The Sun. — London, England, 1855-01-30 00:00:00

somewhere; and these faults should hereafter be inquired into ; but the inquiry should not be made at a time when it would have the effect of paralysing the exertions now being made, nor while it would int erfere with the efforts which ought to be made without the delay of even 24 hours ' more than can be avoided, to improve t he condition of our army. My t lords, I think that there i s no man who will not concur with me n thinking that the necessity for some important change in the administration of the army is of the most pressing descrip tion, and, if not effected instantly and without delay, the conseq uences may be such as I shudder to contemplate. My lords, it ie this feeling which induces me to ask your lord ships, as the first step towards effecting the improvements which are necessary, to express your opinion of the necessity of a change being made in the constitution of the military de partment. (Cheers.) The noble earl concluded by moving— .. That it is the opinion of this house that great evils have arisen from the present division of authority and responsi bility in the administration of the army, and that the whole of the business connected with this impgrtant branch of the public service, which is now distributed among different offices, ought, therefore, to be brought under the direct con trol of a single and well-organised department." The Duke of NEWCASTLE —My lords, as I do not intend to oppose the motion of my noble friend—and there is a great deal in what he has said in which I entirely concur—it is not necessary for me to trespass upon your attention at any length, for I feel bound to reserve myself on two points, be lieving that this is not the proper occasion to touch upon either of them. My noble and learned friend (Lord Lynd hurst) has given notice of his intention to call your lordships' attention to the conduct of the war, and to move a resolution oonderanatory of the Government upon it, and it will be de sirable that I should reserve for that occasion my vindication of their course. There is another point, my lords, which I postpone with great regret—it is that which relates to my own personal position and conduct. Under any other cir cumstances I should gladly have postponed anything relating to myself, but the circumstances which have occurred so re cently as Friday last, in another place, would render me most anxious to address your lordships on the topics connected with my own position and conduct, were I not prevented by two considerations —one of which at this moment I do not think it necessary to explain, and the other is this, that on a motion of such importance as the present, of such para mount importance to the welfare of the army and the country, I should be most reluctant to mix up any matters relating to myself. But if on this occasion I avoid touch ing on these topics, I trust I may he permitted to say that at your lordships' very next meeting I shall venture to addreas to you soma observations upon them. • The noble duke the' proceeded to advert to the speech of the noble earl ((rey), who, he said, had misunderstood what he had stated last year on this subject. He had never maintained that existing arrangements were entirely satisfactory, but he had expressed an opinion that the noble earl carried his views to an extreme length, and that it would be perilous at any:period to effect sudden and sweeping changes in the administration of the army, more especially at a period like the present, The noble earl had failed to prove the connec tion between disasters in the Crimea and the depart mental system of our military administration ; and the instances he had mentioned were not to be ascribed to that system, and might have equally occurred under any other. For example. In the matter of Mr. Nasmyth's proposi tion as to the guns, the delay had arisen through a misunder standing between the Admiralty and the Ordnance ; and as to Prico's candles, they had been submitted to a medical board, whose report bad been delayed through the illness of its, head. Then, as to the loss of the Prince, the mo ment be had heard of it by telegraph, he had or dered the supplies contained in it to be replaced. He wanted to prove, not that neglect and delay had not taken place, but that, under the existing system, it was possible to make the service work, and ho hoped occasion ally to make it work well. He admitted, with his noble friend, that great alterations were necessary. Ho had found by experience—he thought he was not even in antici pation taking a different tone from that he held last year that in the Ordnance Department great alterations were required, for the system certainly did not work well. What alterations should be introduced his noble friend avoided referring to, and he (the Duke of Newcastle) would follow his example. He believed in that and other depart ments great alterations might be effected. Again, in the medical department a very faulty system prevailed. He be lieved attempts might be made in times of peace, but it was impossible in time of war to maintain a medical system exclu sively for the army. He thought it had broken down. lie was ready to do all justice to the eminent men serving in that capacity in the army ; but he believed, in the present state of the army, and in tho present state of the hospitals, it was absolutely necessary, in spite of all opposition, and in spite of all personal feeling, to try and introduce the civil system into the army. He believed the organisation of the medical board was also defective, and there he agreed with his noble friend that alterations should be introduced. But when his noble friend spoke of a system of consolidation being abso lately necessary, he did not think he had quite explained what he meant by consolidation. If he meant that the duties performed now by the Ordnance Board, commissariat, com mander-in-chief, and all the other departments which were at present separate, should be included under one roof and superintended by one head, he believed it would be absolutely impossible to carry that into effect. He had already found that, under the existing system, during the short time that the Secretary of St a t e f or W a r had been separated from the control of the colonies, that he had been overburdened and crushed by details to an extent that had left him too little time to devote to greater and more important matters. If his noble friend pursued consolidation in that sense to a greater ex tent, he was confident that, instead of greater efficiency, he would render the office still more inefficient ; but if he merely wished to produce greater unanimity of action and better supervision and control over the different branches of the ser vice, then he agreed with his noble friend, and he believed it might be extended further, although he hoped the first step had been already taken. He begged to assure him, that so far from its being possible in tine of war to carry consoli dation farther, it was found that it had been carried too far already, and in two important branches he had found it neces sary to etnet a separation. we eeste lvul minted to the advantages gained by the consolidation of the Admiralty. He agreed with him, so far as regarded a time of peace. He believed that the measure of his right hou. friend at the head of the Admiralty had rightly consolidated the navy transport with the Board of Admiralty in 1832, and up to the breaking out of the war that consolidation had worked harmoniously and well. But if he were to point out that which had more eminently failed and broken down as a system, notwithstand ing the eminent abilities of Captain Mills, be should point to the transport system as having failed more than any other during the time they had been at war. And, although his right hon. friend the First Lord of the Admiralty, who had introduced the system, and who was naturally proud of what he had done, admitted that it worked successfully in time of peace, so satisfied was he that the system wasinefficientduring the time of war, that he had himself proposed to the Government that it should be departed from so long as the warlasted, and that the transport board should be again established. There was another point upon which he had himself found, that, so far from consolidation, separation was absolutely necesary, particularly while an army was in the field. He found that the commissariat had been overworked, that step by step more had been placed on it than it was able to bear. The result had been that the army was deficient in the means of transport ; and he believed if they continued their present system, and left to the commissariat the means of transport for the army, they would never have it effective. So satisfied was he of this that he had transferred from the commissariat the land transport of provisions, and had appointed an eminent mili tary man to superintend it ; and although there was not yet time to ascertain the result, ho felt very confident that it would be the means of placing the army in the field on a bettor and more satisfactory footing when the new system came into operation. He was aware that the more they multi- plied the heads of departments at home, or in the field, the more they would increase jealousies and misunderstanding ; but he hoped to and mutual co-operation and assistance. This land transport system, which he preferred to call it, rather than the " waggon transport," had bees left in the nands of the commissariat, from the advantages that depart ment was supposed to have, inasmuch as feeding the army, that first and most vital point, its supply could not be effected unless it had the means of transport at its com mand. He believed that was an entire fallacy, and that it was far better the transport corps should be separated from the commissariat, of course subject to the control of the Commander-in-Chief ; and the commissariat would thin re main with enough to do in providing food, fuel, and forage for the army. Having explained the views he took of con solidation, he came now to the observations that had been made with reference to the state of the officers and men, as regarded a want of instruction, from which serious evils had arisen. He attributed a great deal of what the army was at present suffering to a want of that education which ever since the last war they had not the opportunity of obtaining. He did not speak of the instruction of the officers, but of the men, and co-operating as they now had been for some months with the French army, these errors and defects were still more perceptible, because while the French sol diers—more particularly those who had bad the advantage of an African campaign—were willing and able to help them selves in any place, and under any circumstances, their soldiers were unable to do so; not because they were less intelligent or active, but because they lacked those means of instruction which their Allies had possessed for many years past. He hoped the want of instruction in the use of arms had been to a great extent rectified, if not removed; but as to the more important matters connected with the camp, whatever information they possessed had been picked up by bitter experience during the present campaign. When his noble friend referred to the want of instruction in arms he might have added also, that at the breaking out of the war they laboured under the serious deficiency of a want of these arms themselves. He referred, not merely to im proved arms, but to all descriptions, and he rejoiced to say that these were being now rapidly replenished. He might point out that that was one of the erro rs committed during the long peace. He did not mean that they s h