The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-25 00:00:00

the ~... itl t s t who objected to war in the abstract, he confessed he toeret y ° a YmPathy for those who denounced h th ad e war for l'1) Yit bales, f c mmercial purposes. (Ch those who would suffer insult to the country, if .resistance they diminished the sales ii of their cotton awllie did not believe in a calico mi eniurn . . (Cheers Wo t arPter.) It was upon a Christian principle that he tat b..,gclend - the weak against the strong ; and he did of C lita te to record his vote in favour of the resolutions 11 13 right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire. might W ,ILRINSON was of opinion that the present war "" a Peace,ea extent be ascribed to the impression t or t",. t he party hail contrived to convey to the late oggr - e ; ° 4 l. °f Russia that this country would not resist his her f or He thought the motion of the right hon. mem ever .er Manchester (Mr. Gibson) the most mischievous t ho inserted on the journals. The resolutions of the . righ opinionember for Bucks were calculated fairly to elicit the their of , the house ; but as they unfortunately had . for Were „ eu iect to damage the Government, who, in his view, tsett" °t amenable to blame, he should vote for the amend , . Ih e ao• Marquis of GRA.NBY thought they ought to in -ire w h e ag g ,,, n . the? the intentions of Russia had really been of an abiZ s ive character. Ever since the treaty of Adrianople, ac e ,„„was signed 26 years ago, Russia had had the power, Ple a ,„,', ln g to Lord Aberdeen, to march at any time she . sow; " n eon Teheran on the one side, or upon Con . stanti ah the other. Had she done so? It was said that ' t harl d be en biding her time, and that it was not till 1853 stet a '.,., e hid found herself in a position to take the decisive . 1,4 i, lout the Times newspaper last year declared that if 4 0p1 ; 41 , Peter Nicholas had sent 20,000 men to Constanhis rabigi,„'lte day after Prince Mentchikoff returned from his hot eu no Might have taken the city. •Why, then, did he 114 (li c 2 b n a° ,1 Fronithe report of Sir Hamilton Seymour . , ltett c hro troops disposable for the expedition. Prince wri tir , oir left on the 21st of May, and Count Nesselrede, the tlg ten days later to Reschid Pach_ a . , assured him that ttco 'Peter h a d no i n t en ti on o f making war on the Sul- W Bt a h nd that push war would be repugnant to him. That e third reason why he did not take Constantinople. The 41 6( 1 1 )(4 ' 4 aimed at two objects. The first was to attach b r -do min -c4mpire more close to the balance of power, thatt°l 3f fications of the existing ly treaties ; and it appeared Pcsitil e Russian Government had assented to that pro- Itipp o . only it had refused to enter into a guarantee to '''he thi' A th at arrangement by arms. The second part of ' , tu g ; -1(1 . Point was the limitation of the preponderance of kvi ' a in th e Bl ack Sea. Now, h e did no t thi n k th a t we Ill 're ati th Y a ille re right to say that Russia should not build port - a certain number of ships in her own orts than at to limit the number we might choose to p construct lle,,,!toonth or Sheerness. But Russia had offered to lttion'ue D ardanelles to be opened to ships of war of all 4 th -' ' th e Sultan having power to close them whenever Pre,°llglit there was danger And who objected to that qor sa l The Turkish minister himself. The Russian thatTueent alsa made a second proposition, to the effect (14slhileehilliaole:eleack Sea should be closed, but that the Sultan a' ' ar e Power to open the Dardanelles on giving five of his intention ; and Austria had declared that Ae,t, in that offer elements for renewed negotiations. If i l lool - d a ti umght ',there were elements for negotiations, why 4 044 li no t tbi, , i country consider'Austria's propositions? The i i ) e l ,sit' n a ' been he told that Austria had actually made a pro '," h i o e n - ' us trusted that before the close of that debate " 4 ai n -Be would. know what that proposition was. He was li e , ; - , 7 for peace, provided it were but just and honourable, I l l eti irett % hea rd with regret upon that occasion men who ,Noir,Peace stigmatised as not caring for the honour of ' 14 4 • -an trY• He however believed that there was no hot magi tl4llthat house who desired peace on any other than p' a ble terms (Hear.) At the same time, he thought e ory -n g i and shOtild not remain at war an hour after liwere:isential end had been gained ; she was too great a t ial • Lo be influenced p, e ;p e t , end ri ne h n t c . edby aught else than what was Whatessen we believed to be right that to could maint g ain but we ought not to allow ourselves !; , )t w c ept in a state' of war by it being said that we had the °sett Sebastopol, or we had not obtained possession of s ' f Oot- 41°n „, m° a• What w as d es i ra ble was this, that the House h t d should d ec l are w h a t was right and just ; upon toee Es cla ration it was for the executive to act. It was f ll , 44 l)l 4 o ll f at ich consid era ti ons as th ese th a t he felt himself ee re ° a gree with the m o tion of his right hon. friend UN aluber for Bucks (Mr. Disraeli). His right hon. aZia .b ., Raid that h desirous of shutting the door tsitc fonrefotiation.e He could not agree . with that pro 1, Pat i 1 3 ,Y so doing he thought a great difficulty would " a l the' 140 way of a safe and honourable peace. Nor 'tit le , t t all --by votin for the motion, he would be weak- N bl ialag' e hands of her g Ma'esty's Government, and so di u ing their influence 3 throughout Europe. Such a Proes' ll ld, he feared be disa . strous to this country, by It is -ggi t i L t t the contest in which it was engaged, and he felt tikllthiloZ,,therefore, to vote against the motion of his 4 q r. It • friend ;n.°4; 1)11 ILLIMORE said that it was his intention ' i ge IT . 4 ' the motion of his hon. friend the member for l'i ' l I R ll tl etsi t of Oxford (Sir W. Heathcote) ; and be e f/- -aat y doing taking an unpopular course, o w sit i t , in so he was th in , n 'i:luty to state to the house his reasons for so I,f l ni e t i 4- o °_ , a e on. memberfor w Lambeth had objected to he s for the vigorous pro },earn War u t . thebecause he said Le ' were war but those w t h h o at we th re at anxious ° she should th ,Dr tsee. , not the less desirous that p e ace could not be Pi l "iae c i :led with vigour_ i 42 1 1is lop y safe and hofnourahle terms. He (Mr. 1 4 4 ep oic z) could not agree with the noble lord who had . t il et 'as t , when he said that Russia intended n ii de e d th i a n a t g h h e t e t o h m at " il la h to act honourably by Tur s.r till ite i', ° rtant details furnished by H. Seymour had li a r '', 4 t'ased of any doubt which i might have existed as a s believedthat in that a w t h ithere we wereeve r War peal Pre sent so just and ne cessary s d. as was not a friend to l l ,i' t a B ia, r b e il 'ent mome l u t t o en t7io ° liberty and glory of England, 'ißti e4) tt 'a t lib a er f t r y ien and that glory should be founded on kr , 141 . ti:I4DSTONE said, that although he agreed with t liart s entiments which had fallen from his hon. and ~ t • .. - "uM.. ri end in his able speech, yet, considering the T km. qt , 11 'kk k ' which remained to discuss a question of such la\ t : ll ,, ti t . might be for the convenience of the house if (4 . t l i N tiecr l f °l in the debate, rather than wait until a it e , t le ,. 4 ile t ,..ko evening. Whatever might be thought ri,h o ,' l bersi b' l ,' l , they must all admit that they had a 111' ; Ir D° . , ,„1,4 of fare.' There was first the motionof the itia e i, j ;s i ble v e r 7,"' e tlan the member for Bucks—a distinct, 4 % -l ti i t 4 - i ' e et . want of confidence, with a somewhat ~.,i 4te rti '- ,,4. 0f th e * f eeble declaration • with regard to th m e pcloosteo "glit - "oah `` r ar• Then came the amendment made ta ho t 3' th e • f d in a speech of N e il l nii i t cri elid trihgehtmhoomnbmeremfobrecor xfoorrPotrtsmouth. His ° r kn rn" ',.., moved amendment to the motion of the t he '‘ude; -- i' t eeor for Portsmouth, and the hon. I'l2"ln°- ti ll : 11.1,adiali.tister completed the question by moving m a ar. l ie 1 1 ,`Ltea c i ll , s e e 'it. which arrived at giving a decided the eß gad ~,,;'`,a decided pacific, aspect to their ,d policy. of the • it ~,„(uPactilty in determining which . he honld Na,, t ight 1 1 : 41 n 3 Possible for him to vote for the motion • gent le a ili r e " . member forßucks, because the uncertain t its et aaa 0 nh iguotio language of which the right hon. ofd 4 ' l st h e i °r Plained were chiefly the result of n gotia ttil4tY oi l t he at an end. It would have been a violation e %1 11 : 1 Pl atlat !' P:lrt of the Government if they had given t he; Re didl"B before the time for such explanations moat''irii for not agree \v . * the right lion. gentleman that 4 o 4t i, li f , ur ther - negotiation had passed away, on the tAi ° PPort.. 4 9 .elt that, according to their latest information, l io ety , of nity h , i 4 . 4, ad arisen of a probability , if not of a cer li_piZe,er, j'""tsg an end to the horrors of war. He • had, ite Zettl e ee ti gratified with the declaration of the right ilo t ,, ll e i4,,.11----. declaration which, representing as he to ll : 4 4 i -11si&rable amount of opinion—might come to mei n t)f ti t 'prta.nt and beneficial influence on the future i t . Ze tr ~ 18 ,, great empire. The motion of the right hon._ Cj xl e gaii i. - °t .ili-t ortsmouth was open to the same charge of eL:eicl e , i Y ,, ,, ,t It had been made against the Government. Li a act er :k, tllts frankness of the right hon. gentleman's N a l t a loti on , could not impute to him that he . had framed 'l et Nay to ea unite persons holding opinions diametrically si n p,eati o e ash oth.er. Ho liked the speech of the right iit,, that he an very well, for the right hon. gentleman 1 1 , otiat i wish e d the house to declare its regret that the liti ti ' Nltl il e a 4t Vienna had not yet led to peace. If thepgh o t. „, 1 ,, e. _ ,naan NVO old only introduce the word ." yet' int o _ Q ll °4 h u , u t n 'ent there would be no great difference f hel a ,t h e -,, meat the •ht ho gentleman and himself. io th "eiha, - " , Plained of in the n. m s otion of the right hon. tt I . ,. i teati o j a ', that it spoke of the negotiations or com ti4') 4 11"116,4' having passed away. He thought the aspect of e, 0i,27;1•,--en• frierrd's (Sir F. Baring) amendment was 1, 4 11 h o '2 l, e than pacific. As iegarded the amendment t,„\te), t ,". friend the member for Kidderminster (Mr. rate) t h nt was clear and intelligible; and he (Mr. Glad poet i'll eou,,u,lit that nothing but a clear and explicit decla e,litut to ba made on this subject. It was well to oet• etc th Ir e 10, 6 latest moment any interference with the its a°' the Government but the house would detract ti,, IL t e i g_nitY if it consented to a doubtful mode of au %ill Was 0 w as, therefore, glad that his hon. friend's %- lit t l,dy tie 4ar and intelligible ; but he also objected t h tli [t r fa c t ' b Ssause, first, it contained an untrue to his i t , th e , which it purported to maintain. It recital Is t t i l l ce ortl,ference at Vienna had failed, in co I 's'. etl inference refusal by Russia to limit her power ' th a ck Se k tid e h a. When any motion was brought he ti 14 e lb" Se a its terms ought to be strictly correct ; 44 1 '4 f,,, ° ,riglat the terms of his hon. friend's motion li ,- ,",t'ri rt 'in. l that condition, because, though it was true 1 4 t l ,'t th-,e,e,q, e rtschakoff said be had no instructions to "t III" 1.13 naval r of Russia should be restricted , -tlf a c k Q power tsit ls e ten e . .ea ; yet, at a subsequent meeting of the It %v ger e ci ,,,,0 was evident that the point was reserved for Att,: 4 noc' at ueration. With that record before the house, SOI L Pt t,,'enaistent with dry and bare matter of fact, to 11 % ` 4 41• - „ T. aintain that Russia had declined to entertain k tt i' t Th - ` 1 ,act, refused to limit her power in the Black 4 '4 :,„the t: •4 'endment of his bon. friend would be t Dre e t ,"`trney, 4 . tr ine snore warlike. He maintained that the °Ff,, 4 e(i, i il - "" °I his hon. colleague (Sir W. Ileathcote) ex- N b ed by tie mildest terms, that the opportenity nay: to i'owl%t they Pre!ent negotiations, or communications, h t thNe th ute Y might, should not be lost, but they should NO a i , ) t e Ineans to bring about terms for the settlement iti,i'4fir fo at Py dispute. The right hon. gentleman, the tiett tb, t ;! 