The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-19 00:00:00

THE StTN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 19 1842 th great ability and talent. There are two arguments hich those persons make use of, to which every defer ice ought to be paid. The first is whether a change the law may not be prejudicial to the agriculturists ; id the second, whether there may not be some claims i their part, for which they are entitled to com eisation. These are fair considerations for those ho call for a total repeal—but they have not Trlooked those claims.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") hose who advocate a total repeal are represented as olent, but they have the highest authority to justify them their views.—(Hear, hear.) The first authority I ill produce is that of a statesman, such as I would wish see in this country at the present day, and who as eminent for talent and for character, i an r c t l i r everything that could create respect. I mean ranville.—(Hear, hear.) If all those evils which l on. antlemen predict would be the result of a repeal ose laws, they must have been perceived by him. s id in 1815, "1 object to any such law f (the Cor- Corn-law) insepassed. The great practical rule s freedomo to the tr a aSe p culiarly, and on stronger He says, further, " That the in rn, than to any other." nefits expected from the law could only have the Oct of giving a bounty to the grower of corn, t you cannot do that without levying a tax on consu mer."—(Hear.) S uch was- Lord Granville's inion in 1815. In 1820 we had the principal mer ants in London, and some of the most cautious and lculating me n Or business, presenting a petition this House on the subject, and when they did so ey did not think they were endangering the pital and interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) tat was a petition agreed to at a meeting in the City of sndon, by some of the most respectable merchants, and 'esented to that House. There was a Report drawn ) the year after the petition had been presented, to hich he should next refer. The Committee who drew ) that Report referred to two periods ; the one when gislation of all kinds had been resorted to in order to iprove the value of agricultural produce, the other when imperatively speaking, the trade was less free. The .st period was from the beginning of the last century the year 1773 ; the other from the year 1773 to the !ax 1791, when the trade was under restrictiens. The immittee said that " they could not contrast the cir imstances during the two periods, during the first which there was a comparative stagnation agriculture, while during the second there as a comparative growth and improvement, without )knowledging that protection did not promote the in rests of agriculture." That was the opinion of a body men strongly interested in maintaining a protective stem if it could benefit themselves. The Committee !nt on to say that " they doubted whether the best undation for agricultural prosperity did not consist an abstinence, on the part of the Legisla re, from any interference with the trade in corn." to next authority to which I shall refer for an aboli n of all protection to agriculture, is that of some ricultural proprietors 'themselves ; and I beg to to that some of the most estimable, the most elligent, and experienced proprietors, who have -en the most attention to agriculture as a science, flare that they disapprove of all protection. notes those are some of the the largest of our landed iprietors, Earl Spenser, Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Lei ;ter, and others—all men of the greatest property in a country. All of them denounce the system of protec t as unfavourable to the prosperity of agriculture. There no public meeting held in this country or in Scotland which some occupier of land does not come forward, d declare that his interest is directly opposed to the sent system, and that he asks for nothing better than perfectly free trade That has been the case the last ten years. I have recently read veral speeches to that effect, and many farmers to have given their evidence before a Committee of the ruse o:COMMOIV, have expressed the same Opinions. -an only say, that in a very extensive correspondence th which the people have favoured me in consequence the course I have taken on this subject, I have found e who have written with such bitterness against the .1-laws as the farmers.—(Hear.) And when country .alemen commit their thoughts to paper, they are illy worth con,idering. in some of these letters they 1 me that they consider the people have acted most -tuously, in suffering the imposition of the Corn-laws long as they have.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I will refer an authority, which I have no doubt is known :to the ght Hon. Bart., the Member for Dorchester. I will refer a work written by a Cumberland Landowner.—(Hear, tr.) lie invites the attention of the landed interest to ) facts he states. 3:r J. GRAHAM—It is not my work.—(A laugh.) slr. VILLIERS—I know that the Right Hon. Baro ; is not the author, but lie is acquainted with him. at person states that he has no interest to gra y, that he has no wish in what he states but • lore of truth ; and his firm opinion is, that free trade in corn is for the real interest of ) landowner, and was the only safe policy to be opted by the State, because the more prosperous the ()plc the greater would be the rent-rolls of the land els. Another publication to which I will refer is one ,m a landowner in Surrey ; he states that the landowners the only persons benetitted by the tax; that it presses avily on the labourer ; and he comes to the conclusion at the abolition entirely of the Corn-laws is a measure it oily of justice but of necessity. _He states that he is mself the owner of a large quantity of land, and that feels sure that not an acre of it would be rendered;useless y throwing open the trade in corn, because its effect dl be given as a stimulus to labour. The more it is intended that corn is cheap when the ports are opened, e m')re they prove what a nuisance the present Corn ays are. 1 will now quote another landowner in the ace which I represent. lie has given a most cautious insideration to the subject, and his conclusion is, that they had a free trade in corn, wheat would be sold from 455. to 48s. He says he entertained no appre )nsions for our home agriculture, and, in conclusion, ys there would be a larger consumption, and a larger mend for such articles as milk, butter, and meat, a necessary consequence of the population in- Asing and heifer" well employed, and that the pre it law, instead of being a benefit, is of infinite ,chief to agriculture. I might, Sir, quote many her authorities, persons who have given much ought to this subject, and aho are not connected th agriculture. But I will refer only to two, because ay have been quoted as authorities by the Right :mow-able Baronet opposite ; indeed, I my-self, as )11 as the Right Honourable Baronet, have often ed them. They are Mr. M'Culloch and Mr. Tooke. am not going to quote them for all their opinions, but it for those arguments which I want to prove— aughter)—that nothing is to be feared for agriculture on a total repeal of these laws. Mr. M'Culloch says, rho truth is, agriculture has nothing to fear from a sal abandonment and repeal of the Corn-laws ; will not throw an acre of land out of culti- Lion, and will not sensibly affect rents." nother writer, whom I believe the Right Hon. Baronet ill regard as an authority on this question, Mr. Tooke, ys, " If there was a perfect free-trade in corn there ould be a range of prices of about 455. a quarter for heat, which forms no just cause for apprehending a minution of arable land, unless, indeed, it should, front n) increase of the population, be applied to more rofitable purposes; but even if this should be the case, ferias no excuse for perpetuating in the country II the evils of the present system." What the light Hon. Baronet q uo t e d Mr. M'Culloch for -as to prove there might be danger in repealing the iws, inasmuch as the seasons are very similar 11 over the world. Mr. M'Culloch says : No one is more alive to the circumstance that be veen certain degrees of longitude and latitude xtending over the Continent of Europe there is prevalence of weather of the same character, whes icr it be propitious or unpropitious."—(Hear, hear.) lut this, instead of being an argument against free trade, lan argument in favour of it. It shows us that we ught to extend the radius of our supply from lie neighbouring Continent to Egypt and the Medi- Tranean in one direction, and to America in ie other.—(Hear, hear.) Our taking that advice would ready mitigate the evil of unfavourable seasons. — :fear, hear.) These theoretical writers put corn ; between 40s. and 455. as the probable price, and they eve supposed that, under those circumstances, the agri ilturist would sutler little injury. But, Sir, let us look to Le evidence of practical men, of the agriculturists them- Ives. Before the Committee of this House, in 1836, Mr. homas Bennet was examined. Being asked by Sir James " What would you expect for prices for ▪ next seven years ?" he answered, "If I was Ding to take a. farm myself, I would not expect wheat e be more than 455. He was then asked " Will the snants of the Duke of Bedford, who have lately taken he farms you had, be able to pay, the rent at 453. the uarter ?" Answer, " I believe they will."—(Hear.) Sir R. PEEL—Under the present Corn-law? Mr. VILLIERS—Yes ; and I read those extracts o show that the total abolition of the Corn- laws voiild not bring wheat lower than what men of !xperience, and practical agriculturists, consider a 'easonable price under the present law.—(Hear, hear.) Another question put to the witness referred to barley, and another to Scotch mutton, and his answer was, " The erices of all these are regulated by the demand of the nanufacturers."—(Hear.) Here is the evidence of prac ical agriculturists, that there is no danger to agri culture in the repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Cries of Hear, hear.") Sir, that is the case which I in favour of my motion, that the ir trade in food should be 7ree.—(Hear, hear.) But, t m there is another argu ment offered on the other s side, that there are ex clusive burthens on the giving exclusive lands which justify the it an Legislature in t protection.—(Hear.) ground s [ say these are no for the boe the f the rS' o rn-laws. The Right H un. personification of the landed interest of this country. I t believe there is no person i n w h om t h ey 'place much implicit confidence as they do in the Right Honourable Baronet, and he said that f the malt tax were left, and if there was a reas, , nAble :ortlinutation of tithe, the repeal of the Corn-laws s'muld ie opposed by Cie u;e of Commons. A large portion of he public right.; have been cast upon these measures. It s said, that if the Corn-laws were repealed the people vould be relieved from other burthens too. But I want o know, does any person dispute that in consequence of he malt-tax the pe o p le are not obli g ed to pay or their beer; so in th e same wa y , in conse q uence of the a re obliged to pay more for their 7orn-laws, they ed ? I contend that there is no local charge that is lot made fbrlocal purposes ; and I am sure the charge s are wade fur the benefit of those who arc liable to them—. ighway rates, police rates, and all other public charges ire imposed for the benefit of those who pay them. I relieve that my own constituents pay 1,200/. a-year for inch charges, and a.l to tithes, I believe it is the fact that 114 0 1 44 k soroprietors of the county are the owners of at 7:Zrfourth of the tithe of this county.