The Sun. — London, England, 1820-11-07 00:00:00

be thought it was necessary her Majesty sho u ld be degraded as a security to the public morals of society ill this country. hie did not fail to remember that her Majesty was the niece arid daughter-in-law of his late venerated and much loved So vereign, and that she was related to a line of heroes, and that she arriv , :n this coontry under no very auspicious cir cumstances; trot it was, he felt, necessary for the protection of public morals, that her Majesty should be removed from her high station, and he should vote for the Bill. Lord Ili/WARD said, that before he stated thegrourlds of his vote oir this question, he must observe that with respect ta the nature of the measure proposed against the Queen, he l'ortight she could not stiffer from its being in the shape of a Bill of Pains and Penalties. He thought that it was a most viii dire and potent mode, and from which the Queen derived rend) advantage. With respect to the evidence, he must say t:oit the evidence of Majocei, Rastelli, Sacchi, and Dumont, ism su contradictory, that he could not give the least credit to it and the remainder of the evidence was so suspicions, that he could not beiiese that one Court would find a verdict upon it. Kress had here compelled to give evidence against lit Queers, acrd the Baron d'Ende, who would bare been an et ;deuce for her Majesty, bad not been brought over to this country. Toting into consideration these facts, he could not vote fur the Bill. Had the evidence in support of the Bill been, as was promised, :delve all suspicion, he might have agreed to the degradation of her Majesty; if the charges of open. disgraceful, revolting, licentious conduct, on Ihe part of her Majesty, bad been proved, lie shookd have agreed for the punishment of her Majesty to a certain extent. This was a leeislative measere : and without yielding to popular 0-a mour. he must say, that no law that was verf objectionable shoitld he enacted. The House of Commons, which lie be lieved he might allude to under the denomination of " another plate," would never pass the Bill; and deeming it inexpedi ent, and that the charges had not been proved, he would vote against the second reading. The Earl of ENNISKILLEN said, that having been one of those who l in t supported Iris Noble Friend at the head of the Treasury, on the first reading of this Bill, it was with the ut most pairs thaw Ire felt honself obliged to differ from him on the present iorestion. Ile had attended to the evidence from the beginning to the end of the rase, and had done his best to understand it, and he was of opinion that it was such a mass of contradiction and suspicion, that he could not feel himself justified to convict any one upon it, arid therefore, he should Pate against the second reading of the Bill. Lord CALTHORPE was not" surprised that, on a question which, from its very nature, admitted of every shade of moral and political consideiation, Noble Peers should differ in the particular view they took of it. Entertaining, as he did, a conviction that misconduct of a disgusting and degrading na ture hail been proved against her Majesty, he still could nut give his vote for the present Bill, when he looked to her pe culiar situation. Ilad the case against her Majesty been fully proveil o and that her conduct had been as licentious as it was represented, yet, unless it hail beers proved that she bad voluntarily resigned her connubial rights, which was not the case, he, even then, must think that the present was not the proper mode of proceeding ! The Noble Lord thought the House of Peers had neglected their duty, as patrons and guardians of public morals, in not rentoustrating with the Princess of Wales before she quitted this country: they should have told her, that she was forfeiting the best protection—the protection of public opinion ; that she was quitting a country where morals were rigid, for one in which they were more lax ; said that she was subjecting herself to iticreased temp tations He would ash their Lordships if this was the time to expose kingly power; or to pass a Bill that would throw odious on his Majesty as 11 Husband, as a King, or as the Head of the State. Was this the time to ash the Royal Assent to a measure of such an important lionise as the degradation of the Queen Consort of the Throne ? Under such circum stances, he coold not vote for the Bill, or suffer it to go a single step farther towards its conCusion. As voting for the second reading would he appearing to countenance a principle he Could Hut Salielloll, he must give his vote against it. He should take this step, however, with a strong feeling, that