The Sun. — London, England, 1842-04-19 00:00:00

TILE ESCAPi2 4 . AND DETECTION ' OF GOOD; I (From our Third. Edition of last night.) The following are important particulars relating to the escape and the detention of Good ? on the correctneos of which the public may implicitly rely. It appears that after sleeping in the room at South-street, Manchester-square, on 'Wednesday night, he went on Thursday morning t o visit his wife, as already stated, at the east end of the. town. After seeing his wife he proceeded to the Borougis, where he purohased at a clothes shop, which is well-known, the dress of a bricklayer's labourer, in which he appeared at the bar of the Police Court yesterday morniog. Par numerous reasons this is the most perfect disguise the meal could have assumed. As an Millman he Might readily bave passed for a labourer out of employment ; but besides this he hes, it seems, previously worked in the trade, and is quite conversant with its peculiar phraseology. It is believed that he exchanged his dress at a lodging-house, in which be slept on the Friday night. On Saturday evening, finding the pursuit of the police growing rather hot, he determined on leaving London. He took the Seven Oaks road,, atzd after walking some distance past the Bricklayers' Arms, he got a lift in a cart with two persons. It do s not appear that these individuals were at all accomplices in his escape, inasmuch as ho went entirely unrecognised by them. On entering the town of Seven Oaks he left the cart, and separated from the party. He then took a field read, avoiding the turnpike, and made for Tunbridge. He reached this place .n safety. He went to a public-house where he pro cured a lodging for the night, and the next evening, under the name of James Connor, he applied for and procured the employ =eat 'in the occupation of which he was arrested, as stated in another part of our paper. We understand that Good has said that had it not been for his accidental meeting with the discharged policeman of the V division, it:was his intention to have left his employment, and after again changing ,his disguise, to have made for another part of the country. He expresses a strong conviction tha; by this means he should 'have been enabled to have altogether eluded the vigilance of the police force. Good is said greatly to enjoy the idea of locking the policeman in the stable, and thus making a clean way for his escape. His defence is as exeellent as every other part of his scheme. He simply declares that he knows nothing of the body, and that he was as much surprised as any one could be on hearing that such a thing was found on the preniises. Altogether Good is said to be one of the most acute and artful of any offender the police have for some time pa bad to deal with. He is, to use an expressive though vulgar t er m, « up to every thing," and it is said to be rare that a man so accomplished in the art of crime has for so short a period evaded justice. From this it will be seen that the police, to whom so much blame has been attached, are after all anything but culpable, and that in the present instance the attributions of want of energy and ability are at least unjust and unwar ranted. The means taken to evade justice were most artfully elesigned and most skilfully worked out. The o ffi cers employed, iastead of exhibiting any negligence, seem to have been most vigilant and active, and effected their object in a much shorter space of time than might, under such circumstances, have been anticipated. Good on his way up from Maidstone on Sunday preserved the strictest silence; not a word escaped his lips. After he was lodged in the police-station, however, his demeanour was very different. He became greatly excited, and frtquently fell on Isis knees, and put hires° fin the attitude of prayer. He is said tr) have muttered a great deal, and, as far as could br judged, in a foreign tongue. His language, however, was not Irish. Good, although an illiterate man, is said to speak French, Italian, and other languages very fluently, having ricked up a perfect knowledge of them during a residence abroad. A very strong feeling was exhibited by the people - upon the line of road from Maidstone to London. [he popula tion turned out on every side, and assailed the supposed mur derer with groans, hootings, and missiles. The windows of the post chaise were broken; and at one time it was feared that the enraged multitude would have tore the carrisge to pieces, in order to get at the man they would have made their victim. It was at last deemed necessary to have the vehicle guarded by a body of mounted officers, on whom was at once enjoined the dillies of keeping the prisoner in safe custody and protecting him from the mob. One other piece of information which we have to add will, no doubt, excite feelings of regret. It is, we believe, the strong impression of the first police magistrates in London, as also of many eminent lawyers, that Good cannot under any circum stances be arraigned on an indictment for murder ; and, indeed, that no legal ingenuity can devise a way iu which, on the evidence already collected, he can be tried upon such a charge. In addi tion to the facts that no murder can be brought home to Gocd, on the evidence as at present shaped, a great difficulty also occurs from the circumstance that an indictment for murder must eoninin, as an essential ingredient, seine allegations to he sup ported by proof. as o:attic way in which the murder was committed. Now, an the face of this case. it is clear that little short of a miracle can bring to light any such fact. The murderer has hi s.self destroyed all prof of the way in which his crime was committed. No one can tell whether the woman was killed by a blow en the head, by the cutting of her throat, ar Uv what other means. Certain/3 , if it should prove that this view of the case holds good, it will ba aut. of the most remark able instances ever known of the entire superseding of every mural conviction by the necessity for legal testimony. CONDUCT OF THE PRISONER IN THE BOW- STREET CELL. On Snit - lay night, shortly after.the prisoner was placed in ore of the cells at the station in. Bow-street, he had a pint of coffee and three thick slices of bread and butter brought to him, at his oars request. which he ate and drarik with an apparently keen appetite ; and during the night he talked a great deal witfi the constables who were oppninted to sit up with hint. lie is remarkably cool and indifferent in his behaviour, and pro fes•cs utter innocence of any crime, althoueh he admits that ap pearances are "rather - black against him." The constables autioned hint against saying, anything to them Which he (lid no:. wish repeated; but, he ccinianued to talk' freely through the night, and even speke 'in a light manner of havnig locked the police-constable Gardiner, and the two lads, iu the stable at Putney, appearing to think the matter a re markably good joke. He ,sdmits that he was in company wi;h .lase Goon tne Sunday night, and that he took her with bins to his insster's stables, - Putney Park-lane • but says he knows nothing. as to what became of her after that. Ile also told the einnisl4 ( sa that when be ran away from Putney Park- Line, he came directly to London, and, on arriving opposite the Spetted in the Strand, to , ik a eaz., and proceeded to Whitechapet, and thence went to Us houe ; arwr which he pledged the articles which were fours t at the taw ok er in Brick-lane, .20out three o'clock yesterday morning he beearae.rather bea,vy, :sod fell off to sleep. Ile remained sleeping until shortly after tier, when he woke up, and had breakfast—namely, a pint of coff,e and broad and butter, a s ors the overnight.. The greatest curiosity was reaeilested. by the publics to get a sight of the culprit, and previously to the hour of his examina tom, numbers of persons assembled opposite the:station in Bow street, in hopes of getting a sight of him as he was taken theme over to rise Court .on the other side of the street. ' About half past nine .Inspector I;usain arrived at the station house iii 13ow-street, wita the NS itncsJes who were examined at the inquest. . . EXAMINATION OF GOOD'S ALLEGED WIFE, AND THE MAN GAMBLE. At - hall-patt three o'clock yesterday afternoon Richard Gam ble aod Mary Good, who has recently been known , to the rub le as •' 01;1 Molly Good," were placed bertire Mr. Hall, charged µith baring in their possession certain articles the property of Jane *Times, who was murdered at Putney Park-lane. - Air. Heiwood, Clerk to the Solicitor of the Treasury, con du et et the case for the prOseention. Police-sergeant Thornton, 4 E, stated that he had been em ployed to watch the prisoners, the premises of Airs. Good being in Flower and bean-street,:Spitalfieldi, and Gamble's at No. 2, 'findale's-buildings, Gray's inn-road. He had seen the pri soner Gamble go on several occasions to the house of Mrs. Good, and remain there'soine' time. He had also seen him leave the hone of the woman Good, accompanied by her, and return again with her. On one occasion he saw Gamble come out of Airs. Good's house with a bundle, which he took to his own place. On Saturday he went to Gamble's lodgings with Inspector 1-'iarce, and in the front room second floor, he found the three cotton gowns produced, hid under the bed. He searched the lo_lgings of the prisoner Good yesterday afternoon, and found a piece of lilac silk wrapped up in a pillow-case, as also a Mack cloth bag, containing a purse, with 3s. 10d. in it, two black mitts, three napkins, a towel, two dinner knives and forts, and a small knife, a piece of black glazed calico, and two pairs tit' stockings. Inspector Pearce, or. the A division, deposed that he had also watched the prisoners, especially the male prisoner. He had followed him to Tooley-greet---from thence to the resi dence of Aiary Good, wl,ere he stayed half an hour. On Saturday everinr , he met the prisoner in Gray's Inn-lane. He asked him " It he had received a parcel from Good?" and he said '• He had not." He left him in the care of a constable whilst ho went to his lodging, and upon searching he found two shirts (produced, one marked S. Perry). Prisoner said they had been given him by a woman named Mary Good. He also sa d he had a bundle as well from the same person. May Arnie Clarke, of No. 18, South -street, Manchester. square, identified the piece of blue silk produced as belonging► to Jane Jones, and part of the piece which she had made the bon net from. She also said that the gowns produced were of the same pattern and make as some she had seen Jane Jones wear. Edward Pritchett, of I\ o. 3, Edward's-place, Hoxtorn said he knew the two prisoners. and was employed to watch them; lie raw hem on Thursday last at the George and Guy, Fashion st, eet, S i , italfields. He heard the female prisoner say to the male pri.oner, " The last night I saw poor Dan he said I am afraid I shalt be taken," but he said, " 1 shall keep out of the way as long as I can." Gamble said, " Hold your tongue, leave it tome, he'll never be taken." AlaryAnne Grayson, of No. 4, Flower and Dean-street, said the female prisoner, Good, lodged with her. Gamble had been there three times. A man, whom Good represented as her busliaod, came at seven o'clock on the morning of Thursday week. She didn't see him with any bundle. Mr. HALL, the Magistrate, here observed that he did not see that a case of robbery could be made out against the pri niers. If they were at all implicated, it was for being acces sories after the fact of the murder. He should, therefore, commit them both till Thursday next, when they would be brought up with the prisoner, Daniel Good.--The prisoners 'sere then removed in custody. LAW INTELLIGENCE. BAIL COURT, April 18. (Sitflugg at Nisi,Prius, before Mr. Justice COLERIDGE.) THOMPfteN V. WOODS AND 11OFFMAN. This was an action brought against the defendants for an un reasonable distress. The plaintiff was a licensed victualler liv ing at Bermondsey, and a distress was put in upon his goods on the 2d of November by Mr. Hoffman, the agent of Mrs. Woods, the landlady of the plaintiff. The 'plaintiff was not disturbed in the possession of his goods, but they were sold on the 25th of November to a person named Trig, for the amount of the distress, namely, 18/. Trig sold the goods afterwards to a solicitor named Gillam for 2,51. Two surveyors were, however, called in by the plaintiff, who valued the goods at between 601. and 701. The question for the Jury therefore to decide, was between the fact of the goods being sold for 181., and the value put upon them by the surveyors. 