—(Hear.) entitie&tot%lne you must either admit that you are not p a eAsation, or else how that you are ; and y • u o s tic l o9 o rov re t - ; ia ntitl e d to coimpenSation, it is then na i nst eles su - vroptn. Lt n lie. compensation proi osed is tthe biirthens said to be endured by the landedi interest. I have heard something said about protection. The Right Honour- 1 spected suc h arg uments, he condemned those speeches NvWcii able Baronet talked of the necessity of protection to had neither moderation for their means , nor he believed, what he at one time called the domestic interests of the justice u time the native industry of th e for their object. Ha contended that the great object country ; another Corn country ; and agai n, the great interest of the laws, to secure a lower rate of wages, adducing as an authority , Mr. G. F. Young, and another Hon. Member of that House. country. We ought to know what this protection 1 111 r. Young stated that he had conversed much with manutac means, whether it is indemnity, or the support of a sys tem which cannot support itself. I think it is incum- tutors on this point, and he had been told that 19-20ths of that class had this object in view. The question for the bent on you to show, that if they are entitled to indem- people was, whether they would have a moderately high rate nity, that that indemnity is just. Protection ought of prices and high wages, or low prices and low wages. The to be universal in its application ; bat to pro- Noble Lord also read an extract from a work by Lord Fitz tect the landed proprietor, and not to protect the william, which he considered bore out the same view of the labourer, is sheer injustice. Y ou d o no t a tt emp t t o p ro - subject. He would refer to one more case - that of two cities tect the labourer from the improvements in machinery. on the Continent, Warsaw and Amsterdam. lve In kththee former Why, then, seek to pr o t ec t th e l an dh o ld er ? Why i c n itJ, e t l h a e sses prie w e ere of gceo rnner 1 1 as v n ery a owr,y ile l seek to prevent the co mmun it y f rom o bt a i n i ng their w h ereas in Amsterdam,a i di where y the price stressed state; of corn was high, ) food from better s oil s th an you yourse l ves p os s e ss ? the labourers and their families were comfortably fed and I was looking the other day into Humboldt's Travels, clothed. Now, such being the case, he (Lord Mahon) wished where it is mentioned that persons who had been in the to know how the theory of the Hon. Gentlemen opposite could habit for two centuries of carrying people across the be supported?; He believed the supply of corn should be sup. Andes on their backs, had petitioned the Parliament plemental and subsidiary. He was much surprised to hear the Praying against the roads which were being constructed statement of the Noble Lord the late Colonial Secretary, on the across the mountains. I shall now refer to an extraor- subject. The Noble Lord said, that if we were depend nt on f h oreign Binary argument brought forward the other night by the s c . o o u u n i t ( r i ie n s ot for a d supply t o u f b be cotton, independent lhat w as sf no themreason regarded " . y e Member for Kent ;it was, that the landholders of the n corn. But en if e i a t ve w u e r re a disadvantage to be & pendent on country paid by far the largest proportion of the taxes. corn. for cotton, would it not also be a disadvantage to have to Before I enter into that, I must call the attention ofthe depend on them for corn?-( Hear, hear ) We ought, then, House to the petition of a labouring man, who sets forth to aim at independence. The Noble Lord, the late Secretary what share of the taxes he bears. The petitioner is Win. for Foreign Affairs, said this was a childish idea. He talked Black : he says he uses per week 2oz. of tea, 2oz. of of the rich productions of other countries, and then asked coffee, Boz. of sugar, Boz. of butter, quarter's of brandy ; why should our miserable laws stand between our people and the the price of these articles, without the Custom-house and bounty of Providence ?- ( Hear, hear.) Th'larigu t a h g e e might ihle Excise duty, would be 2s. 44d. ; they do cost him, how- do very well for other h Members ; butho se w ale could - ? (Ilear,hear) ever, 7s. 7id., being for taxes ss. 3d. a-week, or 131. 13s. -for surely after ta a i l k l inf is t a u r s, h v m ot e e ut o s r a sliding pliedas much to a fi xed 6d. a- year ; and this man receives only 1 ls. a-week.- t dut a slidin g g scale. " ( Cries of " Hear, hear.") These are articles of almost necessary consumption On y referring to an annual register he would find that the for a working man, and when we see what he pays, duty, byhis'Right 78/. per cent. taxes, let us hardly hear that the ilon so . Friend, much as higher pro ,than p ose a that proposed by the Duknowe proposed of Wellingtons Ca landowners. pay the largest proportion of the taxes binet at the beginning of the year 1828 ; and if he carried his of this country.. My object in bringing this inquiries further, he would find, however incredulously he before the House, is to show that there is no ground for might rub his eyes, that Lord Viscount Palmers t on was a that statement. This question has been argued before member of that Cahine'. It might have been supposed that .he House very fallaciously ; it has been argued as he would not e n o t n s t n i n farue i fr n orn a C th a a b t in h e e t in v:h g tt fact,cou ldderorpeotisreentsueenht owners. - (Hear, hear, hear.) I have brought 1 a question between the manufacturers and the land oafmtLasuliole;ale h Loid took place some weeks afterwards, and on ! an entirely different question.-("Hear, hear," from the Minis forward this motion many times, but I never terial benches.) Much had been said with respect to depend considered it as a question between those parties. It I ante on foreign supply. He would advert to two instances in has been computed that there are 30,000 landowners in which such dependence might have led to the most serious con• thiscountry, and 14,000,000 acres of land, and they are to sequences. First, there was the formidable confederacy of , maintain that against the interests of the whole community. . European nations to which England was exposed at the time 'lt cannot be contended that the farmers are more into- when Napolean was threatening her with invasion. What rested in the continuance of the present law would have been the result had England then been dependent than any other classes of society. There is the lon France, or any other Continental nation for a supply of same competition amongst them as in the various corn ? Why, even the spirit of the English people, howeverpeenoapbllee,dtihes to trades of this country, and their profit., therefore, are outcourageous aa7nnsdt the determined, confederacy wuuld not which then existed.-( Hear, hear.) It was well known that two years ago the Government subject to the same influence. The Right 110 hold ' Pourable Baronet said that this was a labourer's ques- of France found itself opposed to the Government of this tion. I agree with him in that, and I regret that country with respect to the affairs of Syria. If, then, France, the labourers do not see their own interest in reference when placed in hostility to the other nations of Europe, had to this question. There is no class who have so great been dependent for her supply of food on any other coun an interest in having food cheap as the labourers try, would France have been able to place herself in the of this country.-(Hear, hear.) Every one knows isolated position she had done, and which she considered to be that the labourers of the United States are in a better consistent with, and due to her honour and dignity ?-( Hear. ) condition than those of England. And why ? Be- Many countries would be disposed, by the price of corn in Erg cause there food is cheap. Food being cheap they land, to part w ith th esiraot stated this own harvests ison the ho and authority themselves t t o , on n need not work much, and there is plenty of employment. in f erior gra r statedf the lo i grain. He t olton, who in one of his reports y that the If food were plentiful here, it would be pre- Member fo Tuscan States would very probably send the whole of the wheat cisely the same as though so much land were groan in that country to England. and that their own popula added to the country ; and if land were cheap and plenti- tion would be fed OM corn imported from the Enxine. s it also ful, no one would doubt that the labourers of this country appeared from the report of one of our diplomatic agents in would be as well off as those of the United States. Sup- Italy that if the English Corn-laws were repealed, the cultiva pose a new island were to rise up in our Channel, and tion of wheat in the Menial States would be considerably in numbers flocked to it for the purpose of producing food, creased. Thus it was impossible to foresee the amount of corn would not the effect be to better the condition of all petition to which the British farmer would be exposed. in the classes, the produce of the island being exchanged f or year 1830, a h'gh authority, Sir Hen h ry Parnell, c hat: , said that the necessaries and comforts of life ? (hear, hear.) in his Canning came 100 e s. to w , a ie s a li w ot it t h oo th h e ig co a r price law Corn-laws, s,ohre c or n . that There is an argument that labourers will be thrown. out m of employment by the repeal of the Corn-laws, but all 60s. was a m fa g ir e p a Tice, and that opinion was adopted by the Duke of Wellington and the present Administration. this is very vague. I have already quoted authorities to There could be no doubt that a fair remunernation would be given to the show that no land would be thrown out of tillage. The farmer, and no more. Mr. Sander', of the Manchester Chamber Right lion. Baronet said the other night that the value of Commerce said that the rate of freight for corn from the of the produce of this country was immense, and that we Continent would be from 3s. to 45., and the rate from Ireland ought to be careful how we dealt with so vast an in- to London was higher. This was the opinion of a member terest. Now there were 14 millions of arable land in the of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce. It was therefore hontH thoughttoni tie scale t t 0 proposed th c, toahnneedi conciliation. indispensably necessary that agriculture should have protee. country, which consumes 22 millions of quarters of wheat, and I think that no more than two, or at the utmost four tion. He as th f ou l feht d the u received by b eg ) , a a ll e as a m i e s as p ure millions would be introduced from a!aroad if you make a ! i t: vi ro o nit h w e change. To be sure the people would eat a great , , 1 thought i t was better for the agricultural interest to have a : less amount of protection - with the consent o f a ll part i es , t h an deal more bread, if, through having more emi to}-merit, they were able to raise the standard of livin g . But I main- . to struggle for a hieh prote c ti o n ag a i nst th e commun i ty. fain that it will be quite impossible to displace much land -(Hear, hear.) With regard to the manu f ac t ur i ng c l asses, in this country. If manufactures should revive, if the ; he thought the proposed measure would be received by them people are more fully employed, and if the island las one of conciliation. B u t h e w ou ld express hi s h ope flourishes, how can you keep down the valise of that while the agriculturists were willing to meet them in land ? You can only do it by a sliding seale-(Hear, this spirit of conciliation that the manufacturing classes would hear, and cheers)-or by oppression, driving the capital come forward with a similar di s position.-( Hear, h ea r.) H e out of the country, having to support the people yourselys s. trusted that they would be impressed with the emphatic words of Curran, who said, that i n th e cours e o f hi s lif e h e h a d seen But if the people have fair play, who should have so that agitation had made many rich me n p oo r, b u t neve r a po o r much reason to be satisfied as the owner of the soil ? • , man rich. He did not mean to say that the motion of the On the other hand, consider what you jeopardise Hon. Member for Wolverhampton was founded on agitation ; by your present conduct. You hazard the esti- ' i but they had had annual motions for vote by ballot.-(Loud mation of your countrymen, you endanger the public cheers from the Opposition.) They had also had motions institutions, you force the people to become politicians, for removing the Bishops from the House of Lords. - (Conti. and compel them and the middle classes to think that nued cheers from the Oppositim.) Bnt he would say without the present system is maintained for the benefit of the i any disrespect to any Hon. Gentleman opposite, whom, he majority of the Legislature. You talk of the multitudes of doubted not, acted conscientiously in advocating these subjects, 1 1 people that would be sacrificed by a repeal of the Corn-laws. but he felt assured that it would be a long time before they But really I think the community would not object to , saw either the removal of the Bishops or the Vote by Ballot. Mr. ELPHINSTONE,_ who was at first . inaudible . in the compensation to those who might really suffer. I say now, 1 gallery, said th e only object fir which protection was given to as I said on the question of the import duties, that you : will always have new c l a i mants ; indeed, you have claim- landowner was, that they were subject to burthens wh i ch \ the other members of the community were not. The rates ants now who were not born when the law passed in 1815. i usually levied were the poor-rate, the county-rate, and the Then with respect to its giving employment to the poor, I land-rate. Now, with regard to the poor-rate and the county the abolition of monastic institutions was resisted by I rate, it was well known that all property beneficially occupied the same argument ; it was asked what was to be was subject to these rates, and therefore the landowners only done for the relief of the poor if they were abo- paid their fair proportion of taxes. Now, for instance, he lished.