the guilt of Tier Majesty hail been established. He was compelled to acknowledge that she had been guilty of gross and degrad- Hs! conduct. He felt that for the upholding of tire law of God , for the satisfaction of his own conscience, for the peace, the welfare, and the honour of the public, Ire was forbidden to call such conduct by soft or extenuating names— and therefore he felt the painful and distressing dilemma in which they were placed, by haring no other alternative than to pronounce a virtual acquittal upon the Queen, or to pass a Bill which, both in its principles and its penalties, was equally objectionable. It was highly desirable that some alternative should be presented to the House, for he thought it would be tautarnount to a dereliction of their public duty if they,did not record their sentiments upon what had been proved by unsuspected, unsuspicious testimony. lie wished somemode was found, such as was suggested by a Noble Lord on Satur daylast (Ellenborougli), of the House expressing its feelings on the conduct of her Majesty, as proved in evidence before their Lordships. He believed with a Nohle Lord who had spoken, that public opistion would come right at last ; hut he conceived it one of the evils of this measure, that it had en listed generous and compassionate feelings on time side of li centiousness. The House owed it to itself and to the coun try, which had a large claim ou it, for having poured forth such a nitass of disgusting evidence as had done more to poi son public morals than any thing that ever had occurred its this country. It was dire to that public, to make every amends in their power, and to record, that they are not the patrons of vice, but of virtue: ! The Noble Lord then proceeded to eulogize the Ea'rl of Liverpool, who had brought a new power into the discussion—the power of personal character. He could not help throwing stone censure on his Majesty's Minis ters for originating thit measure in the manner they did. He was willing to adroit that great allowances should he made for the situation in which they stood. But if they had consulted what they had often found to he a true and faithful guide, be meant putslio opinion, lie was convinced they never would have brought it forward. If that House did not adopt some mode fsiway of antidote to the poison which had been disse minated throughout the country, to the prejudice of its mo rals, by these proceedings. it would depart from its peculiar character of patron and guardian of the public morals, leav ing an evil to work its own remedy, which they had been in . cruruental to inflict. He was happy to observe, that many W . those who were in the habit of supporting Governmeut had followed the d i ictates of their own feelings on that occa sion. And he was sore the conduct which had been observed throughout the whole proceeding would raise that House in pit blie estimation. He could not sit down without expressing a wish t hat tire Noble Lord who threfloout a suggestion that the House would express some opinion of the guilt of the Queen, would bring some motion,and afforilt hellonsean opportunity of vindicating their own character, and also of vindicating the tumour and character of that sex who tfornied the most dis tingoished honour and pride of the country. He thought it was dire to the honour and character of the British female, whose virtue was the chef ornament of society, to record, by an address, or a resolution, their sentiments as to the con duct of her Majesty. His Lordship concluded by declaring his determination to vote against the Bill. The Marquess of STAFFORD said, that on the ground of expediency, putting out of view all other reasons, he could not consent that this Bill should pass. He recollected that the Nohlearid Learned Lord on the Woolsack had told them," he sjust,And fear net." So said he,—but he wished that Learned Lord bad continued his quotation and said, " Let all the ends thou aituest at be for thy country, thy God, and for truth." Fur his country, then, be should vote against the Lill as an unconstitutioual measure. Lord DE CLIFFORD said, that if in the way he intend ed to vote on this question, his opinion as to the guilt or in nocence of the Queen could he inferred, he should have given silent vote. But feeling, as he did, a moral conviction that her Majesty bad carried on an adulterous intercourse with a low individual, accompanied with circumstances of a most indecent and disgusting nature, he curet() nut refrains from giving his opinion to that effect. At the same tittle he must state, that the whole of the evidence upon which it had been attempted to establish it was so tainted with suspicion, that