ou ld h ave a great collec tion of arms which might be superseded by improvements, but he contended that the armeries of the kingdom should never have been allo we d t o b e re d uce d t o th e condition they were in at the breaking out of the war. Ho was speaking, not of Minies, but of carbines and swords also ; and he would ob serve, further, that they had no efficient means of providing shells, rockets, or other armaments. So deficient were they, that they were indebted to private individuals, on the spur of the moment, to supply these wants. He frankly confessed that when he looked back at their condition, he locked back with horror at the absence of all provision of that description. He blamed nobody in particular ; every succeeding Government must take its share • but he trusted, if it pleased Heaven that they should arrive shortly at a peace, that one of the first steps they would take would be to place their arsenals, not only at home, but abroad, in a state of efficiency —not -overcrowding them with arms, but enabling them to take the field without the disadvantage they laboured under on the present occa sion. When his noble friend said that during © last 30 great delays had taken place in adopting or 40 years scientific improvements, then he entirely agreed with him, but he hoped he had been instrumental in correcting that evil. Ho had turned his attention to . the organization of L en in t g ion th h e ad zu b t e l en an o c n i i .the scientific committee, whose v the whole unsatisfactory, notwithstanding good intentions of the officers composing_d be i found more efficient t. He had entirely re - organised it, and he trusted it w ow r sons were turning at the present moment, when so many p , - . their attention to scientific discoveries. ' to introduce oa ths ruble friend h . ad said that he found it slow and dreary won, provement s w h en he was Secretary at W a r ; lie Idid not hesi tate to say th a t hi s experience corro b ora t e d that of his noble friend. If in times of greater leasure it had been slow, it was not surprising that during the last nine or ten months the machinery which every Government for the last :25 years had found fault with had not worked satisfactorily. His noble friend had said that was a mistake to have appointed four Secretaries of State. Well, with regard to the appointment of boards there were some advantages to bederived from them, and that was to a great extent the way, in which he had been endeavouring to conduct his department. lie had been Chief, th e S ecre t aey a t prac tically m e eting the Commander - in - War, and the head of the Board of Ordnance. They had ar ranged their minutes, letters, and instructions, forming a board._ as it were, practically ; but he frankly confessed he wag not so much enamoured of the working of a board as his noble friend. It did away to considerable extent with indi vidual responsibility. It divided the responsibility among many, and moreover its satisfactory working depended on the character of the individuals composingit. If the head or chief had determination and self-will, they might work ha.rmo- nionsly, but if not, each would pursue his own opinions, and try to carry out his own views. A board would only work well, where there was a prominent supremacy in the head. With regard to another point, following the example of the French, who, in 1820, believed that the English military system was superior, not having then had the immense advantage of twenty-five years campaigning for one-fourth of their army in- Africa, ho (tho Duke of Newcastle) had appointed a commission of three officers to investigate in Paris the whole French military system, with the view to their making a repqrt and suggesting such improvements as might satisfactorily be introduced into their system ; and concurrently with that, Lord Raglan had appointed a commission of officers in the Crimea, with the view of ascertaining the practical working of the same system, and acting, of course, under instructions sent out by himself. From these investigations he hoped to derive great advan tages. They would obtain the theory of the French syst em in Paris, while, from the officers in the Crimea, they would have the practice as exemplified in the field. There was an other department in which the French were extremely effi cient, and which was represented by " L'Ecole de la guerre." They had been obliged to go over the town in order to secure maps of an authentic character upon the breaking out of the war. The defeat was an obvious one in the British army, and he had taken the first steps to establish such an institution in London. He had had c ommunications with foreign Govern ments and with Lord Dalhousie in India, in' order to obtain a f c n e c d t i h o a n d o o f m m i t a th p s d a w n i y t h r e f t e h r e i s n c i e m t p o o I t a n h e fi t n a o n b e j l e a c. lt system He n rie of o t b i l i e e army, but it appeared to him that it might be advisable to transfer the auditing of these accounts to the Audit Office. It was not his intention to oppose the motion of his noble friend. If it was thought desirable to place this abstract re solution on the books of the house, he, on the part of the Government, was not disposed to dissent from it. At the same time, he frankly admitted that there were inconveni ences in placing an abstract resolution on the books, and he would submit to his noble friend whether he would think it worth while, after the declarations he had made, to press it, especially as the notice had been altered from that which was originally given. Ho agreed with his noble friend that mate rial alterations were essentially necessary, and, whatever Go vernment was to carry them out, he hoped they would be able to do so as circumstances permitted them, and without doing mischief instead of good. Under these circumstances he hoped that the noble earl would not press his motion. Lord HARDINGE said, that being supposed to be divested of all political feeling by reason of the office which he had the honour to hold, he should not offer any opposition to the mo tion of the noble lord. However, he should beg to set the noble earl right in reference to the statement attributed to him (Lord Hardinge), to the effect that, a few years since, certain battalions of the Guards knew nothing of ball prac. tice, in consequence of never having been supplied with ball cartridge. He believed he might state that within the last two years, not only had the Minie rifle been in troduced, but the practice with that arm had been car ried on with very great effect. Indeed, he might say that no recruit had gone out to the Crimea since last spring who was not well practised with that arm—(hear, hear.) Since ho (Lord Hardinge) had the honour to occupy the position of Commander-in-Chief, a school of mu , ketly had been established, and ho believed the result was superior to anything that previously existed. At the battle of Inkerman the rifle was of immense service ; not only was it effective in thinning the Russian battalions, but it also kept down the fire of their batteries at very long range. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the observations of the noble earl as to the superiority of the French civil depart ment of the army over ours, the cause was altogether owing to their being engaged for the last quarter of a century in Algeria, where from 80,000 to 100,000 of the French army were constantly acquiring a knowledge of the art and business of war. Such had not been the case with our troops. (Hear, hear.) But he could not agree with the noble earl as to the inferiority of our military education, inasmuch as the warmest testimony had been borne to the system at Sand hurst by Sir Charles Napier and other distinguished officers. He should say of the army in general, that no continental na tion had so excellent or perfect a state of military affairs as that produced by our regimental system in point of drill and discipline, to say nothing of the spirit andiatfection it infused into the men for each other. That was well known of the infantry ; and Balaklava gave proof of it in the case of the cavalry. (Hear, hear ) Our artillery officers were promoted at too advanced a period of life—that he should admit ; but otherwise no artillery in Europe excelled ours. The com missariat might bo more perfect, but the consolidation advo cated by the noble earl would not, in his (Lord Hardingo's) opinion, remedy the evils complained of, and which they all sincerely deplored. Lord CAMPBELL said ho rose to give his humble but sin cere advice to his noble friend (Earl Grey) not to withdraw the motion. Ho believed it expressed the unanimous opinion of their lordships. Why then should it not be recorded on the proceedings of the house ? The system, not individuals, was most to blame The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH concurred with the noble I duke opposite (the Duke of Newcastle) in thinking that this ' motion should not be pressed, because, whilst the Govern ment was in its present position, it would not be altogether fair. None of their lordships could tell who might be Mini ster of War to-morrow--perhaps it might be the noble earl (Earl Grey) himself. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) The Go vernment was at present in the position of a prisoner at the bar whilst the jury was out considering its verdict—(a laugh) —and, perhaps, to-morrow's sun would shine on them no longer as a body of gentlemen forming the Government.of the country, but as pronounced " guilty," and, consequently, holding a different position in the Legislature from that which they now occupied. (Hear, hear.) It was contrary to his opinion of public policy that this motion should be made when there was practically no Government to speak upon it. He (the Earl of Ellenborough) had frankly and frequently expressed his opinion of the conduct of her Majesty's Govern ment since the commencement of this war. He had accused them of want of knowledge, want of promptitude, and want of ferethouzht e+ +' I . . 