-(Hear.) Why that argument was thus met j would take a certain parish in which many Hon. Members resided, viz., the parish of St. George s, Hanover-square. by providing for their support, and the Poor-laws sprung Ile found that in the last year the rates in that up in consequence.-(Cheers.) But the agricultural parish amounted to 37,000/ , of which they expended districts do not afford constant employment for the poor.` ) 1 ,0001. in the relief of the poor, and the remaining 21,0001. According to the last census, 350,000 persons born in the were handed over to the county gentlemen to pay their county agricultural districts, found employment in towns, so that if rates. With regard to the highway rates, it was well known were riot for manufactures those people would have been that the inhabitants of towns and the inhabitants of villages thrown back for support upon the agricultural distrcts, ' raid very large sums in re i sair:ng their own highways and therefore the system does not give constant i streets, as well as the landed proprietors. He found that in employment.-(Hear, hear.) I shall now conclude, 1 the parish of St. GeorgeN, Hanover-square, they paid no leaving the Hommaable Gentleman who follows me less a sum than 25,0001. in repaving the streets; and these two to furnish information on the working of these I SUMS were larger than the county-rates put together. Now, laws. I oppose them because I consider them h e wished to see upon what this claim of protection was wholly unsuited to the present state of society. founded; interest because er h e la t h o e u r f e h b t io h r e s tcoou theld show s tate t o the lla House the landed , hear. ) I think that we can obtain a sufficient amount of sub- When these taxes w e wer rg efirst imposed in 1793, they were er put on sistence by exchanging our manufactured products in this way--namely, that the rates should be from one shilling for the agricultural products of other co un tri es , and that to four shillings in the pound in proportion to the rental any measure which prevents that, acts injuriously on our of the country.-( Hear, hear.) It was then estimated commerce. I therefore move that these duties be now i that the rental of the country was 10,000,0001., and repealed. When I say now, I mean to mark my opinion the produce of the tax was 2,000,000/., but land shortly after that there is no ground for their continuance, and that wards greatly increased in value, in consequence of the trade no interest would suffer by their repeal ; and to show and commerce of the country increasing, and the landed in• that my opinion coincides with that of the peti- terests then pressed Parliament to pass an Act, making the tioners to this House, for the total and imme- it can be shown that land- tax then levied perpetual, so th a t w hil e th e ren t a l o f t h e Blatt, repeal. Of course, if country increased from ten to f or ty m illi ons , the land-tax re mained. Thus were the landed interests indebted to the public any great injury would be inflicted by their sudden to the amount of about 8,000,0001. Then, with respect to the change, there can be no objection to postponing their legacy duty, it was well known that on the decease of any per repeal for a short time ; but when we see the resistance son, personal property was heavily taxed, and produced a large that is made to every kind of change, however gradual, I revenue to the country. It was estimated that if real property I think the people would be justly chargeable with was subject to the same duty as personal property, the neglect of their own interest if they did not insist revenue would be increased no less than 1,000,000/. on immediate justice being done to them ; and 1 a-year, so that these two taxes taken together, hope that all gentlemen who think that the law caused the landed interest to be indebted to the ought ultimately to be repealed, however they may ditrer country in the sum of nitre millions sterling.-( Hear, with me as to the question of immediate repeal, will vote hear.) He had taken the trouble to look through tarious for my n. taxes winch had been repealed since the year 1815. H e f oun d motion. Mr. OSWALD said that, in rising to address the House, that certain taxes had been repeal e d, whi c h w h en l ev i e d p resse d only on the landed gentry, while the aggregate of taxes pressed he did not hope to say an ythi ng th a t m i g ht no t b e b e tt er i on the other classes of the community. Those taxes repealed said by some other Member, but when the House con- amounted to no less a sum than 995,0001. p er annum, so that \ 1 sidered the importance of the subject, he trusted it would with thi s sum a dd e d t o th e ot h er t h e land ed gentry had con form his apology fur trespassing upon its a tt en ti on . H e tr i ve d to k eep ten m i ll i ons of money in their pockets, while the would, however, he prevented from addressing them at . remainder of the public were paying heavier taxes than for much length,%fier the luminous anddetailed speech in which the I utterly. But even supposing there tray be some ground for Hon. Member, who had just sat down, addressed them.- ! protection to the landowner, in consequence of corn coming ( Hear, hear.) He rose for the purpose of protesting i from other countries, they had protection in this way-if they against the new and crude scale of the Right Honourable ' admitted three bushels of corn he believed the estimated expenses Gentleman opposite, and recording iris opinion against would he from 6s. to 75.; but three bushels of corn were grown the Corn, and all other laws which fettered the free ,on every acre of land, and thus would they have a protection importation of grain.-( Hear, hear.) He considered it be- 1 of nezrly a guinea imposed on every acre of land, and he (Mr. yond human power to legislate on the subject.-( Hear, hear.) ' Elphinstone) thought that was sufficient protection. But thi s All attempts to do so had hitherto failed,and he believed that the subject was inquired into in a Committee on agricultural dis plan of the Right Hon. Baronet would fail also. He (Mr. tress, when every witness was cross-examined as to the nature Oswald) stood on the broad ground that no one class of the of the burdens imposed on the landholder. The only answers community had a right to place burdens on the other classes were-" You ought to repeal the window tax and the riding for its own individual aggrandisement.-( Cheers.) Any such horse duty, and if these two taxes were repealed, it would proceeding he held to be unjust, and as impolitic as it was , afford a great protection to the landed interest." One great ob jection to any tax on corn was, that it pressed heavily on the unjust.-(Hear, hear.) Monopoly was the robbing of the many for the benefit of the few-(Cheers)-and he believed t poor, and was not felt by the rich. Take the case of an that in the end those who enjoyed undue advantage over the i agricultural labourer in the country round Hertford (as we un other classes would not gain by, it. It was as impolitic ; derstood), whose income was about 261. a year. Suppose for those who gained as for those who suffered to 1 the man had a wife and four children. The price of the 41b. maintain the present law. - (Hear, hear.) He be- loaf in this country was 9d., and 6d. on the Continent; that is lieved that all the Acts passed, as it was said, for the to say, on every 41b. of bread that is consumed by the egricul protection of corn, had ended in disappointment, and he be- tural labourer, 3d. is to be paid to the landowner. The la lieved that the plan of the Bight Hon. Baronet would meet bouring man and his family consumed 41bs. of bread every day with the same fate. He believed it would grievously disap- in the year, at least they ought to do so, and thus the tax paid point the landowners, while it would continue to inflict great to the landowner of this country by the poor man amounted to ' evils, and losses, and misery, upon the mercantile and mann- 31. or 41., or 171. per cent. on his income. The Noble Lord facturing interests of the country.-(Hear, hear.) He had who had just sat down had introduced the subject of wages, and heard many landed proprietors regret the extent to whi c h th e expressed an opinion founded on mistake, for he (Mr. Elphin manufactures of 'this country had arrived. He had heard stone) believed that wages in no way depended on the price of the same party declare their belief that the people of Great food, but depended a l one on t h e d emand and - supply Britain enjoyed more comfort and more happiness before the of labour. For example, he would take the case of Ante extension of our commercial and manufacturing system. He rica ar.d Irel an d. I n I re l and provisions were very believed those individuals weresincere in those statements • b u t dear, and the wage s o f l a b our at almost the lowest point at it was scarcely necessary to state to that House that they drew which life could be supported. They had evidence that wages their conclusions from false premises, and with a total igno- were so low that the manufacturing popoulation in the north of ranee of the facts. Besides, the question was not now whether Ireland were so reduced that many of them had been known to this country was to become a great commercial nation-the go to the starch manufactories and devour the refuse which question was, whether, being already the greatest commerc i a l was th ro wn away in this and other countries when provisions and manufacturing nation in the world, our commerce should were eheip. In America it was just the contrary, th ey h a d pro continue to prosper, or should be allowed to decline. We visions cheap and wages high. Capital was employed, and the could not stand still. We were the greatest workshop for a working man was able to find a master and employment. The large portion of the inhabitants of Europe, and we should Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Dorchester, e s ti mated the either improve or retreat. Now, it was not necessary for him price of foreign wheat brought into this country at 40,. a to state to that House what would be the result of a retro- quarter. Now, let them calculate what was annually extracted grade movement.- ( Hear, hear.) The evils which would be from the pockets of the people.-( Hear, hear.) The average thereby inflicted upon society would be too dreadful to con- price of wheat dur in g the last few y ears was 575. to 583 . per template.-(Hear, hear.) 'l'he principal argument advanced quarter, this being I7s. h igher introduced Rig ht Hon. Ba ronet than the in favour of protection to the landed interest was that it would had computed that c orn mi g ht be into this country. make us independent of other nations for our supply of corn. If they assumed the consumption of this country to be He did not think that any person who knew much of the sub- 25,000,000 of quarters annually, they had something like jest would attach any great value to that argument. He 20,000,0001. of money extracted ycaily from the pockets of could not well see how any great commercial and manufactur- the poor, which otherwise might be employed in the purchase ing country could be to any great extent independent of other of some i f the comforts of life. ' The Corn-laws riot only pre nations. Perhaps he might be told that it would be the grossest vented the labourer obtaining employment here, but their ope injustice to take away all protection from the agriculturists, ration caused competition to be raised in America with our own and leave his protection to the manufacturer.-(Hear, hear.) manufacturers. They hid it stated by a Commission of Inquiry He entirely concurred in the justice of that remark, that we were losing the markets for our manufactures abroad, He was ready, and he believed the most enlightened for Germany and Switzerland were successfully competing with manufacturers in this country were ready, with us. Mr. Ibbotson, of Sheffield, had stated thatfive-eighths of the a repeal of the Corn-laws, to assent to a repeal of all the laws Skeffield trade was to America, but ow ing to the Corn-laws which rests icted the free impor t ation and exportation of every their p r i nc i p l e tra d e was t h e export of steel, which was manufactured article. His opinion was that the agriculture, worked up in America into scissors and knives, and thus the commerce, and manufactures of the country had flourished, not trade was taken out of their hands. '1 his evidence was corro in consequence of their restrictive system, but in spite of it.