6uc kinghamshire, by a strange oblivion, h!id oitr"•a°t. • t !'he first and second points were totally bull.' k m , th i e t hey were matters about which Russia - did not 1' ela I were therefore concessions of no moment, and , 4 14 t14 ; ° 13 rd er to secure the neutrality of Austria ana 41,1'.14tItilIg• these concessions . a month ago Russia was not d . esirous 1 0 cly concessions. Indeed, at that time she tt he of the ei.used these concessions ; and what was the the"e li • r ight hon. gentleman then ? Why he pointed at, lime of the mouth of the Danube as , one among a.t, yet Ac t. bi„,„„ unforeseen, results of the contest. t of ii,I'AELI explained that he thought this was not a tt riri r. o, l "unculty. 4 . 't , it 4 `' 3) STor•T E t'la p ,so 4 f rom accepted the explanation, and he quite su i t to b the rit hon. gentleman that he did not deem 1144 :: . 8 bit t :;: i - rtnicie e t "e funsimportance. Well, then, of the four ''a"i ie tl 's fe," v° first were completely settled, and the reason Point had I ( ja is d ea not been decided was simply be d. It was proposed for discus- IN`lesirelhe Western Powers sse objected to enter upon it; but t,,,, lieth. Without fear of contradiction, to state that there itt:74.:ttiltmgrreienfca t_ t h e _e a , f t o:rth point to prolong the war. The third tl ) , Bicha the difficult It iht b d'vided into two parts, a territorial guarantee of Turkey, and til u i i b ie -.la z i, ,Lreu to . the preponderance of power b Russia p, t t , th e 11 .- ' 4 * With regard to the former, ho would y . not „." , a I le r e ,, T',eo• Then, the only question remaining was , 'le ',., Th e l A t'lng• the preponderance of power in the Black Itk'snil e , Allies Proposed a plan for putting an end to that Itki, the e„ .ane s• Russi• th 11,,,,restio n of b e f the i : Z t h b a c i ga r f the proposedl.louase.. a first and second method, difference Hetbeween these various proposals would remind the house that ti." a s pri .ar to pledge the country in the face of Europe 1 -.1; , k‘f t e 2s l le laid down' in these negotiations was a ques e. ,;; 6 t.tie l' ast s, which he would proceed to examine. He felt : a il - Of th e p r oposition of Russia would be to leave the tae s ,t i a °N-ernment more free to deal with the question lit th 'P i rit as th • b re ose N .„ h they might think prudent. He . was . not et • " 4 po u • . ° were prepared to disavow or to shrin.k warm,no it tholiaa h i s sibilities connectedwith the origin of this t ~,,DsiliPlitio.n. it was difficult to overstate the weight of A bilities and the amount of physical and moral THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY .EVENING, MAY 25. 1855. evils brought about by the war, and the amount of physical and moral good which it had intercepted. We had not only a just but a sufficient cause for going to war. Let them inquire then, what was the controversy upon which they entered. The objects of the war, as they were originally contemplated, were not so wide as the evils he had described. They did not attempt, and they thought it too much to at tempt, the total abolition of the evil ; and, for a long time, the four great Powers confined themselves merely to narrow ing it within certain limits, and hemming it in. It was all very well for gentlemen to say, at this time of day, " You ought to have sent your fleet into the Black Sea when Russia occupied the Principalities." These were delusions which arose from forgetfulness of the circumstances, and from the excitement of the state of things which existed at a former period. Not only the Government to which he belonged, but no Government, could by possibility, in June, 1853, have ventured to take so rash a step, even with reference to the state of English opinion. The first conclusion to which they must have come would have been, that they would at once have abandoned, if they had interfered in any such proceeding, the co operation of Austria, Prussia, and France. What were the objects which were then contemplated ? What were the questions which were then under dis cussion ? The questions under discussion were these :—The Emperor asked a certain amount of ratification and extension of the treaty of Kainardji ; the Porte was ready to give a cer tain amount of ratification and extension to that treaty. The questions raised were, whether the temporal, as well as the spiritual, privileges of the Greek Christians were to be pro tected by Russia—whether the Greek Christians should have privileges granted to them which would place them on a par with the other non-Mussulman subjects of the Porte ; and whether it should be by a separate engagement with Turkey, or by a general engagement with the other Powers, that these rights and privileges should be guaranteed. In 1853, these were the only questions in dispute between Russia and the Allied Powers ; and he was sure he should be confirmed and not contradicted by her Majesty's Government when he said that every one of these objects had completely • vanished. (Bear.) There was now no question about a separate treaty between Russia and the Porte ; there was now no question as to the temporal privileges of the Greek Christians ; there was now no question as to whether the Greek Christians should enjoy the same privileges as the other non-Mussulmen subjects of the Porte: Nothing could be more simple—and really the matter was so important, and the words so few, that he hoped the house would allow him to put them in possession of them —nothing could be more simple than the issue to which this matter was brought after the tangled negotiations of 1853. Lord Derby, in fact, had confessed, in another place, that be had read through the Blue Book as far as the month of July, but that he found it impossible to proceed any further in threading the labyrinth. The negotiations gathered into a central point in December. That was the time they must look into if they would get a clear view of the grounds upon which this war was undertaken. The proposal made at that period was summed up in these terms :—lt was done at Con stantinople by a meeting of the representatives of the Four Powers, under the presiding influence of the active Lord Strat ford de Redcliffe; and the plan adopted there obtained a pre ference over the plan simultaneously adopted at Vienna, and be came actually the basis of the proposal finally made to the Em peror of Russia. Now, what was the plan on which, in Decem ber, 1853, the Four Powers were agreed, and which they pre sented to Russia as the full amount of the concessions which she had a right to demand. The first point related to the evacuation of the Principalities, which was to take place as rapidly as possible. The second point was, that all the treaties which were dissolved by the actual war, including the treaty of Kainardji, were to be removed. (Derisive cheers from the Opposition.) He knew not from what gentleman that opposition came, but it showed the blinding influence of the exciting circumstances of the times, and a the strong feel ings of a magnanimous people, as opposed to that judicial understanding which, after all, ought to guide us in these transactions. The second term, in December, 1853, was, after all, that the old treaties between Russia and Turkey should be renewed ; and the third term was, that the Sultan of Turkey should communicate, not to the Emperor of Russia alone, but to each of the five Powers, and that a firman should be issued, guaranteeing to the Greek Christians of Turkey all those religious privileges which might be enjoyed by the other non-Mussulman subjects of the Porte. These were the objects of the great Powers in 1853. There were many who were then listening to him to whom this statement would come as a revelation. (Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, such was the turn. which affairs had taken. He was sure that her Majesty's Government would confirm and not contradict him when he said that these were the terms so proffered to Europe and published to the world. He might, if it were prudent, carry still further his statements, which would be corroborated by the documents which had passed between the Powers engaged in this great struggle, and especially between England and France. But what was the manner in which their proposals were received by Russia ? He had stated the terms of the protocol of Jan. 13,1854, to which St. Petersburg gave no written answer. The answer was the mission of Count Orloff. When that nobleman arrived at Viennahe submitted the coun ter demand of Russia ; and now, having enabled them to as certain the fixed point from which they ought to measure their distance, he would proceed to make some remarks upon the demands then made. The tone they held, and the terms then required by Russia, when explained, would give them another fixed point from which they would be able to judge whether it was true, as some had said, that the ob jects of this war were not attained, and that if we retired we should retire as a humiliated and degraded nation. These were the terms of Russia on the 2d of February, 1854. This , was the answer of Russia, upon the reception of which the resolution was taken, upon the recommendation of Austria ; and Prussia, by the Governments of France and England, to , send that summons to the Emperor of Russia, which was I immediately followed by the declaration of war. The de mends were—first, that it was to be an irrevocable condition that the negotiations should take place on the subject mat ter at issue not at Vienna or any neutral place ; the choice , was given to Turkey that they should take place either at St. Petersburg, under the person of the Emperor, or at the head-quarters of the Russian army. This was the first con dition, essential and irrevocable. The second condition was the confirmation full and entire of the old treaties from Kain ardj onwards. The third condition was the protection of the Greek Churches ; the fourth was, of course, the evacua tion of the Principalities ; the fifth was the restoration of the status in quo in the Principalities ; the sixth was, that Tur key should have a new set of stipulations with respect to the reception of refugees and strangers. Such were the absolute demands which constituted the ultimatum of Russia before the war. Was there here a, cause of war or not ? When first Austria had permission to refer to St. Petersburg, the pro position which was made was in the shape of Four Points. He did riot shrink from his share of the responsibility of the de cision at which the then Government arrived in consequence of the mode in which those propositions were received. (Conservative cheers.) He did not shrink from his personal responsibility in regard to the Crimean expedition. (Hear.) But ho called upon those, who said that that expedition had entirely failed, to mark the difference iu the language of R u ssia before and after that expedition. (Hear, hear.) He held that military expeditions in time of war were only to be regarded as meaus, and not as ends. (Hear, hear.) On the 26 th of August, 1854, Russia replied to the communication of Count Buol, who had forwarded the Four Points. He would not quote the reply in extenso but the effect of it was this—that the Four Paints were terms to which Russia could not consent except at the end of a desperate struggle, and a long series of disasters. He quite agreed with his noble friend the Secretary of State f o r Foreign Affairs, tha t the naval and military forces of Rus sia had long been the standing menace o f Turkey. The ques tion of the Black Sea was one of great, he might sayinstitute of insu perable difficulty. It was not in the