'l' he Jury, without leaving the box, brought in a verdict of One Farthing Damages, His LORD;IIIP refused to certify for the costs. Connsel for the plaintiff, . Messrs. Bell and Keating; for the defendaV, Mr. Kelly. The Coen then adjourned till eleven o'clock to-morrow. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. ATTEMPTING TO PICK POCKETS AT THE ITALIAN OPERA Hoes E. —A very fashionably - dressed young man, who gave the name of Thomas Morgan, but who is known by the police as one of the " Swell Mob pickpockets," infesting the race coures and places of public amusement generally, was placed at the bar, charged under the following circumstances. I'olioe constable No. 78 of the A division stated that about 12 o'clock on Saturday night, just at the breaking up of the Opera, he observed the prisoner walking arm and arm with two other very fashionably-dressed young men, under the Coloria:;1 in Cliarles-street, and knowing them, from having seen them at different races, he watched themt and saw the prisoner at tempt several gentlemen's "pockets as they were .entering their carriages opposite to the pit entrance, his com panions covering him as much as they possibly could from observation.. They afterwards proceeded into Waterloo-place, and wit** then seued the prisoner, upon w hi c h his comps nroxis ran4ff. Serges, Waller, No. 16 of the C division, identified the ;1* 4‘4 prisoner as a suspected person, and as the constant associate of common and convicted thieves. Mr. Robinson, the solicitor, attendel on behalf of the pri soner. Mr. MALTBY, the presiding Magistrate, said h was quite satisfied that the prisoner's intentions were to commit felony, and therefore committed him to Westminster B idewell fur two months to hard labour. ELECTION COMMITTEES. (Continued from our Afternoon Edition of yesterday.) LONGFORD. The Committee met yesterday morning at eleven, and proceeded to strike off the remaining names on the registry. and having got through them, the room was cleared, and after about half an hoar's consideration the Chairman gave the decision as follows:—" That the Committee resolved that Luke White, Esq., was not duly elected as a Knight of the Shire to serve in the present Parliament for the county of Longford ; that Antony Lefroy, Esq., was duly elected ; that the Com mittee have altered the poll taken at the last election for the said county, by striking out the names of the following persons, as not having had a right to vote at the said election, and who ought not to have been placed on the registry of votes for the said county. The Committee, also, in virtue of section .79 of the Act to amend the law for the trial of centroverted elections,' desire to call the instant and serious attention of the House of Commons to the state of the law, as it materially affects a very considerable portion of the Parliamentary consti tuency of Ireland. The Committee alludes, especially, to the conflicting decisions which are so frequently given by Committees of this House, in respect of the issue technically termed The Opening of the Registry,' and to the impracti cability of affirming, with the conflicting decisions of Learned Judges before them, not only the right meaning and application of the words beneficial interest.' introduced, for the first time, into the 2d and 3d Will. IV., cap. 88, sec. 1, but also to the true interpretation under the statute of the term clear yearly value,' inserted in the former Acts, in Nos. 4,5, 6,7, 8, of Schedule C of the same Act, required to be taken before the Assistant Barristers by persons claiming to be voters. The Committee are unanimously of opinion that without some decla ratory Act on the part of the Legislature, it will be impos sible for any future Committees to arrive at any consistent or satisfactory conclusion." The total number of voters struck off was 144. IPSWICH. The Committee-room, as heretofore, was crowded. The proceedings yesterday commenced with the re-examination of Obadiah Barwick Luca - , who said be was not a warm parti san, but he took some interest in conversations about voters that took place at the Dave and the Plough, sometimes as early as five o'clock in the morning, and where every one that was thirsty might have his favourite cordial, and the landlord would take no money unless it were offered. The witness was a landlord himself, and used to supply beer and breakfasts, ex pecting that Mr. Ganod would pay him, if not some other principal gentleman would. Witness voted for Wason and Rennie. The examination of the witness was postponed for particular reasons. Isaac Phillips, a shoemaker (examined by Mr. Austen) — Had a conversation with Mr. Thornhury at the Dove the day before the election. He was asked to vote for Wason and Rennie, and he promised, though he had no vote, for 51., which he took, but only that he might thereby have positive evidence to stop the shocking bribery which he knew was going on.— (Great laughter.) Witness, having got the evidence, indig nantly returned the note to Thornbury, adding that he had no vote. Say nothing about it, says Thornbury. I would not keep my tongue tied for 201., answered the virtuous non elector.—(Great laughter followed the declaration.) Cross-examined by Mr. PHILLIPS—I told all this to Mr. Roberti of the Blue party, but I believe the Blues bribed as well as the Yellows.—( Laughter. ) SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY. GLOBE.—We have taken some pains elsewhere, and on former occasions, to signalise the consistency of Sir Robert Peel's practice and principles. The illustration of that dis tinguishing quality of the Prime Minister will be completed this evening, when he brings in his Income Tax Bill, with its appropriate and improved machinery. The Sir Robert Peel of 18:33 spoke as follows on the impolicy of constructing any such machinery for any such purpose : "1 think likewise," (Mirror of Parliament, p. 1,331), " that the Noble Lord has done well in not proposing an in come or a property tax. Nothing but a case of extreme neces sity can justify Parliament in subjecting the people of this country, in a time of peace, to the inquisitorial process which must be resorted to in order to render the impost productive, and to have recourse to such a machinery for the purpose of raising 2or 3 per cent. would be most unwise. Such atax is a great resource in time of necessity, and therefore I am unwill ing, by establishing the disgusting inquisition with which it must be accompanied, tQ create such an odium against it, as would render it impossible to resort to it in time of extreme necessity." We have it, then, on the most explicit authority of the Pre mier himself, who is so fond of quoting his own prece dents, that what he means to propose to-night, and what ever machinery he means to carry it into effect by—are most unwise. It is most unwise to erect such machinery to raise two or three per cent. ! What must it be to erect such machinery to raise so little, for so short a period Well, then, we can only save the Premier's reputa tion for wisdom by supposing that his ostensible pur pose in pushing this measure is not his real one. That—with the ministerial Ma chiavelism ascribed to him as a merit by the Times—he does not mean to be " hanged for half-a-crown"— to levy an income tax for three per cent. —to call into life such swarms of animalcules—such " spawn of tax-born riches"—for so small a matter, and so short a span of vermin vitality—to raise so vast a scaffolding for so puny an edifice. At present, his projected machinery eau only strike the mind's eye like the " firm-compacted balks" which surmount the Nelson column in Trafalgar-square. There is nothing at present but thin air between them ; but we know there is to be. But Sir Ro bert's scaffolding would seem at present to be about to be erected for its own sake—n• at least for the sake of such a per-tentage as Sir - Robert has declared is not worth the cost. Are there other and more permanent purposes kept in the back ground ? We do not believe it. We de not credit the Premier with any large views in the matter. if lie has: large schemes of finance, he must have based them on just principles. Merely to magnify the vermin he .s now creating, will turn ioseeis into monsters. 'I he country will tolerate no such microscopic enlargements of deformity STANDARD.—'I',.,: people will, however, gain something in protection, if not in present abatement, by the removal of pronibitions and prohibitory duties; provisions cannot rise much higher in price, and this is au important consideration in an augmenting population, and, what we trust, to Coeser vaive Crovernment, it will he a population advancing in prospe rity; and can the intelligent farmer doubt that he gains much in relief from obloquy—that it is of great value to him to have his position secured against a renewal ot the attacks of which for twenty years he has been the object, by the surrender of a merely nominal protection? And are not all classes benefited by a knowledge of the truth? But this is a narroe view of the subject. The tariff is a whole, and as a whole it is eonfeisedly beneficial. But is any farmer weak enough to sup pose that such a measure could pass without including articles of provision ? If the farmer would fairly estimate his gain by the whole tariff, let him turn his eyes to the Continent. As we have before said, the articles of provision raised by European agriculture zre pretty generally as dear upon the neighbour ing parts of the Continent as they are in England; but it is yet very certain that meny prudent fami lies pass over to the Continent upon economical considerations, and that they are not disappointed. But how is this? Be cause all, except the articles of provisions referred to, is so much cheaper—because taxes are so much lower. Begin with the single article of house rent. We have seen a calculation satisfactorily demonstrating that the rent of a moderate house at Dover or Brighton, capable of accommodating a family of eight persons in middle life, would pay all the expenses of the same family iu equal comfort at the ether side of the Channel. But the house rent is the heaviest ex pense, .and the main element in this is timbCr next comes the cost of furniture then coffee, &e. finally, taxes. To be sure, there is this to be said, that the animal food, from which the farmers dread com petition, is so bad, as well as dear, that there is a motive to use little of it, which helps something iq saving. Lately, the lighter branches of education are cheap, because a general condition approaching ' to poverty makes intelligent human labour a b un d an t an d o low price. Now, glance from the condition of middle life abroad to the tariff, and it will be seen in how many articles the British farmer, and every other British subject, will obtain relief; let. him then make his eleetion between the basely nominal compe tition of the Continent with the rest of the tariff on one side, and double Assessed Taxes, all the indirect taxes unrepealed, and the obloquy of prohibitory duties from which he derives no advantage on the other. THE MARKETS PRICE OF Bit &A D. Ihe loghes, -rir eof re. • i.. the Metropolis is 9d, for 41b. I. ..if. Good Bread may be had at 71d. eItILE., OF SEEDS. Per Cwt. I Per Quarter Sew English Ile. C10aer...65s 80s St. Fein -s ..Des 50.3 (lid Pitt. Ditto .... ..... -s -s -s Rye Grass --, ifs it s New Foreign Ditto... ..-s 75s 92s Pam Grass -s -s -s Old Ditto Ditto -s -s -slinsool, for lip ding ...-s 52s 563 New White I lover 54s res 650Dit , 0, for sowing -s s's 64s Old Ditto Ditto -s - s -slDitto ' far crushing ....-s 47s 52s - ew Tre'oil -s 20s 4Osi l Hem.. -s 468 52s Old I:itto -s f..1,:1s :iBs,Canary -s 845120 s Jr' folium -s -s -s! Per li,istiel. ii glish Carraway -s 5Us 511 s; White Mustard.... tOs 011 to 1311 d Foreign Ditto -s 46s 50s1Brewn Ditto 12s lid to 14s ea Coriander -s -s -siTares ... ss Cd to 7s 6l PRICE JF OIL. ii::4 Rape Oil, brown, per ton £4910 Ditto, refined Linseed Oil 34 In Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill (per 1000) la 0 ltape . eke, per ton, 6 6 PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. per 1121 h. Town Tallow £2 8 61Melting Stuff £1 14 0 Yellow Russia White lt 0 0 Graves Soap Ditto 0 0 0 Good Dregs 0 5 0 PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of albs. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters).... ........ '..:s. 7)4d. COAL MARKET. Ships arrived since last marKet , clay, 36. .. d. Buddle's West Hartley l7 6 Carr's Hartley l6 0 Chester Main ... 