- horated by the amount of exports to the different countries of (Hear, hear.) He believed the mote freedom that was give n the continent of Europe. Now, in 1829, we exported to Bel to trade, th e more it wou ld fl o urish. Such bein g hi s o pi n i ons, gium 18,000,ft0 lbs, of cotton-twist ; in 1833 this quantity he was ready to concur in any plan that would do away a it one _ h a d increased to 23,000,0001b5. To Holland, in the year ther with restrictive duties. He was well aware th at t h ere 1830, we exported of the same article 200,0001bs , and in 1833 might b e cons id era bl e d iffi cu l ty i n o btaining so desirabl e a re _ it amo unted to t h e l arge quantity' of 11,000,000 lbs. The Right stilt; but he did notdespair. He trusted that the landowne rs Hon. Baronet, in his speech in bringing forward the Corn-laws, would agree to considerable modification, and for hi mse lf h e h a d stated the official value of goods exp orted from this would only say t h at h e was conv i nce d that the best i n t erests countr y to Eu ro p e , in the years 1838, 1839, and 1840. He of the country wouldbwensured by a free trade in corn. (Mr. Elphinstone) had read over the different estimates, and Lord MAHON admitted fully that the petitions of the he found them to differ from that stated by th e Ri g ht Hen. people to that House were entitled to the greatest consideration, Baronet. He found that in the year 1833 we exported but he thought that the minds of the people had been unduly 69,000 e of goods of official value, and in 1840 this sum exercised upon by pamphlets on the subject of the Corn- h; d risen to 2,000,000/. (The Hon. Gent. then 'referred to laws. .He had seen such pamphlets himself, and he the exports of 1840 and 1841, but there was so much noist. in had also observed prints of a most improper description. the H o use that they were not heard in the gallery.) The em- Many of the speeches he had heard tea this subject were harassment to this country consequent upon the Ri g ht H on . marked with praiseworthy moderation, ' and much as he re- Baronet's measure would be considerably aggravated by having to export bullion in seasons of distress. The Noble Lord who had just sat down alluded to the great advantage of having foreign corn is hen this country sto id in need of it. At the same time, if countries in the same degree of latitude and longitude were similarly affected, as no doubt tney might be, if the commerce of this country was extended, the probability was that when there were had harvests in this cauntry, there might be good harvests in other countries, not in the same latitude; and therefore the people of England would have a better chance of deriving ad vantage from them—(Hear)—under ever y c i rcums t ance h e felt that the greatest advantages would result to this country from the unqualified repeal of the Corn-laws —( Cheers.) He considered them most obnoxious and detrimental to the interests of England.—( Cheers from the Opposition benches.) England was always pre-eminent in science, pre-eminent in indu-try, and pre-eminent in power ;. if the Parliament now by this measure crippled the energies of the people by interfering with their industry in that way, he (Mr. Elphinstone) feared very much that the country would be deeply affected by it, and fall under the withering blight of a restricted commerce. Mr. G. HEATHCOTE, after some prefatory observations, said that it became the duty of the House to do the best that was possible under existing circumstances, and to do all in their power to promote the agricultural interest of the country, or, at all events, to make the best terms they could, in order that those great and important interests should be as little in jured as possible.—( Hear, hear.) He believed the question mooted by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. Vil liers), was an exceedingly wide one, and he believed that many Honourable Members in the course of the debate, had entered upon the consideration of many topics remotely connected with the subject of the Corn-laws. However, he ( Mr. Heathcote) would state his opinions candidly, and he intreated the attention of the House to them I before they arrived at a decision of the measure which the Right Hon. Baronet had brought under their consideration. He (Mr. Heathcote) wished to make one observation with reference to his vote the night before last upon the amend ment proposed by his Noble Friend the Member for London. He (Mr. Heathcote) had always expressed his opinion against any fixed duty on corn.— (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) He looked upon a fixed duty as an absolute injury to the landed proprietors, and, in fact, he considered it a much lower duty than the present mire. A fixed duty was always either too high or too low. When corn was leer the duty was injurious to one class, and when it was high it offered a most unfair impediment to the introduction of foreign corn, so far as the consumer was concerned; it appeared to him better both for the consumer and the producer if a gradual relaxa tion were adopted than if a fixed duty were imposed. He wished to say a few words with reference to the Right Hon. Baronet. All that Right lion. Gent. appeared to him (Mr. Heathcote) to prove was, that there should he no alteration at all in the Corn-laws. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that he did not think the alteration he proposed would give any material relief or mitigation to the distress which as tinfortenately prevalent in the country, and Lord Melbourne, the head of the late Government, hail said the s.me thing— I ( Hear, hear)—in fact, everything that had fallen from the Right Hon. Baronet in the course of the discussion went to show that instead of any alteration being made in the Corn laws, they should be left as they are.—( Hear, hear.) Howes er 't was perhaps useless for him (Mr. Heathccte) to speak of ;hinge which had gone by. The great object of an alteration in the Corn-laws was to have an alteration in the averages. Upon the subject of wheat, probably, there was not so mrch dissatisfaction entertained with respect to the proposed mea sure, but with reference to barley and oats, he was convinced there was the greatest dissatisfaction, and his principal object in rising to address the House, was to ascertain .whether something could not be done by her Majesty's Ministers, or some changes made with reference to the duty upon those articles. He was the more anxious to do that, as his Noble Friend, the Member for Lincolnshire, had stated that a great quantity of wheat above the maximum stated by the Right Honourable Baronet had come into the market, but the proportions of barley and oats were totally different. Now, the maximum for oats was only Bs. He found that the quan tity of oats which came in at various periods of a particular year whirr he stated was 554,000 quarters at 7s. 9d. a quarter, 193,000 quarters at 9s. a quarter, 467,000 quarters at Bs. a quarter, and 166,000 quarters at 12s. a quarter. Now, the .naximum duty was only Bs., and what he feared was the result which must arise from hiving a large surplus quantity when the harvests were favourable all over the world, .could be similar results to those which happened in 1822 and 1823 would arise in seasons of distress. He wished to warn the Right lion. Baronet of those results, and it was with a view to anticipate them if possible, that he had then called the attention of the House to the subject. In the first instance lie wished to call attention to the prices of corn in Denmark. The Right Hon. Baronet seemed to be somewhat aware that when he was replying to the lion. Member for Bolton, that he was answering too much, and that he was actually breaking a hole in his own case.—(Hear, hear.) l'he fact was so, and though the Right Honeurable Baronet had fairly stated the report, he had not stated the entire of the circumstances. He (Mr. Heathcote) found, by the papers which he then held in his hand, that the prices of corn in Denmark were so extremely low, that he hesitated to think they were correct; he could not think that there could be 'uch a disparity of prices as he found in those papers. In his opinion, it would have been better if the prices were taken not for several years, but a series of prices for several parts or dis iricts of a country ; and now, as he had the authority of the Right Hon. Baronet for stating that those papers were correct, he would state to the House their contents as hearing upon the I resent subject. He found that the average price of corn in Denmark, for the last twenty-fire years, was very variable ; and, as he was upon that subject, he might then observe, that, though the freight of corn from that country was between 3s. and 3s. 6d. In fact corn could be had from Denmark as cheap as from any place else on the opposite shores. Now the average price of wheat there for the last twenty-five years was 28s. a quarter ; barley, 14-. a quarter ; and oats only 10s. a quarter. He had also found that the average price for the last seven years, so fat from being 28s. a quarter fur wheat, was only 255. a quarter.— ( Hear.) He thought 3s. difference in the average price of corn within that period, if lion. Gentlemen would only make a calculation upon it, would destroy all the calculations and se ductions made upon the other side (the Ministerial side), and throw them into a dilemma out of which it would be utterly impossible for them to get.—( Cheers.) There was no great difference in the average prices for the last seven years except that barley was Is. cheaper than for the 25 years, and oats were something about the same thing. In 1824 he found that the price of wheat in Denmark was I6s. a quarter, barley St. a quarter, and oats only 6s. a quarter. In 1825 wheat was 17s. a quarter, barley 9s. a quarter, and oats 7s. a quarter. Would a.iy one say that that was an accidental or a casual circumstance? In the :even years that followed 1821 be found that the average price of wheat in Denmark was only 18s. a quarter, barley 10s. a quarter, and oats only Bs. a quarter. Now he would take th.s opportunity of asking the Honourable Baronet opposite whether he had calculated those averages ? whether he had anticipated them, and was prepared to deal is ith them? If the Right Hon. Baronet had not done so, the measure lie pro posed certainly required revision.—( Hear, hear.) When he ( Mr. Heathcote) looked at all those things, he felt himself fully justified in hesitating before he gave his acquiescence to the Right Hon. Baronet—( Hear, hear)—still, more should he hesitate to support his Noble Friend, the Member for London, and a thousand times mors should he feel himself justified in giving all the opposition in his power to the motion of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Wolverhampton.—(Cheers.) Thirty or forty years ago the labourers of this country eat the blackest and coarsest barley and rye bread ; now they eat the best wheaten bread. The Honourable Member for Yorkshire the other day stated the same fact; he (Mr. Heathcote) heard with pleasure the Honourable Member for Wigan confirm the statement, and lie was delighted to think that even in Bucking hamshire this state existed. He (Mr. Heathcote) believed that the people of England were not in so bad a condition as had been represented. He would wish Honourable Gentlemen to take care then how they meddled with the people's condition. If they lowered their rents the master manufacturers must take less profits. —( Hear, hear.) They must not enter into a com petition by low wages with the manufacturers of the Continent. He thought they should look mose to America for a supply of corn than to the northern nations of Europe, because we could export much manufactures to America, whilst they exported very little to the north of Europe. For this statement he had the authority of Mr. Van Buren, the late Pre sident of the United States; and Lord Melbourne had since repeated it in his place in the House of Lords. Besides, with regard to America, he did not ace how it happened that they were afraid of the manufacturers of Americaf when they (the Americans) paid such high wages. It was natural we should buyi where we soul l get things cheapest—that we should, therefore, go to America for corn ; but we should take care how we reduced our own growth of corn, and depended too much upon foreign nations for supplies ; otherwise, ere the meanest person in the kingdom could get a morsel of bread we should have twice to cross the Atlantic. In America the price of corn had been sometimes higher than in England —and what was to happen in the case of war ?—and he (Mr. Heathcote) feared that there were parties in America who had not the best feelings towards England—they would have nei ther cotton to spin nor bread to eat.—(Hear, hear.) And with regard to Odessa, we should have plenty of corn thence when we did not want it, but when we did want it we should not get it, and he believed the same thing would be the case with the nations in the north of Europe ; they would not allow the exportation of corn in a season of difficulty. He (Mr. H.) arrived, therefore, at the conclusion, that the cheapest corn would be that which was grown at home.