The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

fain frier idly relations with .the. Government- of--Austria ?- Save you given that Government reason to entertain friendly relations with you ?—(Hear.) Have you reason to belie ve that it does entertain friendly feelings towards you?—(Hear:) ; Are you, or are you not, th e on ly . Power of Europe to whom the Government of Austria has not offi cially, by the mission of an embassy, signified the acces sion of the present Monarch to the throne? And more than that, has that mission, er has it not, been accompa nied by an intimation that the cause of it, as respects you, and you alone, was the unfriendly attitude which the Go vernment of this country has assumed towards the Emperor of Austria ? You were in great haste last year to enter upon diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome. Do you enter tMn friendly relations with the Sovereign of the Roman States ? Have you not, with regard to the Italian provinces, with re gard to Rome, Naples, and Sicily, taken a stepwhich an illus trious man and an upright Minister in his last work has declared to be a thing which a Government cannot undertake with safety? Have you not sown underhand the spirit of disaf fection?—(Hear.) And have you not vainly attempted at the last to strangle the creature which was the creation of your own proceedings? Have you not fostered the spirit of disaffection in the shell, and vainly sought to quell it when it broke the shell? If I am not mistaken, in the course of last session, when I ventured to express, with every respect for the motives and amiable disposition and kind feelings of the Sovereign Pontiff, my doubt whether he would be able to check the ievolutionary spirit, to which no doubt with very different and very praiseworthy feelings he had given encouragement, I was assured, with regard to Naples, Borne, Ethel Florence, the intervention and advice of the Noble Earl the Lord Privy Seal had been of infinite im portance and use in encouraging liberal institutions, and tbat the Sovereign Pontiff would be able to stem any excess of public feeling if he lent himself to the advice of the Noble Earl. What has been the result of the encouragement he has given to liberal institutions, fostered and supported by the Prince and the people, and by the special mission of a Cabinet Minister? The consequence has been that the head of the Roman Catholic Church, the undoubted Sosiereign of the Rothan territories, has been wholly unable to stem th e torrent o f w hi c h he broke down the dam in the first instance at your advice and by your support, and at this moment he is in an exile from his do minions; and those dominions are under the control and management, if any control there prevail, of no regular or systematic Government, but of a club or association—call it as you will—the open and avowed advocates of foul and atrocious'murder.—(llear,ihear.) What has been the result of your int erv enti on in Naples and Sicily?• I will not follow the Noble Lord who has just sat down through his historical statement of the relations between this country and Sicily and Naples; but I cannot help say ing I think it would have been more to the purpose of the Noble Lord, in commenting upon the obligations which this country had" incurred, had he commenced his researches at a somewhat later period, and had referred to the present state of things, and to the Government, not of Naples, not of Sicily—for by our guarantees and treaties they are not in dependent and separate states—we dealt not with Sicily or Naples, but we bad an alliance and treaty with the King of the Two Sicilies, and with him alone in that capacity was it competent for us to deal.—(Hear.) I took the liberty last year to ask the Government for some information as to the principle on which it was their intention to interfere in the affairs of Sicily. There was at that time a very general belief that the British and French squadrons were, by the order of the Government, to interfere for the purpose of preventing the sailing of the expedition of the King of Naples to recover his Sicilian dominions; No answer . was given to that question. In point of fact no intervention. did take place—that armament did sail from . Naples and was uninterrupted although followed by, the British squadron. Far better would it have been, in my judgment, had that humanity which is so prominently put forward in her Majesty's Speech inter vened r.Dd prevented the sailing of that squadron, than that the British fleet should first have permitted it, and then in terfered at the time and in the manner in which it did inter fere. For this has been the consequence—and it has been the consequence in every country in which they have inter feral—that they have alternately given encouragement and support to each of the contending parties. Each in turn has been led to believe that they might count upon support, or at least on the neutrality of the British Government; but each in turn has found itself deceived and betrayed by the Government which they thought they could trust. The horrors of civil war have been prolonged and aggravated to an incalculable degree by the vacillating policy of the British Government, and your reward, the just, equitable, unfailing, certain reward—must have been, and has been this—that you are distrusted and con demned by both parties with whom you have interfered. I heard, with some astonishment, from the language of her Majesty's Speech, that it is upon the unauthorised act of the British and French admirals, not acting on instructions from their Governments, that rests the burden of the responsibility of that intervention. At the period of that intervention the Sicilian struggle was virtually over ; the King of Naples had virtually taken possession of Messina. Messina was the stronghold of the 'insurgents, and the successful revolt of Sicily was hopeless. 1 tear—l hope it may not-be so—but I fear when these papers are produced, that even after the in tervention took place, and that unwarrantable prohibition of the army proceeding with its operations was published, the strict neutrality professed by her Majesty's Government was not in point of fact observed by the British squadron. I fear it will appear, if all the papers connected with this transaction are laid before us, that all the moral influence of the British arms and power was thrown in Sicily natio the scale of the insurgents, and against the Monarch with whom we had treaties. J hope it is not true that any British officer should be so far for getful of his duty as to appear in public holding a tricoloured flag, and that he should have said the cause of Sicily was the cause of England and of France, and that they might rely on their support. I shall rejoice to hear that no officer has been so forgetful of his duty as to join in public clamour and in vioas for the independence of Sicily. I confess I heard with surprise from the Noble Lord, and I hope I shall not hear from any other Noble Lord, the cry raised in this House for the independence of Italy—that phantom which I thought had long since vanished into thin air, or that the Go vernment of Austria in the Milanese district was a brutal Government, that ought to be donounced. Setting aside all our connexions and the ties of friendship with Austria, placing the Government of Austria on the merits of its ad ministration, I believe that the administration of that Go vernment may challege comparison with the administration of any Government, however free or liberal the institutions of that Government may be. The Noble Earl, in moving the Address, referred to the paragraph of her Majesty's Speech in which her Majesty said :—" It was satisfactory to her to be enabled to state that, both in the north and la the south of Europe, the contending parties had consented to a suspension of arms for the purpose of negotiating terms of peace." With regard to that paragraph, it is not very clear who are the contending parties who have agreed to a suspension of hostilities. No distinction is drawn between the consent to the suspension in the north and the consent to the suspension in the south. It is false that there is any suspension of hostilities between Austria and Turin, except that which was so eloquently and humorously ad verted to by my Noble Friend—that the King of Sardinia has been foiled in his most unjust aggression. There is, as far as I know, no suspension of hostilities between the Sove reign Pontiff and his subjects at Rome. But now, with re gard to this negotiation, by what principle, by what right are you entering upon any negotiation whatever ?—(Hear.) What is the object of that negotiation ? As regards Austria and Lombardy, what have you to negotiate for ? From those provinces, to which Austria has an undoubted right, the King of Sardinia has been driven, and the war there is virtually at an end. Are you going to carry your love of liberal principles so far in the person of Charles Albert as that, having refused to mediate at a time when Austria was anxious for your mediation, now, when the success of Austria incomplete, without the consent of Austria you are about to negotiate and to propose terms of mediation, by which the King of Sardinia should derive some advantage from his most unprincipled aggression ? The King ,of Naples has not asked for our assistance. All he desires is simply to be left alone.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was not an unreasonable request his Majesty made, that he should be allowed to manage his own dominion without our meddling interference.—(Cheers.) We have no more right to be interfering between Naples and Sicily, than the King of Naples has to intermeddle in our affairs. But, in spite of the protest of the King of Naples, we are going, it appears, to effect what we conceive to be a just and equitable solution of the question, having already given a rather premature intimation of our views when we sanctioned the otrer of the throne of Sicily to the son of the King of Sar dinia.—(Hear, hear.) I will not ask whether, in the threatened negotiations, the King of Naples is to be insulted with the proposition that Sicily is to be governed by a Ski ban assembly and garrisoned by a Sicilian army—l will not believe that you can have the effrontery to offer such terms to an independent sovereign as the solution of this question, until I actually see evidence Of it in the black and white of official" documents.—( Hear, hear.) But do you mean to deal with bath parties on equal terms? Is it your intention to force each to accept your terms, or, in the event of either rejecting them, to leave the parties to settle the dispute as they may,—(Hear, hear ) The state of our foreign relations are, most unsatisfactory. With almost every country we fooar i i f not involved in quarrels, at least upon an anfriendly with hear. ) That this country is not engaged in hostilitiess on Ti most of her allies is attri butable, not to your , T but to their wise moderation and forbearance. (Cheers.) Government— if, indeed, it can be calledhere is one a rGovernment—the powerful of a great and powerful count ry , with which, under all the difficulties with which it strugglin it this which, I believe, we are upon friendly terms. I will take pspoorretuthriaity the repeating what I have often saidand I am ° sentiment will obtain the concurrence ot every man here,ttthaet the continuance of a good understanding b etween this Coun try and France is at all times essential to the maintenanc of the peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) How is it that we have maintained friendly relations with France? Because our Government has cautiously and prudently abstained from all interference in the domestic affairs of that country because you allowed the French to settle their own Go. vernment, without obtruding on them your interferenc e' advice, and negotiations.