15 9 Holywell Main l6 0 Leaez's. Main l4 0 sew Tan field Moor l4 0 Old Tanfield -13 9 Pontop Windsor West Wylam l5 9 West Hartley .......... Walls End Heaton.... ...... Walls End Hilda. walls End Killingworth Walls End Riddell's l9 0 Walls End Todd's Bensham 14 6 Walls End Wharnciiffe l9 3 W. E. liraddyll'sHetton Walls End Haswell. ...... Walls End Helton 2l 61 s. d. Wahs End Pemberton l7 9 Walls End Stewart's Walls End Whitwell 2O 6 Walls End Cassop 2l 3 Walls End Hartlepool Walls End Ileugh Hall 2i 6 Walls End Kelloe 2l 6 Wails End Barrett lll 0 Walls Et.d Bowburn l7 0 Walls End Brown's Deanery 19 0 Walls End Coundon AI 0 Walls Et d Evenwood 16 6 Walls End Gordon lO r, Walls find Hopper l7 3 Walls End Tees Hatton Walls Ei,d Tees ........ 20 6 Anthracite 23 0 teowpen COUNTRY MARS ETS. Wheat. IBaxley. oat, I Beans. kiwi, Per Quarter. s. to s. 1. to s. s. t.i s. s. to s. 0. to 53 68 30 36 20 28 34 46 40 MI 'ttandford.-- 52 72 31 34 t 3 26 46 nridport 68 ''hard 56 72 28 92 22 26 351 .42 40 Exeter alculcester 6O 62 20 30 19 24 2$ 40 40 4S Buildford 58 74 27 34 20 28 32 38 34 40 Newbury 48 70 23 32 18 28 30 43 32 33 34 76 22 96 18 30 21 43 30 38 Salisbury 60 68 28 35 20 vs 40 50 Strerborne 56 60 26 30 20 24 36 40 Sherton Mallet 50 70 25 34 18 '24 34 48 34 36 Uxbridge 37 43 2:: 28 ss 40 Wrrininster 4B 67 24 33 19 24 26 46 Worcester 64 68 32 35 it 26 138 42 36 40 teovil 148 60 24 28 20. 22 32 44 SCOTCH MARKETS. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Beans. Catmoal S.bcrdeen... 60 to 70 25 to iS It; tol2o —to 33 to 35 Berwick..,.., 25 46 16 21 15 17 20 21 33 36 Coldstream . 40 55 22 24 17 19 23 30 28 22 Cupar (FifeN i4B 65 26 31 18 22 22 26 Dunbar 50 ' 64 29 30 19 24 127 20 37 se Elgin ..... 70 7t 30 31 22 25 36 50 Inverness... 60 70 29 31 22 23 42 33 Kelso lO 47 17 2:3 16 18 36 30 Kirkaldy 54 66 29 35 20 25 25 0 .8 43 Perth GO 67 30 40 25 '35 41 44 11:p Theme of the measure varies thous out the country. IMPERIAL. PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, April 18. The Loan CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wooslack shortly before Five o'Clock. FACTORY INSPECTION. The Earl of RIPON laid on the table the last Half-yearly Report of the Impectors of Factories. RATING OF STOCK IN TRADE. Lord PORTMAN wished to inquire of the Noble Duke opposite (Wellington), whether it was the in tention of her Majesty's Government to renew the Bill now in force relating to the rating of stock in trade to parochial assessment ? The present Bill would soon expire, and there was considerable anxiety to know whether it was intended to make a permanent enactment on the subject. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, it was the intention of his Right Hon. Friend at the head of the Government, to in troduce in the other House a temporary Act to continue the present law, for the purpose of giving time for farming a per manent measure. IRISH SPIRIT DUTIES. The Duke of WELLINGTON postponed to Thursday next the third reading of the Irish Spirit Duties Bill, which stood fixed for this day. CO RN-L AWS—THE TARIFF. The Duke of BUCKINGH A?I presented numerous peti tions from places in the counties of 'Kent, Warwick, and For far, against the proposed alteration of the Corn-laws. Several petitions to the same effect were presented by the Duke of RUTLAND and Earl STANHOPE. The Earl of ZETLAND presented petitions from Selkirk and other places in Scotland, against the sliding scale, and for the total repeal of the Cern-laws. Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented a petition from the shoe makers and leather-dressers of King's Lynn against the reduc tion of the duty on foreign boots, shoes, and curried leather ; also petitions from Guisborough, Leeds, Huddersfield, and other places in the county of York, against the income tax and all Corn-laws. Lord BROUGHAM presented petitions from Arbroath, in the county of Forfar, and from St. Mary's, Newington, in the borough of Lambeth, against the Income-tax • and a petition from the farmers of Northumberland, against all Corn-laws. The House went into Committee, an the Indemnity Bill passed through.—The House then resumed. CORN IMPORTATION BILL. The Earl of RIPON rose and said, although the matter to which their Lordships' attention was about to be called, had be come, from not unfrequent discussions, familiar to their Lord ships, and though the Bill, the second reading of which he was about to recommend to their Lordships' attention did not proceed on any new principle, but was rather a modification of the existing law, nevertheless, he felt that he should not adequately discharge the duty which devolved upon him, if, before proceeding to explain to their Lordships, the provisions of that Bill, and the reasons which had induced her Majesty's Government to propose- it for the adoption of Parliament, he did not make some observations of a more general nature with respect to this question. He felt this question to be, and he always had felt it to be, infinitely the most important subject with which the Legislature could be called upon to deal. It related to a subject in which were involved the prosperity, the contentment, and the safety of the State ; for the question really was the subsistence, the food of the people ; and what was the best mode by which that essen tial object could be secured, and by which there could be obtained for the public at large an adequate, a steady supply, of the first necessaries of life, at a reasonable and mode rate rate. There were, he knew, many other most important interests connected with this subject—the interests of agricul ture, the interests of commerce, the interests of manufactures, of the capitalists engaged in one or other branch of industry, and of those by whose labours those capitalists were enabled to receive the advantage from the expenditure of that capital. He knew that those interests were most important in the consider ation of this question ; but still it appeared to him that the essence of this question was, by what means of legislation the people could be best supplied. In the point of view in which he looked at the question it was one of the most paramount, but at the same time one of the most difficult, that could come before them. Great authorities differed as to the mode in which that object could be obtained ; men of the most extensive 1 iniormation, of the wisest experience, of the most unquestionable probity and independence, had differed fundamentally as to the mode in which the Legis lature ought to promote that object. But it unfor tunately happened that from the nature of the case, it was so mixed up with strong feelings, and with an eager sense of interest en the part of those whose interests, philosophically speaking, were identified—but of what identification it was impossible to impress the parties themselves — that it was scarcely possible to discuss the question without giving rise to feelings which rendered a satisfactory discussion impossible. It was, therefore, their duty to discuss the question calmly ; and he hoped their Lordships would call him to a sense of his duty if he departed from that spirit. There were two great antagonist principles involved in the question—ane was, that all restriction upon the' importation of foreign corn should be removed ' - the other was, that importation should be regulated by the Legislature. The first proposition was on the face of it extremely plausible—it was a kind, considerate, and charitable proposition, and there seemed something gratitying in being told that if the supply in their own coun t r y was s h or t, the whoe world was open to them to make good that supply. But he confessed he felt that the more he looked at the state of those countries from whence those supplies could be obtained, the more he was convinced that the proposition was fallacious in itself, and was likely to lead to disappoint ment. If that principle was adopted, they would be compelled to look to other countries for supply, not when they wanted it on certain occasions, but as a principle, and he thought he would he able to show that they would incur the greatest risk and danger in adopting it. It was perfectly obvious that, in a country like this, where from a thousand considerations not necessary to detail, the cost of production was higher, and must be higher for almost any ar ticle as compared with other countries where the causes did not exist, it was, quite clear that this great increase in the amount of produce in this country, which had enabled us to stand so well against the demands of the increasing population, could never have taken place unless the capital invested in agriculture were encouraged by adequate remuncrie ion to continue in the same line of employment. Ap plying this principle, then, to the protection of corn, it was clear that if you de. e.-mined to admit at all times, and under all circumstances, foreign corn without referesice to prices, or to the harvest at horns, a great dial of the capital now in vested in the raising of fond must be withdrawn, for the I price being reduced below the remunerating point, the British farmer must seek other fields for his money and in genuity, much land would be thrown out of cultivation, and the amount- of the home supply of corn would be very greatly diminished—whether it would be the higher quality or the lower quality of soils that would be throWn out of I cultivation, he would not now stop to inquire, for each result had been predicted. The fact that our produce would.be very greatly diminished, and our lands thrown out of cultivation to a very considerable extent, through the inunda tiou of foreign corn, could not be denied, and that was enough fur his arguments. We already depended on foreign countries for s occasional supplies.. The question was, whether we should also depend for the much greater and continual supplies which, under a change of the sys tem, would be imperatively necessary. Let it be sup posed that our own produce be reduced 10 per cent. Now where were we to look for those great supplies in addition tow hat we already got from foreign countries? The late information laid before Parliament slit oved that the only countries we could look to were the small territories of Denmark and Mecklen burg. We could not rely on any . other country in Lurape. It was stated distinctly, that notwithstanding the encourage ment that might be given by the repeal of the Corn-laws, the utmost amount upon which they could calculate would be 2,2•20,500 quarters of wheat. But if they looked to the paper which he held in his hand, they would find that from Palermo, to which a large item was assigned, .none at all was exported into this country. Warsaw was men firmed twice in the same piper. The utmost, then, that they could expect to obtain would not exceed 1,500,000 quarters annually. During the last thirteen years the total amount imported into this country for consumption had been at the rate of one million quarters per annum ; but if we re duced our own produce two millions and a half more we would have no source in Europe from which to derive a suffi cient supply. They were told that Russia could not extend its production. He knew that there were defects in the Ist to which he referred, but that did not change his ar gument. His of jest was to show that the hopes of one party were exaggerated, and could not be realised; but at the same time he etiolated that the fears of the other party were also exaggerated. He wished-to dwell on this part of the subject, because he thought that the abolition of the protective scale of ditties would not give the permanent and abundant supply of corn that was proposed. From Russia, they were told in the document to which he had referred., they could not derive greater supplies than they did at present, and yet Russia was one of the greatest exporting countries in Europe. It was asked in that document whether, if there was an increased demand for foreign corn in England, the corn produced in some of the districts could without much difficulty, and in a short time, be increased ? The answer was, No. The same question and reply was given respecting Riga and Odessa. It would be impos sible then to rely upon Russia in cases of deficieney. Russia could, indeed, send enough into this country to interfere with mate rially, and prejudice our agricultural producers; but that was a very different thing from sending a great quantity sufficient to supply the great demand of such a country as this. A much smaller quantity might do a great mischief in discou