1,,,,, fin,r hr should admit 1-.;,,,-,lf guilty of gross injustice if he did not admit, on the fullest consideration, that by far the greatest portion of our calami ties originated in the Crimea, and not here. (Cries of " Hoar, hear.") Had Ivo a Wellington or a Sir George Murray in command the public never would have heard of the slightest portion of those sufferings. He (the Earl of Ellenborough) deeply deplored the position of the Minister of War, answerable as he was for the commissariat department, under the management of Sir Charles Trovelyan, whose elaborate paper he (the noble earl) had endeavoured to understand. (A laugh.) He (the Earl of Ellenborough) had conducted the war department, the financial department, ' and the whole diplomatic concerns of a great empire. No person ever disobeyed one of his laws—he never had to seed in an estimate, or look at the details of accounts. (A laugh.) In this country we were a small military power ; in. India we wore a great military power, owing to our system, and wars were carried on well. He placed no faith in this amalgama tion system ; and, therefore—but particularly seeing the position in which Ministers were at present placed—he should regret if the noble earl (Earl Grey) peristed in moving his resolution. After a brief pause, Earl GREY rose to reply, and repeated his censure of the divided responsibility which at present existed, the result of which was that the affairs of the army were improperly managed. Tim motion was then withdrawn, and their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY. The SPBAKI4 took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock, PRIVATE BILLS. On the - motion of Mr. BROTHIMTON, leave was given to bring in a number of private bills. The bills were subsequently brought in and read a first time. STANDING ORDERS. On the motion of Mr. GREED, the following members were nominated to serve on the select committee on standing orders, viz., Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr, Henley, Mr. Sotheron, Mr. Thos. Greene, Sir J. Y. Buller, Sir R. Ferguson, Mr. E. Denison, Capt. Jones, Mr. Wright son, Mr. Bratnston, and Mr. Thornely. COMMITTEE OF SELECTION. On the motion of Mr. GREEN, the following members were nominated as the committee of selection :—Mr. Sotheron, Sir John Y. Buller, Sir Robt. Ferguson, Mr. Bonham-Carter, and the Chairman of the Select Com mittee on Standing Orders. PETITIONS. A large number of petitions were presented praying for a reduction cf the duty on stage carriages. Mr. BRIGHT presented nine petitions from different parts of the country praying the house to repeal the newspaper stamp. Mr. WATSON presented a similar petition from the printers of Hull. Sir J. SHELLEY presented a petition from the churchwardens of St. James's, Westminster, expressing sympathy for the sufferings of our brave army in the Crimea, and ascribing them to the mismanagement of the authorities under her Majesty's Government, and praying the house to withhold its support from the pre sent Government, in order that a change may be made in its constitutien, with a view to secure a more vigo rous administration of affairs in the Crimea. ;~-. the necessary arrangements for disembarking the men, but before he get back the vessel had arrived in port. THE PATRIOTIC FUND. Colonel NORTH wished to ask whether the widows and orphans of those men who, serving under the Fo reign Enlistment Bill, may fall during the present war are to participate in the advantages of the Patriotic Fund ; also, if the widows and orphans of the officers of our army, navy;, and marines, whe may fall in this war, are to participate in the advantages of that fund ? Mr. S. HERBERT apprehended that the subscribers to the Patriotic Fund intended that it should be directed to the relief of the English army exclusively, and it would not be possible without their consent to apply any por tion of it to a purpose fur which it was not originally in- tended. Mr. S. ADAIR said, with regard to the second question, the point was now under the consideration of the finance committee, but temporary assistance had already been afforded to such cases which were looked upon as of an exceptional character. Colonel DUNNE wished to know if the parties ac cepting such assistance would prejudice their right to a pension ? Mr. S. HERBERT should imagine not. THE CAVALRY CHARGE AT BALAKLA.VA. Mr. H. BERKELEY wished to ask the Secretary at War, firstly, whether any correspondence and what has taken place between Field-Marshal Lord Raglan and her Majesty's Government on the subject of the melancholy disaster which occurred at thebattle of Balaklava, where the lives of so many of our gallant men of the Light Ca valry were lost, and whether there be any objection to lay such papers on the table ; secondly, whether due in quiry has been made or be contemplated on the subject Mr. S. HERBERT said—Sire—ln answer to the question of my hossourable friend, I have to state, first of all, that in speaking of the charge of the Light Bri gade at Balaklava, I should find another term for it rather than a melancholy disaster. (Hear.) With regard to the question itself, I may state that Lord Raglan has made a communication to the Government on the sub ject ; but I am not now in a position to lay his despatch upon the table. I hope, therefore, the hon. gentleman will not press for it,—but I can assure him the subject has not escaped the attention of the Government. Mr. H. BERKELEY gave notice that on an early day he should move an address to her Majesty, praying that an inquiry may be instituted into the conduct of Lieut.-General Lord Lucan, for ordering the charge of light cavalry at the battle or Balaklava, under circum stances which prec'.uded the possibility of success, but would inevitably lead to great loss of life. Mr. C. BERKELEY asked the Secretary at War if he had any objection to answer these two questions, viz. :—First, Whether the order which had been pub lished in all the newspapers as emanating from Lord Raglan to Lord Lucan for the light brigade of cavalry to make the disastrous charge at Balaklava, is the cor rect order or not ? It runs thus—" Lord Raglan wishes the cavalry to advance rapidly to the front ; follow the enemy, and try to prevent their carrying away the guns. A. troop of Horse Artillery may accompany. The French cavalry is on the left. Immediate." The second question is, why the remnant of these brave men are not to have a clasp to their medal with the word "Bala klava" upon it, in addition to " Alma" and 4 f Inkermanl" Mr. S. HERBERT had no objection whatever to answer them. In the first place, the words which the hon. member had given were a correct transcript of the order of Lord 'Raglan. With regard to the second question, his answer was, that clasps had been granted by her Majesty. REPORTERS IN THE CRIMEA. Mr. BERESFORD asked the Secretary-at-War whether, during the present campaign in the East, rations had been supplied by the Commissariat to any of the correspondents of tho daily press, and if so, by what authority had the issue taken place, and had it continued up to the latest returns furnished ? Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, in the early part of the campaign the correspondents of the daily press were allowed rations upon paying for them, but without the authority of the Government ; and the Board of Audit had properly disallowed the expenses in the accounts sent home. The right hon. gentleman read a letter from Sir C. Trevelyan to General Filder, directing the latter to afford accommodation to the representatives of the press, if it could be consistently done ; and accordingly they had been allowed rations, where they could purchase provisions upon paying for them. Col. KNOX asked whether it was true that the cor respondent of the Times was given a free passage from Varna to the Crimea for himself, his servant, and three horses, when the officers in the service were only allowed one horse ? Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT—I am not aware of any thing of the kind. (Hear, hear.) ADJOURNED DEBATE ON MR. ROEBUCK'S MOTION. Mr. STAFFORD resumed the debate. Be observed that the only claim he had upon the attention of the house at that stage of the proceedings was his having witnesseethe state of affairs in the Crimea ; which he little anticipated he should have found it necessary to lay before the house, inasmuch as no one could have foreseen the events which had taken place during the past week. In this house they had not to discuss the or ludisidoca Mobsters, nut or the AdMr• nistration as a body. It war, therefore, with some sur prise that lie heard the right hon. gentleman the Secre tary at War state en Friday night that a commission had been authorised to inquire into the causes of the state of affairs now existing in the East ; but he felt bound to say that, in his opinion, although thin might be done, it would not in any way absolve the Government fromreeponsibility. Having referred to his experience of matters connected with the war during a recent visit to the Crimea he explained that that visit had been dic tated by no party motive, bet that it was entirely of a disinterested character, and he should be most happy to avail himself of any opportunity which the Secretary at War might afford him of giving the right hon. gentleman the benefit of his observations. The hon. gentleman then proceeded to express his gratification to hear that the Government had taken measures to establish an hos pital for the sick and wounded at Smyrna - , and then passed on to notice the Scutari hospital. He admitted that of late its arrangements had been much improved, and were still being improved ; but there were radical evils connected with it which would probably never be remedied, amongst which was the exceeding impurity of the atmosphere' in the neighbourhood. In the interior of the hospital, when he visited it, he found the evaporation of noxious gases from the wards, arising from want of attendance, was most prejudicial, and the health of the patients and other inhabitants of thepartsim mediately adjacent affected. The hon. gentleman then went on to allude to the position of affairs at an hospital associated in recent history with two remarkable cir cumstances—one a glorious victory, and the other the most abject state of misery and death attending our brave defenders which perhaps was unparalleled in the annals of the world—he meant Balaklava. (Hear, hear.) Whilst at that place he had gone into the hospital, and, as the house was aware, the two greatest evils existing there was a want of ventilation and cleanliness. He alluded in particular to the case of one invalid soldier, who was almost dying from starvation, and who could keep nothing on his stomach but sago, which, however, he was allowed only once a day, in consequence of the want of dietary arrangements. He (the hon. gentleman) asked to be allowed to take care of this poor fellow, but he was told that it could not be permitted, as he had not been in the hospital long enough. The hon. gentleman next spoke of the embarkation of the wounded at Balaklava, en board the transport vessels, stating, amongst ether things, the deplorable condition in which the poor fellows were sometimes left on shore prepara tory to being conveyed on board, and the inattention to their comfort, indeed to their common wants, afterwards. In the cases of some who were suffering from diarrhoea, ho mentioned the tenacity with which they clung to their miserable blankets and wet and worn over-coats, for warmth, though these coverings were completely ever-run with vermin, and sometimes so badly as to be obliged to bo thrown overboard ; and afterwards mentioned how he had himself been instrumental in the issue of a number of blankets to the un fortunate sufferers on board the Candia. The hon. gen tleman, however, then observed that after presenting this gloomy picture to the house he should not he doing jus tice to the Government if he did not congratulate the Secretary at War upon having sent out so large a num ber of nurses to the East. (Hear, hear.) It was im possible to over-estimate the blessings and the benefits which they had been instrumental in con ferring upon the unfortunate sick and wounded, and to appreciate the goodness of heart and head by which their attentions and services were dictated. H e else mentioned with some pleasure that throughout his progress through the hospitals he had never heard 'one single word spoken by a single invalid against a single officer in command ; and amongst those who were most highly spoken of there was no one alluded to in more enthusiastic terms than his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge (hear, hear) whose kindness and warmth of heart, as well as bravery, under all cir cumstances, whether in action or not, had won for him the admiration of all. The letter of her most gra cious Majesty the Queen created the most enthusiastic and patriotic exciterneet amongst the poor sick aid wounded sufferers—and cases were not nafrequent in which they sweetened the bitter drau by dr acc g o h m ts p o a f n t y lae medicine ingthemw t i h th ey ,, w T e h r e e Another bra ve f e ll ow i n ono o f j o je b a li l g t e h d o t f o t s h w e a Q ll u o e w e , n. ,, the hospitals, on his death-bed, said these terrible wards, "Hal I been better