wit of man to a perfectly satisfactory arrangement with regard to the Black Sea. If it were an open sea, like the Mediterranean, they might know what to do. If it were like the American lakes, close water, they would know what to do. If they were dealing with powers that shared the coast of the Black Sea — if it were shut in and not accessible to vessels of great draught of water, then, too, they would know what to do ; but unless they converted the straits of the Black Sea into a canal, as it were, they could not get over the difficulty. On the other Cand, if they treated the Black Sea in any of those modes, they should not overlook the fact of the weakness of the Turkish Government, and the importance to Europe of pre venting an aggression on the Ottoman empire. The question was surrounded with difficulties. There was no suggestion not open to objection. Nothing with regard to this limita tion of the Russian power in the Black Sea could be otherwise but an imperfect remedy for the present, and an imperfect guarantee for the future. Well, then, what was to be done ? They had to take their choice of several plans, all of which were-imperfect. So far as Parliament was aware, he (Mr. Gladstone) and his colleagues left office pledged to nothing but the destruction of the preponderance of Russia. They were aware of that responsibility. They were responsible, With the noble viscount at the head of the Government, for ' having proposed the Russian limitation of the naval forces in the Black Sea. He always considered the plan defective, but he became an assenting party because he knew of no other. In doing so, they did not exclude themselves from profiting by any experience arising from discussions on the question into which theyabould enter, and they left themselves open to per severe with that. plan, or to adopt any other plan eq uall y g ood, or it might be preferable, so as not to warrant a continuance of the war. What had been the reception of the plan for that limitation from the first night it was discussed in the House of Commons He considered its reception had been most unfavourable. He had heard au hon. and chivalrous friend say that he was ready to go all lengths in defence of the war, but he had not heard any member of the house rise and say that he was prepared to sanction the continuance of the war if the limitation were refused ' - w hile, on the other hand , he wou ld be prepared to accede to peace if the limitation were granted. He did not believe there were twenty gentlemen in that crowded assembly ready to hold that line. There were some who thought this was not a question of con test as to terms. The ground on which they stood before Europe was, that they w ere read y to make every concession -to refuse everything that should not be offered—and the dividing line was between the limitation of he t naval Turkish force in the Black Sea and the discretionary power of the Government. They were cognisant of the fact, that the con ferences had been held. As regards the question of limitation a lone, the conferences had been ad j ourned ; and, "on that issueethey were called to vote by the motion of the right hon. gentleman, the member for Buckinghamshire —a vote which, if it were affinitively recorded, would not represent the feelings of the house or of the country. If the vote of the house went to declare that this was not a question of terms, after what had taken place at Vienna, it would go far to in volve them in a breach of faith in the eyes of Europe. If it were not a question of terms, what course were they o adopt 7 This was not the first occasion on wh ich they had t to express a solemn judgment on the rights of peace or war. Were they to resort, or to think of a system of dismember ment? The objection to that was, that it was impossible. If we intend to make this question a war of nationalities, it would be well to consider whether we can make that war alone. He apprehended that we would be alone, and that Austria would not be likely to enter into a war of nationalities. From the comp sition of Austria, he would ask, was she likely to enter into a war of nationalities ? Will France do so ? He could tell them tat France, as well as Austria, would not and could not enter into this war of nationalities in this she entertained a different opinion, he would ask how that war could be enter ;mined by her when she looked at the present stance te of enter the cit into of Rome. (Hear.) He wou ld not say, can Fra such a war, but could she en or into a war of n ationalities under such ' circumstances ? He had read a few days ago some portion of the debates in the Sardinian Chamber rela tive to the Sardinian contingent for the -war, and some of the members objected to its joining the English army, because they thought it would be in bad company. (Laughter.) They said the English had managed to lose :1,000 men out of au army of only 12,00. He argued that, with many gentlemen, this was not a question of terms, for these have been acceded; but both gentlemen in that house and the public journals called out for military successes. Such an idea was hideona us, it was immoral and inhuman, and he would say that no tion had a right to make war for military successes alone. (Hear, hear.) If they obtained succe ss, they would want to continue the war to make it a mere w ar of military glory ; if they did so he would warnthein that they tempted the wrath of Him in whose hands was the fate ce! all armies, as much as that of the infant in the cradle. He vrould ask what was the state of this question The Governments of France and England had proposed certain terms to Russia, which was deemed necessary to prevent that power from break in g the peace of Europe, and these te rms had eventual y constituted the military occupation of the Crimea .Russia had now con ceded what she at first refused, ex cep t a mere trifle. But we said that we must pow have military MCC esses. e; We do not consider that we have subjugated Russia, and therefore we will continue the war until we make these successes. He could not avoid saying, that he thought neither peace nor the honour of Russia seemed to be the primary object in these arrangements, but that military glory was the primary object. He warned them that the eyes of Europe were upon them, and that their words uttered in that house would be quoted against them in the face of Europe, and by them they must rise or fall. The right hon. g-ntleman the member for Manchester, three or four mouths ago, made a solemn appeal to the house, and charted them with an earnestness that did him the highest honour, with a guiltiness of blood if t he y per sisted in maintaining the war. He (Mr. Gladstone) did not wince under that challenge, because he believed that it was a war of a class which we carried on at a distance that we might not carry it on nearer home—because it was a war which we carried on in the Crimea that we might not have to carry it on in the heart of Europe—just as in ancient times the greatest orators of Greece called on their countrymen to carry on war in Thessaly that they might not have to carry it on in Attica. They had recently had among them some of the most distin guished of their gallant troops, who received at the hands of her Majesty an acknowledgment at least of their valorous deeds. Many of those forms, he rejoiced to say, were again erect, and had regained the elastic step of youth and health, but what were they to say to the thousands who slept on the waters of the Bosphorus, or under the rocks of Balaklava ? And what were they to say to their gallant allies, who, ranged side by side with them in the hOur of privation and danger, had suffered, he feared, in a much greater degree. (Hear.) But it was no consolation to him that in the fatal progression, the French should have suffered double our loss, though that was more than 15,000, and that more than four times that number of Turks slept beneath the ground. It was no conso lation to him to know that the Turks had lost 120,000, and the Russians 250,000 men —amounting altogether to nearly half a million of human beings, or at the,rate of a thousand a day. With him the consideration was, that if the war were a war for smaller, secondary, and trivial objects—a war for objects which they dared not in public papers t 3 declare to the world, then he said, in God's name, while there was yet time, let them do something to put an end to that awful scourge, and let them, by the adoption of firm, moderate, and cautious terms re-open to Christendom the hope of a return to happiness and peace. Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, although' I do not concur in many parts of the speech of my right hon. friend, set I willingly yield to him the acknowledgment that he has discussed the question in a manner worthy of himself and of this house— (hear)—that he has considered that which was of most im portance to the continuance or the cessation of this way—that he has fairly brought before us the arguments which weigh upon his mind as to the conclusion to which he had come—a conclusion to which, if convinced by his argument, any mem bers of this house might subscribe. (Hear, hear.) So far the spirit of my right hon. friend's speech has been totally different from that of the right hon. gentleman opposite— (cheers)—who gave us no clear and intelligible account why he would continue the war—who used, to follow a phrase of his own, the most ambiguous language on the subject, and who detained us for two hours and a half with party attacks and ingenious sarcasms. • (Cheers and laughter.) But, sir, before I speak of the right hon. gentleman's speech, and at tempt to defend myself from the attacks which he has made upon my conduct as a member of the Government, I must revert while they are fresh in my memory to some of the argu ments and topics urged by my right hon. friend. who has just sat down. My right hon. friend says most truly that the terms already assented to by Russia go far beyond those which were originally asked by the allies, but surely he ought to have laid greater weight upon the very obvious consideration that, if such be the blessed state of peace that princes and sovereigns are most unwilling to exchange it for a state of war, that which will give an immediate remedy for an immediate danger suffices them to maintain that state of peace. But when once the rubicon is passed—when you have got into war—when once powers are engaged in conflict, then it becomes you to think, not what would have been sufficient before the contest com menced, but to consider how you can obtain peace which has in it the elements of safety and of duration. (Cheers.) I cannot, therefore, attach the value which my right hon. friend attaches to the change which has taken place in con sequence of Russia having felt the power of the allied belli gerents—the pressure of Austria concentrating her forces and threatening hostilities until Russia gave way—and the in fluence of the expedition to the Crimea. But the question is not whether the immediate danger is warded off, but whether you are to seek security for the future, and if so in what that security shall consist. There is one danger with regard to the principalities—that was the first point. The second point has not reference to any immediate danger from Russia, or any immediate protection to Turkey. But the third point did not contain a declaration that it was necessary to revise the treaty of 1841, in the first place, with a view to attach Turkey to the balance of power, and, in the next place, to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea ; and my right hon. friend thinks he sees in the propositions of Russia a fulfilment of that condition. Now, the danger is that Russia having a preponderance in the Black Sea—having twenty sail-of-the-line in her harbour at Sebastopol—may, as has been shown, take advantage of the possession of that fleet and get possession of the Bosphorous, or land an army in its immediate vicinity. Now, what does Russia say to that ? Russia says that she will consent that