raging agriculture, although a large quantity, if required is consequence of that discouragement, could not be obtained. At Dantzic there would be no increase. At Koenigsberg, none. At Stettin, none. At Memel, there might be an increase of one-fourth. The quantity at present was .5,900 quarters ; and an increase of one-fourth upon that would not go far to fill up the deficiency that would be occasioned by a diminution of the home production. At Elsinore, from which the whole of the produce of the Danish dominions was exported, there would be an increase. But if their Lord ships would examine the whole of the papers, they would find that the increase would amount to nothing at all towards supplying the deficiency. At Hamburgh it was doubtful whether or not there would be an increase. But as that port was supplied chiefly from the Prussian domi nions, of which he had already stated from the report, it would be unnecessary to go over the same ground again. There was no doubt that in the course of years there might be an increase by the application of additienal capital, which however would prevent the exportation of the •produce at a cheap price. He must advert to Russia, from which, undoubtedly, the greatest quantity would be derived. But Russia her self, although she at times exported considerable quan tities, yet, at other times, suffered grievously from famine. During the last nine years there were six years of bad harvest, amounting in some years to positive famine, so much so, that the Emperor found it necessary to suspend the duty on the importation of foreign corn, which was 13s. 4d. per quarter on wheat, and Bs. on rye. All the other States of Europe, with the exception of Denmark and Prussia, imposed duties on imported corn, and yet it was said that in this country it was an unchristian shame to impose a tax upon food which prevented our manufacturers from competing with 'foreigners. But although Prussia, which was an exporting country, had no tax on the im portation of foreign earn, yet there . was a tax on corn in the towns containing a population of two millions, of which the price of bread was rendered dearer at times than in England, as was actually tho case in Dantzic at this moment. Much had been said of the great and inexhaustible supply which might be derived. But even in Philadelphia,which had been the greatest market since 1793, the price of bread has frequently been higher than in London ; and if they added to that the necessary charge for bringing it to this country, they would find that in no less than 12 out of the 24 years, the price there would be higher than here.—(The Noble Lord here referred to some papers published in the United States to prove that the consumption in that coun try always equalled, and had equalled for the last 50 years, the production. ) This would go to show that from the United States we could not expect those great supplies that those who were in favour of no restriction on corn lead them to expect ; and any idea of supplying any deficiency from thence would lead to disappointment. If this were true, the system would go towards destroying existing contracts in this country, and it would be incurring a risk which it would be little short of insanity to attempt. The inference that we must draw then was, that it was much wiser and safer to rely essentially upon our own produce; and to ensure that reliance, they ought to give protection to that produce.— ( Hear.) Then came the question, " What should be the nature and extent of that protection ?" It was obvious that protection cou l d only efficiently be given by some duty, either J THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING. APRIL 19, 1842. fixed or fluctuating. He would not now enter into a comps ; rison between those two modes of protection, as that question would be fully raised when the Noble Lord's amendment should come on. He would proceed nay to discuss the remaining part of the subject, which was the principle of protection by a fluctuating duty, and then to explain to their Lordships the nature of the Bill. With respect to this duty, which fluctuated in an inverse ratio to the price, whatever objection might be made to it—whatever defects might be observed in the existing law, and however desirable it might be to modify the application of it by a new law, he could not see anything inconsistent with equity and justice—if they were to have protection at all—in adjusting it so that when it was no longer necessary for the protection of the pro ducer, it should diminish so as to give the benefit of it to the consumer. It was just in principle. It was not an ad valorem duty. The only question, therefore, was, whether they could so apply the principle as to prevent those inconveniences and evils to which it may have been liable. They had thirty years experience of the principle, it was said, and its total failure had been proved; but he (Lord Ripon) did not see that. He did not say that it had not defects, but the principle was goad which regulated the admission of foreign corn ; he thought the principle of the law had worked according to the views of those who enacted the law. He might be asked why he went, then, to alter the law, but he did so because the subject was one to which the attention of Parliament must be called from time to time. The interests of commerce were mighty, and required the intervention of Parliament when necessary. The extent of protection necessary at one time might not be necessary at another. The population of the country was in creased by 2,000,000, who required to be fed, and though the productions of agriculture had increased also, they did not in crease in the same ratio. It was therefore clear that the cir cumstances of the country had altered already, and it was necessary that the wisdom of Parliament should interpose— (" Hear, hear," from the Opposition)—and not allow itself to be taken by surprise. It was then supposed that this country would receive large progressive supplies of wheat from Ire land—but this had not turned out to be the case. During the first six of the last thirteen years, the average supply from Ireland was 658,000 quarters, a quantity nearly equal to one third of the largest import of foreign corn we had had in any one year; but during the last seven years this quantity fell off to 427,000 quarters. This was a very material fact. The cause was, first, that notwithstanding the high prices this coun try offered, the growth of wheat was not found to be so profit able in Ireland as the growth of other articles ; and next, that the people of Ireland consumed a great deal of their own wheat —a most gratifying change from that miserable food on which they used heretofore to drag on life.—(Hear, hear.) The people of England had but lately abandoned barley and rye bread for wheat exclusively. A similar satisfactory process was now going on in Ireland.—( Hear, hear.) This was a most important fact, however, for the people of England. It must be admitted, too, that the present Corn-law had some defects which required to be corrected. —( Hear, hear.) One of the defects of this Bill was, as it struck him-s-one which no doubt some of his Noble Friends would think one of its beauties — namely, that the protection was extravagantly high. What could be the advantage of a protection that was greater than necessary? it would but injure the principle of protection itself; and if they would attempt to maintain such a protec tion, they would go far to destroy the principle itself. He had reason to know that the general feeling of the country was, that the present rate of protection was higher than necessary. It was a defect which it was fit to remedy, and to remedy it was one of the objects of the present Bill. There was an other detail of the present measure that was objectionable— namely, the rapidity with which the duty varies. Their Lord ships might recollect, that in the year 1827 a Bill was pro posed, in which the principle of a graduated scale was introduced. That Bill had not passed into a law ; it was unnecessary to state the reasons why it had not passed ? but their Lordships would remember that the fluctuation was not by any means so rapid according to that Bill, as according to the law as it now stood. He (the Earl of Ripon) had the honour of proposing that Bill in their Lordships' House. It was opposed by some Noble Lords, but the House generally acquiesced in its principles, and in most of its details. The following year the present law was proposed, which was de scribed as a jumping scale, and consequently defective, be- Cause when the prices were rising, the difference between the several amounts of duties became so great, it gave a temptation to holders of corn to wait till the duty became low, Notwithstanding the rising of the price indicated the want of corn by the community, they were tempted to wait until they could bring out their corn at a duty of ls. instead of 10s. That was a considerable defect in the existing law, and which the present measure would correct. In other articles, such as rye, oats, and barley, there was not the same jumping. With respect to taking of the averages there were some objections ; but those objections were overstated, and the present pro - posal would, he trusted, also remove that defect The average would be taken by a different class of per sons from the present, and greater security would thus be occasioned in the transaction of business. In his opinion the extension of the number of towns for taking the averages would be a great improvement, as it would in crease the difficulty of fraud, which was attempted only in great markets, where a great quantity was returned, and the average could be materially affected by an artificial addition to the prices. The question had frequently been put to him as to what was likely to be the effect of taking the prices in these towns in raising or lowering the averages? and his invariable answer had been, that it would have no sensible effect whatever, unless it could be supposed that the quantity and prices in those new towns were immensely higher or immensely lower than in the old towns If the effect of taking them in would be to raise the price by ss. a quarter, it must be plain that, to bring that about, the prices in the new towns must exceed them in the old by 10s. a quarter. That was a state of things that could not be well supposed to exist ; indeed, it was generally admitted that no such result could be produced, and that there would be a much more exact amount of the prices of corn throughout the kingdom, without introducing any principle than could be objected to. Perhaps he had trespassed too long upon their Lordships in these pre liminary observations, but he had not thought that he should discharge his duty if he had not laid before them those views which he thought must he taken into the consideration of the measure which he was about to propose. The proposition itself was, that instead of a duty increasing to any amount, not defined, the highest duty on the importation of wheat should be tlO-., and that duty should be imposed when the a verage prietrs wnoul,l b., on, ter sls . It ,as the n 11r1)pc,e4 t bat the duty should diminish Is. for every Is. increase in the price, with two exceptions, in the e..urse of the scale ; that was to say, when it arrived at 525. and was under 555., the duty should be the same, 18s., for each. After that, it diminished shilling by shilling, till the price rose to 663., and then again it remained as at 523. It was a difficult thing to say what was to be consi dered a remunerating urice.