Ire could not be induced to vote fdr the Bill beforetheir Lord ships. Of the evidence brought forward, touch had been con tradicted by counter evidence, and many paipahle,falsehoods detected. Neither could be altogether excuse the inconsist encies which had shown themselves in the witnesses who had been 'brought forward for the defence. Looking at the whole case as it had beets proved at the Bar of that House, it was plain that any private individual would be entitled to an ac quittal under similar charges-. As far as regarded the opera tion of the Bill with respect to the residence of the Queen in this country; or the tendency which the rejection of the Bill might have to the same effect, he could not believe that the Queen either would or could remain in this country. Her residence here could neither be advantageous tosEngland, nor was it likely to be attended with comfort to herself. It was evident-that the Bill would be rejected in one stage, or ano ther; the sooner, therefore, they gut yid of it tine b e tter, and the sooner that efouse threw it out befor e it went any further the more wisely would they act. Tbere were so many objec. tions to the measure pressing upon his mind, in addition to those which he had mentioned, that he slion:d feel it his duty to vote against the second reading of the Bill. Lord GRANTHAM said, that unwilling as he Certainly was to protract the debate, yet feeling compelled to differ hum those whom he had hitherto publicly supported, he could not belp yielding to the temptation of saying a foe words.— His Noble Friend (Lord Liverpool) at an early stage of these proceedings, had told them that their votes is support of the Bill should he influenced by evidence only of the most unsus picious and unsuspected nature—such as must carry convic tion to the minds of all. Now he bad given the closest attest tion throughout the whole proceedings, and he must say that he could n est give the evidence which bad been produced at the Bar of that House so fair a character. It had been said, that enough bad been proved to ensure a verdict in any of the ordinary Courts, in any ordinary case ; but this was not an ordinary Court, this was not an ordinary case. On this occa sion they were not trying how far an offence had been com mitted against a particular law; but they were framing a law to meet a particular offence. In this respect, therefore, they were both Legislators and Judges. He kaw so many difficul ties to be encountered in passing this Bill, both there and in the other branch of the Legislature, that no human foresight could provide for the result: and he could not help thinking that the wisest and the best course for the interests of the country would be, that the measure be put an end to at once. He was aware, that even in throwing it out, there would be many difficulties to meet and risks to incur. There was a mischievous and malignant faction in the country, which caring no snore for the Queen than for the Monarchy or the Aristocracy, would be gratified by such a Course, making it an occasion to inflame the passions of many who were not so well informed as themselves. These men, ha was aware, would have a temporary triumph, but lie was convinced it would only be a temporary triumph; for lie a , ,,, , reed with a Noble Earl wh o h a d s p o k e n from the gallery (Lord Harewoud) that tile good sense and right feeling of the country would not long allow it to remain in error, but would soon set the tines tioa spun a right foundation. If this bad been a direct case of impeachment, in which he was called upon to declare Guilty' or Not Guilty,' he should be in no difficulty how to make up his mind. In the evidence which had been pro duced there bad been many contradictions, but there remain ed grave and heavy suspicions from the evidence of the ac cused's own witnesses. And what had great weight upon his mind was, that many important witnesses had not been called who engirt to have been produced if the Queen were iuno cent. tinder these circumstances, though he would say Nut Coutrut to the passing of this Bill, be could not lay his hand upon his heart and say Nut Guilty ! ',Ord BLESSINGTON spoke against the second reading of the Bill. lie contended that the evidence respecting the pi here was not conclusive of her Majesty's guilt. Barbara Kress's evidence was, be thought, entirely destroyed by that of Vassali. Some persons had said that her Majesty ought to have called the Countess of Oldi, and others, to disprove. testimony brought against her; he must say that she could not advisedly have produced those persons to he cross-examined by the Attorney-General, after the way that officer treated