—(ll - ear, hear.) But though you have friendly relations with France at this moment, who can predict that for a fortnight, a week, we may be •or a day, able to maintain amicable relations with t ieni. Passing from our foreign relations, the Royal Speech next informs us that " a rebellion of a formidable character has broken out in . the Punjaub," and then goes on to say th at the " tran quillity of British India has not been affected by the unprovoked disturbances." If I know anything of the force of langukge, a rebellion means the risin of subjects ag ainst g their lawful ab • v ""gh In terms you exclude the Punj aub from the gim es % . dominions in British India. You ha ve never Lined` it. - an opin ion. de to whether policy maynot venture to . express cessity may make it unavoidable, render it desirable, or ne cessity territories Indie s b i ts st• to annex the Punjaub to ,th - nugh P t lr e ent it is no portion of the British dominions ; and has been a rising in the Punjaub; you are not justified in d r e e s e,e rti l r l i i g on it ,, N i s h t e he not unimportant or iusigntlicant word fact, hoverer, is incontestable; that a war of a formidable . cha racter lisis broken out in the Timjaub, to conduct which to a successftil issue it will be necessary to smt portion of her Majesty's threes in addition to those at the disposal of the Last India Company. With respect to Ireland, we are told that the insurrection in that country has not been but that a spirit of disaffection ?till exists, and that it i e s new e ed, sary to ask for a continuance for a limited time of the coercive powers which Parliament entrusted to the Government lastiv° ione The Noble Lord who moved the Address Tad us that Ireland was in a better state now than it was in last year, when a storm was threatening there. I need not tell your Lordships that the storm burst and did not prove very formidable in its results. The outbreak he Ireland was suppressed by the strong arm —by the military force and by nothing else, and the moment you reduce that force, the mome n t y ou t a k e o ff the pressure, the storm is ready to burst forth aga i n •, for the spirit of disaffection is 'still rife in that country, and the forcible suppression of the late outbreak has not produced upon the minds of the great body of the people the slightest effect as regards the hopelessness, and still less as regards the criminality of these designs.—(Hear, hear.) With re spect to our foreign relationkthen , it appears that we are upon amicable terms only with France; with respect to India, we are engaged in a formidable war there, and in two or three of cssr colonies insurrection has already brolesn , out, which a will require a considerable body of :::i) 4 -troops t I -regret to -see that-hr -some — other of our colonial possessions the feeling of exasperation 'at the treatment which they have experienced from the Imperial Legislature has engendered a spirit amounting now to discontent, but which is fast ripening into disaffection, and, as they despair cf obtaining relief from the mother country, no one can be bold enough to predict the re sult.—(Hear, hear.) Lastly, we have Ireland almost uni versally disaffected—a country in which the ordinary process between man and man can be enforced by military power alone. In the face of all this Ministers have had the confidence to place in the mouth of their Sovereign the astounding declaration that the aspect of affairs is such as to enable them to effect large reductions in the estimatea— (Loud cries of "Hear.") I venture to state, * openly and fearlessly, that it is not the aspect of affairs abroad or in Ire land, but the aspect of affairs in another place, which has in duced the Government to make reductions. I believe that they have no alternative but to do as they are ordered.— (Cheers.) I believe it is possible to effect some reductions in the civil departments of the army, ordnance, and navy, I also think that large reductions may be made by checking the abuses which exist in the administration and management of the dockyards.—(Hear, hear.) But the greatest security we could obtain for having the work well done in the dockyards would be the passing of an enact ment to deprive all persons employed in those yards from voting for Members of Parliament.—(Cheers) I have heard at least 20 naval officers express an opinion that until per sons employed in the dockyards shall be prevented from voting for Members of Parliament, it will be impossible to exercise efficient control over the work performed in those establishments.—(Hear, hear.) If reductions can be effected, in God's name let them be made, and, although one may wonder why such a course has been so long delayed, I will applaud the Government which shall economise with out prejudice to the permanent interests of the empire. But when the country is in a position which requires that she should have all her resources and powers at hand, I cannot concur with those who, for the sake of economy, would largely diminish the naval and military forces of the country. —(Hear, hear.) I observe it is announced that the Govern ment intends in the course of the present session to take some steps with reference to the amendment of the law for the re lief of the poor in Ireland. Now, without undervaluing the labours of a Committee of either House of Parliament, my opinion is, that if the Government mean to lay before the Committee a clear statement of the amendments which they intend to propose in the law, and ask the Committee merely to occupy themselves with the details, they will obtain the cheerful and candid co-operation of both parties in Parlia ment ; but if it be the object of the Government to throw the whole question before a Committee in order that they may inquire into:that which has already been inquired into usque ad nauseam; and when we have a Lord-Lieutenant who, I am glad to declare, discharges the duties of his high station in , a praiseworthy manner to men of all parties, and willing to receive their suggestions and ad vice—then I say that Ministers will shrink from the respon sibility which properly belongs to them, and will , betray their duty their Sovereign and their country.—(Cheers.) It is announced also in the Speech from the throne, that it is the intention of the Government to submit to the,con,idera tion of Parliament a measure for the repeal or modification of the navigation laws. Now I must declare my fixed opi nion, foundel upon all the inquiry I have been able to make, is, with regard to these laws, very contrary to the assump tions of bet Majesty's Speech. I hold that the maintenance of the navigation laws—not in every part of their details, but in all the integrity of their every principle, is essential and indispensable to our maritime_ supremacy, and does not check or impede the commerce of the country in any degree, to be placed for a single moment as a counterbalance and corm terpose to the vital and paramount consideration of maintaining our maritime supremacy. Therefore, whilst I assent in this qualified manner to the portion of the Address which relates to this subject, in which I think most of your Lordships will be disposed to concur with me, I ex press my firm determination at the present moment to resist any attempt that may be made to modify materially, or in terfere with, the essence and integrity of these laws.—(Hear, hear.) I come now to the last portion of her Majesty's Speech upon which I have to comment. upon those por tions to which I have already adverted, much as dissent from many of their statements, and very un satisfactory as I deem them to be, I do not feel my self called upon to offer your Lordships any amendment. But, my Lords, in the portion to which I now come, there appears to me to be so exaggerated and so erroneous a view presented of the actual state of the trade and commerce of the country, and it appears to me to be so necessary that there should be placed before the country a clear and per fect knowledge of the view which Parliament takes of the actual condition of the great interests to which I have al luded, that reluctant as I am on all occasions like the pre sent to interfere with the unanimity of your Lordships upon the Address in answer to her Majesty's Speech, I still feel it my duty to submit to your Lordships' consideration ,an amendment upon this paragraph of the Address, and I trust your Lordships will think proper to accede to it. My Lords, it is stated in the Royal Speech that her Majesty has great satisfaction in stating that the trade and commerce of the country are reviving from those shocks which at the commencement of last session we all had to deplore ; and it is also stated that the condition of the manufacturing interests is more encouraging than it has been for some time before; and further, *hat the revenue is in a state of progressive improvement. My Lords, I cannot think this statement conveys a fair and accurate representa tion of the state of the manufacturing and commercial interests of the country, or of the state of the revenue. It is no doubt true that the panics of last year and of 1847 are much mitigated; but we are strangely mistaken indeed, if we suppose that the results of that penis on the corn , merce of the country have ceased to be felt. We are greatly mistaken if we suppose that the commerce or manufactures of this country are in a state of even comparative prospe rity ; and I think the few documents to which I shall appeal too abundantly show that a too favourable view is taken in this her Majesty's Speech with regard to these matters. First, with reference to finance, " the progressive improve ment in the revenue." I hold in my hand the last quarter's statement of the revenue, and I find that the revenue for the last year (I speak now, of course, of the ordinary revenue of the country) exceeds by something like 900,0001. the revenue o f the preceding year ; and there is an excess of ;revenue in the Customs to the amount of 900,0001. There is a falling off in other branches. There is an increase—an apparent increase —in the Excise to the amount of 1,100,000/. ; but that is explained by a transfer account that has taken place between the Excise and the Stamps and Taxes. On the other hand, there is a decrease of between 800,000!. and 900,0001.; but the amount of the Customs revenue—the amount of the sur plus in this year, of a "progressive improvement" in the re venue is, so far as I can judge, within a very limited sum indeed, precisely the difference hat arises from the duty on foreign corn, and which duty did not exist in 1847. And how are you to support this " progressive improvement" of revenue? Why, you are about this very day to cut off Mae only source from which that surplus is derived.—(Hear, hear.) But, my Lords, another significant matter with res spect' to those figures is, that there is a small, but not un important decrease in the property-tax—a diminution te the amount of 103,000/. ; and this is caused not by any mere casual remissness in one quarter, as compared with another; and every diminution under the head property tax, of re ceipts into the Exchequer, is an indication of the loss of capital on which the tax is levied to the amount of 33 times the loss of revenue stated. The :apparent loss of 103,0001., small as the sum appeared on so large an amount as the property-tax realised, is an indication that British capital and property liable to that tax is lost and destroyed to the extent of three millions and a half. Now, I see in this no reason to boast of the returning prosperity of the manufac turing and commercial interests. I will now appeal to a paper on the table, periodically published under the autho rity of the Board of Trade. The last returns showed that in the six leading articles of British manufacture—cotton, silk, woollen, linen, hardware, and earthernware, so far from there being an improvement in the amount of the exports in 1848, there was actually a diminution in the exports of those six articles alone, as compared with 1847, of 4,000,000/. sterling in value, and as compared with 1846, of 5,200,0001. These exports alone had failed off since 1846, from 37 millions to 32 millions within a fraction. There is another test of prosperity, not applicable, certainly, to the manufacturing interests alone, to which I shall refer—l mean the withdrawal of deposits in the savings' banks. 1 have consulted several documents relating to different parts of the country, and from one and all, almost without excep tion, the withdrawals .of deposits from the savings' banks throughout the country during the present year exceeds those of six previous years by a sum of between 40,000/. and 50,000/.