—( Laughter from the Opposition.) He was not aware of any better means that there were of as certaining what that point was than the information which was laid within everybody's reach, compared with wha had been the average price for the last 13 years. That had been something more than 583., and therefore he thought that something be tween 565. and 585., or 605., might fairly be considered as that which should be thought reasonable, and which, in his (Lord Ripon's) opinion, was necessary fur the maintenance of agri culture in this country. He believed that the proposition re lating to wheat was held to be a fair arrangement, and had not met with great complaints from either party. With respect to barley and oats, however, some difference of opinion had arisen. The principle on which they had endeavouredon barley and oats, was possible duty ibleto the principle of the to adhere to as act in nearly fix as inir t existing scale. VI heti wheat was at 50s. the duty was 1/., and wilc] barley was at 253. the duty was 11s., being rather more than half the duty on wheat. The same principle was pursued with regard to the rest, which occurred when the price was 275. and under 30s , when the duty was fixed at 9s. Some persons thought that barley with the present duty was to enter into a ruinous competition with foreign barley, but he confussed he saw no grounds for such apprehension. From the paper which was laid before Parliament in July last, and which was a summary of the answer received from her Majesty's Consuls, it ap peared that the average price at which barley could be pur chased abroad was 19s. 6id., and by adding the amount of freight and other charges, which could not be less than 4s. or 59., the total amount of the price of barley would be from 245. to 255. ; so that it was clear that the protection given by the 1.1111 was sufficient up to anything short of the point, and he confessed that he hardy heard any reason to induce h m to think that that was a protection inadequate for its legitimate purpose. It was less than the protection given to barley at present; but the whole Bill proceeded upon the principle of the diminution of price, and therefore he did not see how any person disposed to admit that a reduction ought to take plane could make use of the reduction on barley as any argument. In the Bill of 1827, though the protection by that Bill was higher when prices were low at that particular point, the differ elite was not very . material as compared with the scale now pro posed. The Bill proposed that at the price of 31s. to 325., the duty should be Bs. 6d. ; the present Bill proposed 79. 6d., but he could not see how the difference of eighteen-pence should jus tify the apprehensions that had been expressed in the country. No country of Europe offered us large supplies of barley but Denmark. But the power of increasing her supplies to us was very limited, for her own population was increasing, as was also that of the other countries she supplied. We should also forget that the increased demand for the barley of Denmark, or of any other country, would greatly raise the prices in their own markets.—( Hear, hear.) Looking at other countries, he found that the barley of the north of Germany was not very good, while the nature of the soil would prevent in a great degree an improvement of the quality. In the poorer soils of Prussia they coul not produce good malting barley, if at all, without an expensive process of improving the land. In the south of Germany, in Bavaria and Wirtemburg, the growth of barley was considerable, but the great quantity of beer drunk by the population required it all. Moreover, there was an export duty on barley leaving Bavaria; and the cost of the voyage down the Neckar, through Holland, and thence hither, and the apprehensions of our farmers would vanish. In like manner the apprehensions of the vast influx of foreign oats were groundless. We could net expect an average supply of more than 800,000 qrs. from abroad, whilst the consumption of this country was 15,060,000 quarters. A protection equal to 2,35, a quarter ought not to be complained of. Having made these statements to their Lordships, it only remained for him to express his confident hope and belief that this measure would work beneficially fur all classes of the community. This was the sole object of the framers of the measure. If they were guilty of deceiving the people, on this or any other sub ject, they would commit at the same time as great a political iniquity, and as a contemptible a piece of folly, as any Minis try could be accused of, for the people of this country were too quick-sighted and intelligent to be deceived. While they kept a strict eye on the proceedings of the Legislature, they were able to judge of their principles, arguments, and plans. They relied with confidence on the hope, that the proposed measure would be received by their Lordships as a satisfactory adjust ment of the question ; and though some on the other side might dissent from it, yet he believed that the public generally would think that her Majesty's Government had done their duty in proposing this measure, and he trusted that Parlia ment would do their duty, by giving effect to it in the shape of a law. Earl STANHOPE would not enter into the general ques tion of free trade in corn. It was impossible for him, how ever' not to advert briefly to some circumstances connected with the history of the question. It was somewhat singular that those who originally recommended the present measure, and who, after having bestowed great attention upon the ! subject, had stated that that measure was most unexception able in its mode of operation, should now come forward and declare that a very considerable: decrease in the protection conferred by that law ought to be effected. The sliding scale was no part or parcel of the principle of the Corn-law. It was only one of the modes—it might be the best or not—of executing that principle, which principle was protection to the agriculturist. It was therefore obvious, that a sliding scale might be so contrived, as to be equally pernicious with a low fixed duty. It had been staled by a Noble Lord opposite ( Viscount Melbourne, as we understood), that the removal of the protection given by the Corn-laws to the agriculturist could not be effected without causing much ill-blood and dis turbing society to its foundation. He (Earl Stanhope) be lieved that it could not be effected without overthrowing the whole fabric and structure of society. The Noble Viscount departed afterwards from those opinions, and when an appeal was made to the country, a majority far more triumphant than the most sanguine Conservative expected, declared itself in fa vour of British agriculture.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He proposed to short that they were strongly attached to the agricultural interest. At the elections the Conservative can didates fought under the banners of " Protection to Agricul ture."—(Opposition cheers.) Did the Noble Lords opposite deny hiastatement ?—(Cries of " No, no," and renewed cheer ing and laup .er.) Promises and pledges were given in pro fusion, and with the most grave solemnity to support the pro tection as it was.—(Cheers.) In the course of the elections the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Govern ment, ineaddressing his constituents at Tamworth, said that he " deprecated a struggle in this question of the Corn-laws, be cause he believed, with Lord Melbourne, that the advanta g es ' would not be equal to the risk, and he asked for their free suffrages on that frank and explicit declaration."—(Cheers. ) Frank and explicit !—(Laughter.) Why, he never read a sentence less explicit in his life.—( Cheers and a laugh.) What was the advantage to which the Right Hon. Baronet alluded? If it was the advantage of altering or amending the present laws, then his intention was utterly inconsistent with all his known and recorded opinions.—(Opposition cheers.) What was the risk which the Right Hon Baronet apprehended, with an immense and overwhelming majority in both Houses of Par liament, ready to support the interests of British agriculture? It would have been convenient if the Right Hon. Baronet had been a little more frank on the occasion ; he need not have told his constituents whether there were to be one rest, or two rests, or three rests, bnt he might have hinted that the effect of this Bill would be to cause a considerable decrease of protection, and that the importation of cattle would be per mitted. The effect of that would have been that the Right Hon. Baronet would have been saved much time, expense, and trouble, and his colleagues, and himself would have been spared the anxiety and trouble of office.—( Hear, hear.) He (Earl Stanhope) was not surprised at this, because he saw very plainly, long before the close of the last Parliament, indications that there were to be considerable alterations in this law. Earl RIPON—Just now you said there were not. Earl STANHOPE said, that he said there was no expressed determination. He was not surprised, he repeated; but the result had been that, instead of allaying the popular clamour, every possible excitement had been added to it. Great distrust and discontent had been excited aniongst the agriculturists ; and the Minister who proposed this plan had lost, and for ever, the confidence of the great majority of the agriculturist's, who might still, however, continue to support kim either through feelings of respect, or for a desire to exclude the opposition from power.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) He would consign them to the castigation they weld receive from those whose interests they had betrayed.—.( Hear, hear.) He would now proceed to the consideration of the question before them. It was obvious that every Corn-law must proceed on the consideration and comparison of the prices at which corn could be imported into this country, and at which it could be grown in it. It had been aeowed that no satisfactory informa tion had been obtained on the subject, but that information could be obtained by means of a Parliamentary inquiry, and until such had been obtained, no measure on the subject ought to be introduced. There was a stigular misapprehension in regard to the price at which corn could be produced abroad. It was supposed that because the seasons of late years had been unusually unfavourable, and the price, high on the Conti nent, as well as in this country, that those prices were to be taken as the ordinary price of the country. As far as he was aware, there was no inquiry since the year 1627. According to the return of the Consuls then, the average price in 1825, in the North of Europe, in Copenhagen, Bremen, Ham burgh, Rotterdam, and Antwerp, was eighteen shillings and sevenpence ; and in the year 1826 he presented a petition from the Agricultural Society of Holdernesse, which stated that good wheat in bond was sold at Hull at 245, a quarter. In the year 1836 it was stated, by an eminent corn-factor, that he purchased fine wheat for 265. or 285., and that corresponded with the opinion very recently given by two corn-factors of Liverpool, who stated that the effect of a present Corn-law, after one or two favourable seasons, would be to reduce the average price to 48s. or 465. He could refer to a letter, written on the 26th of May, by one whom the Noble Lord would admit to be an authority, to the effect that corn had been imported into Liverpool, and other ports, and freely entered, and that, having paid a duty of 225. a quarter, it had left a fair profit to the speculator. Now this Bill proposed to reduce that duty to Ss., and vet he was told it would do no injury to the agricul turist. With such a price it would be impossible to maintain a price of 565. for wheat, nor perhaps even 50s. He could show that, in a part of Burkinghamshire, and not the worst part, the rent alone could not be paid out of a less price than 50s. He would not say, that whatever might be the effect of the present Bill, the land would be thrown out of cul tivation ; but he did say that the effect would be to break the existing frame of society, the destruction of public and private credit, and, in the end, national bankruptcy. His Noble Friend ( Earl Ripon) had said that the present protection was extravagantly high, and might without inconvenience he dimi nished. His Noble Friend had not adduced even a shadow of proof in support of that assertion. In the year 1828, when the present law was passed, it would be proper to argue that a lower rate of protection than that given by the law of 1815 was wanted, because at the former period that most destructive and pernicious of measures, known as Peel's Bill, came into operation. The late Mr. Ricardo had said that after that mea sure the fall in the price of corn would be three or five per cent. ; hut the fall was now thirty or fifty per cent., and could he (Earl Stanhope) have foreseen such would be the case, no power on earth could have induced him to support the measure. No Corn-laws could raise the price of corn while there was a currency that kept it low. In the years 1834-5-6, the prices of corn were 395. 6d. and 445. Bd., which no man in his senses could suppose was a remunerating price. The Noble Earl (Ripon ) said that a free trade in corn would be a very good thing if it were practicable. Now he would say to the Noble Lord in the language of Holy Writ, " Out of thine own mouth will I con demn thee."