrs, 6st lolb (T. Cliff) 1 Lord Anglesey's Old Rowley, 6 yrs, 7st 71b (J. Goater) 2 Mr. Drinkaict's Professor Airey, 3 yrs, sst 101 b, (Fordham) 3 Mr. J. Barnard's Warwick, aged, 7st 101 b (Arthur) 4 The following also ran :—Sir Arthur, Sole Star, and, Rip Van Winkle. Betting-2 to 1 agst Old Rosfley-3 to 1 agst S , J l e Star-5 to 1 agst Duke of Lancaster. Won easy by two lengths ; mune distance betwee4 the second and third ; bad fourth. LATEST BETTING. OAKS. 3to 1 agst Blooming Heather 7to 2 agst Nettle 6to 1 agst Capucine. 7to 1 agst Clotilde. 10 to 1 agst Dame Judith 11 to 1 agst Chalice 15 to 1 agst Lady Tatton MARKET NEPVS—(TIIid DAT.) CORN EXCHANGE. Very moderate supplies of English wheat have been re ceived up to our market this week, coastwise and by land carriage, and the show of samples in to-day's market was limited. On the whole, the demand ruled steady, at, in some instances, prices rather above those current on Mon day—the advance being about Is. per quarter, and a good clearance was effected. Upwards of 30,000 quarters of foreign wheat have arrived this week. Fine qualities were firm, and quite as dear as last week. Inferior parcels met a dull inquiry. There was a better show of barley, yet the demand for most kinds was steady. at full quotations. Malt was in moderate supply and steady request, at fall prices. We had a dull inquiry for oats, and inferior parcels hart a downward tendency. Beans, peas, and flour were unaltered in value. ARRIVALS MS WIRE. Wheat. Barley. Malt. Oats. flour. English .. 1,960 3,080 5,040 1,170 1,730 Irish ...• 4,600 —, Foreign .. 30,820 10,790 34,750 1130 ski, GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN For the week ended May 24,1855, made ap from the Returns of the Inspectors in the different Cities and Towns in England and Wales per imperial Quarter. w ..iG ae , AT I . , 8 3 A 21 1 31. P 5. 2 4. 2 0 7 :T5 6 . , 1 44s i ve il 1 . 4 11 1 704 5 i ii ; 4 ::As il TIIE SIX WEEKS' AVERAGE. WREAT. ' BARLEY. OATS. \ RTE. t BEANS. PEAS . 70s 81 I 31s 73 26s 4.1 f 40s 54 i 42e 11 , 29e 5d QITAgTITIES OF GRAIN SOLO LAST WEKR. Wheat, 97,879; barley, 20,093 ; Oats. 12.391; Rye,loo; Naas, 4,201; Peas, 426 quarters. SMITHFIELD. Tim show of beasts in to-day's market was tolerably g , eil, and the demand for all breeds ruled heavy, at barely 3len day's prices. The extreme figure for .Scots was 4s 6.1 per Blbs. Sheep, the supply of which Wag moderate, moved fl steadily, at full quotations. Then, Was a fair sale for lainb,., at fully previous rates. Prime small calves were scarce, and (pito as dear 39 list week. Inferior veal met a dull inquiry. The pork trade was heavy. Mulch cows sold slowly, at from 14/. to 191. each, includ ing their small calf. Per Slbs to sink the offal& s. d. a. d. r s. d. s d. Inferior Beasts.... 3 2to 3 6;PrimeSonthdown 4 8 5 0 Second quality.... 3 8 3 10iLarge crse. calves 4 0 4 8 Prime large oxen 4 0 4 21Prime small d 0... 410 5 4 Prime Scots, &c. 4 4 4 61Large hogs 3 0 4 0 Inferior Sheep ...3 4 3 6,Braallporkers 4 2 4 4 Second quality ...3 8 3 10 1 Suelling calves.. 24 0 30 0 Prime crse.-wlled.4 0 4 4!Quarter old pigs 21 0 26 0 Lamb ss Od to 6s 1 d. TOTAL SUPPLY. 1 FOREIGN SUPPLY. yeasts —••••—• ....•• •• 1,040 i 8ea5t5......... ..•• ••.• . 180 Sheep .•• •• . . Calves .... .. NEWGATE AND LEA.DENHALL. The general demand was in a sluggish state, as follows: Per Sibs by tbeearease. s. d. s. d. N. It. a. d. Beef, interior 3 0 3 4 Mutton, Inferior 3 2 3 6 Do., middling 3 6 3 8 Do., middling ..... 3 8 4 2 Do., prime large 3 10 4 0 ' Do., prime 4 4 4 8 De , do. small...A 0 4 2 Veal 3 8 5 0 Furk, large ..... .. 3 4 3 8 Pork, small 310 4 4 Lamb .. 5 i 0(1 to 6s 6d. BOROUGH HOP. There was an improved feeling in the demand for nearly all kinds of hops, and Susiex qualities are producing ra ther more money. The show of samples is very limited. This week's imports tare 26 bales from Gnerns.y, 23 from Rotterdam, 258 from New York, and 10 from Hambnrgh. Mid and East Kent pockets, 14/ Os to 20/. ; Weald of Kent ( ditto, 13/ 103 to 151. 10 s ; S ussex, 101 5 s to 121. COLONIAL. TEA.