—(Hear, hear.) The general tenor and character of the Speech, then, do, even with regard to the manufacturing and commercial interests, and the state and prosperity of the revenue, give a more favourable view of the condition of the country than we are warranted by the facts of the case in drawing. And I must observe that I am quite as tonished that her Majesty's Ministers, professing in the Queen's Speech to give a review of the social condition of the country, should have passed by, either with indifference, and as altogether unworthy of notice, or in the belief that they were labouring under no difficulties or depression, interests, which, to say the least of them, do not yield in magnitude or importance to the vast commercial and manufacturing inte rests of the country—l allude to the agricultural and colonial interests of this empire ; and yet, look where you will, go to what authority you please, this fact will not be denied, not even by the Minister for the Home Department, regarding the agricultural interests, nor even by the Secretary of state for the Colonies with respect to the West Indies, that those interests are labouring at this moment under a state of deep and serious depression.—( Hear.) My Lords why then this total omission of all mention of those interests? Why had the slightest indication been grasped at of returning prosperity in the manufacturing and commercial interests, whilst these grave particulars relating te, what I venture to call the great vital and fundamental interests of every country, are treated with a contemptuous or indifferent silence?—(Bear, hear.) I believe the maintenance of these interests is essen tial to the prosperity of this country. Nay, more, I will say this, that I fear the measures of her Majesty's Government are going far to perpetuate and increase the ruin and dis tress now impending over both of these great interests. My Lords, I believe that with regard to both of them, the Go vernment has 'entered upon a most mistaken course of policy. I am glad to find that my Noble and Learned Friend now gwhe nives bhies feels serful that a aid and advocacy is a to lr t e h a e dy lan o d rg ed an i i n z t e e d re t s o t subvert it—a coMbinaticoonmwhich as I anticipated when we passed ,the unhappy corn-law lt.' u p measure, would not rest satis fied there, but, following to its fatal onslaught upon the landed interest s o f ' this openly and avowedly de clared its fixed intention nkd be °l2 ' to annihilate and destroy the great colonial interests of the empire. receive ,the powerful s u p port of We are now about to o) N oble and (Lord Brougham), at last, i n favour of justice L tcrt t fi n e ed la L nd o e r d d and colonial interests. He has noticed) t he u and illegal mode in which' that combination unconstitutio nal prosecuted b fatal and pernicious purposes; and I trust th at my N oble and Learned Friend, warned by experience, and I trust your Lordships also, warned by not experience merely, but also by his honest confession, will not lend your countenance or sup port for the attainment of an y ob j ect, how ever desirable it may be in tself, that is not sought to be effected by wise, by honoura ble, by safe, instead of by violent or dan gerous or unco nst i tu tional means.— (Hear, hear.) My Lords, with no less convicti on with no less confidence, of my opinions, whi lst II unhesitatingly pro f ess myself no advocate for any unnecessary or vexatious restrictions upon declare myself an uncom commerce, I no less unhesitating ly that bastard ailed that one-s ided, promising enemy to,that misc introduced by her system termed free trade," which was intro Majesty's Government, to the b e nefit of the foreigner, and the detriment of British industry ; and I avow myself also to be which felt an uncompromising adherent of that old principle it to be w i se , an d j ust , an d equ it a bl e to give protection—not prohibition —not monopoly—not more than a necessary pro tection. to counterbalance the disadvantages experienced by your own producer in this country, and encountered by your fellow-countryman, wherever he may be found. I bear many say that this principle of "free trade" having been deliberately adopted, and confirmed by the Legislature of this country, that adjustment must be considered as final, and never again to be interfered with. My Lords, from that principle, and fro m that• • position I most emphatically dissent. I continue to believe that protection to the products of Bri tish industry is a so un d , a rational, and a national policy— ( Hear) and I will never consent to establish what has alread y been done in an opposite directio n as a stepping-stone from which we are to proceed i n a ll our future legislation, and to take it as un fait accompli, that protection to British industry must henceforth be abandoned. Oa the ontrary, lam here to declare before your LordshipB and the country, strength ened by experience of every succeeding day, my conviction that this country will never prosper—that you will never be able to thwart and defeat the dangerous designs of mischievous I men, bent upon still farther measures of perillous change, and having, as they imagine, at length grasped the lever by which they hope to upheave and up root the old and venerable fsundations of this country —my Lords, I say every day's experience convinces me more and more that if you hope to see the return of prosprrity to the manufacturing and commercial interests, as well as of the landed and agricultural interests, including in these latter interests not the country gentlemen alone, but the farmers, and also the labourers of England—(Hear, hear) — you must retrace the steps you have taken —you must return to make a large portion of your revenue depend upon the product of moderate import duties—you I must return to the principle of protection, and not only is my conviction firm that this is that to which, if you are wise, you will return, but my belief moreover is strong, that at no very distant period to that principle and to that system the feeling and deliberate opinion of the country will compel you to return.—( Hear, hear.) My Lords, with the view I take, it is hardly necessary for me to waste your Lordships' time by referring to the present prices of agricultural pro duce, or to waste your time by showing that the farming interests of this country are in a state of considerable depres sion. I have, indeed, heard that, as has been said lately, on the authority of a very distinguished individual, after all, the wheat crop is a very small proportion of farmers' produce. —(A laugh.) I can easily conceive that at the present moment thanks to your Lordships' le gislation and that of the other House of Parliament, —the farmers' wheat crop does constitute a very small item of his annual produce. At the present moment the price of corn is 455. per quarter—the precise amount to which I ven tured, in the debate on the corn-laws, to express my opinion free trade would bring down the regular price of corn in this country; and that at the price of 455. you would have intro duced, one year with the other, something like four million quarters. Now it singularly enough happens that the price of wheat at this moment, I believe, is 455. and a fraction per quarter, and that in the course of last year—a year, be it observed, of very moderate prices—there were imported about 5,000,000 quarters of all descrip tions of corn. I say it is impossible, if these prices are to be permanent, that the agricultural operations of this country can be carried on with profit to the farmer; and I say that if they cannot so be carried on with a profit, the loss will in a very short time fall, not upon him, but upon the labourers employed, and all connected with the agricultural interest. But, my Lords, there is a most significant fact staring us in the face at the present moment, and I appeal as to this, not to figures, but to your Lordships' expe rience, and I speak to men connected with almost all parts of the country upon the point, and I ask if experience throughout the kingdom, and more especially in the southern counties, does not show, that in spite of the low prices ithat were to bring about universal plenty, happiness, and contentment, there is a larger amount of vagrancy, a greater amount of mendicancy, and a greater number of able-bodied agricultural labourers thrown upon the poor-rates than there ever was before?- I ask your Lordships whether these increasing evils are not pressing exclusively upon the land, and becoming more into lerably burdensome than they have ever been at any other period? Now, if this be really the truth—if this fearful state of things is actually going on—then it is not honest to sink the fact. I believe, my Lords, that you have given, in her Majesty's Speech , an erroneous and exaggerated colouring, even of the ' state of those interests that are mentioned in it ; and that there is an entire omission in that Speech—not, perhaps, wilfully—on the part of her Majesty's advisers, but still most censurably, of all mention of important interests now in distress, and ap proaching their ruin. I will not now enter into details re garding our West Indian colonies. I have to thank your Lordships for having so patiently listened to me while endea vouring to correct what I deem to be serious mis-statements in her Majesty's Speech; and I must also apologise most unfeignedly to you for my having been drawn, in the course of my hasty remarks, to an unexpected length. I have to move, as an amendment upon the Address before your Lord ships, that at the conclusion of the paragraph which de clares the state of the revenue to be one of progressive im provement, and after thanking her Majesty for that com munication, that the following words be inserted, via.— " We regret, however, to be compelled humbly to represent to your Majesty, that neither your Majesty's relations with foreign Powers, nor the state of the revenue, nor the con dition of the commercial and manufacturing interests of the country are such as, in our opinion, justify us in addressing your Majesty in language of congratulation, and that large portions of the agricultural and colonial interests of the empire are labouring under a state of progressive de pression, calculated to excite serious apprehensions and anxieties." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE next rose to address the House, but his speech was very inaudible in the gallery. We understood, him to say that he must begin by stating that had it not been for the speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down, he would have been perfectly cont en t t o res t th e grounds of , his vote in favour of the Address that had been moved that night upon the speeches of the two Noble Lords behind him. But after what had fallen from the Noble Lord who had last addressed the House, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) felt it necessary to make a few observations. The Noble Lord who had just sat down, was pleased to conjecture that this silence had been occasioned by the supposition on his (Lord Lansdowne's) part, that the speech of the Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Brougham) was favour able to the Address, and to the policy which it recommended. Such was the simplicity with which the Noble Lord had been pleased to charge him. Blithe did certainly think the Noble Lord had shown as much simplicity when he con sidered, as he (Lord Lansdowne) well }mew at the time and expected he would consider, the speech of the Noble Lord, which went so much further in approbation, and therefore so much less in disapprobation of the Address, to be in favour of the sentiments he himself had just expressed. —(Hear, hear.) Yet although he congratulated himself upon having secured the assistance and approbation of the Noble and Learned Lord in favour of what he was pleased to call the landed interest, that Noble and Learned Lord had taken the opportunity already of reminding him that he must not congratulate himself on having secured his assistance in going back wards—(Hear, hear)—to protection, which he had just an nounced to their Lordships as his policy. In that respect, at least, he could not assure him of having found much en couragement from the Learned Lord, or assistance. With regard to the silence alluded to by the Noble Lord, and his own reasons for abstaining for the while from offering him self to the attention of their Lordships, he would say that the Noble Lord had availed himself as undoubtedly he was well competent to do, of that opportunity, and the terms of the Address, in order to state an opinion, and to found that opinion on assumed facts, at a moment when, in the very terms of the Speech, it had been announced that the whole of the papers would be very shortly laid upon the table. He would be permitted to say that the Noble Lord could not, for his purpose, have ever adopted a more judicious time.