Lady C. Lindsay, the daughter of an Earl, and the sister of a Noble Peer sitting in that House. He should oppose the se cond reading of the Bill tin the ground of its inexpediency, and also because the evidence was such as could not be be lieved. Lord GOSFORD said, that if he were called upon to decide upon, the evidence, he should hive been under the painful necessity of saying—guilty. But he should not give his vote for a measure so inexpedient as that before the House. He trusted he was as little to be intimidated by popular clamour as any one of their Lordships. They could not pursue a more effectual cuticle for allaying the irritation which was now spreading over the country, than the rejection of the Bill. He was at a loss to conceive how any man could vote fur the Bill without the divorce. And he was . 6611 wore at a loss to conceive how they could vote for it with the divorce clause.— (A laugh.)—The Noble Lord concluded by declaring his in tentiontovoteagainst the second reading of the Bill. The Duke of ATHOL assured their Lordships he never rose with so heavy a heart. He had attended to the evidence and the arguments, and he must say, that he considered the Queen's guilt proved by her own evidence. If he did not state this to the House, feeling as he did, he should not think himself worthy to remain within the walls of Parliament. Their Lordship; were humid to protect the murals of the country, which could not be dune without particular attention to the authority over the conduct of the feinaie part of socie- ty. It be:atne necessary, for the purpose of hreping imma culate the Fair of Great Britain, that the House should mach its sense of such conduct as had been incontrovertibly proved against the Queen. He hoped the Bill would be read a second time ; and he should do all in his power to effect that object. The Duke of SOMER S ET expressed his dissatisfaction at the evidence against the Queen, and reprobated the inter fetence of Foreign Powers; who had not only been employed to obtain evidence against her Majesty, but to withhold evi dence in her favour. He called upon the House notto forget that her Royal Highness was a foreigar Princess, and had been educated abroad ; and that her manners had been notorious for their freedom, before she had been selected to he his pre sent Majesty's Consort. He admitted that her conduct had been extraordinary, imprudent, and hardly to be accounted for ; hot these was nothing in the evidence which could lead to a cooelnsion of guilt. The Noble Duke concluded by stat ing that he dissented altogetho from the Bill, and should give his vote against the second reading. Lord GRENVILLE rose with extreme reluctance at the conclusion of the debate, to do that, which until he had en tered the House that day he had not completely made up his mind he should do. At the close of the tempestuous period of which his Noble Friend near him (Earl Grey) had so eloquently spoken, he hoped it would not have been con sidered a dereliction of duty, if after thirty-eight years of pOblic service, he had permitted himself to dedicate to quiet and retirement the few remaining years, be they more or less, which Providence might be pleased to grant him. Even if he had been in his most active time of life, there were circumstances which would have made him de sirous of withdrawing from the present proceeding, and the principal was, his having been. engaged some years ado in an inquiry touchiug the conduct of the Illustrious Ac cused. For these reasons, he should have wished to take no part in the progress of the investigation, or at its close; but their Lordships had thought proper by their order to require the attendance of all their members. It was his duty to obey, and he bad to perform a task which be had no power to avoid. Under these circumstances, be had long doubted whether it would he consistent fur bins, at any period of the proceed ings, to endeavour to attract their Lordships' attention, as he was unwilling that any thing should fall from him to influence the vote of any other Noble Member. On other occasions be had been willing to urge their Lordships to the adoption of that policy which he conceived to be most consonant with the best interests of the country ; but in this case he considered that his first, and on this day Isis sole duty, was of a judicial nature. In the sent intents, therefore, which he should express, he should snake no endeUvour, even it he had the power so to do, to shake the opinion of others, but should merely account for his own. On an occasion, in which many noble per sons who were not in the habit of addressing the House, had thought fit to express their sentiments openly, he considered it to be Isis duty not to shrink from stating the grounds on which he should give his vote, with no presumptuous hopes that he could, and with on desire to influence the opinion of any of their Lordships. The question on which he had now to address their Lordships, was not whether this sill or any other Bill, should finally pass through their House, but whe ther this Bill should be read a second time. 