treated I might have gone back to my dety in the field, and then I would be ready to meet a soldier's death. But England does not care for her soldiers." Ho then turned aside his head and died. Since he had come back he had found, in fact, that Eng land cared for little else. (Hear.) This would go to the poor soldiers in the East through the agency of that press which he was sorry to have seen denounced by the Government. (The hon. member resumed his seat amidst loud cheers.) Mr. B. OSBORNE remarked with pleasure that among the many criticisms pronounced upon the conduct of the war, no direct censure had been hazarded against the de partment to which ho was himself attaehed—namely, the Admiralty. Adverting to the motion before the house, he commented upon the injustice of sacrificing a minister for the faults of a system. The military organisation of the country was altogether rotten. It could not be reformed by a mere consolidation of departments, but must be changed and purified from one cad to the other, from the Horse Guards to the soldiers' barrack-rooms. Enter ing into details on this point, the hon. member condemned the svatem of promotion by purchase, the favouritism which presided over staff appointments, and the general spirit of routine and aristocratic exclusiveness that could be traced throughout every department of annyadministra iron as regarded the upper ranks of the public service. In reference to the secession of Lord Johnßussell, he admited RECEPTION OF THE WOUNDED IN ENGLAND. that. the proceeding had destroyed the ministry, but pro fessed much respect for Lord Aberdeen ; and declared that for his own part, he could not consent to take refuge in the captain's gig, leaving his companions to weather the storm by themselves. Mr. HENLEY contended that the Admiralty was answerable for the failures in the transport service. If there wore faults in the system of officering our army, surely that was known before war was declared. From the despatches of Lord Raglan it might be inferred that the Admiralty arrangements had been deficient from the commencement. All that he had heard induced him to think that the present motion was likely to be productive of much benefit, and he would therefore support it. Be fore resuming his seat he would say that the Duke of Newcastle was the most ill-used man in the kingdom. His colleagues had placed him in a position for which ho was unfitted, and when he got into a fix he was abandoned. Admiral BERKELEY challenged investigation into the conduct of the Admiralty during the course of the war, declaring that every service which had devolved upon that department was performed with efficiency and despatch. Mr. BERESFk >RD highly eulogised the conduct of Lord Raglan, who had been grossly misrepresented by those who said he was not to be seen amongst his troops, and was careless of their comforts. If everything was fairly be fore the public Lord Raglan would stand out as the brave soldier and kind-hearted man his friends knew him to be, and it would then be seen that ho had been from the commencement opposed to the ex pedition to the Crimea. The Secretary at War tried to throw the blame from the Minister at War, by seeking to fix it on the officers of brigade, but this was a failure, for no complaint whatever had been made against any brigadier. he great fault was the absence of all means of transport from Balaklava to Sebastopol, a negli gence quite unpardonable, after all the despatches of the Duke of Wellington, in which he had so repeatedly urged the immense importance at all times to an army of the means of transport. Mr. RICE had heard with painful interest the speech of Mr. Stafford, but he thought the motion of the hon. mem ber for Sheffield unlikely to produce benefit, and he would, therefore, vote against it. Mr. W. MILES, in supporting the motion, contended that the War-office had totally neglected the commissariat department. Sir F. BARING opposed the motion as not being calcu lated to produce the immediate redress which the evil de mewled. They should not paralyse by such a motion the action of the War Department, nor sacrifice the army that the Government might be destroyed. In reference to the refusal of the Earl of Aberdeen to make the change in the War Department required by Lord John Russell, he de clared his opinion to be that the reasons assigned by the noble earl for thakt refusal were insufficient. He th o ug h t Lord John Ress r ^ell had acted creditably, and in voting against the metisin he wished it to be understood that he was not, therefore, voting confidence in the Government, either as regards the past or the future. Mr. BENTINCK, although opposed to such a motion in the abstract, could not do otherwise than support it after the disclosures which had been made. Inconveniences might arise in consequence of the motion being carried, but he felt that everything must give way to the necessity of getting rid of the present incompetent Government. While taking this course ho must say that he could not concede to Lord J. Russell the praise of being actuated solely by patriotism iu quitting the Government as he had done. Mr. RIM eulogised the conduct of Lord J. Russell, and declared that the facts which had come to light rendered inquiry, at all hazards and any inconvenience, an absolute duty. Sir E. B. B. LYTTON—Sir, I shall dismiss very briefly that part of this discussion which refers to the abstract propriety of appointing the select committee of inquiry proposed by the lion. member for Sheffield. I shall leave the Government to direct their answer upon that point not so much to us as to their late colleague—(hear, hear)—who resigned office rather than resist that inquiry, and who, I conclude, would vote for it but for the natural delicacy of his position towards the Cabinet he so lately adorned. The right bon. gentlemen the Secretary at War and the Secre tary for the Colonies have dwelt on the danger of estab lishing such a precedent as the appointment of this com mittee might furnish. They may dismiss that appfehen lion, for nothing but the extremity of the case can justify this motion, and I trust, for the honcur of the country and the sake of humanity, that a case so extreme may not occur again. (Hear.) If it does not, the motion will be no precedent ; if it does, a similar motion will be under stood to bear the iuterpretation that the common sense of the house puts upon this ; for I agree with Ministers that they cannot grant this committee without a virtual trans fer of the power and responsibilities of the Queen's Go vernment, and the question therefore simply is—Has the conduct of the Ministers in this war been such that this house should quietly acquiesce, not only in the continuance of their power, but in the mode by which their responsibilities have been discharged ? I, for one, feel that such an acquiescence would be to make us the servile accomplices in the sacrifice of what re mains of that noble army of -whose deeds the country are se proud and of whose sufferings the Government should be so ashamed. (Hear, hoar.) The noble lord the member for London has refaced to make himself that ac complice, although the pain of deserting his colleagues in the hour of their imminent need must have peen almost intolerable to so gallant a spirit, and I give him the more credit for the pain on account of the Spartan fortitude with which he has concealed its pangs. (A laugh.) Shall this house be more coioplaisant than the noble lord, although it bas not the countervailing scruples which must have weighed upon a Cabinet Minister, the late organ and leader of the Governmeit in these walls, now standing alone in his abandonment of office ? If we could not feel for the public calamities, we must still be reused by our own private anxiety and sorrow. I, myself, have two near re latiene in this war ; many of us have near relations among the sufferers. It is our boast, as a portion of the gentle men of England, that, wherever danger is to be braved or honour is to be won, there some of our kindred blood is flowing or may flew ; and after the miseries so simply told by the member foe Northamptonshire, shall we be de prived of a remedy fee. the evils you admit, of an inquiry into the abuses you deplore, because of some paltry tech nical objections to the words of the only motion that pro misee relief—because it is a vote for inquiry, when it ought to be a vote of. censure ? Take it, then ' as a vote of censure, and let it so stand as a precedent for other times, if other times should be as grievously affected under a similar Administration. (Cheers.), I shall not enter into all the details on which the Secretary at War always tries to rest the case of the Government, partly because I have been here anticipated by those who so ably preceded me, partly because I wish to lay clearly before the house the broad principles of the charge which of w tsTliat ea" —" against t entered, e ed, a otindeed Ministers. A first,nd we accuse you hastily, but with long deliberation, with ample time for forethought, if not for preparation, into the most arduous enterprise this genera tion has witnessed, in the most utter ignorance of the power and resources of the enemy you were to encounter, the nature of the climate you were to brave, of the country you were to enter, of the supplies which your army should receive. This ignorance is the more inexcusable because you disdain the available sources of infordtation. This is the fundamental cause of our disaster, and not the com paratively petty and collateral causes to which the Secre tary at War would assign them. The ignorance, indeed, on a former occasion, the Government confessed; and when we were convened on the 12th of December, we heard that synod of veteran statesmen—those analecta majora of the wisdom and genius of Parliament—actually make their ignorance the excuse for their incapacity. We might accept that excuse for the sake of its candour ; but the Government have asked more, for, as I will undertake to show, they have asked us to acquit them of disasters, when they took no pains to acquire the information that was necessary for success. It Ins, in deed, been said that the public were no wiser than the Government that the public underrated the power of Russia, and demanded the premature siege of Sebas topol ? If this were true, what then ? Why do we choose Ministers—whydo we give them salaries, patronage, honours—if it is not to have some men wiser than the public, at least in all that relates to the offices they hold ? (Hear, hear.) It may be a noble fault in a people to die regard the strength of an enemy when a cause is just. Who does not love and admire this English people more when they rose as one man to cry, "No matter what the cost or hazard, let us defend the weak against the strong !" But if to underrate the power of an enemy was almost a merit is the people, it was a grave dereliction of duty in a Minister of War. But I deny that the public, fairly con sidered, were not wiser than the Government, and there is scarcely a point which you have covered with a blunderon which some one or other of the public did not try to pre pare and warn you. I shall first notice a subject hitherto little touched on in this house, but which seems to me in timately connected with the condition of oar troops in the Crimea. (Hear, hear.) The war had begun— our fleets were en the seas—the noblest fleets that ever left these shores, and it was on those fleets, much more than our land force, that the public relied for any advantage over Russia. Well, the ships were on the sea, and Odessa ley before thorn, surprised and almost de fenceless—Odessa, the great depot of the Russian enemy, the depot of