—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) In the beginning of the Session in 1825—(and he wished that this Session and every other since had eommenced with such auspices)—the Noble Earl advised his late Majesty George the Fourth to congratulate the House on the unexampled prosperity and happiness of all classes of the people of this empire.— ( Cries of " Hear, hear.") But in that year, and in the one preceding, the price .of corn had been 625. a quarter. The statute of Charles 11., passed professedly for the protection of agriculture, enacted, that when the price of wheat was 555., the duty should be 16s. 6d. ; and the duty by the present law, and for the last century, was 17s. ; and now, notwithstanding the enormous unparalleled distress which prevailed, the duty was only 16s. 6,1. per quarter. He would ask Noble Lords to giee a frank answer to this question, ‘‘ hether, under the ope ration of this law, they did or did not expect a large or small importation ; and whether they expected a large or small re duction of price?" In either case he was ready to argue with them. If they expected a small importation, a small reduction of price, where was the benefit to the consumer? If they ex pected a large importation, which might be very profitable to rrvennt-, and at-rrptahlr in that kloproAsed state in which it now was, had they considered at all the effect which moist neves sat ily be produced, not only on agriculture, but on all branches of productive industry. all of whom had one common interest in preventing the competition of foreigners in the home market ? If much corn were imported, a great quantity of specie would leave t his country, and in favour of this view lie had the evidence or these who were in fivour of free trade in corn, who considered it as " a convummation most devoutly to be wished for," that money must be used in great quantities for the purchase , f coin. The effect of this exportation of specie would be that the Bank of England would stop payment. It was true that the supplies of wheat front Ireland had been diminished, but what we had lost in corn we had gained in cattle from that country. The farmers were advised to accept this Bill on the principle that half a loaf was better than no bread. But who would say that the present measure would be final? Why, the Secretary for the Home Department himself had assured the public that this was not to be considered as a final measure.—( Hear, bear. ) Then ho (Lord Stanhope) would not agree now to a commuta tion of the sentence on the farmers.—( Laughter.) He would say, " No surrender," in common with a Noble Duke, who, when patriotism and devotion to the public service were almost ex tinct in this country—(Laughter) showed an eminent example of both, by abandoning power and place when they were crip ping the influence he knew ought to be exerted for the benefit of the community. Offer free trade in manufactures, and those who cried out for free trade in corn, would soon be scattered to the winds and annihilated. The farmers must riot be sacrificed. It mattered not to him whether he was to have a Whig or a Tory Executive.—( Laughter.) It had been truly said that it mattered not to the farmer whether he were put out of the world by an axe or a guillotine. In like mariner the Noble Earl cared not whether the instruments were to be a sliding scale or a fixed duty.—(Grttat laughter.) It the present head of the Government were in opposition, he might be able to do what he did before—to stop the influence of bad measures ; but h e was grieved to see that nothing but mis chievous measures had been proposed—the Corn-law, the new tariff, and the Income -tax, which he would oppose. The people were silent, but he might say dum silent clamant. He might say, and he was speaking not unadvisedly, that the si lence proceeded from the conviction that they were only at " the beginning of the end," to use the words of Talleyrand ; the signs of the times were written in such large and legible characters, that " those who run may read." He begged to warn their Lordships of the inevitable consequences that must ensue from the system pursued by Tory, Whig, and Conser vative Governments. The "end" was not far distant, and would be accelerated by the measures which the Government proposed. He entreated their Lordships to consider, even at4ke twelfth hour, whether, if their Lordships were condemned as " the tree bearing bad fruit," they might not be " cut down, and cast into the fire"—whether, if their duty consisted in registering edicts, the Acts of the Commonwealth may not be renewed—be voted zseless and abolished. The first French Revolution would afford but a faint outline of the proscriptions and confis cations that would take place. Seeking for himself no favour from any Government, he thought it right to warn them, and he would move that the word " now" be omitted, and that the Bill be read that day six months. Lord HA RD WICKE felt himself inadequate to do justice to the subject before the House, and he would address their Lord ships but for the purpose of justifying the vote which he should give to-night upon the question. He was not one of those who supported the measure merely because he feared that if he did not do so they would tend to overthrow the present Government. He certainly should deplore such an occurrence as the restora tion to power of the Noble Lords opposite, as he had understood not merely from themselves, but from their supporters in de mocracy, that they were unable to conduct the Government of the country in the manner in which they most wished. The Noble Lord who had just sat down had stated his intention of adhering, in his address to the House, to the question before their Lordships ; but, instead of doing so, the Noble Lord had travelled out of his way to assail the Right Hon. Gentle tleman the Prime Minister of the country, having accused that distingu , shed individual of deceiving the people of this country upon the present question. Earl STANHOPE explained that he had not intended to make what was called an attack on the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government. However, his (Earl Stanhope's) observations might have been interpreted both ways.—( Laughter.) That Right Hon. Gentleman had given reason for the belief that he was a zealous supporter of the Corn-laws, and he ( Earl Stanhope) would leave it to his Noble Friend to say whether he was a zealous supporter of them or not. tion which could come under the consideration of the I House. He was anxious thus early to state the course he 1 meant to pursue, as no alterations could be made in Corn- I mittee. The question was, whether the Bill was to be real now or this day six months. He confessed he looked en the Bill with deep feeling of alarm, and without attributing any ' motives, the Bill, in his judgment, is calculated to do harm to the agricultural interest. The progress which agriculture han made for the last few years they must all be rejoiced to see; but if it appeared that by this Bill the farmer was not pro tected, the effect would be that our fields would go out of the high state of cultivation in which they had hitherto been up held by the system of Corn-laws. He must say, also, that he looked with alarm on this Bill, because it afforded an oppor tunity for the foreign farmer to compete with the farmers as home. In what state would this country be if the Engl.sls farmer were compelled to give up his tillage ? The bright sue of this country's glory would be set. He was told that this Bill would not satisfy the Opposition, and he could say, on be half of a large portion of the agricultural interest, that it woule not satisfy them.—( Hear.) He felt that there was not suffi cient protection given to agriculture, and on this ground he should support the measure of kis Noble Friend ( Earl Stan hope). He regretted some of the remarks which had been made by his Noble Friend, but he agreed with him that suffi cient protection was not given to the farmer. If they passed this Bill, it might be too late to retrace their steps, and, acting upon his feelings, as the friend of the farmer, he could not but view this measure with the greatest alarm. His Noble Friend who had just sat down had attempted to prove that this mea sure would be beneficial alike to the farmer and himself ; but how could that be, when under the present law tin foreign farmer could not come in under 68s. or 695., but by the rew law they could come in at 585.? He adhered to the opinions he had given and to the statements he had for merly made on this question, and he should now give his mos' cordial support to the proposition for reading this Bill again this day six months, because he believed it would be in , furious to the farmer, to the consumer, and crippling to the agriculturist. The Earl of WINCHILSEA said he was prepared to contend that the frequent agitation which had taken place during the last three years in and out of Parliament had been productive of the greatest evils. On this question the great body of the labouring classes were quite unfit and unpre pared to give an opinion ; they were unable to grasp it in al. its bearings, and to look with justice on this protection which the Legislature of this country had so wisely given to domestic agriculture. Those, however, who knew better, were aware of the evils of fluctuating prices, and would prevent them, as far as human means could prevent them. These discussions had shaken the confidence of the great body of the agriculturists. and had also stopped, in a great degree, those great improve ments in agriculture which were about to be carried on. He alluded more especially to the system of drainage and manur ing. He was one who was prepared to state that, if during the next 15 years the same improvements should take place iri agriculture as had taken place during the last 15 years, the in crease in the produce would equal the increase of the popula tion, and he believed that Great Britain, instead of being an importing, would be an exporting country. Unless this Bill were passed, the land would not be able to bear the peculiar burdens which pressed upon it, such as maintaining the poor and preserving the peace. He agreed with the Noble Earl that a fixed duty was a perfect fallacy in the way of protection, for if wheat was very low, of what use would it be ; or if it rose to 585., 605., or 703., what Government would endeavour to en force it ? The Government had now, in this measure, main tained the principle of the existing law, and the Right Hon. Gentleman had redeemed his pledge that he would maintain the principles of the existing Corn-law. He did not apprehend that the agricultural interest, with respect to wheat, would re ceive any injury in the reduction of the scale of duties.—( Hear, hear.) He ever viewed this question, not with reference to agricultural interest, but in reference to the general interests of the great mass of the labouring classes.—( Hear, hear.) He trusted that this measure would insure to the great body of the people bread at the lowest price they could afford to give it. Ile was sorry that the Noble Lord had spoken so strongly with regard to Honourable Gentlemen in the other House, because he was sure whatever steps they had taken were for the general welfare of manufactures, commerce, and, agriculture. For these reasons he should give his support to the measure of her Majesty's Government, and he hoped it would be productive of those benefits which he believed would result from them. Lord WESTERN said he had listened with great attention to the remarks which had fallen from the mover of the second reading of the Bill, who had so deprecated the fixed duty that it really almost became a question whether they should not he acting right in doing away with the fixed duty and the sliding scale too.—( Hear.) If this Bill were to pass, pro tection would be taken away from the agriculturist, and the weight of this would fall upon the labouring classes. For this reason he felt called upon to support the motion of the Noble Earl ( Sta , hope). The agriculturists thought the country were of opi nion that the present Government, when it came in, would. support the agricultural interest ; and though he would not say how that impression was occasioned, yet he would say there was a great disappointment felt, and he was one of those who had to complain of having been disappointed. The only occa sion on v hich he had withdrawn his -upport from his Noble Friend (Lord Melbourne) was when the Noble Viscount's Go vernment proposed a measure which he thought would be fatal to agriculture. But he would not be deceived again. Cheers. ) Every Conservative gentleman throughout the country expected that the present Government would maintain the Corn-laws. The Government had lost the confidence of the country, and the people in the agricultural districts would rather have the Whigs and open ports.