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord had waited for these papers, no one of the assertions which he had made in his speech, and which he had made the foun dation of that opinion which he invited their Lordships to adopt, not one of these assertions which would not have been falsited. In proceeding to reply to the speech of the Noble Lord, he would take it up in the order which the Noble Lord himself had pursued. But he begged leave, in the first instance, to say that he di sc l a i me d w i t h the Noble Lord altogether the opinion that hostilities had been coun tenanced by the British Government, or with their consent suspended between Austria and Hungary. He assured them that they had never interfered with these hostilities, never meant to interfere with them, and never were desired to interfere. At the same time they could not but contem plate with deep interest a struggle carried on under circum stances of great difficulty, in which individuals had displayed before the world sentiments and conduct of so lofty a cha racter. He assured the Noble Lord that they had taken no part whatever in the negotiation between the Emperor of Austria and his subjects—a negotiation in which he deemed they had no right to take part. There were other nego tiations, however, connected with that pow er i n t o w hi c h they had entered, and which, he hoped, would end in con solidating the interests of that power, and the general peace of Europe. His Noble Fri e nd a t the head of the Foreign Department had, nevertheless, been represented as insisting upon being permitted to interfere, and as thrusting his mediation upon other nations. There was one instance, in deed, in which they had, offered their mediation ; they had communicated to Austria the terms on which they proposed to mediate, terms which were favourable to the Austrian interests. 'At the moment Austria did not think fit to accede to these terms; but a time elapsed, new circum stances o.xurred, and the relations of parties were somewhat altered, when at length their mediation was accepted, and a Congress would be called upon such terms as pe‘feetly justi fied the ,course determined on by the N o bl e L or d t h e Secre tary foror oreign Affairs. He did notcertainly think that his Noble Friend opposite (Lord Stanley) would go so far as to say that, having undertaken a mediation, at the request and in consequence of the application of another power, they should offer only such advice as she herself might wish.— ( Hear, bear.) Such, at least, were not the terms on which they had, or ever would consent to interfere in any coun ty; and when the Noble Lord chose so to misrepresent the policy of his Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Depart ment, he might remind that Noble Lord of the time when be was in conjunction with his Noble Friend (Lord Pal merston), and when his Noble Friend entered upon some of the most important negotiations with the greatest powers in Europe, and carried them to a successful termination, with the complete approbation of the Noble Lord then, though he had now withheld it, and with the very best effects upon the peace of the world. If, however, it were conceded to the Noble Lord that the policy of his Noble Friend (Lord Pal merston) had been of a disturbing and unpeaceful character, why, the Noble Lord, by his own expressed opinion, had still the consolation that his Noble Friend, during the past year, had been most unsuccessful in his endeavours.— (Hear, and laughter.) These endeavours had been made at a crisis the most exciting, and under circumstances the most trying which for many years had occurred in Europe—at a time when those evil passions alluded to by the Noble Lord had been let loose, and hostilities existed between country and country, and even forgotten nationalities had been revived in a spirit of bitterness; but thanks to the policy on which his Noble Friend had proceeded—(Cheers)—and thanks to that con junction and co-operation of France with England—(Cheers) —noticed in the Speech from the Throne, these evil passions, these &tistilities between country and country—these nation alities had been for.the time successfully prevented from end ing in a general war. It was mainly owing to the policy of his Noble Friend that there had not been a general outbreak. —( Hear, hear, and cheers.) He now came to notice the comments of the Noble Lord on their mediation in the affairs of Sicily. In the first place, the Noble Lord would have their Lordships to believe that, as regarded any of the par ties concerned, the interference of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had been uninvited. Lord STANLEY explained that his remarks applied to the interference of the squadron: The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would come to that after wards. His Noble Friend had never wished to interfere in these affairs, and he did not interfere until after the impor tunate solicitation of the King of Naples himself.—(Hear, hear.) They had been solicited for their advice in the affairs of Naples, and when once in Naples, they were urged and solicited to passe over into Sicily. If they had not gone to Sicily, or if they had not gone to Naples, what would now have been the language of the Noble Lord opposite in animadverting upon the conduct of the Government? " Is that the way," he would have said, " in which you use the King of Naples, an ancient power in friendly relations with the British Go vernment? You have neglected your obligations in so treat ing a friendly power who has solicited, under important cir cumstances, your advice and mediation." They did go to Naples, but when there, they were solicited to send also into Sicily. " Would the Secretary of the Legation at all events pcwer w w it h h ic w h h h ic a n d they solicitedh had in not go? Or would they not send, if it were only an att ac h 6? Vl ' ould nobody go?" Somebody did go, th ere f ore . A s re been in a state of allian , spected Naples, then, itc was eand a a power their • terference. Indeed, looking at Sicily , not as indepen. country which they wished to be tilde dent of Naples, not as a ndent of Naples, but as a country having certain rights, an d in possession of these rights, the ground of British interfe rence rights were recognized as they had been invited at in Sicily. He did not say t hat . as being practically independent, did occur which made i hts; b tit circumstanees afterwards _ we U 2014 01 obligator) , on the Britian Government to the time to effect for Sicily recovery of the possession of these assistance of their moral influence for the recovery of these rights to the nation. In their interference they had ex pressly limited themselves by the same principle which had ruled the negotiations of former Governments with the same kingdom. He might quote, from more than one document, a precedent in support of the course adopted by the Govern ment in this case, but he would confine himself to the in structions given by Lord Castlereagh, to Sir William A'Court in circumstances precisely similar. The Noble Marquis then read a passage from these instructions, which made the consent of the Sicilian Parliament a condition of Sir Wil liam proceeding with the negotiation. What did the Noble Lord think of that? But it was very convenient for the Noble Lord to despise any mention of moral obliga tion, as though the Government had had nothing to do with mediating between the parties. The Government had warned them that they would not go to war, and could they do more? But, at the same time, they had not disclaimed a warm interest and a strong feeling on their behalf. The British and French squadrons then, without any preparations for war, and without any instructions either to make war or to be prepared for it, lay in the waters over against Mes sina, and observed the motions of both parties in that city. They were surprised to see, without notice or warning, a se ries of hostilities commenced, and a terrible bombardment began, and continued throughout the whole of the day. A struggle, which both the admirals of the combined fleets had been called on three different times to assist in terminating, and towards a successful:determination of which their efforts had been as often all but successful, hoping that, with a little delay, another might succeed where they had failed ; this struggle was thus suddenly and unexpectedly recommenced, and pro secuted with barbarities which, as described by the Noble Lord himself, exceeded those that had been perpetrated in the streets of Frankfort, as much as these exceeded the character of civilized war. Those who, by their course of life, might be expected to have their feelings somewhat har dened to the scenes presented by warfare, saw with horror not only the houses demolished or burned down, but hos pitals even—(Hear, hear)—thrown down and their unhappy inmates, the diseased, the sick, and the infirm, dragged out and butchered ; they saw, and saw with horror, women dragged from their houses, and dragged from the churches to which they had fled for shelter, and violated and killed. Could those men in the English and French fleets allow such barbarities to proceed, notwithstanding that they had been thrice invited to negotiate a friendly issue, and had thrice almost succeeded in conciliating the contending parties? Could they, although accustomed to the scenes of war, remain indifferent while the same parties who had in vited their interference were perpetrating barbarities that outraged humanity ? The Noble Lord, however, must not think, as he seems to do, that the interference of England was all on one side. The patriots or the insurgents, which soever it might please the Noble Lord to call them, had been successful against Palermo; and had taken the city; but the garrison which still remained within the city was in danger of being butchered, except for the presence of English men of-war. The Noble Lord's arguments, however, might be stretched so far as to countenance the butchering of that garrison; yet he (the Maiquis of Lansdowne) would not do him the injustice to suppose that he would practically acknowledge the natural consequences of his own reasoning. The interference, then, was ne cessitated by the circumstances which he had narrated, and was sanctioned by the authority of the Admiral, Sir William Parker, whose conduct while employed in many of the most difficult and delicate negotiations had been of the most meritorious character, (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Ministers, he might say, were at that moment in negotiation, for a happy termination of these painful contests, and al though he might not venture to express a definite opinion, he would express his sanguine hope that their negotiations would be brought to a prompt and acceptable issue. In regard to what the Noble Lord opposite had said upon the subject of the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, he could only assure the Noble Lord that the negotiation was proceeding, if not speedily, yet satisfactorily, and that the difficulties had in a certain degree disappeared. With re gard to Spain, we understood the Noble Marquis to say that he expected the Spanish Government would fully recognize the injustice of the charges they had brought against our Minister. The Noble Marquis then passed to that part of the speech of Lord Stanley, in which he had com mented upon the Government policy in Ireland, and had made remarks not borne out by the facts. He was not there to contend that the poor-law in that country required no modification or change, and he trusted that at an early period of the session that subject would be fully taken into con sideration. As regarded the renewal of the increased powers, which had been granted last year, those powers had been exercised mildly; and he intended to lay before the House a dispatch received from the Lord-Lieutenant, containing the grounds upon which he had made that recommendation to the Government—and in which they had acquiesced—of asking for the renewal of those powers, and that dispatch, he trusted, would satisfy the minds of their Lordships as to the propriety of the course which had been taken in this respect. The Noble Marquis next drew the attention of their Lord ship's to the really improving state of commerce, and of the manufacturing districts. There had lately been a much greater demand for manufactured goods. The state of the revenue was also, happily, one of progression—( Hear); — and he trusted he should be able to satisfy the Noble Lord opposite that there was proof of improvement in the revenue altogether independent of the corn duty. Putting aside the corn duty altogether, there had been an improvement of 200,000 e. in the Customs in the course of last year.