'That question was compounded of mixed considerations of justice and po licy. Of justice, because no man could give his vote, or pro ceed one step in this business, Milos lie were convinced that the evidence produced at the Bar had established a clear case of guilt of the nature described in the Pi ramble of the Bill. Without that conviction, it was impossible for any man to vote for the second reading. But he admitted on the other site, that persons might conscientiously say, that guilt was established far more than they 'could hava wished. and yet that considerations of public interest required that the House should proceed no further. Ott the first point, he felt bound to say, as a necessary preliminary, that if he could have brought his mind to concur in the belief that suspicions and presumptions only bad been made out in the present case, and that guilt had not been legally established, his vote should have been given against any measure what ever. Bill on the evidence, as it now stood, he was bound to state„ that in his mind the adulterous intercourse charg ed in the Preamble of the Bill had but too sufficiently been proved to have taken place within the period and with the person mentioned. Let the doubtful points be disposed of as it might please the House, one would still.re main behind, which being admitted on all bands, formed, in his opinion, a clear and judicial proof. If it could have hap pened that what Was now clear should have been taken out, and that their Lordships should have had to pronounce their verdict on what 'was doubtful, he could not decisively say what opinion he should have expressed as to the great question of guilty or not guilty. If that which was admitted bad been removed, there would have still remained sufficient grounds to make a Judge and Jury hesitate, even allowing the accused the benefit of every possible doubt. As it was, however, he was enabled to found his verdict on that part of the case which was clear He meant the circumstances which bad taken place on board the polacre. These were not to be separated from others of a less decisive, nature. They ought to he coupled with the sudden elevation of Bergarui from the condition of a menial servant, to the station, not only of Chamberlain to her Royal Highness, but of her constant and almost only compa nion. With this, too, must be coupled other parts of the evi dence, which were undisputed and unshaken. There were not less than seven or eight persons who spoke distinctly to the commission of acts .of gross indecency. Those testimonies must be joined to the rest, for the truth was to be elicited from an accumulation of suspicious circumstances, all con nected with the same fact, and leading to thes,samc conclusion Of late years the public attention had been directed to some horrible cases of murder. In all of these the conviction of the criminal, though to the satisfaction of the whole country, had only taken place through a forced combina tion of circumstantial evidence. Why had the convictions been satisfactory? Because circumstantial evidence was a stronger ground of proof than the direct testimony of ocu lar witnesses. That testimony, after all, might be fabricated; 1 441, but the then arose from the nature of events themselves, and nsus herefore, be less suspicious anti- more conclu sive. 'l:* n individual should be found with-a knife in his pocket alislikng the 4 Vi7e,of the w inflicted on a mur dered man, was a cgetrosseauce t ofams cion-On,„ and might occur consistently Wlth pet feet innocence - on his part. If to that were added the absence of that person front his house at a suspicious hour of the night, still it would not be stall cient. If it appeared that that hour corresponded with the precise period of the murder, the suspicions would be con siderably increased. And if the individual had been traced very near the place where the atrocious act had been com mitted, although each circumstance taken separately would he insufficient to establish guilt, yet when collected it would require very little additional proof to lead to a full coo viction, So it was in the present instance. It had been ad mitted, that this menial servant, with little to recommend him, bad in a few months beets elevated to