ammunition, provisions, troops forthat Crimea, which you had already resolved to invade, and you con tent yourself with the holiday bombardment of a single fort. (Cheers.) Ind we may judge of your private instruc tions to your naval commanders when for the audacity of that notable achievement your admiral makes an apology. (Hear, hear.) Is Oelessa spared for the sake of humanity? Humanity ! Why, you were told that Odessa was the feeder of Sebastopol. You have found it to be so. The Secretary at War expressed his amazement at the celerity with which Russian troops were moved from Odessa to Sebastopol, and to spare the arsenals, the granary, the market, the nursery ground et an hostile fortress was the grossest inhumanity to the army that now rots before the walls which your eau lathes has manned and supplied against it. (Hear, hear.) If you were influenced by care for the British trade connected with Odessa, you knew little indeed of your countrymen if you did not feel that you mieht have come to Parliament witk confidence for the most liberal compensation to all British subjects whom the occupation of Odessa —there was no occasion to destroy it—might have injured. This first proof of feeble iacape city links itself with all that has followed. You thus forbear the easiest and the wealthiest conquest of all, iu order afterwards, in the very worst time, to attempt an achievement the meet difficult is itself, and which that forbearance to Odessa rendered more difficult still. Why, sir, the whole fortunes of the campaign would have changed if Odeon had been your depot instead of the Russian—nay, if when you found you could not invade the Crimea before the end of Septem ber, you Ind postponed that ex p edition till the spring, - and ' your troops were now happily wintered in Odessa, instead of mouldering piecemeal, ragged, and roofless before Sebastopol. But if you had some reason we cannot divine for not prosecuting the attack at that time, why did you not later effectively bleckes le Odessa and the Sea of Azoff—(hear, hoar)-30 ships of the line, 40 steamers on the .Euxine, and you do not block ode the great magazine of the enemy. ele Yell, your troops went to Gallipuli. I must here contradict the statements both of the Minister and of the Secretary at War. I will show you even there, at the first, how ut terly you had failed in the simplest provisions of which the Secretary of War has se vainly boasted. I have hero some short extracts from the letters of an officer, written to his father, not intended for publication. I read thorn because I can, if necessary, state his name to any member of the Government, without, alas ! the feir of injuring him in his profession. He is now no more. His father came to roe and said, through his tears, "I would proudly have given my son's life to the service of his country, b u t he was murdered by the neglect of the Government, and without any real aid to his country. (Cheers.) Thi s young man had just bought a step in his profession ; he was full of life, health, and ardour; athletic in his habits, no raw recruit, but accustomed to •military hardship, the last man to merinur without a cause. He belonged to that hand of heroes, famous even in the ranks of English valour, the Welsh Fusliers. His first letter is from Galli- Mr. Af. MTLNES said, in the absence of the right hon. baronet the First Lord of the Admiralty, to whom he had given notice of the question, he begged to ask the naval lord present whether any correspondence had taken place between the Admiralty and the autho rities or Portsmouth respecting the alleged ne glect of suck authorities in making the necessary ar rangement for conveying and succouring soldiers and seamen who had arrived front the seat of war in the Himalaya ; and if so, whether there would be any ob jection to produce the correspondence ? Admiral BERKELEY said he could assure the hon. gentleman that it was not from any neglect that the right hon. baronet (Sir J. Graham) was not there to an- I ewer the question, as he was sorry to say the right hon ourable 'Baronet was so exizremely unwell as to be confined to his bed. With regard to the question of the honourable gentleman, be could only say that the man Williams did not belong either to the army or to the navy, nor was he returned either by the captain cr surgeon of the ship as being on board. He was conveyed in the first place to the Sailers' Home, where he ought to have been re ceived, the authorities having co knowledge of such a person being oe board, he having been 'tent home as a distressed British subject. No public coirespon deuce had taken place- on the subject, but his right honourable friend the First Lord of the Admiralty had written to the Superintendent of the Dockyard requesting him to make the most searching inquiries into the case. It was only an act of juAicc te say that the surgeon of the ship had written a strong letter, de nying that the man was neglected while on board. Mr. M. MILNES said the answer W5B confined to the case of the man Williams! but ions inquiry applied generally to the sick and wounded soldiers and sailors. When they arrived they were improperly kept huddled together, arid received no consideratio n what ever j a .. s t . h i e { E h a R n B d w E e R f T the a said, d s t ; r e e en c - t l i i y o . authorities.uhseesaw tter a shatter in he lost no time in writing toLordHarlinge tbhag.gniensYg6Pt3hrt"h'e would i ns titute an inquiry into it, but wrote to theTreasuryasil4, he found that his lordship had. a e I t r h e e a 1 there e d r done n w e a s s o . a H y t e r a u l h o a. icnut:Atoomst-hatoeumseenotffiaceefras,r and d it h r e et v a .a te s d t t o o ld th t e ha c t on n d o u . s e t t ic o h f the Cu,tom-house officers, and he as told that no such de had taken place. ce d r is w tr a e s ssln occurrence arose out of an He believed de spatched to meet the Himalaya with the view of making THE SUN, LOND9N, TUESDAY EVENING-, JANUARY 30, 1855, poli, April 23. Here let me observe that on the 7th of April the Duke of Newcastle htd declared that never was an army so well provided for—in food, in all necessaries, even in articles that might be considered luxuries. On the 23d of April art officer at Gallipoli writes thus : " There are :;0,000 French troops encamped a short distance from our troops. They are in every respect butter equipped and provided for than ours. Their Government have provided their officers with mules for the conveyance of their baggage and everything else they require. We have to buy mules for ourselves, which cannot be done at Gallipoli, as the French Government have already bought them all up." Why was this? The Secretary of War said the Government were buying up animals in Egypt and Spain ; why did you not buy some mules at poli ? " The French soldiers fraternise freely with ours, and to-day we saw them giving ours some of their bread, of which they have a most bountiful supply, while ours have not enough." At Gallipoli, in April, at the opening of the campaign, the soldiers of the Queen of England eating the broad of our ally ! Is that a position that is worthy her throne, or our pride of a nation, and how does this agree with the Duke of Newcastle's statement of the 7th of April ? Now let us pass on from Gallipoli ; you proceed to Yarns, not to fight, not to assist the Turks at Silistria—you have not, indeed, the necessary transports for that—but because Omar Pacha says that the presence there of your army will have a moral effect upon the Rus sians. Now, sir, I think that this was a request on the part of Turkey which, so far as the selection of a site to encamp, we had a right to refuse. We came to defend them and to fight, but not to remain stationary, and melt away by pestilence in a climate notoriously pestilential in that special time of the year—pestilential, net from an accidental cause, but from one periodical and invariable — and which, if your Mieistor had asked any traveller, or consulted any authority, ho must have known. (near.) Well, sir, from the camp there, this officer writes, July 28 : " I hope something will be done soon, as I should look forward with horror to another summer in this country. We have now considerable difficulty in getting supplies, and frequently have to live on bread and cheese for a day or two, as ration meat cannot be eaten, though the officers cat it when the men will not." Now comes the reason why that climate was pestilential, and why you ought to have kaolin it. "July and Au gust," says the officer there encamped, "are unhealthy months, as they are all dry and very hot, and the deposits from the lakes, which overflow in the spring, dry up and create miasma. Nearly all our cases of cholera ewer in the night, and are mostly fatal in six hours." (Hear.) This young man has the cholera himself—he probably re covers—he reuses when the report comes that something is to be done—something, no doubt, which it was necessary to elo ; but was it the impression that that something should be the siege of Sebastopol ? Then hear what he says :—" Of course they keep secret where we are going ; but we believe that it is to take Odessa, which is full of corn granaries, &c. I think this is the best thing we could do, and winter there, both army and navy. It is too late in the year to attack Sebastopol." That could not have been the solitary notion of that young soldier ; it must have been the talk of his comrades—" too late in the year to attack Sebastopol !" But, no ! out of all the twelve months, you had taken the worst to encamp at Yarns, and it was consistent to take the worst to besiege Sebastopol, that Gibraltar of the East. You take the worst time, not only for military operations, but for sanitary conditions.. Open even so common a work as "M'Oulloch's Geographical Dictionary?' and you will find it was the unhealthiness of the Crimea which hue ' Crated its colonisation by Germans ; open the " Gazetteer of the World," and you will find that it is in autumn the climate is more especially unhealthy, and subject to the epidemics you have found there. Yet you land without ambulances, without waggons, without hospital provision, without even tents. Here ends this young soldiers corres pondence. Scarcely saved from cholera at Yarns, cholera seized him at the first breeze from those new and more fatal shores—seized him while his comrades were landing in the Crimea. Without common comforts, without com mon medical aid, he died—calling out in his delirium to be set on shore, so that he might, at least, perish in the field. I then charge you with this—that twice in one cam paign you expose your army in situations notoriously pes tilential, at the precise seasons which yon choose for both encampments. Considering this alone we need not pause to weigh the reasons for disasters alleged by the Secretary-at- War—viz., that our staff-officers had no experience of ac tive command, and that our soldiers selected from the pea santry, had not learned to take care of themselves. ,the main cause is here—the situations to which you have ex posed your army, and the destitution in which you leave it —and the fault is the worse for the reason you state—viz., that your officers were not accustomed to invent resources, nor your soldiers inured to encounter hardships and disease. The defence of the Secretary of War has been chiefly di rected to show that, wherever omissions were discovered and blunders made, he hastened to repair them. That excuse may avail for his department, but it is the duty of the Government, taken as a whole not only to, repair but to foresee—to provide beforehand what may probably be wanted, and not to wait till the consequences of their own neglect start up and defy reparation. You