the fleets of other powers may come into the Black Sea, provided always that the fleets of Russia may at any time pass through the Bosphorous. What would be the conse quence of accepting such a condition I The fleets of Eng land and France would seldom go into the Bosphorus, and not in any force in time of peace ; but these twenty sail-of-the-line might at any time present themselves at Constantinople, before the gates of the Sultan's palace, and impose upon him what terms they please. (Hear, hear.) What was forbidden by the treaty of 1841 would have been possible and easy to Russia, and this is what the Russian ple nipotentiaries call a compliance with the terms proposed. (Hear, hear.) Then after I left Vienna another proposal was made, in which my right hon. friend seems to see a security; and it was this; to leave the treaty of 1841 as it now stands, the Sultan declaring, as he has a right to declare, that he wishes to maintain the principle of closing the Straits, but that if Turkey was menaced she might call the fleets of her allies to her assistance. I can see but very little, very scanty security in that. Leaving the treaty of 1841 as it was before the commencement of the war in case of a menace of invasion, of violence on the part of Russia, ,Turkey would have the right of every independent power of calling her allies to her ass stance, and to that point where they could most easily assist her. I think in this case everything consists in priority, and the fleets of the allies being at the distance, and a large fleet of the Russians in the near neighbourhood, it is probable that that menace would have been carried into execution be fore the Sultan could have called for assistance from his allies. (Hear, hear, hear.) If we had consented to such terms, I think it would have been right to say we did not pro pose the fulfilment of that part of the third point. (Hear, hear.) It is said that the third point is fulfilled. Why, the acceptance of a proposal so nugatory and meagre as either the first or second of Russia's alternatives would have been an attempt to deceive Europe in a manner quite unwor thy of two such nations as England and Turkey. It would have been far better to have said at once, " We are unable to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea— it must be built up again as soon as Russia can launch fresh ships, and therefore that part of the scheme must be aban doned." But consider that that scheme against the prepon derance of Russia in the Black Sea is one of the many securi ties which, having gone to war for, we have attempted to ob tain. That Russian preponderance in the Black Sea is next to the danger of Russia occupying the principalities ; and to finish the war without any security against that danger would indeed show that we had been defeated. My right hon. friend has dwelt much upon the doctrine that you must have suc cesses independently of all terms of peace. I agree generally in what my right hon. friend has stated upon that, and. I doubt whether any will say that independently of all terms of peace, and independently of the security of Turkey, it was necessary to gain military successes. I quite agree with my right hon. friend that never has the valour of the English sol dier been brighter. (Cheers.) Never has the power of endur ance, the hardihood, and the fortitude of the British soldier stood so high as it has done during the present war. (Hear.) But if the objects are not effected by which we can be cer tain of having securities for peace, Turkey would be greatly endangered. (Hear.) If it should be said that not only had England and France relinquished the terms they had advanced —and terms which Austria had said were just and fair, but which Russia had not complied with—bUt in addition to that had withdrawn 150,000 or 200,000 men from the Crimea, without success, that would be a great addition, not only to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea, but to the pre ponderance of Russia all over the world. (Hear.) If you had that which all men would acknowledge to be a security for peace and a safeguard for Turkey, you might then with all honour withdraw from the Crimea, but if, in addition to a failure in your terms of peace, you admitted a failure of suc cess, and withdrew your army, then Russia would immensely increase her power over the civilised world. And now sir, having said this much with regard to the later topics in the speech of my right hon. friend, I come to the question of the nego tiations with which I was charged at Vienna. (Hear.) But let me state, in the first place, that although I thought suc cess in that negotiation came within the range of possibility, that at no time was I sanguine that success was probable. (Hear.) I can assure the right hon. gentleman that I felt I had no habits of diplomacy, and that, being more accustomed to parliamentary life than to intercourse with those who carry on negotiations, I was not the fittest person to undertake the duty. But when Lord Clarendon told me that he wished me to undertake that mission—and my noble friend likewise con curred in that wish— and when I found that her Majesty had been pleasedsto express her approbation of such an appoint ment, I felt I could not honourably decline it. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman says I ought to have begun with the third point. That was not a question for me ; I was only acting as one of the servants of the two Governments of France and Great Britain. France; Great Britain, and Aus tria had duly considered the question, and when I was in Paris I was informed by a despatch from my noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that the Government had resolved that the third point should be taken in the order in which it stood. (Hear.) It was, therefore, my first duty to consider of the first point and the question of the Princi palities. I believe that the concessions that have been made by Russia with regard to these Principalities are of the greatest importance. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman confounded two things which are essentially distinct. He speaks of the protection of the Christians to which I had referred in a despatch when I was Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and in which it was stated that it was presented to the Emperor of Russia as a duty, and that it had been sanctioned as such. Now there can be no doubt whatever that, with regard to Wallachia and Moldavia, not only by the treaty of Kainardji, but by other treaties—by the treaties of Bucharest and Adriano p le—the Emperor of Russia had an engagement from t h e Sul tan to protect the Christian Principalities and pillage, I conceive it ; and if a congregation were b t to inh outrage, te murder, was the duty of the E m p eror of Russia to ask for some su subjects ee re dress for such grievances. I know that, without any such treaty, our ambassador at Constantinople, on receiving an ac count from a consul that a Christian church was destroyed, or a Christian was murdered, thinks it his duty to bring the fact under the notice of the Sultan, and generally obtains re dress. (Hear.) But the treaties to which I allude are ex press upon that point, and it is impossible for me, or for any man, to deny that Russia had those rights by treaties. Bat the right hon. gentleman confounded these treaties with the proposal that was made by Prince Menschikoff, and asked how I could snake such a dangerous admission as that there was a right of protection, and at the same time protest against it in the case of Prince Menschikoff. Why, the right of pro tecting those churches was sanctioned over and over again by treaties, but what Prince Menschikoff demanded was a claim of protection going beyond those treaties, and which arose, as stated in one of Lord Clarendon's despatches and in one of the four points, from an erroneous interpretation of the treaty of Kainardji. Of that erroneous interpretation lam the more convinced when I recollect a fact that occurred during the negotiations between Sir Hamilton Seymour and the late Emperor Nicholas. Sir H. Seymour said to the Emperor, " Have the goodness to point out on what part of the treaty of Kainardji your claim is founded ; " and his Imperial Majesty said—as an Imperfal Majesty is likely to s ay—(a laugh)—" I will not point out to you the particular article of the treaty ; go to Count Nesselrode, and he will point out the article of the treaty." Sir Hamilton Seymour as he was bid, went to Count Nesselrode, and said, " Will your excellency have the goodness to point out to me the par- titular part of the treaty of Kainardji on which your master's claim is founded." Count Nesselrode said, " I am not con versant with those treaties, but Baron Brunow is conversant with them; tell your Government to apply to him, and he will paint out the part of the treaty on which the claim is founded." But as Baron Brunow never attempted the task, I conclude that it was not any part of the treaty of Kainardji that gave such a claim. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gen tleman therefore creates confusion when he confounds that claim with the undoubted rights claimed by the EMperor of Russia for the protection of the Christians in Moldavia and Wallachia. (Hear, hear.) I will not at this late hour enter into any kind of disquisition about the navigation of the Danube, but I may say, that on that point likewise we have gained pretty, considerable advantage. But we have to con sider the whole question, and a most important question it is, which has occupied us for those two years past, and which I think may occupy the Parliament of this country even for future generations—namely, whether it is not necessary to put some bounds to the progress of Russia, and in what man ner that object is to be effected. (Hear.) Far be it from me to say that I could pretend, from any reflections or lights of mine, to solve that great problem. (Hear, hear.) I consulted others not only in England and France—not only the mem bers of my own Government ant the members of the French Government—and I may venture to say, since he did me the henour to admit me to an audience, the Emperor of the French—(cheers)—but likewise several statesmen of the continent of Europe, not eugaged with either power, but whose well known wisdom and authority, and whose long experience in political matters entitled their opinions to the utmost attention. (Hear, hear.) Now what is the posi tion of Russia ? It might not be such as would have justified us in making war, or have excited us to make it ; but, being at war, it behoves ns all, and my right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford as much as any man, most seriously to consider it. (Hear, hear.) Russia has, since the commencement of the century, increased her power more than any other power of Europe. (Hear, hear.) She has upwards of sixty millions of inhabitants, and has an army of 800,000 men in time of peace. After a considerable straggle, and much resistance by Lord Castlereagh, the re presentative of this country, and by Prince Talleyrand, the representative of France, she acquired and retains Poland. The only limit was, that Poland was united to Russia by her constitution ; but that link, which gave to Poland a separate representation—a separate army, and as it were a separate existence—was totally broken, and a new and hard fetter of iron was employed to bind her to Russia after the insurrec tion of 1831. (Hear, hear.) In Poland she- has erected six or seven fortresses, of at least equal strength with Sebastopol. She has conciliated the peasantry to a very great extent by a policy artfully adapted for that purpose. (Hear, hear.) At the same time the young men of Poland of rank and intelli gence, who might be filled with historic recollections and patriotic ardour, and would some day rise up against the policy of Russia, are carefully marked and selected and sent to a distance in the interior provinces, there to meet . with no sympathy, where their names are unknown, and their Site is