—( Hear, hear)—than have such a measure as the present carried into effect by, the present Ministers. If it were not for the state of our monetary system, British agricul ture would be able to contend with all the countries in the world. But then the monetary system had prostrated the commerce and manufactures of the country, which were the real causes of the greatness of England.—(Cheers.) The violent contraction of the currency since 1837 Was the cause of the present depression.—(Hear, hear.) In consequence of that contraction, here was nqt less than forty millions lost to the country, and the loss since that, in every year, was to be counted by tens of millions. —( Hear.) The blame lay with the management of the bank which contracted the currency and threw down prices for the purpose of keeping up the price of bank stock. He thou gl.t that the prosperity of commerce and manufacture was the best source of prosperity to agriculture. But this country never could prosper whilst the present mo netary system was continued. He wished that subject could be brought before the House fairly, and be fully discussed. He would be happy if the present state of the country would allow the Legislature to satisfy the wishes of the people by throwing open the trade in corn, but it was impossible to do so without an ameniiment the currency. Lord FITZGERALD said that any one who heard the forcible appeal of the Noble Lord on the depres , ed state of our commerce and manufactures, to vs hich, as he justly said, the country owed its greatness, would suppose that he was certainly not going to vote for the motion of the Noble Earl (Earl Stanhope).—( Hear, Kear, hear. ) 'Fite Noble Baron had explained that the deception of which he complained the other night was riot deception on the part of others, bet misapprehension on his own. His ( Lord Fitzge rald's) Noble Friends behind him did not separate themselves from the conduct of the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of her Majesty's Government. Had the principle of protection been abandoned ?—(•, Hear, hear," from the Duke of Wellington.) Would they not, before the close of the next twenty-four huurs, agree that the protection was maintained too high ?—( Hear.) Was it not known before the close of the last Session of Paella ment, that it was intended to make a considerable alteration of the present law ?—( Hear.) In the last Session of Parliament the Right Hen. Baronet was arraigned by the Member for the Tower Hamlets ( Sir W. Clay) with having said that he would not alter the figures of the scale in the schedule for the protection of corn. Sir Robert Peel on that occasion distinctly de clared that he was not pledged to maintain the scale with the same figures, but he would adhere to a liberal pro tection for agriculture. The Noble Lord then read other extracts from speeches of Sir R. Peel to the same effect. He (the Noble Lord) had not heard any argument against the Bill, except from those who wished to maintain the present law. All they said was, that it would adequately protect agri culture ; but this objection was already disposed of. He would not proceed further, nor should he have spoken so much, had it not been that he felt obliged to censure the language of tile Noble Earl against that man, than whom none had ever pos sessed in a greater degree the confidence of his Sovereign awl his country, and who would be the last person in the commu nity to introduce a political measure for the party and per sonal objects most unjustly attributed to him by the Noble Earl.--k Hear, hear.) Lord BEAUMONT opposed the Bill, and :Putted to the meetings is Lincolnshire, Essex, and Berkshire, as a proof of the general feeling of the agriculturists against the measure. The Bill would show that the first act of the Government was to amputate the right arm of those who had raised them to power. He thought they could not compete with the cheap labour of the Continent, and would not be able to meet them in the market. Then, in case of a war, what would be the conse • quence ? They would be like an army without a commissariat if they depended on foreigners for their supply. He would, therefore, lay down the broad principle, that on this account . they ought not to alter the law. They acted on this principle of not depending on foreigners in former times, and the con sequences were, that waste after waste was reclaimed, and a large part of the country was brought under cultivation. It was said that the manufactures of the country would be taken in exchange for corn, but the manufacturers themselves knew that the best customers they had were the agricultu rists. But was it a fact that other countries would take their manufactures ? He thought there was no ground for coming to such a conclusion. What was the fact? There was Russia, who imported a great deal less from this country than they did from Russia. Would Prussia, or rather would the League, take their manufactures ? He thought not. Neither would France. No, she would not ; and, in fact, it was natural that that should be the case. The Noble Lord went on to argue that the cause of the distress of the country was attri butable to the commercial operation of Joint-stock Banks and the increase of machinery, and concluded by saying, that taking the whole, or, as he might call them, the bouquet of measures presented to them by the Government, he considered them manly, straightforward, and impartial.—(Cheers.) Lord BROUGHAM said that he would not occupy much of their Lordships' time, but it was obvious that it was difficult for those Noble Lords who differed both from the Bill brought in by the Noble Lord, and the amendment proposed by the Noble Earl, to decide what course they were to adopt. The Noble Earl avowed his complete, entire, and uncompromising hostility to the measure ; and in what position was he (Lord Brougham) placed, who did not altogether agree with either of the Noble Lords ? He was reduced to the alternative of either wholly adopting the measure of the Noble Lord, or the amendment of the Noble Earl. He considered the Bill proposed a considerable change in the right direction, and he approved of it, by comparison with the ex isting law. He considered it an improvement—be would not exaggerate—he did not consider it a great improvement, but yet a considerable one, in the existing law, and he would tell their Lordships presently why he so considered it. Upon the whole, therefore, he was favourable to the existing law.—( Hear. ) But it did not go far enough, and he would, therefore, move, by way of amendment to the amendment of the Noble Earl, that which he considered to he the assertion of the right princi ple of legislation on the subject, namely, a total and absolute repeal of the Corn-lave.—( Hear, hear.) He would now state how far the present Bill was an improvement on the existing law. He did net think, that between the two extremes in the prices, the alteration was material. It did not appear to him to be a matter of much consequence that the duty of 20s. was substituted for the duty of 365. ; and the reason was obvious, because, whatever the price of wheat was abroad, whether it was 455. 6d. or 405., besides the freight, the duty of ` ) Osewould be as effectual in excluding foreign wheat as the present duty of 365. The effect was precisely the same if they took the highest price with the lowest duty, because the duty was t same. But the advantage of the proposed scale over the present was when the price was from 535. and 545. ti 645. and 65a. The Noble Lord then quoted the existing law, and went on to show how the present proposed scale was superior to the existing one. For those reasons, he thought that there was a consider able improvement in the proposed measure as compared with the existing law. He was also ready to admit that the change had. another advantage. To a certain degree the trafficking and jobbing in the averages would be less frequent, and that the temptations to such would be diminished. Upon the last of the material changes which the proposed measures would introduce, he was by no means certain that it, namely, the ad dition of 150 towns to those in which the averages were taken, would have the effect expected from it. He was very apprehensive that it would have a prejudicial effect, because, generally, those towns were in out-lying dis tricts, at a distance from the great internal corn marts. To carry corn from those districts to the corn marts would impose an additional expense, and consequently the grain, thus car ried a distance, would sell higher in those central places. Ac ...-... - The Earl of HARDWICKE defended Sir R. Peel from the charge of deception, and said that for his own part he would not support the measure if he were not perfectly convinced that it would have nb effeet'iii deteriorating agricultural pro duce.—( Repeated cheers and laughter on the Opposition benches.) What ! wbuld any man suppose that he would sup port the measure, if he thought it would have that effect ? ( Renewed cheers and laughter.) Their Lordships might re ject that Bill, but they could not prevent an alteration of the present law after the derision of the House of Commons and the majority of the nation. He was sure that the change would not depreciate agriculture, because, although the rate had been changed twenty-six times since the year 1660, and the duty had varied from 2s. to 305., the average price in that long period was 51s. Id. The existing Bill protected the farmers amply. The Bill pro posed only took away the surplus protection, which could be of no use to them—(Laughter)--for they could still sell cheaper than the speculator importing from Dantzic, paying duty ,and also for unloading, carting, and re-dressing. The protection for barley would be also sufficient. He would therefore support the Bill, because he believed it would give a fair protection to the agriculturist; but he would oppose an 81. fixed duty, be cause he believed it would not bo tenable in hard seasons. He considered the additional towns for taking the averages was a great improvement. With regard to the pith of the measure he said all he intended. With regard to the opinion out of doors, which had been alluded to by the Noble Earl, he ( Lord Hardwicke) would challenge him to prove them. No pro.. tection was given by the speech of the Noble Earl, and the present Government were so opposed to all class legislation, and so anxious to promote the general welfare of all, that the people of this country could not doubt that their best interests would be preserved. He believed the people of this country were honest and loyal enough to appreciate the value of the present Government, who set aside all class interests and looked alone to the general welfare of the people.—( Cheers. ) The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said he agreed with what had fallen from the Noble Ear! who commenced the debate, that this was the most important quest- ee-e• "" - t ienelingly, if they added all those remote pl aces to the Pr e ' c e li n s... ,umber the result, if grain was cheaper in the out-lyi tig e . leas than in the central places, would be, that the lo if the whole of the averages, two or three shilling s mon than they now are, would be confined, as they were , to the ci s'et.ralt. districts. The consequence of all this would be , tha t the 1 `" ,f importation would be postponed. It would becom e ifficult, by thus lowering the averages, to get at the point ,vhich our pors were opened. His Noble Friend oppos ire liought differently. It was possible that he (Lord BrougharG night be wrong. But some steps might be taken, some coils e teral provision made, whereby, after the e.xperimen t consequen t . 4 " on the passing into law of the proposed ram sure, they might b e 'nabled to ascertain the effect of adding the 150 towns ; and i its (Lord Brougham's) apprehensions were verified, the 7' could then strike out those towns from the Act. F' :, 'be reasons he had thus stated, he was strongly inclined •ac prefer the proposed measure to the present law. He wish ed o see the trade in corn thrown entirely open.. It would;be the safest course for all interests concerned. Yet as the pi , " -,used scheme was a modification of the evils of the eresent sys tem, he was prepared to support it. He should orefer sups ,erring the motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Meiliourne). He did not concur with those who thought the propos ed mese sure a final one ; but it was preferable to the existing LW , e s . it was a step on the right side. The best argumse st le • ,' favour of a final measure on the subject was tht";.