—( Cheers from the. Tories.) How wi re we to accomplish the growth of suffi cient corn, however, with an increasing population? He did not think Hon. Gentlemen opposite were aware of the great improvements which had lately taken place in England.— (" Hear, hear," from Ministers.) And not enly that, but the agriculturist himself had greatly improved; to the sound prin ciple and firm integrity of his fathers, he adds intelligence. ( Hear.) Aral he (Mr. Heathcote) believed—he would say it, though it might appear strong language — that there was hardly a field in the country which did not produce more food, and produce for man, than it did fifty years ago.—(Hear.) He thought, therefore, that this country would still produce plenty for the population. —( Hear, hear. )an tone of voice. Mr. LEADER commenced ' in There was one remar k o f the Hon. G t e ranacso speechmuch improved which he would a ll u d e . H e said that a griculture i i r. L. ) thou ht there , H to land:—(Hear. ear.l He was less pretence f or p ro tection improved of l a t e y ears th at w e had no ideam of what land would now produce. if that were the case he agreed with the Hon. G e ntl e men who had just sat down only much amused by the John Russell. He (Mr. Leader) was for Her' ford. One o f speech of the Noble Lord the MemberFrederi in ens point, viz. in his opposition to the fixed dut y of Lord the Noble Lord's authorities was Ge or g e Frederick Young. d very certain autho one, but one who was never considered a rememberedthat he - some_ on any subject, ard it must be n s the other side of a speech of Lord Fitzwilliam'ss the House.—( No, no.) he Nob times voted on one side and sometimes Certainly when a Member of that House, a very respectable and referred to what Sir H. Parnell e li t i i . l rn so e rd h o ad , also o quoted from what had been said b these II"' Lord should have quoted e ivered 2or-b years ago, had said 36 years ago.— (" personages lately, now e xperience, and he should when they were young nmti ; jetntiht uave ua(donAgtdeimdrlaughter.) a) ta T thtu h hare e deyd N sb o ay b l i l l l d lie the voted against the a l so b all e t : l dne Member r c ( h Af amused .mTuLis‘ee, Tiverton, eo b ro y ), Cortn a l a c w o s o . what he said of the Noble Lord had :hat Noble Lord had be comevorTt h tois onalysosolitoidwep telling us that in 1828 wished there were a few more o f the same sort.—( Hear, hear.) Hon. Geutlemen opposite were much mistaken as to the wishes and feelings of the people with regard to the Corn-laws. They fancied ghat ` because the obtain h interrupted certain public meetins, nd wished to obtain „something previous to the Corn-laws, that they were in favour of the Corn-laws. lie (Mr. Leader) did not believe this. lie knew, from his own experience, that they were decidedly and most strenuously opposed to those laws.—( Hear, hear.) They considered these laws proceeded from din l eg i s lation, and they wished to get rid of that first, because they believed that they should soon showed i n thh e e i a p t 1 that then get rid of those evil laws which were the result of class legislation. He believed the working men had too much sense, and knowledge of political economy, to have fallen into the error ascribed to them. He believed they knew well what had been stated by Franklin, seventy years ago, that all Acts passed for the restriction of trade, bad been either enacted by political plunderers, or were passed by individuals for private objects, instead of from princi ples of public good.—( Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Leader) was riot present when his Honourable Colleague spoke the opinions of Westminster. He (Mr. Leader) was sorry he was unable to attend ; it was out of no disrespect for his Hon. Colleague, I but he had been prevented solely by ill-health. His Hof.. I Colleague stated that the Right Hon. Baronet might be sure of the support of the respectable and substantial constituency' of Westminster. He (Mr. Leader) begged to assure the Right Hcn. Baronet, that if he took this opinion he would form a very incorrect idea of the people of Westminster. He ( Mr. Leader) grieved to say that his Hon. Colleague had a right to speak for one-half of the constituency ; but though he might claim monopoly on a great many points, he could not claim a monopoly of the constituency of Westminster.— (Cheers.) Of those who supported him (Captain Ri.us) he (Mr. Leader) believed there were many who did not ap prove of the Right Hon. Baronet's plan, whilst of those who suppeited him (Mr. Leader) he believed there were very, very few, who approved of it at all. Out of a pepulation of 0 00,000 in Westminster there were only 10,000 electors; and of that unrepresented mass there were very few indeed but would condemn the Right Honourable Baronet's plan, and support the proposition of his Honourable Friend the Member for Wolverhampton. There had been a , great deal said on the other side in blame of the agitation that had been used against the Corn-laws. He (Mr. Leader) shold like to know whether Hon. Gentlemen condemned it only on the ground of agitation, or because it happened to be agitation against their favourite system ?—( Hear.) Be-ide, he would ask, what had the great body of unrepresented peo ple to do but to agitate? The counties were almost entirely in the hands of their opponents, and in towns the same was the case, owing to the immense prevalence of bribery and corrup tion. He did not mean to say that bribery and corruption were on one side of the House only ; but he meant to say that money and property generally carried the election.—(Cheers. ) The petitions of the people were not fairly treated or listened to.—(Cheers from the Tories.) He was glad Honourable Gentlemen opposite cheered at what he had stated. It only showed that the people having nothing left them, could not but agitate. But was the agitation all on this side ? Had net Gentlemen opposite been agitating against the ma nufacturers ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) For his (Mr. Leader's) part, he had never heard a more To rce, inveterate speech than the one made by the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Knaresborough against the manufacturers.—(Cheers.) That Hen. Gentleman always spoke as if he were actually in earnest and he (Mr. Leader) like to hear a man speak as it lie were in earnest ; but really he would ask that Hon. Gentleman if he were seriously in earnest in the positive charges he brought against some of the manufacturers the other night?—(Mr. Ferranti—Entirely.") Then if he were in earnest he (Mr. Ferrand) was bound in honour to prove it, either by way of Committee or other satisfactory manner. It was against ma nufacturers generally.—(No.) He would ask were all these ma nufactures blood-stained and bloodthirsty ?—(" No, no," from Mr. Ferranti.) He would ask lion. Gentleman opposite how they I,ked the assertion of that tientleman ? He should think the Right Hon. Baronet would rather have had his vote with• out the speech which accompanied it.—( Hear, hear.) lie (Mr. Leader) would thank the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Knare,borough and the Noble Lord the Member for Dorchester to look to the state of the agricultural la , bourers in the south and south-west of England, where they would find them starving on 6s. a-week. He mentioned this, however, only to show that if the Anti-Cot n law people had agitated against the agriculturists, they (the agriculturists) had done the same thing with regard to manu facture, s.—( Hear, hear.) The Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet would not, it appeared, effect great alteration in the corn trade, nor would it, as the Right lion. Baronet had himself said, do much good to the people. He was not giing to read long ex tracts, nor to quote from blue books , that had been so well done already, that it was not necessary for him to do so, he did not require much to know what suffering existed in the country. A great deal of this misery must be attributed to our enormous tariff, with its tremendous, interesting duties ; and it was kept up on the basis of protection of the landed interest, and the effect was, that we could not take that from foreign countries which they could supply better than ourselves, and they would not take what we could supply better than they. The consequence was, that foreign nations made their tariffs more exclusive every year. Were Hon. Members opposite aware that the Spanish Government had. published a new tariff a few weeks ago, by which 50 per cent. additional duty was placed upon manufactured goods sent il,om England? He (Mr. Leader) went with several other gentlemen to wait on Lord Ripon, to ask him if there were any chance or ani thing being done to relieve the distress of the country ? They were received by the Noble Lord with gnat courtesy and attent on. In fact he received them with as much attention as the Mem bers of the Cabinet had received the Ten Hours' Deputation Bill. But he feared the result of the interview with Lord Ripon would be as unsatisfactory as that of the Ten Hours' De potation. They were trying to make commerci 1 treaties with France, and Belgium, and Spain, but how could it be ex ected that those countries would enter into treaties with them, when they impo'cd such high duties on the productions of those coun tries ? How could they remonstrate with those countries, or how could they speak to them of commercial regulations? Would they not tell us to look to our own tariff, which was the highest in Europe ?—( Cries of " Hear, hear.) He did not think the Spanish Government over wise in in pos ing duties on our manufactures, and they would be deceived if they expected to obtain any revenue thereby. The effect would be that they would raise an army of smugglers. He was greatly surprised at the speeches of lion. Gentlemen opposite, who expressed the greatest dissatisfaction at the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet. He could not imagine what they would be at. They had already got a large majority in the House of Lords : and now they had a large majority in that House—they had protection enough- more than enough -by the Bill of the Right lion. Baronet.- (Hear, hear.) They had a Minister who, as the Noble Lord, who sat near him, once remarked, was so well able to dress up a statement for the House, and who, on the present occasion, was able to persuade Hon. Gentlemen to believe that some good would result from the Bill which he introduced to the House.—( Hear, hear. ) He could not say if the landed gentry were pleased, but he knew neither the manufacturers nor the people were.—( Hear. ) He thought one good, however, would result horn that Bill, because it would cause the middle classes to unite with the working classes of the country.—(Hear, hear. ) The working classes seeing there were no expectations of jus lice from the present Parliament, would form a junction with the middle classes, and he hoped the latter would unite with theni in procuring a system of representation which would free them from the dsmirnon of the landed interests—(Hear)—and save them from the evils of class legislation.—(Cheers.) He begged to thank the House for the patience with which they heard him, snd he would give his best support to the motion of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton.—( Cheers. ) Mr. MAIN WARING. who spoke in so low and hesitatisg a tone that it was impossible to hear him distinctly, was un derstood to say that he rose for the purpose of defending the landed interest from the attacks of Hon. Gentlemen opposite. The Hon. Member then referred to the state of his own neigh bourhood, and the distress existing there, but 'se could not catch the precise application of his remarks. He believed the Bill of the Hon. Member for Wolverhampton would be ruinous to the country. and he would give him his most strenuous(); po sition. He did not think the people in general were in favour of the Corn-laws, and most of the petitions presented to the House came from Dissenting cor.gregations.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Mr. 11ROTHERTON said, that if some of his poor con stituents were present at the debate in that House, they would be much surprised at the alarm felt by Hon. Members lest they should have cheap bread.—(Hear, hear.) The speech of the Hon. Member for Lincolnshire had convinced him there was no necessity for a Corn-law. The improvements in agriculture had been so great that, according to that Hon. Member, they had the means of raisins , corn as cheaply as any otlser country. The Noble Load, the Member for Hertford, had said that the people had no grievances ; but he (Mr. Brotherton) would ask would they petition that House in such numbers if they had no grievances to complain of ?—( Hear, hear.) He spoke of the danger of exciting one class against another ; but he ( Mr. B rotherton) recollected he was once amused at hearing the Hon. Member for Oxford stating "that he preferred quiet error to unruly truth ;" and he supposed the Noble Lord was now in some similar state.