forgotten by all except the relatives they have left behind. (Hear, hear.) In the B a lti c we find from the discoveries made last year—since the commencement of the war--that a great plan of fortifications had been undertaken, which Sir C. Napier sent home, and which he said would have given Russia a complete predominance over the Baltic, because when those fortifications were completed, neither Denmark nor Sweden, nor any other power could have held up their fingers against Russia in the Baltic. In Germany she has connected herself with many of the, smaller princes by marriage. Many of the princes of Germany, I am sorry to say, live in great fear of what they think is the revolutionary disposition of their subjects, and they rely upou their armed forces to pro tect them ; but what are those armed forces ? The officers of those forces are seduced and corrupted by the Russian Court. Rewards, orders, and distinctions are distributed amongst them —even the receipt of money to pay debts will be accepted t p e e e n t o e n n coef Europe— e r ma againstn y, by them, and that money is liberally given by the Russian Court, so that Germany, which ought to be the seat of inde oudstanbdeefnorfworarydefarors thepro- under mined in its vital strength and independence by Russian arts and Russian means. I have hitherto not spoken of the im mediate danger with which we have had to deal . The imme diate danger with which we have had to deal was t hi s — that , which should Russia—has h after a long course of violence and aggression, Russia had signed a treaty at Adrianople which gave her new powers, and confirmed many of the old. The dangers arising from that treaty to Turkey are admirably pointed out in a despatch of Lord Aberdeen ; but neither Lord Aberdeen nor the Duke of Wellington, who was at the head of the ministry at the time, thought it right to go to, war on account of those dangers. I believe they acted wisely ; but now that we are at war we are not to forget the lesson Lord Aber deen gave, or keep out of sight the dangers that were pointed out in that despatch. (Hear, hear.) She had there fore great means of influence in Turkey, such means of in fluence that I believe, if she had been wisgend prudent, it was quite sufficient to enable her to gain a permanent con trol over the councils of Constantinople. But in an hour of imprudence—the Sovereign is dead, and the time for severe comments is passed by—she insisted upon what Turkey thought a degradation, and which she resolved to resist by force of arms. Lord Stratford had some time before said, " I think the time is come when Turkey's position must be entirely changed. Either she will fall into a state of total dependence upon Russia, or she must get rid of those ma nacles and shackles with which for years past she has been fettered." We had to choose between leaving her completely under the sway of Russia, or raising her to something higher. We chose the latter part of the alternative. The immediate danger was warded off. The siege of Silistria failed ; but had it not been for the presence of the allied forces, it would have been renewed in the summer or autumn and the Russia n forces would have been at the Balkan. Russia retired across the Danube. Austria then said that unless the Principalities were evacuated she should declare war with Russia, and upon her forces being assembled Masi/ evacuated, them. Now, it was because these Principalities were placed under the safe guard of Austria, because any attempt to invade Turkey or to cross the Balkan and reach Constantinople was thus pre vented, that we felt ourselves enabled to send to the Crimea the expedition which, like my right honourable friend (Mr. Gladstone), I still think we were right in sending, but the discussion of which I will, like him, reserve for some fu ture occasion. There is, however, this fact, that from the pressure at Sebastopol, the Russian fleet is no longer one of 18 or 19 sail of the line, but a great part of it has been de stroyed by the Russians themselves. The question then came, how we could diminish her power and put an end to her pre ponderance in the Black Sea. lam not at all ashamed of the manner in which I agreed with Count Buol to invite the Rus sian plenipotentiaries to take the initiative upon the question. Count Buol represented to us that it might be hurtful to the dignity of Russia to have terms imposed upon her for the limitation of her power in the Black Sea, but that in consi deration of the •security of Europe she might make a propo sition to that effect to Turkey, and be asked us, the plenipo tentiaries of France and England, not to bring forward our propositions until he had made the proposal. He made the proposal, and I followed it up —answering for England , and not for Russia, as the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disrae li ) sup poses--with these words, "In the eyes of England and of her allies, the best and only admissible conditions of peace would be those which, being most in harmony with the honour of Russia, should at the same time be sufficient for the security of Europe, and for preventing the return of complications such as that the settlement of which is now in progress." (Hear.) I wish to ask, provided the security of Europe was attained and the return of what is called a com plication, what is in fact dreadful war, was prevented, was it not desirable that the terms should be compatible with the honour of Russia, and should be such as to make her satisfied with the arrangement ? (Hear.) Therefore lam quite willing to abide, and I believe my colleagues are ready to abide, by that declaration which I then made. The answer,which was delayed fora considerable time, was that the Russian plenipotentiaries were desired not to make any propositions ; and we are told in this circular that was in conformity with orders which had been given by the Emperor Nicholas. I think that was a very unwise decision. I have always understood that Russians of great sagacity always considered that the Emperor Nicholas paid too much attention to his marine, and that his fleets at Sebastopol and Cronstadt, though they might make a show on parade, would not be able to compete with thos e of t he maritime Powers. I believe that to be a very sound opinion , and therefore I thought it possible that they would have made this concession, thus giving up something the cession of which would not really diminish the power of Russia as a great Power, but would diminish her power in the Black Sea. I hear it said that if the force was limited, the fleets of England and France might come in at any time and insult the coasts of Russia in the Black Sea. How would she be worse than she has been in the present war, when we have seen that her fleet has been no security at all ? No sooner have the fleets of England and. France appeared in the Black Sea than her ships have skulked into Sebastopol, and several of them have been destroyed. I told one of those persons to whom I have alluded, whose name I must not mention, that ,we intended to propose the limitation of the Russian fleet, but that I was told Russia would object to it. He said, " If that is so, it is a proof that she means aggression." I thought that observation perfectly just. I cannot conceive why Russia should hesitate to make peace in order that she m ay have eighteen or twenty sail of the line at Sebastopol, unless she meditates some future aggression upon Turkey. And that I now believe, still more than I did last year, still more than I did before I went to Vienna, to be in th e co ntemplation of Russia. Russia thinks that Turkey cannot endure long, and thinking that when Turkey breaks up England or France will hasten to sieze Constantinople, and thud menace her ernpire, she feels it necessary to be beforehand with these Powers, and make herself mis tress of the city. Put it, however, which way you will—es au act either of aggression or of self-defence—it comes to the same thing, that it is the intention of Russia, at some future time—it may be, in no remote future—to possess herselffof Cpustantinople. (Cheers.) Believing that to be the case, are the Governments of France and England to close with the proposition of Russia, that they should have no se- For a long time past the London and North Western, t e h ur e it fl y e e e t x s e o e f pt he t i h . a a l t fie i s n ? cas l e admit o f e a n l a l c t e h , e T i u m r key pe rf e m e t i o h n t s c o a lf theup Lancaster and o o ther r and r ail w C a y arl e i sl otn e , p a L n a i e n s c ash have i, re b e a e n n d s n Y bj o . e r e k t s e h d i Yorkshire, and the house recollect th a t we are b y a sti- c r o o n b s b i e d r e ie ra s b o le f go lose goods s and in transit grea annoyance over their lines.fmro , continual To s e curity we have propose li t, but let the r i g ht h on. gen tl eman (Mr. Gladstone) such p u l a tion with Austria and our position in the war precluded an extent has this pilfering been pract ise d , th a t as much as 401. or 50/. has been paid at once by way of P ts ais a l n ey d , from asking for any territorial concession. No doubt, the silver return of some of the provinces which Russia has wrested Articles of every conceivable description were missed. from Turkey would be a better security than the limitation of compensation to persons whose stockings plate from a m n d D h u a m r the fleet ;but if we had proposed such a course, Austria would property was stolen. have opposed it, and Russia would have left the conferences. Not and I confess I have seen no better plan than that which we tin g Va luable hara shawlsflanfla n ne l e fromja jackets e d We were, therefore, obliged to resort to the other security, ware from Birmingham, boots and shoes from Not proposed, except the other plan, to which Russia was still fries, silk handkerchiefs , tortoiseshell more opposed, of making the Black Sea altogether a commer- and stationer spirits, combs, books cial sea, and forbidding the entaance of ships of war •t 't stationery, &c. It was pretty evi o . Such, therefore, is my defence with reference to this point. dent, from the systematic manner in which the robberies were carried o The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli)—and his language n, that the thieves must be rail seemed to me to be extremely ambiguous—said, "What does way officials ; but when packages conveyed long dis' it signify whether Russia has four or eight ships more or tances were tampered with, the difficulty was to aucer less ?" and then he went on to say, " You ought, in fact, tarn on what line, or what portion of a line, this took to carry on the war defensively ; you ought to defend place. The Lancaster and Carlisle Company adopted Turkey when Russia is prepared to attack her." Now the expedient of havin g l k for Is but oc -np vans parce • this comes to one of two conclusions the right honour- without avail—robberies were of as frequent occur able gentleman has not told us which either to be rence as ever. At I • John there perpetually to defend Turkey, and thus to make Butler , b k ength suspicion attached to of that company, , a rea sman in the service au eternal war, or, hav in g defended Turkey aga i ns t th e say, and his house at C ar li s l e was searc hed, but nothing was i mme di a te aggression, and Russia having consen t ed to for the hundredth time , t ha t she will respect the integrityof then found to cri m i na t e hi m . He, however, was dia . Turkey, that we should withdr aw our forces and ma k e peace, missed from the company's service a few weeks a g o, having no security beyond those to which Russia has already upon which he removed to Preston. An eye was kept consented—that is the plan of my right hon. friend the upon his movements, and on Monday night Mr. J. E. member for the University of Oxford. But my right hon. Brierley, superiniendent of railway police , and Ser g eant friend fairly and manfully avowed that plan. H e b rought it P oo l , a Preston detective, visited Butler's house, and before the House of Commons of England, and declared that there discovered a quantity of valuable property, includ these were terms upon which he thought that we should be dk chiefs, combs, books, &c. The police secure. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) , h lug shawls, han erc • flask, owever, • er's possession a large tin said —" Put an end" (not to war—but) "to the negotiations;" also found in the prison made so as to fit conveniently on a man's chest, therefore, at once proposing that we should have no success, nd evidently intended to no security for peace, and at the same time proposing the underneath his waistcoat, a b ee about half-a-gallon ; continuance of the war. Can anything be more inconsistent, carry off liquors, its capacity ei h n a ' ve been used for a more extravagant than such a proposal ? Now it has been a bladder, which seemed to a small tap, by means said that Austria has not given us all the support which she similar purpose, a gimlet an d . ts were drawn from might do. As far as the support to be given in conferences of which, it is surmised, sp i rits of ais concerned s he has fully given us that support and with re casks—some of these having lost upwards gal gard to this last proposition of calling up the forces of the log—and a key of peculiar const ruction , which fitted Tuesday pany's vans. On allies when Turkey was in danger, she said tha t is locks of the com no security the —that is leaving the preponderance before the borough magis of Russia unlimited till the prisoner was brought up the moment when the danger becomes intolerable. (Hear.) trates when Superintendent Brierley deposed to the facts I must say, s i r , Ido not expect, however, that Austria is above narrate d. H e a lso stated that the company had prepared in the present state of the question to take an rec entl y im paid 251. for lost sha wls, some of which he , be mediate part in the war against 'Russia. I b e li eve that she I:eved were among those found at the prisoner's house. would have consulted her own inte res t and dignity better if - The min wa s remanded for a week, to afford an oppor she had some time ago joined us in th a t war, but at the sam e witnesses to identify the stolen pro re time the re are considerable-moti ves, the are f u l mo- tunity of pro curi g power tiVes, to influence her in maintaining peace with Russia. party. In the first place, she has not her capital in the situation of either London or Paris, which are free from any danger of incursion by the Russian army. She has no fortresses in Gallicia to prevent the Russian army marching at once to Vienna, while she has no secure alliance on this subject with Prussia. (Hear, hear.) These are some of the motives which have deterred her from taking an active part in the war, and the Austrian Gove r nment feel that, un less they can show ' that there is some predominant and ne cessary motive to induce her to go to war, she would not be justified in calling upon the population of Germany to support her in it. I tell this openly to the house, because I think that not only ought justice to be done to Austria, but like wise because I do not wish to hold out any hope that she will take an immediate part in the war. I do think, however, that her position is such—that : her treaties and engagements with us are such, that, if the war continues, she will find it necessary to take part in the war. But of this I feel sure, that the part Austria has played in not taking a share of the spoils of Turkey, which Russia had confidently expected, and in joining us, will never be forgiven by Russia, and, there fore, her only safety is in building up such allies as may secure her against Russia. (Hear, hear.) Sir, for that reason I shall be ready to vote against the motion of the right hon. gentle man the member for Buckinghamshire. This, sir, is a great national question— perhaps the greatest national question that ever engased the counsels of the house or called forth the resources of the country—and yet the right hon. gentle man seeks to degrade it to a mere party struggle. Sir, the right hon. gentleman alluded to the distrust which is felt in the Government. I do not deny the existence of that dis trust, but I do not believe the cure for it would be found in .the substitution of the right hon. gentleman for my noble friend who sits on this side of the house. I do not believe such a change would create that general satisfaction which the right hon. gentleman seems to expect. (Hear, hear.) I hear much said about administrative reform. I think that is a natural desiie, and I entirely agree in the object required ; but I want to know why it should be presumed that there arc other men, either sitting on the opposite side of the house or elsewhere, who could carry out administrative reform better than those who arc at present in the possession of office. I believe you could not have a better measure than that which has been proposed by my noble friend Lord Pan mure on the subject of reform in the department of the army. My noble friend proposes to place the civil branches of the army under the superintendence of one Secretary of State, thereby having the eye of one man to watch and the hand of one man to guide the machinery connected with the army. So far as the departments of the army are concerned the evils eomplained of are remedied ; while, with regard to the other departments of the Government, I do not find-that there is any special accusation as to them. Ido not find with regard to the Financial Department, the Home Department, or the Colonial Department that there has been any complaint made of inefficiency in those departments. I believe, therefore, that the right hon. gentleman, while he has not founded his proposal on any particular accusation, has no better founda tion for the remedy which he says will do away with the gene ral distrust. lam convinced- that the party opposite would not gain any credit by the carrying of this motion, because it would be said that in a great crisis the great Con servative party, for upwards of a year, came forward with the greatest patriotism to support the Crown and sustain the honour of the country ; but, after little more than a year, they abandoned that patriotic course when they thought there was an opportunity of slipping into office. (Hear.) I believe the right hon. gentleman and those who vote with him would gain no credit by such a course, and whatever may be the division in this house I think, in point of reputation, this has been a false move of the right hon. gentleman. (Hear.) If he can censure any wit of ours, if ho can put his finger upon any act of the Government and censure that act, of course we are open to any censure, to any observation, to any criticism which this house may choose to make ; but bring forward vague words, to merely catch up what seems to be the feeling of the moment, and which may not last but a day or two, to be so impatient as not to wait until after the Whitsuntide holidays to know if the negotia tions are concluded, betrays, I must say, such a falling off in the patriotism which has hitherto been displayed in the votes of hon. gentlemen opposite, that I think they will add nothing to their fame or reputation by the course they are now taking. (eh eers. ) On the motion of Mr. WHITESIDE, the debate was then adjourned until to-morrow (this day). Sir WM. SOMERVILLE obtained leave to bring in a bill to encourage the providing of improved dwellings for the labouring classes in Ireland. Lord PALMERSTON intimated that the committee on the bill for the better local government of the metropolis would not be resumed until the Tuesday after the recess, and there fore the house would meet to-morrow (this day) at the usual hour, instead of at 12 o'clock, as had been previously ar ranged. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the house adjourned at half-past one. THE MINISTRY AND ITS SUPPORTERS. A meeting was held yesterday afternoon at the official residence of the First Lord of the Treasury, in Down ing•street, which was numerously attended by all sec tions of the Liberal party in the House of Commons. Being a private meeting, reporters were excluded, and we are therefore unable to give a detailed account of the speeches delivered on the occasion. Lord Palmerston, in a speech of some length, vindicated the policy of his Government, asserted the unanimity of his colleagues, and stoutly maintained their resolution to prosecute the war with vigour until terms should be obtained calcu lated to insure a safe and honourable peace. The pre cise nature of those terms his lordship claimed for the Government the right of determining according to cir cumstances ; but those of his audience who expected to hear any definite statement on this momentous question went away very little wiser than they came. The meet ing was afterwards addressed by Messrs. Lowe, Layard, Bright, Cobden, Lord Robert Grosvenor, ir James Graham, Mr. Laing, and other gentlemen, who gene rally concurred in censuring Mr. Disraeli's resolution, though considerable difference of opinion was expressed as to the amendment of Sir F. Baring. The tone of the meeting, though by no means harmonious, was, perhaps, as favourable to the Government as could be expected tinier circumstances so little calculated to inspire confidence. The following is a list of the members (numbering 203) who attended the meeting : Graham, Sir J. Moncreifr J. Shelburne, Earl Herbert, S. Thompson, G. King, L. Wool, Sir C. Gardner, It. Perry, Sir E. Molesworth, Sir W. Wickham, IL Ramsdell, Sir J. Macaulay, T. B. Price W. Kninaird, A. Lewis, Sir G. C. Medley, C. Portman, W. Ellice, E. Kershaw, J. Denison, E. Villiers, C. Crook , J. Howard, Hon. C. Bouverie, Hon. E. P. Headlam, T. Ebrington, Viscount Flayter, W. Acton, Joseph Ellice, E , jun. Mulgrave,lrarl of Chambers, T. Marshall, W. Hall, Sir Benjamin Brocklehurst, J. Lowe, It. Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Rich, IL Warner, E. Russell, Lord J. Kirk, W. ' Traill, G. Gibson, M. Baiter, W. Baring, H. Cobden, R. Oliveira, B. Cobbett, J. M. Bright, J. Duke, Sir J. Milton, Viscount Horsman, E. Stanley, W. Dundas, F. Hervey, Lord A. Mangles. R. Lindsay, C. Castlerosse, Via. Biddulph, Col. R. M. Mills, T. Hastie, Archti. Heywood, J. Cavendish, G. C. Russell, H. Morris, D, Lemon, Sir C. Laing, S. Cheetham. John Cranfurd, E. H. J. Goodman, Sir G. Brotherton, J. Coffin, W. Townshend, Capt. J. Ewart, J. Tynte, Col. C. Pechell, Sir G. Phillimore, R. J. Cockburn, Sir A. J. E. Ferguson, J. Fitzgerald, J. Moose!, W. Scobell, Capt. Caulfield, Lt.-Col. J. Peel, F. Hankey, T. Bonham-Carter, J. De Vere, S. E. Matheson, A. Walmsley, Sir . Wells, W. Matheson, Sir J. Russell, F. C. Scrope, G. Bland, L. H. Collier, R. P. D Ingarvan, Viscount Anderson,l 4 ir J. Ingham, R. Ricardo, S. Beaumont, W. Forster, John Berkeley, Adm. Hanmer, Sir John Ewart, W. Sheridan, R. O'Brien, P. Wyvili. M. North, F. _ Harcourt, G. G. Ricardo, 0. Berkeley, Hon. H. Langston, J. H. Seymour, Lord Jermyn, Rt. He. Earl Gregson, Samuel Cowan, C. Esmonde, J. Seymour, D. Phillimore, J. G. Brand, II B. W. Luce T. Vane, Lord IL Bethel', Sir R. Mackinnon, W. Atherton, W.' Robartes, T. Biggs, W. Milne - , W. M. E. Seymour, H. Strickland, Sir G. Norreys, Sir D. Williams, W. Tancred, H. Muntz, G. Price, Sir It. Heard, J. Littleton, E. Peel, Sir R. Paget, Lord A. Forster Charles Davie. Sir H. R. F. Herbert, P. Waterpark, Lord • Grosvenor, Ld. it. Duncan, George Clay, Sir W.. Bt. Wortley, J. S. Adair, H. Layard, A. H. Duff, G. Grace, 0. O'Flaherty, A. Marjoribanks, D. Elliott, J. E. Rice, E. Cardwell, E. Keogh, W. Bruce, H. A. Gordon, A. lavendish, C. C. Walter, J.l Smith, M. Scully. V_ Clifford, Lt.