the table of the Princess, had engrossed her entire confidence, and almost exclusively engaged her society, living apparently in as much familiarity as would be possible if the most intimate connection had existed between them. He admitted that if those filets stood alum, they might he considered highly suspi cious; any Noble Peer might say that there had been a great impropriety, but it would be the extreme of cruelty to aggra vate them into positive guilt. It was barely possible, how ever, that their Lordships 'night consider that even those fa miliarities were sufficient to lead their minds to the conclu sion that crime bad beets committed. But when he came to the pulacca, he found the persons accused sleeping five weeks under the same tent, in privacy and in darkness; that tent closed to all others, and those who found access to it, immediately withdrawing as from a place forbidden to them.—these circumitances conveyed to his mind a complete and . conclusive proof of adultery. This was the precise ground on which the great majority of cases of that nature had been judicially decided. Coupled with the total absence of any excuse, and none could have been set up which would have beets satisfactory to the mind of any Noble Lord, the fact was decisive. He had not only beets willing to adroit, he bad pressed on his own mind, the pos sibility of raising some doubt or presumption, the benefit of which the House would be bound to give to the accused. He had particularly weighed every circumstance, but had found nothing which could remove the conviction of a cohabitation having taken place. Suppose their Lordships could persuade themselves that it might happen without crime, and be did not lowa' how it could possibly happen that the parties should have slept under the tent for the whole of that period ; they must first have ascertained that the person thus admitted was one to whom the Lady had never shown any partialiity If a per son of a higher nature, to whom she had not paid any particu lar attention, they might have been glad to lay hold on that fact. But who was that person ? One proved and admitted to have been raised by her front the situation of a menial. I f it could have beess shown that this man, though undeservedly raised, was one towards whom no other impropriety of cola- duct could be proved, then a doubt might have existed. But it appeared, that this individual had not only been caprici ously elevated to a rank which was not natural to him, and to an intercourse which no circumstances could justify, lint that in addition, gross familiarities had been proved to exist by the concurrent testimony of undoebted witnesses. It, there fore, their• Lordships should determine that those circum stances did not afford sufficient legal proofs of criminality, they would at the Same time decide that in all future cases of this kind, before any tribunal, a criminal intercourse should only be proved by ocular testimony, a species of proof which, fur obvious reasons, it was impossible to have in ninety-nine cases out of every hundred of the most un disputed adultery. This was all that he felt himself called upon to say on this part of the case; what he did not feel himself necessarily called upon to say, he was most happy to omit, for it was only with the greatest pain Chat he had at all approached the subject. With the impression which he had described on his mind, he should say content on the present occasion. He would not lose sight of the question of expe diency in this case, but the present stage was not the one for considering it. It appeared to him, that the-second read ing of the Bill, whets it was admitted generally that its preamble was hastily found, was a matter of course, and ought to follow when their Lordships decided that the investigation should once go on. The only ques tiou now was, how far the preamble was sustained, and when he beard Noble Lords admit that the Queen was guilty in some measure, he was at a loss to know how they could make such an admission, and not vote for the second reading of this 13i11. Would teeir Lordships . . leave the case thus unfinished—would they %idler this great questiou to be heard, but not decided—(Hear !)—Yet he thought no one in the House ought to give his vote on the question without judicial proof.—(Hear !)