--( Hear, hear, and laughter. ) The Noble Lord stated that the Corn-laws were not productive of evils, because corn was dearer at Amsterdam than in this countr% But, if he took a period of twenty years, he would find the average price of corn in Amsterdam at. 30 per cent cheaper than in this country.—( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord also alluded to Denmark, and the price of corn there, but corn was cheaper by 30s. a quarter than in this country, and if that were so, had not the people of England cause to complain ? He was much surprised at hearing Hon. Member's complaining of the cheapness of corn in this country.--( Hear, hear. ) They k- ew that in the manufacturing districts the merchants were bankrupt—the manufacturers all but ruined; that trade was paralysed, artizans unemployed, and great numbers of the population starving. That state of things had been admitted by the Right [lon. Baronet at the head of the Government ; but, from the various speeches he (Mr. Brotherton) had heard from other Members, it appeared to him to have been doubted ; and he, therefore, wished to bring forward a few facts to show the state of the particular district with which he was connected, knowing, as the Noble Lord (Lo. d Mahon) the Member for Hertford had said, that one fact was worth a dozen assertions. He would therefore beg leave to state that there was an investigation in the Boroughs of Manchester and Salford in the December of last year, and at that time it was found that there were 5,492 untenanted dwellings, 681 untenanted shops, and 116 mills, and other places unoccupied, making in all 6,289 places un occupied, which if occupied would have produced a rental of 100,0001. There then was a fact that must convince any one of very considerable distress exist• ing in that district. But let them consider what had been said by Hon. Members, and compare with those statements some facts respecting th?, depreciation of property. It was said that mill-owners were very prosperous. In one case that he knew of, there was machinery which cost 50,0001. ; it had been worked upon an average about seven years; it had been valued in July, 1841, at 21,5641. 19s. ; and it had been sold in De cember, 1841, and January 1842, for 5,0001.—( Hear, hear. ) There was another case in the neighbourhood of Man chester, where property, which cost 120,0001., was sold for 36,000/. A third instance VCIS that of a mill valued at of wheat for the last ten years had been 55., and the general coat 513,000,0001 If wheat had been in this country during those ten years at the same price as it had been on the Continent the amount would hate been 342,000,00 a, thus making a loss to the consumers in this c' wary durino: ten years of 171,000,0001. He ( Mr. 13rotherton ) could them fore account. for the Corn-laws producing the present distress. It was owing to the people having to pay so much more for their food than they would have to pay if they had a tree trade. Instead of the distress being attributed to the various causes to which it had been assigned by Hon. Gentlemen opposite, it was really to be attributed to the high price of food caused by the Corp laws. If the grain exported had yielded as much to the spinner, merchant, and artisan, for their labour as they did in 1815, it would have amounted to 12,340,6171.; where s, the sum actually received was only 3,084,098/. The manufacturers had 2s. Id. per pound for working, after deducting the raw material in 1815, and in 1841 they had only bid. In calicoes, what cost 15s. in 1815, could be purchased in 1841 fur ss. 6d. —(Hear, hear.) Here, then, was the cause of the distress which existed in the manufacturing interest. But what was the fact with regard to the agricultural interest ? Since 1815 there had been many improve ments in the land, which had greatly increased its power of production ; yet there had been no decrease in the price of bread. Thus the manufacturers gave three pieces of calico in 1 40 for the same quantity of wheat whit's they obtained in 181:5 fel. one; and while ell the improvements in agriculture were applied for the exclusive benefit of the agricultural interest, all the improvements in machinery were ap plied for the benefit of the public.—( Hear, hear.) Was he, then, to consider that the improvements in machinery had inflicted an injury upon the country? By no means; although the price of manufactures had been so much lowered, their declared value was three times as great as in 1815; and a much greater number of persons had been employed notwithstanding the reduction Hon. Mem bers had supposed that the destruction of machinery would be 'an advantage to the country. Let them look to Ireland.-- ( Hear, hear.) In that country corn was much cheaper than in England ; but because manufactures were not in a thriving condition, and wages were low, the people were not benefited by the cheapne.s of corn. In Ireland. too, there was plenty of competition for farms, but there was not sufficient employment for the people. He would ask, then, what they meant to do with those who could not obtain employment? Did they mean t r starve them to death ? Did they mean, like Pharaoh and Hercid, to kill the peopl ..--(Hear, hear,- from the Opposition, and suppressed laughter from the Ministerial Benches.) They could not employ them in agriculture because the improvements in agriculture tended .ather t' increase than to de as ase the agricultural population.—(Cries of " No, no," from the Minis te. ial silo of the House.) He affirmed on good authority that such was their inevitable tendency. A great deal had been said about machinery having the effect of displacing a great number of hands. That was a complete fallacy. The population di Lancashire in 1779 was about 350,060 per sons, in 1841 it was 16,677,334. In 1770 not more than 60,000 persons were employed in the cotton tiade ; in 1636 it was computed that there were 1,600,000. It could not therefore be contended that the effect of machinery was to diminish the demand for labour.—( Hear, hear.) Far different, however, was the effect of the improvements which had taken place in agriculture. Every improvement there must tend to decrease the neces , ity for employing labourers. He was one of those who believed that agricultural prosperity and manufacturing prosperity were closely allied, and that they could not destroy the one without destroying the other.—( Hear, hear.) The manufacturers had greatly increased the value of land. Manu facturers had never made a fortune for themselves' wlihout making greater fortunes for the lanlowners, without any labour whatever on their part.--( Laughter.) There was no doubt about that fact.--( Continued laughter.) When the Corn 8.11 of 1815 was proposed, enli g htened men op posed it ; and on that occasion the late Sir Ro bert Peel showed clearly that it was only by en couraging trade and manufacturers, that the prosperity of the nation would be secured.— (Hear, hear.): He had shown that the present distresses of the country were to be attributed to the Corn laws -, but even wei eit otherwise, he would oppose it because he believed it to be unjust.—( Hear, hear.) The landed interest claimed a. right to tax the rest of the community for their own advantage. He denied that they had any such right. In 1740 and 1750 there were exported from this country eight million quarters of grain, and 1,5C0,000/. was paid out of the Treasury as a bounty upon exportation. If the claim which had been set up, to supply the country exclusively, were a just one, the manufacturersWOuld have had a right to object. to the exportation which occurred at that period.—( Hear, hear.) Tl.e meas•ure of the light Hon. Baronet was spoken of as a concession to the manufacturing interest, and yet they were told at the same time that they were not to expect to derive much benefit from it. He denied it was a concession ; it was only a part of what they were en titled to. The manufacturers had never asked more than was just. He had shown that they would receive nine millions less this year than they would have received in 1815.—(Hear.) Since that period the manufacturers had had the pleasure of giving cheap goods in return for dear corn.—( Laughter.) The agriculturists told them that they were their best customers. It was very true that. they gave them a good deal with one hand, but then they received something back with the other. There was a simile which was not very inapt in reference to this paint—namely, that if a man came to a draper's shop, and robbed the till of a shilling, and afterwards came hack to spend (id., he could not be considered a very good customer. That was ju-t the ewe with regard to the agt letilturists—they robbed the manufacturers of a large portion of their earnings, and then came back and laid out halt' the amount with them, and then called themselves their best customers. The agricul turists say that they have a right. to this protection, be cause they have laid cut and invested their capital in improve ments in land, which had the effect of employing a great many labourers, but they took care never to say a word about rents—all was for the benefit of the farmer arid the labourer. Now, he did not believe that much land would be thrown out of cultivation by the repeal of the Corn laws.; but even if it were so, and if amass of labour was thrown out of employment, he would rather see them paid by a direct tax, and then they should know what it cost- But he denied the right to protection. Let him ask this; suppose a person erected a mill in this country, and ex pended a great ; deal of capital in machinery, and a foreigner were to invent a machine that was far better than his own, and in a degree superseded it, what would be thought if the manufacturer came to Parliament, and asked for protection against the foreigner, ?—( Hear, hear.) If he produced any thing superior to theirs, they tout bear the com f etition—they had no remedy whatever ; they could not come to Parliament, and ask it to pay their bills. If they borrowed money on their mills, they must pay the interest on it themselves. Brit if the landowners involvt d themselves in debt, if they exceeded their annnal in• come, if they had large mortgages on their estates, they said they must keep up tin it station, and come so lidrliament and get an Act to throw the burthen on the rest of the people. A Noble Lord had referred to the prints which taught the people the nature of the Corn-laws; but it was necessary that they should be taught that they were made for the benefit of the few rather than the many. He would compare two persons in the sane village, one who had served his apprenticeship to a car penter, or a shoemaker ; he enters into life and has to support himself; the squire comes to an estate of thousands of aeres of land; the poor man has nothing but his labour; bat the squire wants to maintain the dignity of his station, and what does he do? He consents to an Act of Parliament, that will take, under false pretences, one-third of the earnings of that poor man to support it.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") He contended that it was true. He had stated what millions of money it cost them to get their corn more than it ought, and who was taxed for it ? The poor man ; and he was taxed 20 per cent., while the rich man was only charged 1 per cent. —(" No, no," and Hear.) The tax was unequal and unjust to the labouring millions of their population. Th e repeal ot the Corn-laws might affect the interest of the land owners to a certain extent for a time; but it was stated that the reason why they were continued was the particular burdens the land bore. If the land did bear any special burdens he should like to see them removed ; he knew of no burdens but the poor rate, the highway rate, and the county rate, and these diii not amount. altogether to six millions a year on the land. If they took the quantity of corn grown at forty-five millions of quarters a-) ear, this would not amount to more than 100,000 quarters. With what face could the continuance of these laws be asked? Why were the I.ndowners afraid of removing a tax so unjust ? AL the rest of the people paid their taxes for the good of the community in general ; if the landowners threw their burdens on the manufacturing ant the tabourin,:t classes, they might depend upon it they saw through the whole mystery, and wou'd not long bear it. With regard to the question of wages, he would not take up the time of the House —( Cries of " Hear hear")--but at any rate, on this point, they had facts to 'oppose to assertions. They all k , .ew that when corn was cheap, wages were better f',an when corn was dearer. Nay, the manufacturers got no wages at all when corn was dear ; while corn was cheap, it was evident to common sense that they had something to spend on manufactures. It had been asserted that the manufacturers wished to reduce corn, in order to lower wages. Now, if the wakes of the operative were only halt what they at present were, if corn was half its present prise , he would be better off. The price of labour depended, like all other things, on the supply and de mand. In this country the population was increasing at the rate of three or four hundred thousand yearly ; they could not employ them in agriculture, but they might employ them in manu• factures. Let them extend their commerce, and take off the restrictions on trade, and they might be assured that the people were industrious, and ot a disposition that did not seek to reverse the or der of things. They were told that as they " sowed se should they reap," and as their work had been, so should be their reward ; but now this pre. cept was reversed, and all the provision was given to the idler, and the industrious was left to starve.