-Col. H. M. Osborne, R. Lee, W. Alcock, T. Ball, J. J. Scholefield, W. Johnstone, Sir J. Foley, O'Brien,. H. Hogg, Sir J. W. Fitzroy, Henry Bulkeley. Sir R. Dent, J. - Reed, J. Thornhill, W. Fitzwilliam, G. Ferguson, Sir R. Shafto, R. Bell, J. Bruce, Lord E. Grenfell, Charles Fortescue, C. S. Clinton. Lord R. Dalrymple, Viscount Rumbold, C. Duncan, Viscount Crossley, F. Goderlch, Viscount Wilkinson, W. Freestnn, Colonel Smith, R. Berkeley, G. Heneage, Geo. F. Baines, Rt, Hon. M. Wilson, J. Chaplin, W. Stafford, A. Barnes, T. Thornely, T. EXTENSIVE RAILWAY ROBBERIES. NAVAL AND MILITARY IN"i'ELLIGEENCE. Another change in the order for sailing of the block-ships under Rear-Admiral Baynes was made yesterday. They got up steam yesterday a fternoon, and at 5 o'clock weighed and dropped out to St. Helen's Roads, nearly within gunshot of Spithead, instead of going to the yore direct, as previously ordered. Rear-Admiral Baynes was very unwell on Wed nesday night. All the ships of the fleet yesterday morning " dressed " in honour of her Majesty's birthday, and at noon fired a general Royal salute. Vice-Admiral Sir lhomas Cochrane, K.C.8., hoisted his flag in the Fire Queen steam tender, and, ac compan i e d b y R ear -Ad m i ra l S u perintendent Martin, steamed through the fleet, giving Rear-Admiral Baynes his final ord ers . Y es t er d ay th ey procee d e d t o Cowes to pay their respects to her Majesty at Osborne. The Enterprise, Capt a i n Collinson, was towed out of Sheer ness basin on Tuesday, an d her officers and crew were yester day conveyed to Chatham by the steam-tender Wildfire to be paid off. The Tartar, 20, screw steam corvette, Captain H. Dunlop, arrived at Sheerness yesterday at 6 a.m. She left Faroe Sound on the morning of the 18th inst., leaving there the Duke of Wellingtoa, bearing the admiral's flag, the Ajax, Blenheim, Arrogant, Conflict, and Archer. . „ The Imperieuse arrived there on the day previous, and left the same day for England, with orders to touch at Kiel. Smallpox was raging very badly ou board the Duke of Wel lirwton and the Arrogant. . . The Geyser and Archer have taken a large number of P 25 rive •24 to have already been reported to hav e b een captured by them, all laden with va'uable cargoes of tallow, hemp, bristles, dm, most of which are now on their passage home. Oa the day after the Tartar left Faroe Sound, she ex changed numbers with the Orion screw steam line-of-battle ship. The damage done to the Tartar by her late collision will require her tope docked. She was struck on her port side, two ports abaft the gangway port, by the Imperieuse stem on, by which her mainmast was broken into three pieces. Mr. William Moore, London pilot, has been appointed to take charge of the transport Rob Roy, as Baltic pilot. The Weasel gunboat, Lieutenant Robert G Craigie, tender to the Cesar, left Sheerness yesterday, at 4 a.m., direct for the Baltic. The various works in the dockyard at Pembroke are being carried on with energy. A new frigate is to be immediately built upon the slip lately occupied by the Sutlej. Her arma ment will be 50 guns, and her length over all is to be about 240 feet, and she is to be built for the screw propeller. The Repulse, 90-gun ship, has been thoroughly altered for adapta tion to the screw, her after frame timbers having to be moved for the purpose. The Biunswick, 80, is to be launched in the course of the summer. The dry dock is to be lengthened and widened, at a cost of 10,0001., and two new slips are to be constructed, with a boat basin, at an expense allowed this year of 15,0001. The Meteor floating battery was commissioned on Wednes day by Captain Seymour. The Peninsular and Oriental Company's screw steam-ship Alma, No. 1 transport, has arrived out at the Crimea, and disembarked her troops, consisting of 1,030 rank and file, with 25 officers, under the command of Colonel Gordon Drummond. APPOINTMENTS. Lieutenants—Robert B. Beale, to the Neptune ; Richard Dawkins and George S. Naros, to the Glutton floating bat tery ; George J. Malcolm, to be additional Lieutenant of the Pembroke ; James A. Poland, to the Meteor floating battery. Chaplain Rev. George C. Williams, to the Retribution. Second Master Dover Farrant to the Cossack. Midshipmen—C. G. Fane, to the Euryalus; Hon. M. R. Wingfield, to the Nile. Clerk Henry W. Molesworth, to be Assistant-Paymaster of the Agincourt. Clerks'-Assistants—Hugh C. Goldsmith, to the Thomas ; J. C. Wood, to the Belleisle hospital•ship; Warwick Woold ridge, to the Medusa. Naval Cadets—H. F. Bunbury, to the Hawke ; N. A. R. Spicer, to the Royal Albert ; M. A. Shelley, P. F. Bertie, G. C. E. Lockhart, H. T. Skeffington, W. W. Poynder, E. A. Ward, J. B. K. Tynte, and C. E. A. Dansey, to the Duke of Wellington. Orders have been issued for the immediate embarkation of the following regiments of cavalry, and detachments from the cavalry depots, to join the service troops of their respective regiments at the seat of war—viz.:-Ist (King's) Dragoon Guards, from Piershill barracks, Edinburgh, to embark at Liverpool ; 15th (King's) Hussars, from Exeter, to embark at Plymouth ; each of the abovementioned regiments will embark nearly 650 strong, exclusive of trumpeters and far riers. Detachments from cavalry depots—vix.—tbe 10th (Prince of Wales's) Royal Hussars, and 12th Lancers, from Maidstone ; the 11th Hussars (Prince Albert's), and the 17th Lancers, from Brighton ; and the Ist Royal Dragoons, and 6th Enniskillen Dragoons, from Canterbury, to embark at Southampton ; the 13th Light Dragoons, from Dorchester, to embark at Plymouth ; and the 4th Light Dragoons, the Bth (Royal Irish) Hussars, and the 4th (Royal Irish) Dragoon Guards, from Ncwbridge, to embark at Kingstown. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. MR. DISRAELI'S MOTION. (From the Times of this day. ) Had Lord John Russell remained to this day at Vienna, or were there any reason to fear that through his ascendancy we were drifting to a dishonourable peace, then certainly there would be reason in an attack directed so exclusively against this one man. But the exaggerated personality of the attack is itself calculated to throw Parliament and the nation off their guard. It cannot be necessary that we should believe Lord John Russell to have acted so important a part as at once to have kindled the ambition of Russia, exaspe rated the hostility of England, an wielded the conference with the same steady aim to irretrievable confusion. Surely the present crisis can be appreciated without entering so thoroughly and with so decided a prejudice into the career of any one man, For our part, we would rather consider what is to be done entirely apart from any personal considerations. We cannot give in to the cheap and politic compliments which Lord Palmerston lavishes on his troublesome colleague. We cannot see that the latter did do his work at Vienna with consummate ability. The proof is not to be found either in the minutes or in the result. But, putting his Lordship's honest endeavours wholly out of the question, we ask for two assurances on the authority of the whole Cabinet—the first, that the war shall be prosecuted with the utmost vigour; the other, that England will n-it listen to any nugatory and insulting proposition from the author of that war. It is quite reasonable, after the lan guage that has been used in the House, particularly after it has been asserted over and over again that the deliberations are not closed, and the Conference, as it were, is still sitting, that the public should have some security against what they will feel downright humiliation. Indeed, when Russia has concluded the Conference by simply giving England and France leave to do what they will do without asking her leave, or some such illusory proposal, and when in the face of this insult the Conference is declared to be still Open, it is necessary to define and restrict the basis within which nego tiation is for the future to be confined. But, seeing that Parliament is compelled to handle two subjects at once, and to comprehend them both in one reso lution—for such is the double character of some half-dozen resolutions and amendments now before the house —it were to be wished that hon. members would say rather more ex plicitly what, in their opinion, the Allies should be content I with. Mr. Gladstone appears to be easily satisfied. A treaty laying down on paper certain numbers of ships, and certain rights of ingress and egress, will, in his judgment, amply re munerate England and France for some hundred thousand lives and hundred millions of money. What terms we may eventually have to submit to must depend on the fortune of war. It certainly maybe in the intention of Providence, for the humiliation and correction of civilised Europe, that, like Greece, she should fall under the iron heel of another semi barbarous Macedon; but, with that example before us, it is our business rather to be warned, and to avert the omen, than to give way to it. If this is our intention, as we trust it is, all experience warns us against mere paper treaties in dealing with a great and unscrupulous Power. If we can, and if Pro vidence will so far second our daring, we must obtain a better security than words ; and, strong as Russia is, she cannot prevent us taking this security by the destruction or occupa tion of her great stronghold in the Black Sea. The enter prise may be audacious, and hitherto unsuccessful, but it is only a question of time, men, and money, and the British public will feel quite easy as to the result, if its Government will only promise to submit to no disgraceful compromise, and to omit no labour, no cost, no reasonable sacrifice of any Ikind, no appeal to the patriotism of the country, that may be necessary for the effective prosecution of the war. ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM. MEETING IN SOUTHWARK. Last night a public meeting of e l ec t ors and inhabitants of the borough of Southwark was held at the Bridge-house Hotel, London-bridge, with th e v i ew t o ass i st th e movemen t now . in progress for the promotion o f re f orm i n th e adminis tration of the public departments ; Mr. Apsley Pellatt, M.P., occupied the chair. The large room in which the meeting was conversed was crowded. The following resolutions were agreed to That this meeting believes the degraded condition to which our country has been reduced to be attributed to the corrupt and culpable appointment of i ncom p e tent persons to official positions ; and that yet greater national degradation can only be avoided by the e xc l us i on o f me di oc rity from the various departments of the Executive, and by the distribu tion of the duties and emoluments of office among men of especial aptitude and high capacity. " That this meeting, having full confidence in the patriot ism and judgment of the managing committee o f the Administra tive Reform Association, and regarding a thorough adminis trative reform as the best and safest preliminary elec toral equality and residential suffrage, iu order to the real representation of the people in Parliament in them to be earnest and energetic, fearless and faithful m the prosecution of their noble undertaking, that an end may be speedily and finally put to the countless evils of Government by corruption appointments by favour—promotion by purchase, and the distribution of honours and dignities in reward for servility, sycophancy, and demerit. " That the manly exposure of the monster grievance of the day by Mr. Layard entitles that honourable member to the confidence and gratitude of the people ; whilst the vain at tempts to bolster up the existing system by personal abuse and gross misrepresentation of its courageous denunciations have excited universal disgust." A resolution was also passed authorising the formation forthwith of an association in the borough of Southwark , in connection with the Administrative Reform Association re I cently established in the city of London. The meeting separated after the usual complun' ent to the • chairman. • Mlle. Dejazet is announced for a series of last repre sentations at the Gaiet4, where Frederic Lemaitre has also been playing for some time. THE JOINT CONSULATE OF LIBERIA.