—(Hear, hear.) He then alluded to the returns from the savings banks, which he described as encouraging, and concluded by saying he felt justified in the opinion that there was a return to prosperity in every branch—a prosperity which be earnestly hoped might be permanent.—(Cheers.) The Dulls of RICHMOND could not undepatand why the Noble Marquis should have added insult to injury in his in flictions upon the agricultural interest. While a protection, ranging from five to fifteen per cent., had been continued, and rightly, on the manufactures of' this country, the agricul tural interests of the country had at the moment he was speaking, no protection at all.—(Hear, hear.) The farmers could not afford to pay a large number of labourers, and they were forced to keep on as many as they could of those men who had large families, and to discharge the others. He had always thought the new poor-law a good law, and had sup ported it; but he declared before heaven that he had never dreamed it possible that by an Act passed by men voting against their consciences -as he deeply regretted to say many of their Lordshipsidid—honest industrious men seeking only to support themselves and their families, by doing a good day's work for a good day's pay, would be driven into the workhouses. The Noble Duke then expressed his dis approbation of the proceedings of the financial and other agitators in Liverpool and Ma ichester, who, he believed, were doing great injury to the country. Was it possible the Government could consent to the reduction of the army and navy of this empire, at the bidding of such a despicable body of men? He hoped his Noble Friend, when he pro posed his reductions, would stateexplicitly the reasons which had induced him to think that this country was now in such a condition, that her power might be reduced. Were the Government going to take men away from Ireland? If so, what did they want with a Coercion Act? The best co ercion act for the Irish insurgents was the know ledge that a British regiment was at hand and ready to act. Reduction of this kind in the army was false economy. The parish rates would be increased because, if men were discharged, he apprehended the Government would not part with the most efficient, and the men so discharged were unfit for agricultural pursuits; and even if they were there was no demand for their labour, and so these men would swell the already over-crowded workhouses. Pie trusted protection would again become the law of the land. He might be told that it was unlikely or impossible, but what was unlikely when it was remem bered that, in 1846, the Peelites voted for the repeal of the corn-laws? He would contend to the last for the princi ciples of protection, and to his dying day it would be a source of regret to him that so many of their Lordships had voted for the corn-laws against their own convictions.—(Hear.) Earl FITZ WILLIAM had so much confidence in the honesty of his Noble Friend, that he entertained no doubt he would redeem the pledge _lie had given, that he would contend for (protection ; but he , must remember that public opinion in this country had grown, and that a mass of ability, energy, and untiring perseverance had grown up in the middle classes of this country, by the power of which protection had been torn away. It was not the Anti-Corn law League that would have carried the repeal of those laws, if it had not found a basis in the feelings and opinions of the mass of the people, and his Noble Friend must win the opinion of the country to his principles. As to the taxation, the weight of it did not press exclusively upon agricultural property, but upon factories and other property that might be called realised, but was totally distinct from agriculture. The Noble Earl proceeded to deprecate that sort of warfare between classes which the language used by his Noble Friend unfortunately tended to encourage. He recommended his Noble Friend and those who acted with him not by their own conduct to place those who ca villed at the landed interest, and regarded it as injurious to the country, in the position of being really in the right. This much he would say—that the gentlemen of 1841 might, if they had chosen, have made a much better bar gain than they did, and if they had now no protection at all it was their own fault. With respect to Ireland, his Noble Friend (the Marquis of Lansdowne) had given notice of his intention of moving for the appointment of a Committee on the subject of the Irish poor-law. Whatever was to be done with respect to the amendment of the Irish poor-law should be effected without delay, and h e f eare d th e appoint ment of a Committee might occupy a cons id era bl e period. The Earl of YARBOROUGH wished to state shortly the reasons which would induce him to vote against the amend ment. He was not prepared to say that they should retrace their steps with regard to the removal of protection, for by doing so they would only expose the agricultural interests to all the agitation to which they had been exposed during the last three or four years. , He was glad that her Majesty's Ministers had made no allusion. in the Speech from the Throne to the agricultural. interest, and he had hoped that no allusion would have been wide, to it in the course of the debate. The Duke of ARGYLE thought that it would be nothing short of a great public calamity, if the amendment of the Noble Lord was adopted. He conceived that in 1845 the question of protection was Betted, and it would only be pro per again to agitate the queetion when there was an obvious failure of free trade. He denied that there had been any such failure.—(Hear.) He had lately, returned from Scotland intelligent farmers of' the country, and he knew that they where he had been in com mu nication with some of the most did not regard the chan ge w ith alarm. They believed that the present state os th e p r i ce of corn was owing to this being the period of transition. He should heartily give his vote against the amendment. The Duke of WELLINGTON addressed the House as fol lows :—Notwithstanding the latenesiof the hour, I cannot refrain from addressing a few words to your Lordships to de precate the voting thi s amen dment to the Address, and , also shortly to state my r eason f or giving a vote against the amend ment.—(Hear, bear.) I greatly admired the speech which my Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) delivered in the early part of the evening. M Noble and Learned Friend was the first Person in that House fully to appre ciate the state of affairs ou the Continent, which rendered it extremely difficult for this country to succeed in its exer tions to maintain the - peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) I was always sensible of the extreme delicacy and difficulty attending the position of public affairs on the continent of Europe during the whole of the 3 ear 1848—(Hear, hear)_ and I have been all along most anxious that nothing should be done to throw the smallest difficulty or impediment in the way of the Government, or which should give occasion to the smallest ground for believing that the Government was not supported by the public opinion of this country.—(Hear. ) For this reason, I confess that I was relieved from intense aexiety, when, in the Speech from the Throne this day, I heard her Majesty read that paragraph in which it was stated that, as soon as " the interests of the public service will permit, I shall direct the papers connected with these transactions to be laid on the table of the House." I was gratified to hear this declaration from her Majesty, as I had hoped that it would have had the effect of preventing a discussion on those delicate affairs until the House was fully informed of the measures adopted by her Majesty's Govern ment, and of the reasons which had actuated them. The House, however, ent ere d upon the discussion of these ques tion, notwithstandin g h er M a jesty had promised that the papers should be f urn i s h e d as so on as was consistent with the pablic'service, o r th at th e y m ight have an opportunity of discussing them with a knowledge of the facts of the case. MyLords, I am aware that a gr eat deal must be explained. A Noble Lord on th i b s i de of the 'House (Lord Beaumont) 118 oxprootsed a wog o pinion with respect to Naples ~. , and (Sicily. I was anxious, and it was my intention to move, tor the production of certain documents which are not now found among the Parliamentary papers, namely, the de clarations made by the King of Naples when he acceded to the throne of Naples in conformity with tie treaty of Vienna. —(Hear, hear.) With regard to the first part of that treaty, when King of the Two Sicilies, it was true that he was not actually King of Naples, for a member of the family of Bona parte was then in possession of the throne of Naples ; he was, however, actually King of the Two Sicilies, and in that capacity made treaties with George 111. It was after this that the Congress of Vienna tendered to that Sovereign the accession to the throne of Naples. The King of the Two Sicilies accepted the invitation, and before taking pos session of the, throne, he made certain declarations which became a part of the treaty—indeed, they were as much a part of the treaty of Vienna as the other parts of it—(Hear, hear)—and which his Majesty and this country were bound to observe as much as they were bound by the other stipu lations of the treaty of Vienna.—(Hear, hear.) Before this debate began I had intended to have given notice of a mo tion for the production of the documents to which I have alluded, and which I believe are now out of print, as they cannot be found in this House; and I therefore hope there will be no objection to their production. It is a very impor tant document, because it is that part of the treaty on which the subsequent negotiations were founded which were conducted by Sir W. A'Court and Lord Castlereagh. With respect to my Noble Friend's amendment, it is true that it does not turn exactly upon these subjects; but my Noble Friend addressed the House upon the foreign po licy of this country, and my Noble and Learned Friend, who is not now in his place, addressed the House on the same question of foreign policy. The Noble Marquis (the Marquis of Lansdowne) also addressed the House for a great length of time on the same subject. I therefore entreat your Lord ships not to let it go forth to the public that a disagreement in the House of Lords has taken place on the subject of our foreign negotiations. Let the Government continue to have the support of public opinion and of this House on the sub ject of these foreign negotiations until the papers ars laid before Parliament, and until your Lordships see that you ought to withdraw your confidence from them. Upon these grounds, therefore, I have determined to give my vote against the amendment of my Noble Friend opposite. Lord STANLEY explained. Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared— Contents ... ... 52 Non-contents ... 50 Majority for Ministers ... ... —2 The Address was then agreed to. PENINSULAR MEDALS. The Duke of RICHMOND asked when the medals to the veterans of the Peninsular war would be issued ? Earl GREY— They have been issued this day. The House then adjourned, at Twelve o'clock, till Monday next. PARLIAMEN TARY DIVISIONS. (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) THURSDAY FEB. 1. QUEEN'S SPEECH. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, to convey to her Ma • jesty the dutiful thanks of this House for her most gracious Speech from the Throne." Amendment proposed, to leave out from the first word " That," in the eleventh paragraph, to the end of the paragraph, in order to add the words," the disturbances in Ireland have not been renewed, but a feeling of discontent, augmented by the distresses of the people, still exists, which it will be our duty to watch, and as speedily as possible to remedy," instead thereof:—Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." The House divided:— MAJORITY—AYES, 200. Acland, Sir T. Fuller, A. E. Ogle, S. C.