—(" Oh, oh," and " Question.") He had never been one who trespassed on the House—( Hear, hear, and a laugh)—he was not favourable to the custom of making long speeches—(Laughter)— but he had wished to state some facts which he 21,000/., and sold for 7;050/ Another case was where a mill thought important, and as they would tend to enable the coun • and machinery which cost 40,000/. was sold for 10,000/. Those try to judge of this measure, he trusted that he had not uselessly were facts which proved, what had been indeed admitted by trespassed on their time. —( Hear, hear.) He had not intended most persons, namely, that property had decreased in value to notice the observations of the Member for Knaresborough, if more than 30 per cent. Now what had been the case wi•li re- he had not repeated that evening that all he had said was true. gard to the poor. The expenditure on the poor of Manchester He did not know whether it would be Parliamentary or was in 1836, 24,261/., in 1841 it was 38,9381., in addition to pri- not, but he would tell the Honourable Member, that if he vote subscriptions. The poor•rate of Salford was in 1836, 5,202/ was to judge of its correctness by what he knew to be true, he in 1841 it was 17,4011. Again let them see what the effec, should not value its correctness very highly. Some parts of it of poverty was upon crime ;in 1831 the number of prisoners he knew to be totally destitute of foundation. The Hon. to take their trials in the New Bailey was 1,000 ; in 1836 it Member had said he had made it his business to inquire, and was 1,031 ; now that was a year of plenty ; in the year 1841, he had stated that the Honourable Member for Stockport the number increased to 1,992. Thus, from the year 1831 to had worked his mills night and day, and had made 18.36, years of plenty, the increase was but 31, whereas in other a large fortune by this abominable cruelty. Now he begged to years the increase was nearly double. Again to slice, state for the information of the Hon. Member, that the lion. the effects upon trade, there had been an inquiry respecting Member for Stockport never had a mill in his life !—( Cheers. ) the receipts of shop-keepers in Salford. In 1829, their receipts He had spoken also of the manufacturers making were 198,000/., in 1841 they fell to 131,0001., making a decrease their ledger their Bible —their counting-house their of 67,0001 The falling off in their customers was Church, and Mammon their God; and that having not among the middle or higher classes, but among the amassed large fortunes, they had retired, and now had the hypo members of the poorer classes of the community. crisy to pretend a wish to ameliorate the condition of the Those who used to buy a loaf now bought only one penny- working classes. With regard to himself he might say that he worth of bread, a penny-worth of tea, and a penny-worth of never professed to be rich ; his riches consisted in the fewness sugar. The poor people only took about two thirds of the of his wants—( Hear, hear, and cheers)—and if there had been amount of provisions they had been accustomed to take. That nothing in him superior to the considerations of the was the state in which the manufacturing districts were. Let property he possessed, he never should have been them compare that with matters appertaining to land. They returned to that liouss in the way he had been. He gloried tuund that eve r y quarter rent s w ere ri s i ng and the value of land in this, that the town with which he had been connected for increasing. Much had been said with respect to the forty years, had returned him to the House four times without cause of the existing distress. It had been stated that his spending a shilling.—(Cheers.) If he had been a wor • it could not be attributed in any degree to the operation shipper of Mammon, perhaps they would not have that respect of the Corn-laws. The alarm of war in Europe— for him. With regard to machinery, he considered it had the emigration of labourers from the agriculi ural to the manu- j been the cause of the prosperity of the country, but facturing districts—the increase of machinery—over-production it was capable of being beneficially regulated. When —Joint-Stock Banks and speculitions—those were said to be he ( Mr. B.) was in business, and the late Sir Robert Peel the causes which produced distress in the manufacturing dis- brought forward his first measure, he was an advocate for re tricts. The Right Hon. Baronet seemed to think those strictions, and aided him in bringing about the measures which might have been the causes of the di tress; yet they found he thought beneficial. They had been beneficial and so far their exports were greater now than in previous years. It from the cotton trade being an injury to the people of the dis could be clearly proved that the falling off was not in trict, under proper regulations it would tend to the health, our exports to foreign countries, but in our home comfort, and well being of the great mass of society. trade. In order that the House might see the enor- Before the Hon. Member for Knaresborough became the advo • mity of the injustice done to the British people in cate of the poor, he (Mr. B.) stood out against the body of compelling them to pay much more f or foo d t h an man ufacturers in insisting upon measures he thought due to they ought, he would read another document, with regard I the working people.—( Cheers.) He knew that there had been to the quantity of foreign wheat imported into this country for opposition on the part of manufacturers to measures which home consumption. Since July, 1828, the number of quarters they thought would interfere with their interests • still a were 14,886,000, and on an average t h e d uty pa id d ur i n g those ' speaker ought not to si ng l e out i n di v id ua l s, an d sa y that they thirteen years was ss. 7d. per quarter. From that he inferred were unjust, because they were prosperous.—( Cheers- ) one important fact—namely, that there had not been a grain of For hie (Mr. Brotherton's) part, he was not this wheat entered for home consumption at less than 70s. ; ashamed of being a cotton-spinner—why should he per quarter. Now, what was the price of wheat on be ashamed, when the Prime Minister of England was the the Continent during that term of years ? It was only son of a cotto;1-spinner ?—( Great cheering.) Having made 40s. Fourteen millions of quarters, at • 17s. per quarter, these observation,. he ( Mr. B. ) would conclude by stating his was 51,803,8101., and if they had a free trade m epea corn the belief, that a r 'f the Corn-laws would be a grea t b e n e fit amount would have been only 29,601,712/, The averageger, price to the count r y a t l ar He wished to see manufactures and . when & nata l Y that I oefor e tb, 11 ' 4 40 be success whoitiviewtsea Padden and me. leYste acted It i s eh D an k *•ile it rupt L a feetu ot entirely d eo cour se of I f.ew rt 2 f. Ihe Piaci soloti ono I " , _ _Pal . rr se lu t T io i r *ski ; : 1 1 , t e li SALE s rtl eistirms ON 24 0; st)/3 3se ,000 Ditto of ~000 Ditto 40 sh ins 11 6 Ditto Ra • 25 Ditto De 50 Ditto. 1 ' Ditto i 3; 14 Ditto 73 D• ''• • itto • ISO Ditto.... 40 Ditto Fa 40 Ditto Ot, • Nc ~1 0 Ditto " 1 1}itto...d 60 U* l , ll so bi te m Mn bine 1 4 2 Ditta.• A a U Ditto it 4 0 Dia., 4 ; aoo Ditto ~ . azDitt o 0 „ huh. 2,000 ••• ,cto itto jlll inn. 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" , and sta g s et. h itt 4 10 , 144 54 trft„" n i ntit Pl , tej itt cl ie (16 " p in I ri ft h e e ;haus 44 , 1 of th e ve ` l _ out od 'P b rntl e tl7 l ' h oh t.. e i ro e ru, " 4 td a „, n•tail bate dams R4le o ' a!lt ( t ,er b. ento t 1" rati the milt 1 la s h. e pie ce f §is (h a ' hi R ri t h. ,tit tu i e : ‘ fwer ti i t - C 7e it 1 , 0 1 : 20, Le o f ( I, eot 1"v11 to ° PiniOn t kt her 1 ) , " a gairlS Z e t eNir e : ki :bout, N 4 Ptai l , „ sate d ott etwi fils iTo I , lo it cruhr, g q tal e I, th t. °St es t he 11 . tdott f d °' or h is -ti t 5 -‘01• 41 • n ph o f se y t h sea i t of ike P R Pen ktt, .o ti l -ger t tlit tl a u °' ` l° eC;C: l -) extra m ail 4 ,1 t• 4s I llev i i nein g the I Dr 44I tY ate t he d t dotk' we a m . 3 in di, !Y au".tllb, l '° 141, g. I This 'sh e i 0 4 the s ' 3l. the e on o sr s. e•Ac e l hit :41111.rd a t 114 11 , th oklio been 4 4 , 'Me e • Pu ; Is eon: p ci Ppen to Pu rt, it t `: 44 fiee i n tg e hl sa d it a Pert of he h ams Nuttistnis th qal pone.heuant Ile an d 4 it tly r tim e f t , t) itt u e d af lY for 14 the t ta 'Ttieden i e — tW tep o sstl, th e °4 Li rt ed ,Pecket 11 7 P, 4 "Y th e r t o ' 4 , an d Poi' brtio e Was t a ki tt ti e e llectet ea tri , tva er, agriculture prosper together, but if the Corn-laws were not re pealed the di struction of msnu'actures must, ensue ; and that must be followed by the destruction of the proletrity of the • s landowners, for the eatiperised population would be thrown pa the land.—( ('.leers ) Mr. FER RA ND, amidst considerable interrup•ion, rise to exelsin. The Hon. Baronet, the Member for the Tower • Hamlets, had given him some intimation of the attack that • had been made upon him. He had been charged with seeing what was untrue. He had authority for saying that the lion. Member for Stockport worked his mill day and night. The letter he (\lr. F.) hscl now in his hand stated—" I beg to inform you that the cotton print works near Charley ars worked night and day, and 1 have heard that others are similarly engaged."—( Cries of " Name.") He declined tO name his infor ant, but he trusted the House would see that he had not made the statement without authority. Lord J. MANNERS said the speech of the Honourable , Nlemeer for Salford was highly creditable to the sneaker, and most pleasing to the House, which it was to he hoped would be exempt from these little feelings that the discussion of this question unhappily excited out of doors —( Hear.) He had the happiness also to say that he had never heard a more temperate speech than that made by the Hon. Member for Wolverhampto n in introducing his motion ; but the Hon. Member for Salford was rather toe severe in saying that no manufacturer made a fortune for himself without !reeking a larger one for the agri eulturist.—( Hear, hear.) lie (the Noble Lord) was deeply sorry for the distress now afflicting the country, but he thought that withcut referring to the Corn-laws, some ea planation of it would be found in the recent states of Europe, Asia, and America; and he would also remina them that when the manufacturing districts were at the height of prosperity six years ago the present Corn-lases existed.— ( Hear, hear.) !teen if the Corn-laws were forth- • with repealed disappointment would ensue. Look at the Re' form bill. When it was in agitation there were heist up to the people, as the consequences of its passing, visions of beef and plum-pudding. The Bill passed, the visions had not been realized; and now the Corn-laws were substituted for the grievances of Gattoe and Sarum.—( Cries of " Hear, hear.") in conclusion, he trusted that the measure propesed by her Majesty's Government would meet with the sanction of the House. Sir CHARLES NAPIER regretted very much that his Honourable Friend, the Member for Wolverhamp ton, had brought forward his amendment that night ; beca use he thought it must be evident to all that if the H ouse e would not consent to the adoptio of a fixed duty, it could pot be expected that it would agree -to no duty at all. —( H ear, hear.) He thought it was a great waste of the time of the House t 3 have brought the subject forward.—(Hear, he ar-) He was the advocate of a fixed duty of Bs., because he -• thought it was as much protection as the agricultural into. rest ought to expect.—( Cheers.) He was convinced that if they got a duty of Bs., they soon would have no duty at (Great laughter.) e was not, in the abstract, for the imme diate rep: at of the Corn-laws, because he thought sudd en changes were dangerous ; but, as he preferred the repeal 0f . ., tee Corn-laws, to the sliding scale of the Right Hon. Bart;l if his Hon. Friend pressed his motion to a division, he shoo"' give him his vote.