cannot repair the loss of life ; you cannot repair constitutions ruined for over, because men were exposed td disease and deprived of proper medical attendance—because men were sent tc brave all the rigour of a dismal climate, without clothing to cover and roofs to shelter them. Now, even with re gard to a road from Balaklava, you read every day in the papers that the whole region between Balaklaya and Sebas topol was exposed to columns of dust. A moment's re flection would have told you that dust in the summer bee comes mud with the first rains of winter; and when, after ' the battle of Alma, it became clear that you would have to invest , Sebastopol, you should have seen'to the construc tion of a. road between your camp and your harbour. Here, indeed, at first glance, Lord Raglan may seem chiefly to blame., But he told you in his despatch, after the battle of Alma, that he wished he had more men ; and it might have occurred to. you that with young recruits— many of them mere boys—weakened by disease, and net enough for the work of the trenches, L'ord Raglan might have no force to spare for the supplementary labour of roads, and also that he was deficient in the necessary animals and vehicles, and you ought not to have waited for Mr. Peto's offer—your patriotism should have been no less inventive than his—before you had completed a contract for the construction of a road by a certain date. It has been said, " How are Government to blame for winds and hurricanes, rains and mud ?" But you are to blame for taking DO pains to learn that your army would be exposed to a climate that is subject to winds and hurricanes, rains and mud.. (Cheers.) You are to blame for not resorting to the ordinary inventions of art to coruiteract the hostile operations of nature. (Hear, hear.) When the clouds gather a prudent man takes out his umbrella ; when the wind sets an the east he will see that his coat can button ; and a man attacked by cold and disease for neglecting such every-de.y precautions, might as well exclaim, "How could I foresee that it would rain, or that it would blow?" as you exclaim, " How coull we foresee that there would be winds, rain, or mud ? " in a climate in which winds, rain, and mud are the ordinary phenomena of winter, (Hear, hear.) Attempts have been made elsewhere to fix blame upon our military commanders. It was wisely as well as generously said on this score by the Secretary at War, " What generous man would indeed attack the ab sent agent not here to answer for himself, when there sit before us, face to face, the employers responsible for his errors so long as they continue him in office ?" (Hear, hear.) But here what Lord Grenville said oil the question of the Walcheren expedition is so apposite that I will ven ture to quote it : " I am disposed," said. Lord Grenville, " to believe that in the situation of the commander he did all that could reasonably be expected, or was possible to accomplish. The error was in the plan, and the want of foresight and infor mation on the part of her Majesty's Ministers. The place, the situation, the season of the year were chosen by them. There is a season of the year when the air of that place is most pestilential and dangerous ; yet, to that place, and at that place, nay her Majesty's Ministers, we will send the flower of the British army—we will not send it at a time when its opeztations may be advantageous, but we will send it when from every information it will be destroyed more by disease than by the sword." Does this apply ? (Loud cheers.) But it is said in defence of the War Minister, that the Unit is not in himself, but the nature of his office. I am too happy to accept any palliation for his errors. But if I accept that excuse for the Minister of War, it becomes another grave charge against the collective Government, for you sweated that office, and why did you leave it so imperfect? (Cheers.) Here you had no want of advice and information. You hail the recommendations of, a celebrated commission, the advice of some of the ablest men, who had ?thoroughly examined the subject, and your excuse for not grappling with the question was, that the commencement of war was not the proper moment for a thorough reform in the War administration, and that the proper time to make a war-office efficient was the moment of returning peace. (A laugh.) But, at all events the reform, as far as it went, was, according to you, an improvement on the old system, and yet, under tho old system, we fought the wars of the Peninsula and gained the victory of Waterloo. (Hear.) But if the complications of this office wore so mischievous, you must have diseovered it long ago. Why, when you summoned Parliament for the 12th of December, could you not have reformed the office, even if you did net change the Minister, and propose to us that reform for which you are now prepared ? That would have been worth calling us together for; but no, you then com pleted your cardinal sin of short-sighted incompetence by confining all your 'exertions to save the remnan t o f your army to two bills, for which you said not a day was to be lost, and one of which has remained a dead letter to this hour. (Cheers.) Here, again, the same eternal want of information ! You go to, Germany for foreigu treope, and Germany declares your overtime illegal and rejects them with scorn. I'ventured to tell you that, if you carried the Foreign Enlistment Bill, you would never be able to use it. And now Parliament meets again, meets with fresh accounts of almost incredible suffering-9,000 of our surviving soldiers enfeebled, I fear, by disease, the huts that 'hould shelter the rest still at Balaklava, and Lord Raglan, according to the despatch we read this morning, still without men and vehicles to land and fix them. Men look to us, half with hope, half with despair. " What is to be done?" is the cry of every voice. No man is a more shrewd observer of public opinion than the noble lord the member for London and his resignation significantly tolls us what ought to be done. (Loud cheers.) But if this motion succeed, if this incomparable Ministry retire, and, like the gallant member for Middlesex, lose a place and find a constituency—(cheers and laughter)—who is to replace them? Where can we find their equals, in the unity of their counsels, the foresight of their policy, and the good fortune that attends their mete . sures ? (a. laaveh.) Let' us compose our terrors, and face the possible calamity of such a loss with manly courage. The hon. meettber for Richmond chides my right non. friend the member for Medhnrst because, on Friday night, he condemned the Government for basing its existence on the principle of coalition. - The member for Richmond is historically correct. Looking through our modern history, I find that most of our powerful, even poprear Adminis trations, have boon more or less coalitions. Both tho Ad ministrations of Mr. Pitt were coalitions ; and the last was very remarkable, for he first turned out the Addington Government, and then coalesced with six of its members. Nay, he was not contented till he had netted 'the expelled Prime Minister himself, and made him Lord President of the Council. (Laughter.) But then there is one indispen sable element of a coalition, and that is, that its members should coalesce. (Lend cheers and laughter.) It is that element which seems to sae wanting in the present Cabinet. (Cheers.) It has s heen an union of party interests, but not a coalition of party sentiment and feeling. (Cheers.) It was a jest of Lord Chesterfield's, when a man of very ob scure family merrier!. the daughter of a lady to whom scan dal ascribed a large number of successful admirers, that "nobody's son had just married everybody's daughter." (Great laughter.) If I may parody that jest, I would say of this Government, that everybody's principles had .1 united with nobody's opinions. (Laughter.) It is dimly intimated, that the noble lord—now in a state of transi tion—(a laugh)----bUt after all he is equally illustrious as the member for Tiverton—it is intimated that the noble ' lord the member for Tivertou is intended for an appoint- t, went that some months ago would have satisfied the country and saved the Government. (Hear hear.) I foar now that it may be too late, and among his greatest dan gers will be the armed neutrality. of his unsuccessful advo cate and noble friend. (Laughter.) That noble lord, the member for London, on Friday last attempted, not trium phantly, to vindicate the Whigs from the charge of being PII exclusive party that required all power for itself— (" Hear, hear," from Lord J, Russell)—and he found a solitary instancy for the refutation of that charge in the magnanimity with which tho Whigs had consented to that division of power which his desertion now re, - Ants and condemns. But in plain words his vindication only amounts to this, that where the Whigs could net get all the power they reluctantly , cansented to accept half. (Much laughter.) Now, gentlemen opposite will, perhaps, nardon me if I say, that I think the secret of Whig exclu siveness and Wbig ascendancy has been mainly this—you, , the large body of independent liberal politicians, the ad vocates for progress, have, supposed, from the memory of forwer contests now ended, that, while England is advanc ing, a large section of your countrynaen, with no visible interest in existing abuses, is standing still ; and thus you have given, not to yourselves, not to the creed and leader of the vast popul ar p ar t y , b u t to a small hereditary com bination of great families—(" Hear," from Mr. Bright)—a fictitious monopoly of liberal policy—a genuine monopoly of lethargic Government. It is my firm belief that any Ad ministration, formed from either side of this house, should we be so unfortunate as to lose the preseat,would be as fully alive to the necessity of popular measures, of steady pro gress—(hear, hear, from Lord J. Russell)—of sympathy with the free'and enlightened people they might aspire to govern, as any of those great men who are democrats in opposition and oligarchs in office. (Loud cheers.) But to me individually and to the public it is a matter of compa rative indifference from what section of men a Govern- went at this moment shall be formed, so lOr;g fully represents the great cause to which the honour and safety of England are committed, and carries into practi cal execution the spirit that animates the humblest trades man, the poorest artisan who has sent his scanty earnings to the relief of onr suffering army. (Cheers.) It has been said, as the crowning' excuse for the Government, that all oar preceding wars have began with blunders. Were this an arena for historical disquisition I should deny that fact ; but grant it for the sake of argument. How were those blunders repaired and converted into triumphs ? I know a case in point. Once in the last century there was a Duke of Newcastle, who presided over the conduct of war, and was supported by a powerful league of aristocra tic combinations. That war was, indeed, a series of blun- ders and disasters. In vain attempts were made to patch up that luckless Ministry—in vain some drops of health ful Mood were infused iato its feeble and docrepid consti tution—(a laugh)—the people at last became aroused, in dignant, irresistible. They applied one remedy ; that remedy is now before ourselves. Tney dismissed their Government and saved their army. (The hon. baronet re sumed his seat amid loud *rid prolonged cheering.) The CHANCELLOR of the'EXCIAEQUERir, I do not know that I can recollect an occasion on which there has been before the House—l will not say so great a ques tion, but so remarkable a combination of questions, each of which is great. In