—Mr. Jolin George Cop Lewis Newnham, her Britannic Majesty's Consul at Monrovia, the capital of the Republic of Li beria, on the western coast of Africa, has received the dis tinguished and unusual honour of an appointment to the office of Consul of France at the same place. His ap pointment in the latter capacity was notified to him in a highly complimentary desnatch of M. Dron II de l'Huys, the late Secretary for Foreign Affairs _ to the Em peror of the French, and the British Government has permitted him to accept it. The Government of the Republic has recognised the appointment, and thus Ur. Newnham is at once Consul for England and for France. ROYAL DUBLIN SOCIETY.—The Lords Commissioners of the Treasury have approved of tl so ciety's proposed!museura of natural plans of the history, and its erec tion is to be forthwith set about. The new museum will occupy the south side of the 'society's lawn, and be con nected with the house bya semi -circul ar co l onna d e o n structure pillars ; a corresponding will be erected on the opposite or north sid e. The building itself will be 230 feet long, and 40 feet wide,disapnlayi d,i n n g ad s d p i e t c io ini n e t n o s th o e n gr t e h a e t space it will a ff or d for ground floor and side walls, it will be furnished with' two tiers of galleries. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. EPSOM RACES.—THURSDAY. The Epsom Four -Year-01d Stakes of 50 sovs each, h ft ; colts Bst 111 b, fillies Bst 61b. New Derby Course. 4 subs. Mr. Powney's Marc Antony, Bst 1 llb (A. Day) 1 Mr. Joseph's Tom, Bst 111 b (J. Os b orne ) 2 Duke of Bedford's Pelha m , Bst 111 b (S. Rogers) 3 Betting-6 to 4 each agst Toni and Marc Antony -3 to I agst Pelham. A fine race with Tom and Marc Antony from the half distance, the latter winning by half a length. Very bad third. The Two-Year-Old Stakes of 10 sore each, with 50 added ; colts Bst 71b, fillies Bst 41b. Any winner be fore starting 51b extra. Half-a-mile. 21 subs. Mr. J. M. Stanley's Sugarcane, Bst 41 b(Bartholome w ) 1 M. J. Morris's Bubble, Bst 71b (Basham) 2 Mr. Howard's Overreach, Bst 41b (Wells) 3 The following also ran—Missenden, Jane Shore, Daring Ranger. Betting-6 to 5 agst Jane Shore, 4to 1 agst Sugar cane, 5 to 1 each agst Bubble and Overreach. Sugarcane led throughout, and won very cleverly by half a length ; the second beating the third by a neck ; a head only between the third and fourth. The Grand Stand Plate of 100 sovs, added to a:Handicap .- w Sw in e n e e p r s s t . aCe l i e o r f by s s c o o v u s rse each . . 25 E s x u t b r s a . weight for certain Mr.j. s M s 12 M. lb Stanley's The Veteran, by Old ( E A ngla aio England, 5 yr, 6t 1 Mr. M orr i s ' s C ossey , 3 y rs , E s t (T. Cliff) 2 Mr. Death's Cranbourne, 4 yrs, 7st 31b (Charlton) Mr. T. S are ' s Gossip, 5 yrs, 7st Bl b (ralme 3 o 4 Betting -6 to 4on Cossey, 4to 1 agst Veteran. A capital race up the Straight, Veteran winning by half a length ; the second beat the third by a head, and the fourth close up. Her Majesty's Plate of 100 guineas, for mares ; three year-olds, 7st ; four, Bst 91b ; five, 9st 21b ; six and aged, 9st 51b. Metropolitan Stakes Course. Two miles and a quarter. Admiral 0. V. Harcourt's Ellermire, by Chanticleer, 3 yrs ........................... .................. (Bates) 1 Mr. Jacob's Nell Gwynne, 3 yrs — ... (Charlton) 2 Mr. Daley's Black Swan, 5 srs (S . St egg l es ) 3 Red Ros e and Ving-tun also ran. Betting-7 to 4 agst Ellerrnire, 2to 1 agst Black Swan. Won easily by three-quarters of a lenth ; a length and a half between second and third ; bad fourth. Vingt-un broke down. The Selling Stakes of 5 sovs each, with 30 added, for 2-yr-olds and upwards. ,Optional selling weights. New T.Y.C. Three quarters of a mile. Pour subs. Mr. Sait's Allington, by Sir Hercules, 5 yrs (401.) Bst 21b (Nightingale), walked over, and only half the " added money" was given. The Cobham Plate of 50 sovs (Handicap) for all ages. Extra weight for certain winners. New T.Y.C. Three quarters of a mile. Mr. Prenter's Duke of Lancaster, by John o'Gaunt, 4 yrs, 6st 101 b (T. Cliff) 1 Lord Anglesey's Old Rowley, 6 yrs, 7st 71b (J. Goater) 2 Mr. Drinkald's Professor Airey, 3 yrs, sst 101 b, (Fordham) 3 Mr. J. Barnard's Warwick, aged, 7st 101 b (Arthur) 4 The following also ran :—Sir Arthur, Sole Star, and Rip Van Winkle. Betting-2 to 1 agst Old Rowley-3 to 1 agst Sole Star-5 to 1 agst Duke of Lancaster. Won easy by two lengths ; same distance between the second and third ; bad fourth. LATEST BETTING. OAKS. 3to 1 agst Blooming Heather 7to 2 agst Nettle 6 to 1 agst Capucine. 7to 1 agst Clotilde. 10 to 1 agst Dame Judith 11 to 1 agst Chalice 15 to 1 agst Lady Tatton MARKET NEIVS-(THIS DAY.) CORN EXCHANGE. Very moderate supplies of English wheat have been re ceived up to our market this week, coastwise and by land carriage, and the show of samples in to-day's market was limited. On the whole, the demand ruled steady, at, in some instances, prices rather above those carrent on Mon day—the advance being about Is. per quarter, and a good clearance was effected. Upwards of 30,000 quarters of foreign wheat have arrived this week. Fine qualities were firm, and quite as dear as last week. Inferior parcels met a dull inquiry. There was a better show of barley, yet the demand for most kinds was steady, at full quotations. Malt was in moderate supply and steady request, at full prices. We had a dull inquiry for oats, and inferior parcels had a downward tendency. Beans, peas, and flour were unaltered in value. ARRIVALS THIS WISE. I Barley. Malt. Oats. Flonr. English .. 3,080 5,040 1,170 1,730 Irish .... 4,600 Foreign .. 30,820 10,790 34,750 1130 ski. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BP.ITISII CORM For the week ended May 24, 1855, made up from the Returns of the Inspectors in the different Cities and Towns England and Wales per Imperial Quarter. • WHEAT. BARI,Ey. OATS. I ITS. BEANS. 1 ?Eke. 76i id 32s 51 27s 91 , 444 32 j 44s 52 I 42s 44 TILE SIX WEEKS' AVERAGE. WHEAT. BARLEY. S OATS. k RYE . BEANS. PEAS. 70s tit Ole 72 26s 4d 40s 5d 42s 3d 391 52 QUANTITIES OF GRAIN SOLD LAST WEEK. Wheat, 97,879; Barley, 20,093 ; Oats, 12,391; Rye, 100 ; Beata, 4,201; Peas, 426 quarters. SMITHFIELD. The show of beasts in to-day's market was tolerably gpod, and the demand for all breeds ruled heavy, at . barely Mon day's prices. The extreme figure for Scotistras 4s 6d per Sibs. Sheep, the supply of which was moderate, moved off steadily, st full quotations. There was fa fair sale for lambs, at fully previous rates. Prime small calves were scarce, and quite as dear as last week. Inferior veal met a dull inquiry. The pork trade was heavy. Milch cows sold slowly, at from 14/. to 191. each, includ ing their small calf. Per 81bs to sink the offals. s. d. s. d. ' s. d. s d. Inferior Beasts.... 3 2to 3 6.PrimeSouthdown 4 8 5 0 Second quality.... 3 8 3 101 Large crse. calves 4 0 4 Prime large oxen 4 0 4 2!Prime small do._ 410 5 4 Prime Scots, dm 4 4 4 6;Large hogs '1 0 4 0 Inferior Sheep 3 4 3 6 Small porkers 4 2 4 4 Second quality „.3 8 3 10'Suckling calves.. 24 0 30 0 Prime crse.-wlled.4 0 4 4 !Quarter old pigs 21 0 26 0 Lamb ss Od to 6s ICd. TOTAL SUPPLE. I FOREIGN SIMPLE. Beasts .. ....... 1,080 8ea5t5............ . . 180 Sheep ...... ........ 8,000 Sheets Calves .............• •••• 300 Calves...... 210 NEWGATE AND LEADENHALL. The general demand was in a sluggish state, as follows: Per 81bs by tbecarcase. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. Beef, inferior 3 0 3 4 Mutton Inferior 3 2 3 6 Do., middling 3 6 3 S Do., middling 3 8 4 2 Do., prime large .3 10 4 0 Do., prime 4 4 4 $ Do , do. small ...Ai 0 4 2 Veal 3 8 5 0 Fork, large 3 4 3 8 Pork, small 3 10 4 4 Lamb .. 5s Od to 6s 6d. BOROUGH HOP. There was an improved feeling in the demand for nearly all kinds of hops, and Sussex qualities are producing ra ther more money. The show of samples is very limited. This week's imports are 26 bales from Guernsey, 20 from Rotterdam, 258 from New York, and 10 from Hamburgh. Mid and East Kent pockets, 141 Os to 201.; Weald of Kent ditto, 131 10s to 151. lOs ; Sussex, 1015 s to 121. Wheat. 1,960 COLONIAL. TEA.—The market has been without particular varia tion. Common Congou has realised qa to 9d per lb. SUGAR.—British plantation has been dearer. Barbadoes sold briskly at 40s 6d to 41s for fine yellow, at 38s to 39s 6d for good, and at 35s to 37s 6d for low to mid. Mauri tius, also, has been 6d dearer; yellow brought 38s 6d, ord to good 35s to 38s, refined 33s to 335, brown 30 s to 34e 6d, very ord 28s to 29 Gd, grainy yellow good and fine 39a 6d to 425, and ord 35s 6d to 36s 6d. Bengal and Madras, pri vately, have been taken to a fair extent. Foreign— Clayed Manilla went at 35s 6d, and damp and washed at 34s 6d to 355. Jamaica sold at 34s Gd to 38s 6d. Porto Rico 34s to 435, and Cuba at 35s to 39s per cwt. Refined brown lumps were in request early in the week at 478 3d to 47s 6d, and low to fine grocery at 47s 6d per owt. COFFEE.—Plantation Ceylon has been in demand a t rather improved prices ; fine and fine fine ord mid brought 58s to 655. Jamaica low to fine fine ord sold at 49s toe," 5_6:- . Greenish Mocha found buyers at 70s per cwt. Nativ 1.1. been taken at 47s Gd for good ord. The market general has been firm. RlCE.—Early and hi-ornew , gal brought 14s for mid, rather s mall, dc lina was taken in the week higher rates we_rt± pa . id .. . i and 14s 6d for mid:bold yellowish : ol in at 34s to 35s per cwt. has been stea dy, via., Malabar, to s a id . SPlCES.—Pimento r t e d from Natal, sold at 34s for ord. Black pepper, r,OO ai 1 40 to 4fd for Aleppo sorts. for mid. Cassia Vera went at 40s for mid a 44d for Sumatra . k e in 355, and Singapore mixed L N o u n t g in white 7id. M--- is wild, duty paid ; and African ginger lis d 4d l4 to s 62ds to for hard to mixed pale rod. 22s per cwt. has been a fair business done at 2a 2d to jean blacks went pulpcly at 3s 4d to cßoue : f e l n. g e_ s: 4: 1 c e hA d r e : r e ltio c l e s n d ?i f xs or proof. e3ralbp.er cwt on u 3 l s ed 4d d to ull 3s a l t o4 l l3 s , and floE.n_daosptrasirehrsasart the spot. TE.A.—The demand is limited. 42s8 T 2 e d :r.. o o w r COTTON.—There have been fair sales at ye full • GREEN FRUIT..—The market, owinc , to the rY prices. Whitsun holidays, has assumed a live ly' approach of considerable business has been d • character, and a Lemons are being forced on the one in oranges and nuts. be ing out of condition, 1,000 market owing to their Keeling and. Hunt atpublic packages of which, sold by sale, were taken by the trade at a price proportionate to [A DVERTISEMENT.I—Du Barry's delicious Revalenta Arabic* Food invariably restores health, without medicine, inconve nience, or expense, as it saves 50 times its cost in other reme dies. We extract a few out of 50,000 testimonials of enro l which hadreilsted all m e di c i nes . C ure No. 4,208.—Eigh 6 years' dyspepsia, nervousness, debility, with cramps, spasms, and nausea, ha ve b een e ff ec t ua ll y remov ed by Dir. Barry Maven, delicious fo o d i n a very s h or t ti me .—R e v. John W. Millington Rectory, Norfolk. From the Dcownnagne3r, Countess of of Castlestuart.—Cure 53,612.—Rosstrevor, ,:. t ° Countess of Ireland, 9th December 1854.—The Do fig Of suffering hums- Castlestuart feels induced, in the interest nt Revalenta Arabica Food nity, to state that Du Barry' o f many years' standing. bile, great nervousnessandi has cured tier, after all med s i c ie b e s i i l i e i h t of all sufferers, and may be y ad failed, of indigestion, This food deserves the confidence Juries will be cheerfully answered. considered a blessing. 4s. 6d.•, 51b. lls. ; 121 b. 225. free, on receipt of Post-office order. Barry The 121 b., ca rria g e .,i t e gent-street, London ; also at 182, In canisters, 11b. 2s. Du Barry 61 Co., cechurch-street ; 330, and. 451, strand; Piccadilly; 60, __ and 68, Cornhill ; 49, Bishopsgrate-street; 9d 1 .7 (1 2 1 b. 4, Cheapside ; r tu ss; 4, 5 Upper Baker-street; 6.3 and 150, 55, Charing-! Oxford -street , 89, High-strect, Camden-town ; 18, Fall° p a ll-mall-East ; 132, N ew B on d -s t ree t ; 2.4, Mot . a• mall ' 7, t • 13, King William-street, City • comb-street , 30, Conduit. 67 - stree t; 21, Cockspur-street ; 95, Farringdon-street , . St. Paul's Churchyard ; 6, Edward -street, Portman-Nquart "S