—(Cheers and laughter.) He agreed with the Noble Lord who had spoken the other evening, that the sliding scale was unjust, and he believed that as long as it ea' isted, no party would run the risk of sending corn to this corm , try unless he got an immense profit by it.--( Hear, hear' ) The Vice-President. of the Board of Trade made an assertion the other night of so extraordinary a nature, that he O tt -• Charles Napier) began to doubt whether he had ' crossed the . . Atlantic ocean or not.—(!fear, hear, and great laughter -) He had said that corn sent from America would sail° here in six weeks. Now if he could calculate properly • it would arrive in fifteen days. He would suppose an Aloe, ican merchant about to send corn to this country ; the first ' thing he had to do was to pur. base his cargo. No. he first gee his letter and thin he reads it.—( Great laughter.) Then he sets aboutpurchasinghiscargo, and after that he freiehts hic •• ship. But before this he has to look out for a ship. N OW t c ° l do all this, he (Sir C. Napier) would give him 12 days, a n allowing 15 for the voyage, that would be 27 days, so that The of six weeks it vetuld not take more than a month. T he f Right Honourable Baronet admitted that a sliding scal e ° f 20s. was a prohibition to the importation of corn. H e (Sir Charles Napier) telt sure that les. amounted to a prohib ition. and therefore the Right Hun Baron t need not have gon e as high as 20s.—( Hear, hear.) If the Right Hon. Barone t b° . given them a sliding scale at 10s. he should have vote d With him ; but as he had begun with a scale so high, 1.." et mu t vote against him. The Right Hon. B aren had said that he never wished to see corn hi g her than from 545. to 58s. He (Sir C. Napier) believed t hat the landowner could go on very well at that price, that the farmer' might go on, and that the agricultural labourer would no t co ; ! lain. But if bad weather came, then up would go t. ne price. Now, if the agricultural labourer could only when corn was at 187., how much must he economise • when it was 80s. Why, the only thing he could economi c( ' was his own stomach, arid the stomachs of his childr en-- ; (Cheers ) And s,hen the sliding scale went down, and breed was cheaper, he must then slide a peat deal of bread into 1 J own stomach and into the stomachs of his children. If the Core laws were repealed, the landowners might have to give fete° dinners, and to drink less wine, but in the present state of the law the poor men had nothing to do but to starve and to die. , Captain BERKELEY said he represented an agricultarst „ town and all his property was vested in corn land—( " eau. ' .* heat )—and he did not think that the Right Hon. Baronet or polite (Sir E. Knatchbull) was right in saying that the sOr, porters of a reform of the Corn-law were all inirnicul to if; agricultural interest. —( Hear, hear.) At the some time, of must admit that Right Hon. ' Baronet spoke the sentiments ° of the greatest part of the landed proprietors, but certainly note n the whole. He remembered (as we understood) that Te o, e the Chandos clause was introduced into the Reform the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Der', l 4 , ment opposed it, as calculated to give too great influence tno_t,o landed interest. He ( Capt. B. ) support ed it, but if tie had k gee what its effects would have been upon the operation of the r ai , form Bill, he would have preferred to lose the Bill rather the u _ ;. support it.—( Hear.) On the present question he was desire 5 of supporting a measure which would give a fixed protection tf i ' the agriculturist, but as the House had rejec'ed that, he vote for the motion of the Hon. Meinber for Wolverhaltlr w t °°°- d giu On the motion of Mr. HARDY, th e "-louse resumees . . • the Chairman reported progre ss , an d o b ta i ne d l eave to bit aga i n on 'Monday. I The Duchy of Corn w • •-• • DUIIIY OF CORNWALL BILL. e • Cornwall Bill went through Comneittee... t- - '!•` PARISH PROPERTY BILL. sO l • Sir E. KNATCHBULL obtained leave to bring ' l ' to regulate the sale of Parish Property. u . Mr. HAWES wished to ask the Chancellor a t-atio chequer when it was his intention to bring forward his 61 'eet ican • • on the subject of the Exchequer Bill fraud. The oil' ) f i e use most important, and it was extremely desirable that the night ' n should be informed when it was the intention of the • (4 t• •Se Hon. Gentleman to bring forward his motion on the ffi v i t eas The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said tit Es, his intention to bring forward his motion relative to 111. ° sett chequer Bills case as soon as the House should have dldi se. of the debate on the Corn-laws. Should the debate h i e °i eert' In ° t posed of on Monday, he would bring forward his t hen Tuesday. Should the debate be disposed of on Tuesday .th t o ld he would bring forward his motion on Wednesday. He bring forwat d his motion on the first vacant day. dem o Mr. HAWES would remind the Right Hon. Oe n acre t' at Wednesday was rather an unusual day. Was he to ° hate • stand the Right Hon Gentleman as sayinge that on the Corn-laws should be finished on Tuesday, th e ' t ry. Hon. Gentleman would bring forward his motion on Wedne,hest The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would io cabring forward his motion on Thursday e is SiSr R. PEEL—As soon as the debate on the Corn if the teidis c kh g • "El uwesti ga tke9-lon N e, r.for 1 14 Princes 'Te st ?. M ar ntli ute es r s !!14 4, 4 re, Feat ator_grir, ti le " It sr , v foot, li dr, e Rh o ' ased e lit ii 4 Yofit s , r . - w ‘kk 3 itt t4 4 2it tV i f s ome Cl he r d° °r bt lit he, self wen , 144 1 ''titk;Y blow, a' at an ( A laugh. ) 4 tb e The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of , an ' House Adjourned at Twelve o'Clock. LATEST FROM THE UNITED STATES. i-, 1 Prof %e a sel ns elY - fi , etseir• . LIVERPOOL, ...11-- ou r 14 -41 g it %It, and of the tet. n 1 st clays, lait. haN l . \ ip e g The South America, Captain Faber, arrived at u f • ett up b 0 4 , on to Yth port this morning after a remarkably swift passg e ing qes , ho Met t l e, !h u e °, ti e L ,' t lY aft e lta k s f • i'9e w "ranet s the y cE is , miii e N ~ t andit that city to the dal of her sailing inclusive, but to , i t , aqi...* Rot contain no political nee s of importance. The e . o t. . ' kiiZe to haw , i inertial intelligt nee is not, however, devoid of intel a l 2,, Great excitement existed throughout the dayof the v._ d li' • h N u _ .er ward 24 cit e , s regarding the Pennsylvania Bank, which maintain': 0 d; - r l c e .( 7 ve l d 'ot b •k y on the even 1 q 4 ..q. h steed 1.-ss, payments to note-holders, • until the bank ew pi- 44 4 to d usl uad 1 : hlo 441 1(1 (' I° . II but on the morning of the 31st, the r -so rte- , rectors received a notice from David B. -I- % e rn N e w q 241 , 1 str Governor of the Common- , ealth, directing th . Ith• th. i kli 4 r at ti app in ' %. *a s a rt ti not to pay any monies, as he had api in • b tr e ad only a receiver to take charge of all the as set i s ianlct • „ Is ~.ent into order n i,_ •„,, order to secure the public monies deposited in the L . t he : If t 'R 1/ ce4 outs and to. see that justice was done to the interest 0 ' , tti, e % 3 tt a e34 d .° 11 1(1 b credit Ors and debtors of the institution. an d etl 'sir ar k he see, ed hi The rate of Exchange on England had advanced, , tiLeor.i ll e hi m Bills on London were done at 108-1- to 109. firm' - t . : "ll t:b villt of There was no alteration in Cotton. Flour wa s ' , th,:th hi t Y th e her papers fren, , , .lbeille si ' and ! and prices had a tendency to improve. , & nit' The advices from Texas are of a more gratifP n ° ear hilt t ) . l t Pet ( r, tare than those previously received. It would arPlo t a lurid al - , .0r t i l'i .4 ' ll e , ' that the prisoners taken in the Santa Fe expediti°ll oel been well treated, and that the accounts of their e , r . • tal gi rni k,, , sai d oald j t i. 'St. decease, treatment were altogether false. - ~,; died :ad. a „ d e nsib The Caledonia steam-ship has just arrived her e ' i'fere ' ich i .- - ' eau kl 4 e , ri eom Advices from New Orleans state, that the assets poll M e ga, • q'l leat h u esti ' lately assigned by the Bank of the United States to t r, ,est - i Ilia • " t o e I n ft and placed under the charge of William W. Frazer, - Estr,t3t P ~ th, ,•ost od .- E at for the assignees, were seized at New Orleans on l'' i t eir4' I teliie. / an NI instant, by the Mai steal of the United States, under tm e fo , tie ' :: he t het,,, ln g trot meet obtained against the Bank of the United States' ".' , .it - given mages If °nee en mages on the French Bill. ~ „,,, ode,/ , Y 'ght • Thi NEW YoRK, MONDAY NIGHT.—The unfavourawe eif t ee: OM .. f Oth ' ete t :r exide which have been received relative to the Girard Bank; j ".. s tee: . ' t intet tn ark r ne4 Pennsylvania, and other Philadelphia Banks, have bee ry - tilKr''!: n - 1 .ro t dent}} to depress the feeling in the Money Market o ju re :Wll7 l lan il its 4 Nit 011 tnially. New York Stocks remain firm, and we notice e. ,'' . 4 irder ' ti iv provement in the stock of several of our City Institutioed; Di errata 1 Exchanges in Pennsylvania and Virginia have adve nc et iee. i ; th e e x 4 4.4. Ac other Southern Funds we have very little alteration t:100k ° "'A ~,,,°4 have 18 PHILADELPHIA, JAN. 31.—The Directors of t h ., otte r ' 4,4 -At,. r ea Pennsylvania held a meeting last evening, which d e t c t!,2 o : g 0 0 ' 4 4t e `"Y ea t , se a 1. n ew ; ' , climate until a very late hour, and then without d . l'' ills ° ' , ,hovel h , fe "tv . e • the course toipursue. They re-assembled this t uorlungie c rter , ' It , ein n d tl ' ha s at u the subjoined letter from his Excellency David ft e, uf ei 0 . Ph.„, al i at 1.. users Governor of the Commonwealth, was laid before thrZ ac eitil; I , -tee te .-et b e en.... anst at : resolution immediately passed' that the doors of th ''''- th e ' "let t eas o' c ont . ell s ui house should remain closed : , 1 841, ',.aae,... theet at " Merchants' Hotel, JAM 31 . 1 he ver y ! t. in e - l'it h " t '414 4 the . al e n 00 ei ii i.. re ig , t " Gentlemen—l directed the Attorney-Gener ' secu re if , Ott e bUre " President and Directors of 7thoe'cßloacrikk AolfoPnednanysyfnl:arenlen-g.satuff day evening, to adopt proper legal measures to n ._ as vie r , i, 114 d 14 ' d t al public monies deposited in the Bank of Pennsylva 13 0 , _ dr bto 7 th e get fo r 1 e Ll>f as the interests of all who are in any way creditors .r cunr eto! ti . Iftte f 843, % o° or the r e. e . etio n as have r Court at the earliest possible moment this mornlee ` char ge on of that institution. That officer will apply junction, and the appointment of a Receiver taketotto ' that fatty -the e t lev er k ite , to the _ a all the assets of the Bank. You are now apprisening, to . tl c i r, , o ' nf : rur t_ti : • t4t94'e of prPe, 4 ' and wer e out any of your money, or transfer any of your e". hc . u ust t re su rie tale, c i g arante e i c• 4. 4 . in and directed not to open your doors iallr t eb h ep is lfa t u n e o ly e d _ i:t;r e: _ 1 " : e : o p f u rtphoes law, a t t h e e v e r r i g . h t s W o f the t arises w e at r le t " " Respectfully, . DAVID 1 1 . r t.. . Go alie t en , then ce • ti he ed had' poi ex bee the Bank is hereby closed. o ohlio nert ed. . 1e42. . h o pat' krt 4 t hat the Monday morning, nine o'clock, Jan. 31, - Saturday ~, ! ode tho u "d en en Resolved—That in pursuance of the direction of the drafts %ger" ploy . 1. 0 , ght th °I h el evae at th tially subsided, although heavy and repeated I wet. T he Pa Thu intense excitemen j t O t S ha E t P p n rev T ai on most of the banks, they were all prompt Y • elf a sustained its el cool e appro llet rail tha t th ve d or amensing was pretty heavily run upon, but esented, e n e rste° Day th e Runl et continued to redeem every thing that was Pt' „ ~,, pr e* Gish -* annual tinued open to meet any demands that Went "'' ar 4ft _A l the s D's local, c, before four o'clock, F. et. e B o ard, s i g ht o Girlie" ibye ..athe bored But very little was done at the Exchange Boa 0; There s kt . :,_atilisie y t on New York 8 per cent. premium ; a • rar d 4. ee); 14agerhntie Opt Camden • GI notes 25 a3O ; United States Bank ' and Amboy I th e c - 4 s b ee , was no sale of Pennsylvania s's; Camden - A cmuLi tte Wilminton (Correspondence 14 a l 4i. et_ y:; i 4,e r? vv .) 0., and Inq ui e t w eek 1: 45 , N Ill eton 4 lit It o I', R s , si an p WASHINGTON, JAN. 30.—The eventsban those o. ~. o,: - - ti e:) , 8: es, E s , l sess a much greater amount of interest t t 0 . ~__ n oose t ei t ' ot i _t o 4 Robet til t ti t Lee, and sion of Congress. The defeat of the rep B alers ' riteeti . I joy and thankfulness. orm sejoo) nalli itself a subject of deep lar period of time since thfetchoemCmie"nreieern. I do hot speak without full and • )16111141 !Ne. RledO Toolf.'l:tEhenp, a-P.rt'3 fangi de n e i t . i