this country even the dismissal of the Government is enough to constitute a great party con flict, and to attract much public interest, but the fate of the Government, though A be au element in this discus- ~; • tas" - that memorandum, is totally unaware, of eni si ege t 9 principle that could be raised on it, or of aura " j to 01 0 opinion that could grow out of it, wit h reel !: en wee friend on the one hand or the Government sooet; (Hear.) Therefore, if it be thought that there is of audacity in the members of the Governia fool; meet Parliament and challenge a. vote en tu t of the they have lost the strength and the ornsin r e e a c ileci eta sence of my noble friend, I trust it wi ll be :,essel; up till Tuesday l as t his colleagues- 4 w . " n° ll eer °3si e of his colleagues, 'or I cannot speak for a brieop , private communications, but kis colleagues, 3 1 : 03 , not aware either that my noble friend Ws' o pal s: I to revive his defunct proposal, or that in •el?9_ an d the' existed any difference of opinion between hlsnitlase9la regard to the conduct of the war and the ' c°n'tbehoe d ~i administrative department. (Hear.) I hope ye esW forgive me for having stated in this m anner as 0 ,01 1! the t o e thO i e to me to be desirable in order to clear the Yie w oi i t istiS i e house might entertain—l do not Pay of noble friend, for I do not question one sr, 100 from his lips—but to clear the view that therbee,stof entertain of the position of the Government 'apes° nesday, it was called on to deliberate in coe.i!ofi,ite,liii, resignation of my noble friend. (Hear.) e re g ° l thought that th e G overnmen t, as I have se ' 'rli° l° 9 a reckless disregard o f o pi n ion in meeting " n , ep ee • taking the opinion of the House of Cen iu ' o e s ege itl e tion that is now b e f oro thorn w ith ou t any u nder 0 own composition, and deprived of the lea der ; they have acted in thi s h ouse . (Hear ) . 1 ba'ee llo it; a e,4 61 ,e are disposed to come to su c h a conclusion taa ajne ee to was the position of the Government 011 t hat Thursday last. It is very easy to describe at da ell ys a disagreeable position. (Laughter.) In tha am myself not wholly unprepared to con e el l , "At once, as far as angel's ken , h fel l e." The dismal situation waste and ""e,eoePfol (Laughter.) Those blasts that come from, side of the house are not always agreeable;hss• se comfort to some portions of this side of t , Tabl e t' quarter where sits the hon. member for sel the tel,,o am bound to say that from that quarter i ,53e , All u ee ' most bitter blasts of all. (Great laughteret as.,o comfort I have with respect to him is, t hl bs ocla7S difference between the tone of the spsec li ,n,ers lo j the house now, when he avows he has 111 '''" se ebilaae fidence from the Government, and the t u i , ° :Geee s r ° , - s e f on various,occastions when he assuresl e t ; ',;ol lB ," es his steady allegiance. (Laughter.) I t 'S - ill a e": 0 00°, e " agree with me that those who are chargee e w eesie ee es "S t' sibilities of office have something else te a uL a ) n e 1 0 ," ( ,) ing the pleasures of their position. (sa°„ - ,.lel e 'ts ° e" something else to de even in ordinary ll e1 " - 'f " 1 1 in times like these, under the pressure. ' 2 O Ab as now beset your army, and, in co nnest l ! i teeltel r country. (Hear, hear.) Now, the O ne ee t'e course was it open to us to take? " e k es some modification, or interchange of el" pall' 00 9 enable us to present a more acceptable or e ° see a e,' the House of Commons ? I agree with s Oet for Aylesbury, who says that such a eleeng fe ee r a ll such circumstances could bales earned 11°,01111, vernment, but must have enhanced allrl s thel l s , picion upon them. (Hear, hear.) The' l " it,' mariner, who, under the p ressure of A telere bargaining with his gods— " Ad miseras precees " Decurrere et votis paciscl, " Ne Cypriie Teseique nierl s e " Addant avaro divitias ma r ' lee r e l (Hear, hear.) It was not compatible w it " o f vd' the Government to offer term s to the gl e tibl e ts (Hear, hear.) It would not h a ve been con' assleeSl, position and choice of the House of Co- Ole terms from a Governmeat so circumstan ce ,. s oleA Then, if it was not open, to us to modify te e do o o , a s , the Government, was it open to us to ab 9n se r.)' the pressure of a hostile n o ti ce ? (Hear , r e te be a majority here, for a ll I knows 6 0 this night to pass a vote of censer° on eu,teel▪ ee o but I think there are feW that have seitin s eet p , and justice of Englishmen w ho will not b e e e leg it was the duty of the Government, n e a sel t if public affairs up to the time when tilt fay subjest of a notice of censure, not to slit ill' 50 sere. (Great cheering.) It has been 14 / .., e oa siOe, right hon. friend the Secretary for the ' e eA were determined to meet it as we stood, s c ,l o e , o ing the future. (Hear, bear.) It sv ould." oo i6SSO cious—it would have been altogether 11 1 11 09 to form a Conclusion or even a design n a y g i e future existence of the Government till t tence and judgment of the House of C o wl/w r i er o;; ; 1 / 4 , to that existence ; and if we had shrunk` t , given from asking for judgment on our ee bs s e ice, in what terms we should, here:ther hale ..rpo, (Hear.) What sort of an epitaph would lieW over our remains? (Cheers.) I s hould u t 11;: e l tempted to pen that epitaph, " Here lie t ashes of a Ministry which found Englan d j, e te l !,l l ' her at war—which was content to tan ° " 0 "looel', of office and wield the sceptre of p‘sv er te s i t el s :l, had courage to question its existence. aes die gathering over the country—they. how; aou l 'atf, afflicting news of the state of the sick all' be' a• East. These things did not move theel;a 0 hon. member for Sheffield raised his b e t fcil li i thunderbolt at them, then they were with a sense of their guilt, and, in thin e ke P es cb punishment, they abandoned duty." (Lsi e t " the, is, therefore, from no mere desire to goos e bt ties'. of Parliament, and from no mean t ealie t office, that her Majesty's Government bail i e reopen duty to invite you to pass judgment y $ OOl OO l hon. member for Sheffield. ( 14 e 3r i h i L a r r ; l ; for the state of the Co-verfA more important in the view tonly tor 0 0. the army. (Hear.) And it i* " to con army in the Crimea this house has akell must look to the causes of that state . t 'OO applying, a remedy. (Hear, hear.) I „I St 111 f ell, l alleviate or sre , tken the sense of interesa + 6 o ° 'sts t h e country Oat), and the country with respect to the color - 0A (el j It would be a vain attempt, and not olni a tll ° ol violence to the nature of every man w 11° : a man. (Hear, hear.) It is, in truth , tr s o d 1 0 1 1 tion of the time. (Hear.) My hon. I, S P, for Northamptonshire is right when lie I s England cares for the army, but that or eil°, o l said to care for little else. (Hear, heara a ) r post e o part, will offer no, resistance, and will in i;. ones meat to any measure whatever that cans i - 1 , ( 4 1 tribute one jot or tittle to b e nefit tbst s Vere,,i What, then, is the st a t e o f this artily : e eea collect that it is our duty to endeavour: ne °l es feeling, and to come t o a f a i r aperec lj :ljoe, c ei course, it will appear t o a ll that the ss public journals render up is, on the wil l city, far from being completein its and does proceed mainly from thee those evils of which I do not now I were unavoidable, or what portin i avoided. There are some of the difif with respect to which we may ventral are now in course of diminution ; fm some points in connection with flee the present moment the public have le with in the most authentic form, I fill of warm clothing have been issued, are now in possession of these cord° , if there are any individual excepti, doubt of Lord Raglan's general acs have begun to bo taken up to the be issued to the men. The sickness yr fearful an extent, according to theist the militaryauthorities gave me to-da; a slight diminution. (Hear, boar.) that out of 10 vessels which sailed fro, the stores and men, necessary fOr • the railway, by this time nearly the who , I believe it was the estimate of the ill spirited men who were intrusted wit: the rail way, tbet within about three sr fully commencing it that railway sr' (Hear, hear.) What, however, is nil present state of facts is, perhaps, tf meat, which has long been the object allied camps, has at length, by the off' been completed, and General Cam& place at the disposal of Lord Raglan' able to apply to the discharge of du'' Raglan has hitherto provided—such a diminish by 1,600 tnen the number of is the trenches. (Cheers.) Of course the house that the number of 1,600 • presents the amount of relief ; but number permanently in the trenches , ' it am not wrong in stating that, so far el ▪ 021; siege are concerned, that arrangement 1 " a el, , e oy addition of from 4,000 to 5,000 beeltlq f el; le troops en the spot to the British artrisSee e etie4 works which it had to undertake. Iter e - at'afe) house will think that I have not st't'e - s t'etr e ' cancelling the case which is before us-anete a ll'S fused into the statement of them a tin c a Pie tion. My sole object is, that the. clearly before the house, and am impartl°, t o l e,e s e upon them. (Hear.) Now, with reeee'idl\e' r e the army, that is a question to whiebeber t o sirable to refer, because, undoubtedly , e l e t fll ie,S which goes abroad. amour, the public, °Lear l 'eP.Y mode of' making that statement, il e :,oo, ° lie l i calamities, in themselves great and es . ll s ee tae, far beyond their just proportions. Fer e % et that 54,000 men have been sent to ." es r ,jar 12,000 bayonets is the whole force we sail posal. This, of course, is a matter of fee 451-o • t of the army before Sebastopol as if 1 , 0 0°, e ,S, fresh from our climate, having unsWf eels*, of fatigue, but 'speak of the number e ° eslel li ef, the auxiliary marine force and the ", 1, et err gaged in military duties before Sebest°,l:e ° s f e ;„l/ ' whole of these who, whether at 11.13 10 %be t a are on the list of sick. Now, sir, the n ° , - 01, e 'e', 1 gaged in military duties before Subesnereessi the latestreturns, must somewhat exeee u re , IT ece rfa I do not pretend to give the precise flV e i r iiss i ; not the precise returns for the nave/ o t ,e s e marines, but that is an affair which ea,, o .lerat 500, one way or the other. 28,200 men re - th e l e e fq active service of one kind or another, yl, e a se°,4Pa i , l Sebastopol at the latest moment of wb' ° oe etyi, terns, and to that tbe added, on an' e , 3. 