° Adair, Hugh E. Gaskell, J. M. Ossulton, Lord Adair, R. Shafto Gladstone, W. E. Owen, Sir J. Adderley, C. B. Glyn, G. C. Paget, Lord A. Aglionby, Henry Gordon, Admiral Paget, Lord C. Anson, Colonel Graham, Sir James Pilkington, James Anson, Viscount Granby, Marquis of Palmer, Robert Armstrong, Sir A. Greene, Thomas Palmerston, Vis. Armstrong, R. B. Grenfell, C. Pascoe Parker, John Arundel, Earl of Greufell, C. W. Pigott, Francis Bagot, William Grey, Sir George Plowden, W. H. Bankes, Geone Grey, Ralph W. Price, Sir R Baring, Thomas Grosvenor, Earl Raphael, Alexander Barrington, Lord Gwyn, Howel Rawdon, Colonel Bass, Thomas Hardcastle, J. A. Reid. Colonel Bateson, T. Karns, Captain Ricardo, Osman Bellew, It. M. Harris, Richard Rice, E. R. Bennet, Philip Hastie, Alexander Rich, Henry Bentinck, Lord H. Hastie, Archibald Richards, Richard Berkeley, Captain Hawes, B. Romilly, Sir John Berkeley, H. Hayter, W. G. Rumbold, C. E. Berkeley, C. L. G. Henley, .1. W. Russell, Lord J. Bernal, Ralph Herbert, Sydney Russell, Edgard S. Blackall, S. W. Berries, J. C. Sandars, George Blair, Stephen Hervey, Lord A. Sandars, Joseph 1 Bouverie,"E. I'. liildyard, T. B. T. Scrope, G. P. Bowles, Admiral Hobhouse, Sir J. Seymour, Lord Boyle, Colonel Hobhouse, T. B. Shell, R. L. Bramston, T. W. Hodges, T. L. Shelburne, Earl of Bremridge, Itiehard Hood, Sir A. Simeon, John Brooke, Lord Hornby John Smith, R. V. Brotherton, Joseph Horsman, E. Smith, John A. Banbury, E. H. Howard, Lord E. Smythe, George Campbell, W. F. Howard, C. W. G. Somerville, Sir W. Cardwell, Edward Hume, J. Spearman, H. J. Cavendish, C. C. Inglis, Sir R. Spooner, R. Cayley, Edward S. Jervis, Sir John Stafford, A. Charterifi, Francis Keppel, G. T. Stanton, W. H. Chichester, Lord J. Kershaw, James Stuart, Lord D. Childers, J. W. Labouchere, Henry Stuart, John Christopher, R. Langston, J. H. Sturt, 11. G. Clay, James Lascelles, W. S. Taliourd, Sergeant Clive, Henry B. Lennox, Lora H. Tennent, R. J. Cocks, Thomas S. Lewis, G. C. Thompson, Colonel Colebrooke, Sir T. Lincoln, Earl of Thompson, Alderman Corry, Henry Littleton, E. R. Thompson, George Cowper, W. F. Locke, Joseph Thornely, T. Craig, W. G. Lushington, Charles Towneley, John Crowder, R. B. Maitland, Thomas Tunsier, G. J. Dawson, T. V. Mandeville, Viscount Tynte, Colonel Disraeli, B. Mangles, R. D. Tyrrell, Sir J. Douglas, Sir C. Manners, Lord G. Vane, Lord H. Duke, Sir James March, Earl of Villiers, Viscount Dundas, Admiral Martin, John Waddington, H. S. Dundas, Sir David Martin, C. W. Ward, H. G. Ebriugton, Lord Martin, Samuel Watkins, Colonel Egerton, Sir P. Maule, Fox Willoughby, Sir H. Ellis, John Milner, W. M. Wilson, James Elliot, John E. Milnes, R. Monckton Wilson, Matthew Evans, William Mitchell, A. T. Wodehouse, E. Ewan, William Moffatt, George Wood, Sir Charles Fellowes, E. Mostyn, E. Wood. W. P. Fitzpatrick. J. W. Mulgrave, Earl Wyld, James Floyer, John Newdegate, C. N. Wyvlll, Marmadske Forbes, William Newport, Viscount Fordyce, A. D. Newry, Viscount TELLEIS. Forester, G. C. Norreys, Lord Tufnell, H. Fox, W. J. Nugent, Lord Hill, Lord Marcus MINORITY—NOES, 12. Ansley, T. C. Meagher, Thomas Scholefield, William Devereux, J. T. Moore, G. H. Sullivan, Michael Fagan, William Munta, G. F. =LIARS. Greene, John O'Flaherty, Anthony Grattan,illonry Herbert, Henry A. Hocke, E. B. O'Connell, John SPOR i IN G INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S.—YESTERDAY. The betting, until near the close of the room, was wholly confined to the Chester Cup, the quotations on which show two important changes. As on Monday, the outlay ii the aggregate was not extensive, the weight of the investments being on The Tartar and Joc o'Sot, the former rising to 25 to 1, and the latter to 30 to 1, both taken. Geraldine was backed for 1501. at 25 to 1; Inheritress for half that sum, at 27 to 1 ; and Rathmines and Halo several times, at 1,000 to 20. The Metropolitan Handicap was touched upon just at the last, the offers showing a decline in Canezou, and an improvement in Lugar and Loupgarou. A few bets were made on the Derby, but no alteration of any moment occurred. Closing prices : LIVERPOOL STEEPLECHASE. 25 to I agst Mr. Coghlan na Edward the First—taken METROPOLITAN HANDICAP. 9 to 1 agst Lord Stanley's Canezou 12 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Lugar 14 to 1 agst Mr. Gregory's Loupgarou CHESTER CUP. 25 to 1 agst Mr. Nolan's Blucher—taken and aft. offered 25 to 1 agst Mr. Greyble's Geraldine—taken and aft. offered 25 to 1 agst Mr. J. B. Day's The Tartar—taken 27 to 1 agst Mr. Meiklam's Inheritres?—taken and aft. offered 30 to 1 agst Mr. F. Clarke's Joc o'Sot—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Maugham's Rathmines—taken and aft. offered 50 to 1 agst Mr. M. Blake's Ballinafad —take LOCO to 15 50 to 1 agst Mr. Gregory's Clermont—take 1,000 to 15 50 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Halo—take 1,000 to 15 1,000 to 10 aget Mr. Courtenay's Impostor DERBY 13 to 3 agst Lord Eglinton's Flying Dutchman—taken to 3001. 7to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Tadmor 20 to 1 aget Mr. A. Nichol's Nunnykirk 20 to 1 agst Lord Stanley's Strongbow 20 to 1 aget Mr. Gally's Osterley 30 to 1 apt Lord Eglinton's Elthiron—taken to 1001. 1,000 to 20 agst Colonel Peel's Indus—taken 1,000 to 15 agst Dike of Rutland's c out of Flambeau's dam—takn 500 even between Nunnykirk and Strongbow. CHESTER, THURSDAY NIGHT. CHESTER CUP.—The following horses have paid at Chester : Bon Mot, Delusion colt, Tom Tough, Disbury, Mogador, Crazy Lad, Tom Tit, John Orridge, Frrable, Dulcet, Backbiter, Do-it-again, Malton, Avenger, Gratis, Andalusian, The Swift, and Portrait. HUNTING APPOLNTMENTS. Blackdown lids., Tues., Orchard Wood; Fri., Lamb Inn, near Uffculin —lO%. Nggesford, lids., Tues., Broadwoodkelly Village ; Fri., Gidley Arms-11. Essex Union lids., Wed., Rettendon Windmill; Sat., Stock ship-10%. Ledbury lids., Mon., Feathers Inn, Staunton ; Fri., Newent Wood-10%. Mr. M. Marshall's hds., Monday, Woodford Bridge-10M. Sir Henry Seale's hds., Mon., Staple Green. SECONDARIES'.-(THIS DAY.) (Before Mr. Secondary POTTER.) CLYN AND OTHERS V. BAVILLE. The plaintiffs in this action are trustees of the Globe Insurance Company, to recover the sum of 2701. Is. 2d., the balance of an ac count for pilicles, &c. The defendant suffered judgment to go by default, and a verdict was given for the amount. This was the only case ou the list. CRIMINAL COURT.-( THIS DAY.) OLD COU.R7'. (Before 3tr. Commissioner BuliocK.) _ Curritio AND WOUNDING.—Anna Maria Bowen, a married woman, aged 56, was indicted for feloniously cutting and wounding John Lawler, with intent to de him some grievous bodily harm. Ballantine defended the prisoner. The jury found the prisoner guilty of a common a'sault only, and the Court sentences her to seven days' im; risonment. NEW COURT. (Before the RECORDZI.) STERLING IN THE COURT OF CILLNCERT.-77wmas Wimbusit, a rahldle-aged man, was convicted of picking pockets in the Vice- Chancellor's Court. He had previously been found guilty of felony, tbr which offence he had suffered two years' imprisonment. The prisoner, in mitigation of his conduct, stated that he had been ruined by being made a party to a Chancery suit, and having under gone all the miseries and privations attendant upon sleeping in courts and doorways, and living in the casual wards of workhouses and re fuges for the destitute, absolute starvation had ultimately induced him to renew his former felonious practices. The Court sentenced him to ten years' transportation. MARLBRO'-STREET-(THISDAY.) A Hof , Erut YOUTH.—John Ferburp, a lad about 13 years of age, in the employ of Mr. James James, Bentinck-street, Soho, was brought before Mr. Hardwick, charged with having stolen a sove reign from his master. _ _ Mrs. James stated that on the:previous night, about seven o'clock, she called the prisoner upstairs, and giving him a sovereign told him to go to Fincham's, at Charing cross, and purchase a pound of coffee. The prisoner never returned, and nothing more was seen of hies till this morning, when he came to her house in a state of intoxication. She asked him where he had been, and what he had done with the sovereign. He said that he had lost the money, and had been home to his father's, who had put him into the police-station in Marylebone-lane, where he remained all night, and was sent away by tke inspector at five this morning. She then sent for a constable and gave him in charge. In ans. er to the charge the lad said he had lost the money ; that he wandered as far as Kennington-common, and that he met some one whom he did not know, and who made him drunk. He could not recollect a single circumstance further. Mr. Heianwicx remanded hire till Wednesday next. A meeting was held at Newali's-buildings, Manches ter, yesterday, the object of which was to carry out the directions contained in the resolutions passed at the meeting held in the Free Trade Hall, on the 10th of January. In our advertising 'Columns will be found In* reaolutfons agreed to. MARKET NEWS.-(THIS DAY ) CORN EXCHANGE-FRIDAY The arrivals of English Wheat, coastwise, during the previous week have been good, yet, as mast of the cargoes were previously disposed of, the show of samples of that grain to-day was limited. The finest qualities were mostly disposed of at au advance in the quotations of Monday last of is per quarter; and the value of all other kinds was well supported. Upwards of 16,000 quarters of foreign Wheat have come to hand. As the duty on that article is now only ls. per quarter, a large quantity was on offer this morning. Still, however, the holders refused to sell except at an improvement of from ls. to 2s. per quarter. This had the effect of checking business. We have bad an im mense arrival of English Barley. Malting samples sold at full rates of currency; but grinding and distilling sorts were a dull inquiry. Not less than 10,290 quarters of Malt have come to hand. This large supply had the effect of causing a dull sale, at barely late rates. Oats sold without difficulty, at very lull prices. All other kinds of grain, including Flour, were a slow sale. ARRIVALS THIS WEEK. English ..... Wheat. Barley. Oats. Flour. 4,510 qrs. 11,020 qrs. I 8,230 qrs. 14,840.,f: 1,400 1 -- 2,810 1 1ri5h......... Foreign ...... 16,590 2,350 Malt. 10,290 ors. SMITHFIELD. The supply of Beasts on sale in to-day's market was limited as to number, but of full average quality. Although the attendance of buyers was small, the primest Scots, &c., sold at prices quite equal to thoie paid on Monday; but all other breeds were dull, at barely late rates. Since our last report, 148 Beasts have been landed at South ampton from Portugal; 99 were disposed of at that port, and the remainder were on offer here this morning, in goad condition. With Sheep we were scantily supplied; never theless, the Mutton-trade was inactive, at unaltered quota tions. Calves, the supply of which was moderate, moved off heavily, at a decline in value of quite 2d per Sibs. In Pigs very little business was doing. Mitch Cows were quoted at from 141 to 18/ each, including their small calf. Per albs. te sink the offal. 8. d. to s. d. interior Beasts..... 3 2 3 6 econd quality .... 3 6 3 8 Prime large Oxen.. 3 8 3 10 Prime Scots ...... 4 0 4 2 Large coarse Calves 4 0 4 6 i•rime small ditto .. 4 8 5 0 uckling Calves ..18 0 25 0 Inferior Sheep . 3 4 3 6 s. d. to s. 0. Second qual. Sheep 3 8 4 0 Coarse-woolledditto 4 2 4 6 Southdown Wether 4 8 410 Ditto eut of the wool 0 0 0 0 Large Hogs •••• • • 3 4 4 4 Small Porkers ••.. 4 6 4 8 Quarter old Pigs —l6 0 21 0 Lambs •• ••• • • • 0 0 0 0 TOTAL SUPPLY . AT MARKET. I Sheep. Calves. I NIP. 2,850 196 160 FOREIGN SUPPLY. I Sh 80 eep. I Calves. I Pigs. 82 ScoTcn.—Beasts. 140 ; Sheep, 210. NERTG.A.TEI AND LEADENHALL. Beasts. 886 Beasts. 69 These markets were dull, on the following terms:— At per stone by the Carcase. a. el. to s. d. 1 8. d. to is. A. Beet,infertor...... 2 4 2 1 Mutton, inferior .. 2 4 210 middling .. 2 8 210 ' middling.. 3 0 310 primelarge .. 3 0 3 prime .... 4 0 4 4 prime small .. 3 4. 3 6 1 York, 1arge........ 3 2 3 8 veal.••••••• ••••.. 