• great uncertainty which resulted from the present Corn-la !Ist ind the unwillingness consequent upon it of capitalists to . 11 "; vest their capital in the purchase of land. In the island Jersey or Guernsey, or some of the Channel Islands, there w no Corn-law. The average price of wheat, during 10 years i that island, was 51s. and some odd pence. During the semi period the average price in this country , w i th a Corn-lawl , vas e ther 57s or sds., a difference of about 14 or 15' per'''. cent. The effect of throwing open the trade w o uld cheapen price of corn by about 2s. or 35. per quarter, but not more. The opinion of a Noble Lord who was connected with the county nE;:' Northampton (Earl Spencer), and who had given muck,: attention to the subject, was, that the total reeelw ' ,f the Corn-laws would not have any effect in lowering the price of corn. Why, then, it might be asked, was it relgh,„ to have the Corn-laws repealed? For this reas on—.it wesna hare a most beneficial effect on the agricultural interes t of country, by encouraging commerc., and restoring manu fa c turing, ' 7 as well as trading prosperity. It was for that reason the reel` , of the Corn laws was sought,'and not for any material lowe r • • of the price of corn which would result from i t . No essnOter" able increase would take place in the quantity of corn gle.vga" in any country, unless more land was brought into cultivateand in a country perfectly 'civilised ; in such countries •st the upper parts of the Ukraine, and the more remote parts • Russia, where the soil was covered with forest and heath, o n " where much skill and labour would be expended before the' land could be brought into cultivation—in such countries they. • would not bring more land into cultivation met ell v.; creating a fixed duty, instead of one according to a sitdirl scale—not by throwing open their ports.--( He did not mean to say that their improving their .r. mercial intercourse would not be of great benefit to God ferbid that they should not do so ; it wom'n of great benefit both to them and to us; but - did not believe that any great importation into this ea r , try would follow. Their population would increase , their CO*'Sio dition would improve, mid as their condition and ci re te e stances improved, they would desire an improvement in t„ 1 1 fare. If their Lordships wished any proof in support of e assertion he would refer them to Ireland. In the years Ler eo s 1834 to 1 836 the quantity of wheat exported from Irelandelp quarters, was 761,000 quarter and now that quantity was redtrew,e to 216,000 quarters, and he attributed this entirely to the inr e ,!- proved condition of our Irish fellow-subjects. They had he ;e a painful reason assigned by a Noble Friend of his as to the au 11 of the present distress. He said it was not owing to the of commerce or to agriculture, but to the state of the n .a ."'' rency. He said this distress had existed since 1837, hut since 1837? The standard wasrestored 20 years before th at, and surely he did not suppose that the Bank of England had the power to issue one note more than- was actually requir 411 commerce ; the moment the Bank over-issued, the note Ws' f be returned to them ; and they had in fact no more p owe l over-issuing than any private bank in the kingdom. IS Noble Friend said there was not a sufficient issue of bad paper. Would his Noble Friend have an issue of assigns?: such as took place during the French revolution , when,as ".* had heard, 500,000 francs were paid for a pair of gloves ? sorry to say that he believed his Noble Friend did agree with this' who were in favour of an unlimited issue of bank paper. It thought the total repeal of the Corn-laws was the only mare' suited to the present exigencies of the country ; if it -were ordf that it would settle this question even, and for ever, he thoug hi .. . . that would be a sufficient reason ; but that it would rest or e the state of commerce to its original healthy condition , and 7„, establish the advantageous footing in which we have h ither r , stood with foreign countries, he entertained no more dose', tbs than he did upon the clearest proposition. He had heard assertion made again to-night, that if the price of bread tree,e7 . low, wages would fall with it. Need he remind te"",,..', Lordships of the fallacy of this statement? Bo 170, price of provisions high or low, the wages of every eal. labour must depend upon the amount which he has to into the market, and the demand which the employersmayn r o - pe for it. The more difficult it was to obtain food, the higher i oe price of food—the greater the quantity. of labour whinb ee s working man must give for it. In America , where food which than in this country, in the proportion of 2 s. to don, labour was dearer in the proportion of a dollar to 2s. Th e Teie,S.' was answered, on the other side, that the lower rate of segos this country was occasioned by over population. But diu_e4:l that decide the question ? Was it not conclusive that thew of labour depended on the proportion of the demand to th e supply, and in nothing else. Although he approved ef measure, as contrasted with the former state of the law , e there was another measure which he preferred. He 0 1 00 ,- support the amendment, if he could not carry Hsi) ee' amendment, which he would now propose—f. 41,0 to the effect that all the words after the word " tb should be omitted for the purpose of inserting the folloseingC, " No duty on the importation of foreign corn of any scription." The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said, that it was irregular. propose any amendment, which involved a general proposlee". after an amendment. After a discussion upon the point of ord er, in which 1•914_,,e, Kenyon, the Earl of F,ipon, and Lord Canterbury took Pei;, Lord BROUGHAM said that ho had looked to al s o. which he found that it was the practice of bot h Houses o f j e st ; nutrient that the question stoma U be taken - first upon '' amendment. botb , Lord CANTERBURY said that the usage Houses was, that it should first be put that the words W'e),-.e to be omitted should " stand part of the question."—( ll.r. or r The LORD CHANCELLOR was then about to put question, when Earl FITZ WILLIAM was desirous to address a few 11 '1.4 to the House before their Lordships divided. He did D ot W a g prove of the present Bill, but it carried in itself the seerl, . future amendment ; and it was also a most desirable ellecToe , to enable us to get rid of the exist:rig cumbersome -_O4 Therefore he would vote for the second reading of the Bill, and, on the whole, he felt grateful te + 13 1. 0 0, nist, y that bad ventured into the gap their prens‘7,ols had opened for them. This Bill was a step in advance te;,7,0, a final settlement of the question, which was free trade to e . t ee which, though not a protective system, would yet bele_e_6o, revenue. Reserving to himself the right of future he would vote for the motion.—( Question.) Pl°° Lord MELBOURNE could not approve of the princl 0•17 the provisions of the Bill, but he thought it to be a gr 4 for provement of the present law, an f therefore he should se' lo 0, the second reading. He regarded it as an introduction - better measure ; to be introduced hereafter. P rt The House then divided on the original motion, au'„ Stanhope's amendment for the second reading that u s ' ;'; months. The numbers were— a 1 1 ' Contents ...... Nen- Contents Majority against Lord Stanhope's amendment --;,600 The House a 7econd time divided on the original te e fes and Lord Brougham's amendment for the total rep esll" Corn laws. The numbers were— Contents Non-contents ~ 109 6 0 4 labf Majority tor the second reading The Bill was then read a second time, and order committed to-morrow. Their Lordships immediately after adjourned, at s past Twelve o'Clock. HOUSE OF COMM 18. COMMONS, April • foot The SPEAKER took the Chair at a few minutes bef ell o'Clock. LONGFORD ELECTION COMMITTE'„gO:I Lord ASHLEY brought up the Report of the Se` e ,:earee mittee appointed to try the petition against the lat e ' rene a Member to serve for the county of Longford in thLP, air j Parliament. It stated that Luke White, Esq., wge 100 returned ; and that Antony Lefroy, Esq., was dull g' that. borough. eta r." The Clerk of the Crown was ordered to amend thtV * CARDIGAN ELECrioN COMMITTEEI 4 vi- o f Mr. HAYTER brought up the Report of the Se' e re ttitte mittee, appointed to try the petition against the lat e TheLif a Member to represent the borough of Cardigan'. oot 1 510 port was to the effect, that Fryce Pryce, Esq., ut ni eetL," elected to represent the borough in the present Per" e , g ie that J. Harford had been duly elected, and ought to P ho ro d returned as a burgess to serve in the Parliament for the_eterg' The Clerk of the Crown was ordered to amend the to IPSWICH ELECTION COMMITTES'O.of Mr. PAKINGTON stated that, as the Chaire' t ittoes . ...,ife Committee appointed to try the Ipswich Election had been directed by the Committee to report to. that they had that day come to the following solved, that Obadiah Lucas has been wilfully g uilty ei t e; t l o v it evidence in his examination before the Cein ini be eg g e . solved that the said Obadiah Lucas be committed to t floor f the ,rt of the Sergeant-at- Arms, to await the pleasure nee- p eer resoluti9 i g i o jt v : He (Mr. Pakington) then moved, pursuant to the ot os the Committee, that Obadiah Lucas be, for the.„ ga t be • } !.kor committed to her Majesty's gaol of Newgate , Sr" may make a further order in his case, and that ' vrot should issue his warrant accordingly.—Agreed toe is th i e nr ar Mr. HARDY presented a petition from a plae:t,aeu r Riding of Yorkshire against the New Poor-law A"" „ to ie ing for a re-enactment of the old measure. at $ Pa tits" Mr. BLACKSTONE presented a petition fr°_„A), br a against the New Corn Bill (as we understff;.eirroo part of the tariff which related to the important% ) ul t i t ienZ t ional. Sir ROBERT BATESON presented PI, of place in the county of Derry, against the 515te ati i; Education in Ireland. tS ,g • Lord DALMENY presented a petition from the Income-tax proposed by the G ov ernment- Mr. W. PATTEN presented a petition fro boot sod against the tariff, fr e t th e - fattir. Mr. JOHNSTONE presented a petition fre tio o of shoe makers of Glasgow, against the import.% 1 40, boots and shoes. Mr. WAKLEY presented a similar P tingham. r,atEl. • G10g, 4 , p lace pe tition from OLL pr E e G se E ntod oF a Sir R. INGLIS C p on ,i cciterchir ' Colleg e ' . e, against the grant to hlaynooth INCOME TAX. '6 n from Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFO D presented a p eti__ o 8 , 0 the inhabitants of Littlehoroughrt parish of Rochdale, y el _.,. d vicinity. These petitioners state that the y have patien_ier they CO ured the effecto of class le islation ; that Letiti from A . violation of the princi les ofgthe Constitution to enh l ! li ' 4 price of breadwithout P. at they view. increasing wage s ; th 0 , 10 0 , income tax as unjust in pri tour'pie and a taz upon pr ~ and therefore pray your House eject the measure. L••• A similar petition waspresented by Mr. WAKLEY Irani ~.,31 Austle, in Cornwall. 8 1 1 Mr. BECKETT presented a Pe the s igned bY eitors of Leeds, praying for relief from the aertificate duty. ~, was equivalent to an income tax .... , Mr. COLVILLE presented a similar petition from Veined Mr . BAGGE presented petition . a against the impoetsoe°;7 ..a foreign cattle. Mr. WAKLEYpresente d • ' from blr• Join. , - /.5 a petition Brown, aagainst the Brighton SOT surgeon, of Brighton , Debts Bill. in 4; S ' The Hon. MEMBKR presented a petition from Mr. , i a dale, praying that declarations m •all sbe substigg"-- ay io Cade -!s for oaths. • Ai 'Jow l ' Mr. MACKINNON resented a petition froM an in—f _;,i whOse name did not reach us, r..-ing that the beatin# ' l . l ventilating the House of CorLnPns)inight be •iven to hinir'' lie would .doit at a cheaper rate than it is at present done. 000 Lord F. EGERTON presented a petition, signed b 1 le' F 14. 1 . t; klk Üb e 4,1' 4 "'Alt tl .14:2 itilP Ptt il .4l C 4e d I • ~'•r • 4 ! 4 „ 44 kmet jdera Zfro iCbSt t