0 00 ary naval force, about 3,000 to 4,00 0 rn e eoa. of the statement that the army consists °iesti that' statement goes abroad, and is r° ce u eill i ,j4l well-intentioned members of the eell'lral P eres: was my lot yesterdiy morning to hear l se a 1 0 0 ( t e, before a large congregation. (Cheers e'P e tie J • g Ss' most meritorious clergyman, address°, t ee of intelligent flock in London, stated thn VI be to the East was, at present, r epresent ° a l. e era one-third of its nantbers before Sebast e .P,esellsOol, not driven to that melancholy and ,Sn l t es° r oge, that our army of 1854 is gone, and t j4:' f " to do but to consider of the formatio n ° ,lOl/ s iolP o (. There hare been many calamities, thir d elt es tidi` faults, there have been many great °lee ,Pie°l6 attended with l o se ; in some instan c e, % 5 0e,, 1 4, dunce has descended in a manlier seen,—idle - have been our best )41'7: or e , eel d brought to o tenderest feelings, b ot the conclusion that the army w hich I °, l i e el 1 ; 1 41 0 , finest ever despatched from England' ) c e./ the things which are past. (Loud ebe e n i . tb e c i sy,; said that I do net pretend to get eni t - 0 0)1,0 1 1 manner (although those things I he' (° , o ,l 10 1 true), ',believe much remains behind , to oi le d a / other subject to which I must venturaf ailltbeaa in this country, necessaril iorant %to e a t ; are in s the habit of giving thei rs jedO e so r il l eti ° e! degree by comparison. It is comluelaorgee o ,e yr of the French camp and the Frenc h to (11 0 0 ° el l draw inferences highly unfavourable or ir , the conduct of our own ; and, sir, ° O a to . e joico ing to detract from what is steep °, t te e of the French as to their orgeeie att to eest'us this opportunity of tearing tcstinas be t 1 1 . ; 1 0 00 1 of military art and science, and theS i ed je t late to the care of the soldier, ee P ° neighbours. (Cheers.) But I vile" aion, is the smallest anion the elements that it involves— (cheers)—because, Sir, along with the fate of the Govern ment is involved the far exceeding question of the condi tion of your army, and along with the condition of the army is involved that which, if at the present moment it be regarded with less lively interest, is always of the deepest interest to the people of England—namely, the function of the House of Commons to consider and apply a remedy to great national evils. (Hear, hear.) With re spect to the Government, what they have a right to ask is that their position should be perfectly clear and perfectly defined in the face of this house. Sir, the hon. gentleman who last eat down says that the present G6vernment was formed upon a union of interests, but not of opinions. (Opposition cheers.) Sir, the judgment of the present Government belongs to a higher tribunal—(laughter and cheers)—l speak it with no disrespect—than any individual member of Parliament or any Parliament that now exists, because this is a question in which personal feelings and prejudices are so much involved that it. is viewed by us with heated eyes. But there is a tribunal that will deal with this question with even-handed justice —I mean the enlightened opinion of the country. (Hear, hear.) After what has happened during the last few weeks, and what we have heard during the last three days from my noble friend, the member for the city of London, I beg to enter my respectful protest against the declaration of the hon. gentleman (Sir E. L. Bulwer), that the com bination out of which the present Government proceeded was a community of interests and sot of feelings and opinions. (Hear, hear.) I beg to render this testimony, as far as I am concerned, in the face of the world, to my noble friend (Lord J. Russell), that in all the measures in which I have been concerned with him, whether in their preparation for this house, or • whether iu their conduct through this house, I have received from him great cor diality and harmony of support, and he, I trust, has received from me a correlative amount of support. (Hear, hear.) The history of the Government will remain in its acts, and by its seta let it be judged. (Cheers.) With reference to the present position of the Government, I must recur to the explanation of my noble friend, for the purpose of ac knowledging the tribute, so far beyond say merits, which my noble friend was pleased to pay to a potion of my political conduct. He is in a position in this house in which it is his rare privilege that by the eulogies he confers he can con fer distinction, but that he cannot receive it in return. (Cheers.) I will therefore content myself with owning his kindness in that and many other matters, and in expressing the hope that it may be never effaced from my recollection. But with regard to the position of the Government with reference to my noble friend, it is not to be wondered at if persons viewing the facts from different points of view do not see them in the same light, I hope 1 may not be thought to controvert anything stated by soy noble friend, if I re spectfully state to the house that, at the time he announced the resignation of the office he lately 'aeld, his colleagues were entirely unaware, so far as I am acquainted, of any difference of opinion between him and themselves. (Laugh ter and cheers.) My noble friend di l not make any con trary statement; but at the same time I think that those Who listened to the statement of my mble friend, and bad no other acquaintance with the facts, :night justly suppose that he, having made a proposal at a given time for a change of office in the Government, though he had been dissuaded from pressing it at a particular time, had con tinued to keep that proposal alive, and that only at the last, when he had lost all hope of its acceptance, had pro ceeded to place his resignation in the hands of my noble friend the First Lord of the Treasury. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I venture to state, so far as my knowledge goes, that if such were the impression recently conveyed to the house, that impression was totally unwarranted by the facts. (Cheers.) At the time of the resignation of my noble friend we were not conscious of even the slightest difference of opinion between him and ourselves with reference to the conduct of the war. My noble friend had called attention to a correspondence between himself and the Earl of Aber deen, in which he urged that .the present Minister of War should give place to my noble friend the member for Tiver ton, and in which Lord Aberdeen declined to accede to that proposal, acting in concert with his colleagues. It has been stated that Lord Aberdeen was not justified in declin ing that proposal on grounds of private and personal regard, when that change was beneficial to the country.. Why, certainly not, sir ; he would not have been justified in such a case. But it was not on grounds of private and personal regard that my noble friend lord Aberdeen de clined to accede to that proposal. It was on the 17th of November that the proposal was made, and those who wish to appreciate the circumstances should go back to that pe riod. Sentiments of discontent among the public with reference to the conduct of the Minister of War were not rife in the country at that period. (Cries of Oh, dh !) I will venture to say more (because if I stop here it may seem to impiy that opinions out of doors ought to settle this question)—that the great exertions made by my noble friend the Minister of War, in conjunction with the Com mander of the Forces and the other military departments, in order to send out the army to the East, were exertions that deserved and had won the approbation of the country. (Hear, hear.) Such was the opinion, , I behave, of the country, and such was the opinion of my noble friend the member for the city of London, for it may be in his recol lection, that in the early past of November he addressed a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, in which he stated to the duke, with a handsome appreciation of his conduct, that he had done in office everything that it was possible to do. (Loud cheers.) On the 3d of December the correspondence with the Earl of Aberdeen was brought to a close, my noble friend adhering to his opinion, and the Earl of Aberdeen declining to act on that opinion. But from the close of that correspondence till the time of the meeting of Parliament en Tuesday last there is a vacuum that requires to be filled up. I may be wrong—l cannot tell what passed in the mind of my noble friend—but I v enture to say that, with regard to my know ledge and in the view of his colleagues, his proposal was net is existence during that period. (Hear.) Oa the 3d of December, as I have said, my noble friend adhered to his opinion that the office of Secretary at War ought to be abolished, and that of Secretary for War held by the Se cretary of State for the Home Department. Bat shortly after that Parliament met=on the 12th of December—and a debate took place on the Address which may be in the recelleetion of the members of this house. On the 16th of December a Cabinet was held, and discussions were entered into with respect to the proceedings of the Go vernment and the measures of the coming session. The impression made, I think, on the colleagues of the noble lord by the conversations at that Council was, that it Was impossible he could retain his intention of propos ing a change in the War Department; but it was not left to impressions, for on that day, as I am au thorised by the First Lord of the Treasury to state, Lord Aberdeen, being in some doubt as to the neesning of the President of the Council, did himself take an opportu nity of ascertaining what his opinions were, and asked him whether he adhered to his proposal with reference to a change in the War Department. I was not present at the conversation. I speak only of what Lord Aberdeen in formed me, and weat I believe at the time he communi cated to such member of the Cabinet as happened to refer to him. He stated to me that when he asked the noble lord whether he adhered to his plan, say noble friend dis tinctly announced to him that he had changed his inten tions. (Hear, hear.) He attributed that change to a con versation which he had had with a distinguished person, a friend of his I need not name—not a member of the present Cabinet, but versed in the affairs of military administra tion, and very friendly to the reform of the military de partment. (Hear.) The noble lord on the 16th of Decem ber stated that he had changed his intentions, chiefly in consequence of a conversation with his friend, who, though a great military reformer, had convinced my noble friend that the present was not a fitting time for the proposed thanes. (Hear.) Well, sir, that being the cases, it i/ obvious; that all his colleagues who took the pains to in form themselves on the subject regarded that proposal of rey , noble friend, not as a proposal .that was awake and alive, or one that was to be pressed upon them, but as a proposal which he had given up and definitively aban Boned. (Cheers.) Nor was there anything that ow curred in the following month that induced the Govern ment to think otherwise, because from time to time, as Cabinet Councils met, measures were discussed ; and ou Saturday week my noble friend himself called the at tention of the Government to the subject of the formation of a War Beard, and artked what had been done with re gard to developing the views'of the Government as to the war, and at that very Conned a plan was agreed upon for giving form to measures which had for some time been practically in operation for combining the heads of the va rious War Departments with a view to the practical trans action of the business of the war. My noble friend was a concurring and consenting party in that conversation, and he subsea uently went to Lord Aberdeen. before the meet ing of Parliament and stated that he intended to propose amendments to that plan, with the terms of which he was not altogether satisfied. (Hear.) Those amendments we never had the opportunity of considering. My noble friend said the -other night he had no reason to suppose they would be adopted by the Cabinet. I venture. however, to say that he had no reason to suppose they would not have been adopted by the Cabinet. (Hear.) 'I am unaware, and any right hon. Wend the Secretary at, War, 'who has men oY icj i tole, - e n ter', chg rg b e ? ye NO ' 4 1/1 0 0 ing uj o l l j 51 1 .9 et / s c ult i- j i oro to v e,„ )1. iTi' t4' c oili l )50 l ' e A 3. 4 been ni t itl 3 s r 3( 1 stir I 'Otto. but hr biov,cf. sco u n o , en 003 ;4 0 .0 whic li ,'coo v o ayes ves, iy, b g i yf ai I t °Doi° 0 1 ',/ „ts [7], c,e los' th th ° of wou ldei o ',ll /r 4 111°"ttift ` ‘ t' ; of "' ' o f five° t ,er )bet o v i p , or f o r titles of jr ‘ fofc". Oog,l°f/t f pee pe, J• bl 01 °f t V4 l 0 5 :,61