310 410 small .. BOROUGH HOP MARKET. Although our market is rather scantily supplied with the best new Hops in pockets, the demand for them has become heavy, and last week's quotations are with difficulty sup ported. In all other kinds of Hops so little is doing that prices are almost nominal. New Hops per cwt. :—Sussex pockets, 21 3s to 31; Weald of Kent ditto, 21 to 3110 s ; Mid and East Kent ditto, 315 s to 6i. HAYMARKET THEATRE. In the whole range of dramas written within the last twenty years, there is not, probably, a more agreeable work than Mr. Jerrold's Housekeeper. The story is simple and interesting, the dialogue is written with that point in which the author is unequalled, and the building up of the play shows a'constructive skill which is not to be found in all his productions. With the present audience the Housekeeper remains fresh as 'ever. The repartees command laughter and ap plause, the situations create surprise, and the sentiment and tone diffuse a general good humour. This piece was never played in London with so strong a cast as last night, when it was acted by nearly the same performers as at Windsor Castle. The character of Felicia, the " housekeeper," is one that is capable of drawing forth very great histrionic talent. Now the feigned rustic simplicity is to predominate ; now the real lady of education is to be visible through the disguise ; now the anxious watchings of the conspiracy are to be represented, and Felicia appears in the third phase of a devoted heroine. The transitions from one phase to another are as rapid as possible. A sudden look or gesture must often supply the place of words, and the actress can scarcely repose for an instant. At least the character was so rendered by Mrs. Charles Kean, whose moveability of expression —if we may use the term —was wonderful. With the quickness of lightning she passed from extreme niaiserie to vivid intelligence, and yet all was done with the meet perfect nature. Sidney Maynard, the student, whose sober resolutions give way to the charms of the " housekeeper," was excellently played by Mr. Kean. It was a kindly gentlemanlike performance. He ab stained from every appearance of gloom or moroseness, and made the audience feel from the beginning that the recluse was after all a soft-hearted creature, who would not be impervious to a series of attacks. The Jesuit Oliver was one of the parts In which Mr. Webster first displayed that talent for delineating strongly marked character to which his inimitable style of dressing is so valuable an assistance. Last night he looked and acted the solemn hypocrite as well as ever. The gallant, rakish Tom I I Purple was played with great spirit by Mr. Wigan, whose drunken rush into the arms of the conspirators was one of the most effective points in the piece. Simon Box gains new value from the humour of Mr. Keeley ; the aplomb of Mrs. l'iumby gives weight to every line of Sophy Hawes ; and Mrs. W. Clifford, as Dame Duck ling, effec. ively tells her tale of rural perfidy. The piece elicited the most lively expressions of satisfaction throughout, and at the conclusion Mr. and Mrs. Kean were called with loud applause. COURT CIRCULAR. The Queen went in state yesterday to the House of Lords, to open the Session of Parliament with a speech from the Throne. The State Procession was formed at Buckingham Palace at a quarter before two o'clock, in the following order : A carriage, drawn by six bays, conveying Mr. Heneage, Mr. Des 'Fromm, and Mr. Greville, Gentlemen Ushers; and Captain Sadler, Exon of the Yeoman Guard. A carriage drawn by six bays, conveying Captain the Hon. Joseph Denman, Groom in waiting; Colonel Wylde, Groom in waiting to the Prince; and Messrs. George Ca meron and Alfred Crofton, Pages of Honour. A carriage drawn by six bays, conveying Captain the Hon. Alexander Gordon, Equerry in waiting to the Prince, and Lieut.-Colonel the Hon, Charles B. Phipps, Equerry in waiting. A carriage, drawn by six bays, conveying Lord Alfred Paget, Clerk Marshall ; Colonel Thornton, Field Of in Brigade in waiting; the Right Hon. William Sebright Las. celles, Comptroller of the Household; and Colonel Hall, Gold Stick in waiting. A carriage, drawn by six bays, conveying Lord Elphin stone, G.C.11., Lord in waiting; Lord George Lennox, Lord in waiting to the Prince; and Lord Marcus Hill, Treasurer of the Household. A carriage, drawn by six black horses, conveying the Viscountess Jocelyn (Lady in waiting), the Earl Fortescue (Lord Steward), Viscount Combermere, G.C.B. (Gold Stick in waiting), and the Marquis of Abercorn, K,G. (Groom of the Stole to the Prince). The Queen's Marshalmen ' two and two. The Queen's Footmen in State liveries, two and two. A party of the Yeomen Guard. The State coach, drawn by eight cream-coloured horses, conveying her Majesty the Queen, his Royal Highness the Prince Albert, K.G., the Duchess of Sutherland (Mistress of the Robes), and the Duke of Norfolk, K.G. (Master of the Horse). Her Majesty and the Prince were conducted to their car riage by the Lord Chamberlain and the Vice-Chamberlain. The Queen's Guard (of the Goot Guards), stationed on the lawn in the garden of the Palace, received the Sovereign with the usual honours, the band playing "God save the Queen." The Crown was conveyed to the House of Lords by Sir William Martin, Gentleman Usher. Her Majesty and Prince Albert returned to Buckingham Palace at three o'clock, and were received on alighting from their carriage by the Lord Chamberlain and the Vice-Cham berlain, The Queen and Prince Albert, attended by the Vicountess Jocelyn (Lady in Waiting), left town in a carriage and four at twenty minutes past four o'clock yesterday afternoon for Windsor Castle. The royal suite consisted of Lord Elphin stone, Major-General Bowles, Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. C. B. Phipps, Captain the Hon. Joseph Denman, and Lord Alfred Paget. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness were conducted to the garden entrance by the Lord Steward, the Lord Cham berlain, the Master of the Horse, the Groom of the Stole, Lord George Lennox, and Captain the Hon. A. Gordon. The august party went from Buckingham Palace to Pad dington, and left by a special train on the Great Western Railway for Slough. Mr. Thornycroft had the honour to submit to the Queen two statues in bronze —one, of his Royal Highness Prince Alfred, and one, of her Royal Highness the Princess Alice, which received her Majesty's gracious approval. WINDSOR, THURSDAY.—The Queen and Prince Albert attended by the Lord and Lady in waiting, the Master of the Household, the Groom in waiting, and the Equery in waiting, arrived at the Castle from the Slough station, at twenty minutes past five o'clock this afternoon. Mr. Gregory, Governor of the Bahama Islands, left town yesterday to embark for those colonies. The Master-General of the Ordnance had an interview with the Chanceller of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. John Wood bad also an interview with the Right Hon. Baronet, at his official residence in Downing -street. The usual search under the Houses of Parliament was made yesterday morning by Sir Augustus Clifford, Bart., Gentle man Usher of the Black Rod (officiating for Lord Willoughby de Eresby), attended by a party of the Yeoman Guard, under the command of Captain Sadler. Dispatches were sent off yesterday evening from the Colo nial• office for the Governors of the West India Colonies. MUSIC. THE FORGET-ME NOT WALTZ. Com posed, and dedicated by permission to Viscount Seaham, by Emily Welten. Miss Welten is already.lavourably known to the public as a composer, and " The Forget-Me-Not Waltz" will add to her reputation. It is a beautiful and elegant com position, and will be a favourite alike in the drawing room and the assembly. BAHAMA ISLA/MS.—Mr. Gregory, with his family, left London yesterday, to assume the government of the Bahama Islands. LEOMINSTER ELECTION.—LEOMINSTER, TRUES - DAT.—Mr. Phillimore, who so suddenly re-appeared as a candidate for Leomfaster last week, has a second time retired and left the field to Mr. Frederick Peel, who is now the only candidate. THE MARINE SOClETY.—Yesterday the annual general meeting of the Governors of this institution, was held at the Society's house, Bishopsgate. street Within. Mr. Rust, the secretary, read the report. Oa the Ist January, 1848, 99 boys were on board the ship at Deptford, received during the year '277; total 376. ?laced in the Indian navy, 40 ; apprenticed to merchant service, 209 ; discharged for misconduct, 24 ; run away, 2 ; dead, 1 ; leaving 100 boys now on board. Annual snbscriptions 5661. 195. 4d. ; dona tions, 5531. 10s. 9d. ; bequest of the late Andrew Marlow, Esq., 1,0001.; total receipts, 8,368/. 6s. Id.; the expenditure leaving a balance of 5511. 17s. After some routine business, the meeting separated. DEATH OF THE CORN•LAWS.—A numerous meet. ing of the friends of reform took place at Oxford, on Wed nesday evening to celebrate the final extinction of the corn laws. Councillor J. Towle, was called to the chair, and the meeting was addressed by Messrs. Dobney, Collins, Grubb, Green, and Albutt, members of the Town Council ; and by Messrs. Carr, llnrcombe, and others. The assembly evinced great ;enthusiasm in the cause of reform, end a unanimous feeling was expressed to support Messrs. flume and Cobden in their great financial and parliamentary reform movements. A committee was at the same time formed, and subscriptions entered into to co operate with the Liverpool association ; and alter a vote of thanks to Mr. Cobden and his colleagues was passed by acclamation, the meeting separated. SHOW OF THE ROYAL AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY IN 1610. A public meeting, convened by the Mayor, was held yester day a 4 Maidstone, for the purpose of taking measures to procure the selection of that town in 1850 for tke great annual agricultural show. THE NEW GOVERNOR OF THE MAURITIUS.—Mr. G Anderson, who was some time acting Governor o f B ombay, and a m ember of the Council, was yesterday appointed by Earl Grey to the Governorship of the Mural= THE COUNTRY MARKETS. IllamiNanAst o FEB. I.—At G oucester and Worcester markets, on the 27th, there was a much less supply of -wheat-from the „farlPcFs. and the trade ruled firm, with the turn in favour of the seller. Barley maintained its value, but the transactions were limited. Oats rather lower. Beans declined Is. per quarter. Peas entirely - neglected. The transactions in wheat have again been on a small scale, holders being very firm, Barley witrout alteration. Beans rather more in demand. In peas nothing doing worth notice. Only, retail sales of oats are reported At this lay's market :fine English wheat realised an advance tf Is per quarter, with as improved de mand for foreign. Barley was held for a similar rise, but buyers would not comply. Oats were taken at the currency of this day se'nnight. Beans is per quarter lower. Peas very little in quired tor. BRISTOL, FEB. I.—At our market to-day there was it good busi ness done in foreign wheat, at an advance of from Is to 2s per qr on last week's prices. The arrivals during the week have been — from Waterford, in the Rose, 14 qrs of wheat; from Cork, in the Sabrina, 2 tons of catmeal, 120 qrs 20 brls of oats ; from Dublin, in the Shamrock, 32 cwt of meal, 4 qrs oats, and 4 qrs malt; from Selva, in the Kitty, 64 qrs and 520 bush of barley. CO ()Vs and 490 bush of oats ; from Chepstow, in the Friends, 70 sacks e't flour; frem Siege, Demnark, in the Venus, 450 qrs of peas ; from (:!ori, in the Juverna, 200 qrs and 20 'ads of oats, 3 tolls of oatmeal, and 321 lids of black oats ; from Gloucester, in the Mary, 400 sacks of ;flour ; from Aberthan, in the Picton, 57 qrs of wheat, and 31 qrs of bar2ey ; from Liverpool, in the Troubadour, 200 bags of rice. BOSTON, JAN. 31.—Wheat, red, 40, to 465; white, 50s; oats, neat 12s to 198; old, 22$ ; beans, new, 23,s to 30$ ; old, 36s per qr. SCALDING, JAN. 30. --Beans, small white, 28s to 30s ; old, 34s to 378 (19st) ; wheat, 3S? to 47s ; oats, I Is to 17s per quarter. SLEAFORD, JAN. '‘9.—Wlicat, white, 47s to 49s ; red, 45s to 475; barley, 26s to 30s . oats, 14s to 18s ; beans, old, 38s to 40s ; new, 26$ to 30s. .„ GRlMSBY*—Return of sales to Jan. 29:—Wheat, 335 qrs, 67610 s (aver 40s 4 1 ,4(1) ; barley, 240 qrs, 3021 (aver 25s 2d) ; oats, 110 qrs, 711 lOs (aver 13s). LOUTH, JAN. 31.—Wheat, 37s to 43s ; barley, 23s to 28s ; oats, 14s to 17s; beans, 33s to 38s per qr. Flour, best seconds, 2s per st. LYNN, JAN. 30. —Wheat, 40s to 44s ; flne, 465, 49s to 505 ; barley, 25e, 27s to 28s ; fine, 30s to 31s. OAKHAM, JAN, 29.—Wheat, 40s to 445; barley, 24s to 275; oats, 16s to 19s ; beans, 39s to 42s per qr. UPPINGHAM, JAN. 31.—Wheat, 44s to 50s ; barley, 25s to 30s; oats, lss to 20s; beans, 30s to 40s per qr, Buttar, lld to 12d per lb. Eggs, 16 for IS. GAINSBOROUGH, JAN. 30.