—The second read ing did not declare the . principle of the Bill, it was hereafter in the Committee, that the question of punishment was to be discussed. It appeared to him, jhat there were two.con siderations to be attended te, before their Lordships came to is final determination. The first' wa4,, what degree of guiit was proved against the Queen ; the Second, ; what share of, u 7, niihruent should be visited upon that guilti ' Tb4;sfeojAdmishd lug of the Bill only foutid facts which were air eadystsittly ad mitted, and as to the share of punishment, it would be pro perly a question in the Committee hereafter, whether the pre amble might not, in some degree, be altered or modified. At all events, when Noble Lords admitted the Queen's guilt to a certain degree, there appeared to him to be no difficulty in thus judicially passing their verdict upon it, without at all pledging themselves to what punishment ought to follow. He himself would vote fur the second leading of the Bill, hut be reserved an entire sight of considering hereafter, whe ther the preamble of it, as it now stood, was to be re• tained. He would, however, say here, that in his mind, the claim for dissolving the marriage could not, if the facts were found, he left out, The question involved considerations of great moment respecting the propriety of passing t3%8i11, or the expediency of passing the measure at this time. Tire pre sent stage, however, was nut the time to entertain these: their Lordships could not again discuss the principle of the Bill, when they had before decided that the inquiry was to go on. A great deal had been said of the danger attending the Bill, but he was still to he convinced that the public agi tation would he at all lessened by soddenly giving it up. On theie grounds, then, the Noble Earl said he would give his . vote for the second reading of the Bill. The Earl of ROSSLYN delivered his sentiments at corms length against the 13111, and went over Many of the arguments already repeatedly urged on the same side. He contended, among other things, that even if ens act of adultery had been proven, it would not he eriougla to sustain the Bill, which was founded on charges of a long course of adulterous intercourse. As a measure of State necessity his Lordship equally objected to it. It was rejected by the people, who were most concerned in it in this point of view. By them it was declared to be un just, and he conceived that they were an authority to which all other authorities should bow in this case. But the public were also judging their Lordships. They looked at all the in fluence that might be exerted against the Queen, and on the other side at the circumstances which were in her favour. Among these he instanced her coming over to this country to meet the accusations against her; and her dismissing so many servants, who, if privy to her misconduct, could bear witness against it. He next adverted to the consideration which the people took of the fact of some of their Lordships being prosecutors as well as jurors, and others almost advo cates against the Queen.. An honest, upright, and en lightened public formed its judgment on all these points, and pronounced in favour of her Majesty. His Lordship then spoke of the inexpediency of the Bill, and expressed his determination to vote against it, whether with or without the Divorce Clause. If that Clause were omitted it would he an insult to the King, for it would he to say the Queen is infamous. but still she is fit to be your wife. Aud why was she so ? Because there had been something in his conduct to her which rendered it impossible to relieve him from the bond. He contended, in fact, that all the previous acts of the King and of the State precluded either as parties in this case from pressing the Divorce Clause. He also objected to the mode of proceeding, as shutting the ac cused out front all pleadings in mitigation of her offence, if guilty, which she would have enjoyed bad impeachment been resorted to. Then she might have shown the injustice and oppression with which she had beets treated, and this would have had great weight in any judgment to be pronounced. Would their Lordships permit her collare that privilege now ? If not, her trial was an unfavourable one. In conclusion, he prayed them to look at the consequences of having a Queen in the country, degraded by their sentence, and yet surrounded by the people, convinced that she was injured. It was alleged that faction was at work. Would they give it so desperate Us r allying plaint as Otis would be ? He blasted the majority would rather join him in saying, Not Content to the Bill. At the conclusion of Lord Rosslyn's speech, their Lordships generally exclaimed " Ques.tion, Question, Withdraw !" His Royal Highness the Duke of Clareoce appeared desirous of coming to a division, and from the gallery made a motion with his hand for strangers to quit the Bar. Lord HOLLAND rose, during the cry of Question, to direct the attention of the Howe to the proceedings, previous to the ' House