—The market has been without particular varia tion. Common Congou has realised Bid to 9d per lb. SUGAR.—British plantation has been dearer. Barbadoes sold briskly at 40s 6d to 41s for fine yellow, at 38s to 39s Gd for good, and at 35s to 37s 6d for low to mid. Mauri tius, also, has been 6d dearer; yellow brought 38s 6d, ord to good 35s to 38s, refined 33s to 335, brown 30s to 34s 6d, very ord 28s to 29s Gd, grainy yellow good and fine 39s 64. to 425, and ord 35s Gd to 36s Gd. Bengal and Madras, pri vately, have been taken to a fair extent. Foreign— Clayed Manilla went at 35s 6d, and damp and washed at 34s Gd to 355. Jamaica sold at 34s 6d to 38s 6d. Porto Rico 34s to 435, and Cuba at 35s to 39s per cwt. Refined brown lumps were in request early in the week at 47a 3d to 47s 6d, and low to fine grocery at 47s 6d per cwt. COFFEE.—Plantation Ceylon has been in demand at rather improved prices ; fine and fine fine ord mid brought 58s to 655. Jamaica low to fine fine ord sold at 49s to 50e. Greenish Mocha found buyers at 70s per cwt. Native has been taken at 4Th 6d for good ord. The market generally has been firm. gal brought taken a l r 4 ly e finnrthmeidwpeerkethhiegrheermraaltesawnr b _ preakiden. new. Ben 'a at 5d to Sid i a n nd at l 34 4 s s6tdof3osrsmpiedr:beowldt. yellowish : old Carolina was SPlCES.—Pimento has been steady, • r, and sold at 34sfor mfnird.erd.CasßsilaaeVkepu: - pper, importer to 4d for Aleppo sorts. 4d for Sumatra kind. and 4 Long Nutm e pepper gs, i d realised tosd fo r 3 white 7ld. Mace is 4d to . 2s ld for hard to mixed pale red. went at 40a for fr m v e l i ni d , N M e ala tai ba , ad n ; d an S d in . g ad apo rie r a n a mixed ginger FRUIT..—The market, owing of 22s per cwt. wild, duty d to! it 3 y ss p , si 2s 23d for East India proof. silvers at a r t al s ed 4d d i'° o u w ll 3 i g n a g Mexicanblacks went publicly at 3s 4d to COCHINEAL.. Rune.—There has been a fair busine it s o s sdl d; e3 n r e al a bv t .er 2a cw 2: to to the approach of the spot. TEA ' There demand is limited. COTTON. —There have been fair sales at very full pric es . .n_du p ras .y. . GREEN 4s P T a e n tr, o i ly ° Virhitsun holidays, has assumed a lively charact er, which, sol d by and a considerable business has been done in oranges and nets . Lemons are being forced on the market owing to be . ing out of condition, 1,000 Keeling and Hunt at public at a price proportionate to quality. [AnvravrisEmnxv.]—Du Barry's delicious Revalenta Arabica Food invariably restores health, without medicine, inconve nience, or expense, as it saves 50 times its cost in other reme dies. We extract a few out of 50,000 testimonials of cures, which had resisted all medicines. Cure No. 4,2oB.—Eight years' dyspepsia, nervousness, debility, with cramps, spasms, and nausea, have been effectually removed by Da Barry's delicious food in a very short time.—Rev. John W. Flavell, Ridlington Rectory, Norfolk. From the Dowager Countess of Castlestuart. —Cure 53,612.—Rosstrevor, Countyof oun Down,.. huma nity, feels induced, iu the interest a n :if Arabica Food Ireland, 9th December, 1854.—The Dowager _ e C ring tess or to state that Du Barry's excellent Reva e le 1 d of indigestion, has cured her, after all medicines had _fa' years , standing. bile, great nervousnessand irritability ofmany considered a blessing. Inquiries s6d.. 9d. ; 21b. 4 • t This food deserves the confidence of all In canisters, Ilb. 2s. The 121 b., carriage free, Du Barry & C 0.,. 77, receipt°llet-street, will be cheerfully answered. 51b. 11s. 121 b. 22 8 . of Post-office order, Barry sufferers and may be London ; also at 182. ~„bi tu e ge b n - street ; 330, and 451, Strand; Piccadilly ; 60, lira ', --- 6 ; Cornhill ; 49, Bishopsgate-street; 4, Cheapside ;60 and 68, upper Baker-street; 63 and 150, 55, Charing-cross; Oxford 7 - s , tr pai eet i. ;,.,„ o : 9 K :E inasg t- ; mall; comb-street ; 1., . street; 2l, Cockspui - nigh-street, Camden-town ; 18, Fall. 132, New Bond-street ; 24, Mot. William-street, City 30, Conduit. street ; 95, Farringdon- street; 67, St. Paul's OhUreb,Tard , ; 6, Edward-street, Fortaip,s44we. 3 •