—Wheat, 403 to 495; barley, 153 arS, aver 28s 6 1 ,6 d. NEWARK, JAN. 31.—Wheat, white, 51s to 535; red, 47s to 51s ; barley, malting, 31s to 335; grinding, 25s to 275; oats, old, 22s to 26s ; new, lbs to 18s; beans, old, 39s to 425; new, 30s to 335; peas,. blue, 42s to 43s ; malt, 54s to 56s per qr. BELFAST, JAN. 29.—Grain supplies small. Wheat, is 6d to lOs 3d ; barley, 5s 6d to 6s fid ; oats, 5s 3d to 6s 3d; oatmeal, 9i 6d to 10s 6d per cwt. Pork, 36s to 47s per 120 lbs. DUNDEE, JAN. 26.—Wheat, 40s to 435; barley, 22s to 235; oat, 15s 6d. EDINBURGH, JAI,. 31.—The quantity of wheat brought forward to-day was 1,052 qrs, being 948 qrs more than last week. Top price down Is, and the average is Id up; 107 qrs unsold. The quantity of barley brought forward was 818 qrs, being 92 qrs more than last week. Price on the top Gd up, and the average 2d up ; 112 qrs unsold. Of oats we had 1,650 qrs brought forward, or 466 qrs more than last week. Top price Bd, and the average Gd down ; 404 qrs unsold. The quantity of beans to-day was 173 qrs, or 21 qrs more than last week. Price on the top same as last week, and the average Id up ; 11 qrs unsold. Prices.—Top of wheat, 64%1b, 52s ; barley, 57 tAlb, 32s Gd; oats, 451 b, 22s 4d; beans, 65%1b, 335. EDINBURGH CATTLE MARKET, JAN. 31.—The supply Of cattle this morning was 440, being 36 more than last week. Demand good, and sales brisk. The quality generally not of the best descrip tion, consequently any thing that was prime brought 8s per Dutch stone—current, 7s to 7s Gd ; middling and inferior, 5s to 6s 6d. A. good clearance: was effected. The supply of sheep was 2,436, being 233 more than last week. Althougn we cannot quote prices much higher, the demand was considerably better, and a good clear ance was effected. The Oversheil wethers brought 34e a head, being is above last week. Top price of the best mutton 6%cl perlb ; current, 41t d to sd; middling and inferior, from 3)id to 4d. CORN AVERAGES. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN For the Week ended Feb. 1,1848, made up from the Returns of the Inspectors in the different titles and rewire in England and Wales per Imperial Quarter. I WREAT. I BARLEY.' OATS. I EYE. BEANS. I PEAS. PRICE .. I 454 3d I 28g 10d I 17s Od 28s lld I lOs 3d 32s Id DUTIES ON FOREIGN CORN. WIIZAT. I BARLEY. I OATS. I AYE. BEANS. PEAS. is Od Is Od is Oil Is Od I is Od Is Od RAILWAY SHAKE MARKETS. BRISTOL, Fza. 1. STocX EXCHANGIL—The market was much firmer to-day, and prices were better. Great Western, Quarter Shares, were done at par—Ditto, New 171. Shares, die.—Bristol and Exeter, Thirds, dis. LIVERPOOL, FEB. 1. STOCK EXCHANGE.-We have had a more quiet market to-day, and not nearly so large a business doing; prices, however, have been pretty well maintained. The sales are-Bolton, Blackburn, Clitheroe. and West Yorkshire, Preference, guaranteed 6 per cent (B), 163- East Lancashire, 251. Shares, 4% dis.-Great Northern, 9% dis.- Lancashire and Yorkshire (late Manchester and Birmingham), 14 dis.-- Ditte, Quarters, 334 dis.-Ditto, Fifths, 2 dis.-Ditto, 321. Shares (late Extension), 5% dis.-Ditto, Halves (late Liverpool and Bury), 934 dis.-Ditto, Fifths (late West Riding Urron), 3% c. dis.- Leeds and Thirsk, Preference. Quarters, 7 per cent. till 1851, % p.- London and North-Western, New Quarters, 534 p. -Ditto, Thirds, 9 --Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Eighths. 6 dis.-Ditto. 101. Preference, 11!4 c.-Ditto, 201. Shares, 9% dis.-Ditto, Quarters, 6 dis.- Midland Stock, 98 -Ditto, New Half Shares, 3% dis.-North British, Quarters, 4-North Staffordshire, 31. Is. 3d. dis.-Shrews bury and Birmingham, 91. 12s. 3d. Shares (B), 3 1 4 dis.-Shrewsbury and Chester (late Oswestry and Chester), 3N c. dis.- Shropshire Union. 2% dis.- South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, Thirds, 7% - York, Newcastle, and Berwick, Extension, No. I, 2% p.-Ditto (N. and B. Extension) No. 2, 2 c. p,- Ditto (O. N. E. P urc h ase ), 6 p e r cent. guaranteed, 1%. MANCHESTER, FEB. I. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Eastern Counties, 6 per cent., I% c. p.—Leeds, Fifths, 1 15-16 dis.— Sheffield and Lincoln, 12 7-16 c. dis.—Grimsby, Quarters, 6% e. dis.—North Staffordshire, 3 p.— Old Hovers, 26—Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 4 3-16 die.— West Riding Union, 3% n. dis.—North British, Quarters, 4—Man chester and Birmingham, Quarters (C), 37.‘ p.—Cheshlre Junction, 9% dis.—South-gastern and Doter, No. 4,7 A—Leeds, Prefer ence, 113 A. BIRMINGHAM, Fla. 1. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The share market had A downward tendency to-day, and little business done. , YORK Tex. 31. _. .... _. STOCK ExcnAwcz.—Tho businets transacted to-day was as fol lows :—Great Northern, 9% ex int.—York, Newcastle, and Berwick (G. N. E. Purchase), 9% —York and North Midland, Preference, 11. , - aLASGOW JAN. 31. ____ S'rocit Excnamix.—The following are to-day's transactions : Aberdeen, 20—Caledonian, Preference, B%—Edinburgh and Northern, ill. 19s.—Edinburgb and Perth, Halves, 4s.—Glasgow• Dumfries, and Carlisle, s—Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, Halves, No. 1, 6%—Ditto, Halves, No. 2, 61. 6s.—Glasgow and Greenock, Preference, 7/. 7s. 6d.—lfenkland, 70—Wilsontown, Morningside, and Coltness, 50 —Dundee and Perth. Quarters, 30s. [ADTERTISEMENT.]—An extraordinary Case of Bilious Attack, Indigestion, and Flatulency Cured by _ Holloway's Pills.—Khairatee Kh an , a na ti ve me rch!" of Patna, in the East Indies 'suffered for years from bile, indigestion, and flatuency, and, although he consulted the most eminent surgeons of the province, yet he derived no benefit from their treatment, but gradually became more debilitated. Having one day a severer attack than usual of these dreaded maladies, he determined to try Holloway's Pills, and this fine medicine which has obtained such high repute throughout the world, very soon reinstated him in perfect health, and, in gratitude for the benefit, he desires this wonderful cure to be made public. Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. THE CHARTEE-HOUSE.—The Archbishop of York has been elected one of the Governors of the Charter-house, in the room of the late Viscount Melbourne. UPPINGHAM.—A rumour of a most painful nature is afloat in this town, implicating the character and honesty of A Rutland gentleman, who enjoys a high position in society. Disclo sures of a grave nature, affecting the integrity of his conduct as director of a savings' bank, are likely to be made in a few days -- Lincolnshire Herald. THE CHOLERA AT EDINBURGH.—The disease still continues to linger amongst us, although the new eases occurring are very few.—Edinburgh Advertiser. FORGED BANK OF ENGLAND NOTES.—Yesterday the police succeeded in capturing two men at Bristol, both of whom are from the neighbourhood of Birmingham, on a charge of uttering 101. Bank of England notes. They gave their names as George West ood and William Stevenson. It is expected that other charges will be preferred against them on their re-examination, which stands fixed for Saturday. TRANSMISSION OF THE QUEEN'S SPEECH BY TELE GRAYM—Yesterday the Queen's Speech was transmitted from the central station at Lothbury to all the secondary telegraph centres with greater rapidity and precision than on the occasion of the previous session, when its transmission for the first time was a matter more of experiment than practice. The Speech, 'which consists of 834 words, or about 70 words less than that of last sesion, was streamed off continuously to Liverpool, Manchester, York, Birmingham, Edinburgh, Newcastle, Derby, and other places, at the rate of 18 1 ,6 words a minute, and was thus posted in the various subscription-rooms and exchanges in considerably less than one hour after its delivery in the House of Lords. Last year verbatim copies of it were printed and distributed, but this practice was discontinued. The Speech would be in Dublin, Guern sey, Jersey, and Parts the same:evening. The Queen's Speech was yesterday telegraphed to Stamford for this paper. Her Majesty left the House of Lords about half-past two, and at a quarter to three the clerks at Lothbury com menced telegraphing thence to Ely, where were posted three clerks expressly for the purpose of telegraphing on to Stamford. There is direct electric commurication between this place and London; but the superintendent of the company (Mr. Raymond) thought it better to receive the message at Ely and send It on, than trust for perfect accuracy to 118 miles of wires. The Speech was communicated letter by letter, and the whole was received in Stamford in less than an hour and a half.—Stamford Mercury. IMPORTATION OF CORN.—Yesterday, first day of February, a virtual repeal of the duties on foreign corn took place, the existing sliding or fluctuating scale of duties being entirely abo lished, and in their stead, the following, merely nominal and fixed duties, being leviable on all sorts of meal, flour, and grain imported into this eountry, viz.: By virtue of the Act 9 and 10 Victoria, cap. 23, from and after the Ist day of February, 1849, the following duties shall be charged, viz.: Upon all wheat, barley, bere or bigg, oats, rye, peas, and beans, the quarter, Is. ; upon all wheat meal and flour, barley meal, oatmeal, rye meal, and flour, pea meal and beat meal, the cwt., 4j% d. ; buck wheat, the quarter, Is. ; buck wheat meal, the cwt„ 4%c1. ; maize or Indian corn, the quarter, Is.; In (Han corn meal, the cwt„ 4;4d. THE CHIEF BAILIFFSHIP OF THE CITY SHERIFFS COURT.—The Court of Aldermen and Common Council have ap pointed an early day this month to appoint a high bailiff of the new court for small debts—the New " Sheriffs' Court." It will be remem bered that Mr. Wood, the son of ex-Alderman Wood, was the first chief bailiff elected, but was suspended. The Curt had also decided that being an attorney shall not be a necessary qualification, and that the chief bailiff shall, when necessary, personally enforce the process of the Court. The judge of the Court has recommended Mr. Gore, the second candidate on the first election, the applicant having been many years principal officer of the Old Sheriffs' Court, and not pro vided for by the new Act, whilst all other officers of the Court of Requests received compensation. BIRTHS. - On the 29th ult., at Ramsgate, the wife of the Rev. M. Daniell, of Birmingham, of a daughter. On the 29th ult., at Pinner's-grove, Mrs. Milman, of a son. At Springfield, Upper Clapton, on the 30th ult., Mrs. J. Danglish, of a daughter. On the 30th ult., at Hyde-park-square, the wife of W. Fox. jun., Esq., of a son. On the 30th ult., at Bayswater-terrace, Mrs. prematurely, of a son, stillborn. On the 30th ult., at the Vicarage-house, Reigate, Mrs. J. N. Harrison, of a son. On the 31st ult., at Coldharbour-rise, Camberwell, Mrs. D• H. Allport, of a son. MARRIED. On the 27th ult., at Staines, Wiliam Ellis, Esq., of Ashford, youngest son of the late L. Ellis, Esq., of Liverpool, to Chars , eldest daughter of J. W. Finch, Esq., of Staines. On the 30th ult , at Claygate, Surrey, Edward L. Budd, Esq., to Margaret, fourth daughter of Colonel R. Douglas , C. IL. late Royal Artillery. On the 30th ult., at Wonersh, near Guildford, Elizabeth Charlo . te, fifth daught er o f the Rev. W. H. Cole, to Joseph Stevenson, Esq., 8.A., late of Trinity College, Cambrig:„... DIED. On the 26th of Eecember, at the residence of her dough tce Captain , n S t a t i r ta o h a je t . e ß2 T 7o i tb d he d r e tu n si h tf. a o, m r Gei formerly e eE s t t l e i Bz r s ar h bt s i e r tt e oh , l A a l Kg r s imd ß b9 o lle b .: r o t s f , r u e e l p i c t t o 0 0 f , Essex, aged 73. On the 30th ult., at Prospect-place, Hackney, Elizabeth, relict of the late Mr. James Woolley, of Axminster, u lt., De" ri i On the 30th at Park-square, Miss Williams, sister 0 Charles Williams, Esq. On the 31 st u lt., a t C am b erwe ll-t errace -North, age d 78, Miss Huggins, the sister of G. Dolland, Esq. ad, At Crescent-cottages. C a mb r id ge -h ea th, Hackney-road' formerly of Seaton hall, Warehorne, Kent, Thomas Hodges, Esq., aged 62. e t;8 . : eldest A t C Cirencester-place, c e e f s t theer-p lac latee mr. Fitzroy.jeh John Curtis,uare, M r P formerly reg r i rive C urtis, street, Oxford street. London: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNn a of No, 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 1 . of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, is the coullti Middlesex, Friday, February 2, 1849. .~ A" ~~_ S.