dividing. It was not necessary, in his Lordships' view' of the subject, (or strangers to withdraw before the question was put. The Noble Lords, according to previous arrange ment, were to vote without leaving their places, and if aol Peer called for a division after the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack declared on whiclys4le the majority lays , then strangers, according to the usual practice, must draw. tit% The Earl of LIVERPOOL said, it would be the ~tity of the% 'Lord,Chaisqllor, as Speaker' o f the House, tostatel,on which. side he thought the majority rested, but it - wasmost IrolAble the. House dividetatid hislordshipt Rcrefore anleived that the proper course Nuld bC,,W - here a division W as es—,' pected, for strangers to withdr3vv b ore the question was put: After a few words from Lora' HOLLAND in reply, the House below the Bar was cleared, and the doors being ' hist, their Lordships, about three o'clock, proceeded to a division. The crowd waited in the lobby with a strong feeling of eV' pectation for the result. At half past three o'clock the door-keepers announced the numbers— For the Second Reading of the Bill : Content . Nut Content 95 Majority for the Second Reading —it The Bill was accordingly read the second time. The House then Adjourned until Ten o'Clock to-merrow morning, when the Lords will go into Committee upon the sill. LIST OF PEERS WHO TOTED FOR .IND AGAINST THE SECOND READ° ING OF THE DEGRADATION AND DIVORCE BILL. FOR Dukes of York Clarence Beaufort Rutland Newcastle Northumberland Wellington Athol l‘lontrose. AGAINST 'Dukes of Gloucester Somerset Hamilton Argyll Let uster Grafton Portland Devonshire Bedford Richmond (St. Alban's, absent front illness). garquesses Bath Marquesses Conynghatn Anglesea Camden Northampton Exeter Fleadfort Thomond Cornwallis Buckingham Lothian Queensberry Windiest er Earls Harcourt Brooke and Warwick Portsmouth Pomfret M:scelesfield Aylesford Balearras Hume Coventry Rochford Abingdon Shaft esbury Cardigan Winehilsea Stamford Bridgewater Hantingdote Westmorland Harrowby St. Germains Brownlow Whit worth Vernbirn Cat heart 111 nig, are Lonsilale Orford Nlanters Rosie Nelson •--Penvis • - Limerick - Donouglimore Belinorje, ••• Mayo ~• Longford Mount-Cashel Kingston Liverpool Digby „ Mount,Edgecambe - - AiiergAerirty Ailesbirry Bathurst Chatham Viscounts Exmouth Lake Sirimouth •• Curzon Sydney Falmouth Hereford. Barons Somers Rodney Middleton Napier Colville Gray Saltoun For hes Prudhoe Idarris Rose (or Glasgow) Meldrunt Hill Combermere Hopeturin Gambier Manners Ailsa Lauderdale Sheffield Redesdale St. Helen's Nortlivrick Bolton Eldon, C. Bayning Carrington - De Ddlistanvine 13rodrick Stewart of Garlies Stewart of Castle Stewart Doggies (Morton) Glenville Suffield Montagu Gurclon (Huntley) SalteiiTord. Stafford Lausdowa Earls De Lptwarr llchester Darlington Egremont Fitzwillutni Stanhope Cowper Dartmouth Oxford Roseberry Jursey Albemarle Plymouth. Essex Thanet Denbigh Suffolk Pembroke Derby Blesinton Morley I\ linty flare wood Grey Gosfard Romney Rosslyn Caiedon Farnham Carrick Carnarron ;tlansfield Fortescuts GI-mitt nor Hilsborough (MarOesi; of Dowrtsbire) Viscounts Granville AtliOn Duncan Hood Torrington Bolitigbrok'e Barons Ashburton Bacot Dyne yor Foley Hawks Doeie • Holland Grantham King- Belhaven Clifton (Darnley) Safe and Sele Howard of Etlinghank De la Zouch Clinton Dacre Andley De Clifford Breadalhane Erskine Arden Ellenborough Alvanley Loftus (M. Ely) Fitzgibbon Calthoi pe Dawnay Yarborough Dondas Selsea Mendip Auckland (;age Fisherwick (M.DOn" gall) Amherst Kenyon Sherborna Berwick. Archbishop of York. Arelibishopstanterbur7 'Tau► Bishops London St. Asaph Worcester St. David's El. Chester Peterborough Landaff Cork and ROSSO Gloucester Tins BILL, said Lord —, (who had &tieMe of the present Lottery put into his hand) need not be read a second time, to induce me to purchase—for I see the Division of the Tickets is so equal, that Fortune must have the Casting Vote, whether the FOUR 20,0001. Prizes shall be ALL drawn the First Day, or only Twa.- If, however, I should get even one of these Cam pitals on the 15th, when Chance-seller Ban shall put the question, I must not be ((od among the " Not Content;." IV ED teh eme of 1 ,, cow t ' ,o er 'te h 001 C — ‘ ,Ti ETS `'atr t, '- clo„ actor, ‘4, who ti; lila" Sta 8 r Cent, i al l ,' cent. ( 4 pe r Cent, %pp t C ents , N 44 k L Ullg 11 1 441 wA SOL t2 7iu k ~p L ~~ s A tale "e° t!r tt , _ i s r ..11.1 r. 0, ) , 41 Q le "h er ko ttie L 4 ° as eq )1' the to 0 ~ il'l tt .. °l 't l ! r . O the Pit l 4 l,, crt 1 1 : 41 t I, Ap iQ o rot( b• Jeet, Ito lo t I Si t te r. ers h • qt,i t 11), 1.1 af ter t 'viv c