The Sun. — London, England, 1820-11-07 00:00:00

.., „,...:,., ..... 7 .: .:( ._, , , ,,...... „ ,,.. . : \, -:t.-t:t, - ::., , a , --i* , .!-st- --•:,,h0 , • ',-';',' c-ii . ,... „ 4 1 - ' 5..2,- 4 ' . ," ',A; ' 44 t• ~.:., . . ... to• . : . , .t. . w f --oi. • • 1 11 _.. ~... • . . ~_.. - ct,.,,e -- -- ~. ... -- 1 -1 ,..A • i ."-. k .-- f),.; ~.: 4,.. • . f ~,5 9 1- 1 7 . 4 • _ _ , , .... TUESDAY NOVEMBER 7 1820. [ PRICt SEVENPENCE. 1- . N IsTivlßtit 8 i 98.] _ , , NAVY-OFFICE, November 1, IS4O. PRE Right Honourable the LORDS COM MISSIONERS of his MAJESTY's TREASURY having '""lntea Money for the Payment of HALF-PAY to SEA ITT.ICERS, from the Ist of July to the 30th of geptember, tainly, Gentlemen, 1 ant not to learn fur the first time to-day— (because, short as the period has been since myappointment, I have learned it trout personal experience already)—the very great intelligence and accuracy with which I ton assisted in the legal department of my office. I repeat, therefore, that these considerations come most seasonably% to my relief on the present occasion, and tend, nut a little, to dispel those apprehensions which I feel that I must share, its common with every man Who presumes to tread its the footsteps of Mr. Serjeant Vaughan. Gentlemen, lam sure I shall not ask in vain, when 1 solicit a continuance of your co-operation ; and with such anticipations, I will venture to indulge a confident hope, that this Court will remain what it has beets for years—sacred to the purposes of strict and equal Justice. [Some observations were then made upon the calendar, of mere local applicati o n, lamenting the great number of of fences which it contained, but imputing the greater part of these to the circumstance of a large Fair having been recently held within the Borough, at which were assembled the must abandoned and profligate characters from all parts of the country ; and after some further general remarks on the du ties of Grand Jurors, the charge proceeded.] But, Gentlemen, I apprehend my duty on the present oc casion takes a wider range; and when I call to my mind of what vast importance to the country at large, must be the example of a town such as Leicester—of such extent, popula tion, and trade—particularly in times like the present : and again, when reflect upon the influence and weight which Gntlemen in your situations must have upon the great body of the town in which you reside, and how much your impres sions roust give to that town its tone of feeling and action, standing, as I conceive you to do, deeply pledged to the maintenance of its present high and loyal character ; with impressions such as these upon my mind, I feel it impossible to dismiss you without adverting to one or two considerations which the present as pect of the times forces Olson the serious attention of every man—at least of every man who has at heart the welfare of his country. I can assure you that I am not amongst those who are prone to indulge in groundless apprehension,—on the contrary I am bold to feel and to assert that there exists amongst the people of this country a soundness of feeling, as well political as moral, and a sterling good sense, which must in the end suffice to triumph over all the machinations of faction and disloyalty. At the same time I think it cannot be disguised that there is at the present moment abroad its this country (less here I will admit than any where) a spirit of no common disaffection, and fraught as it seems to me with no common peril to our established institutions in Church and State. For when we behold, as we are compelled to do day by day within the chief city of the Empire, every thing we have been 'vont, from our cradles, to venerate and love, unblushingly held up to scorn and derision—and that too, in our most public thoroughfares and under the imme diate gaze of the vulgar. When we find a Press, assuming to itself a licence hitherto without example, pouring out up on the lower orders every thing that can mislead and inflame, them—scroll upon scroll addressed to their worst passions, and calling upon them in 'slain terms to cast off their alle giance to all Laws, as well Divine as Humau,—l say, Gentle• men, when 'curses of this character are acting, under our view each successive day and hour, I think it will not be denied to me that there is abundant cause for increased vigilance, at least upon the part of every good and loyal subject. Gentle men, 1 think it must be needless to point out to you time ob vious but fearful results of permitting such a spirit as that to which I have adverted, to go forward unchecked in its im pious career. 1 need not take you far from home either as to time or place, to strew you those results awfully set forth—as it seems to rue, for our especial warning. Few amongst us can be so young as not to remember, and tremble whilst we do so, the misery and blood which tracked the footsteps of that same spirit which has started up amongst ourselves—dis guised, indeed, then as it is now, under the mask of peculiar zeal fur Reason and Liberty, but in fact armed with the deadliest enmity to both—breathing then, as it does now, balsphennies against the Altar and the Throne—unceas , ing calumnies against every thing good or great. Can we have forgotten, I say, tine desolation which followed upon the march of :!int same spirit through a neighbouring coun try ?—Cats we have forgotten the frightful spectacle so re cently within our view, of a nation, once amongst the I proudest and most accomplished of Europe, making sad ship wreck of her Religion and Laws, and yielding up to the frenzy of her rabble every thing exalted in rank or eminent for genius or virtue ! Gentlemen, I repeat, that with such an example as this before our eyes, it cannot be the part of a wise or a prudent roars to witness tine same principles abroad within his own land, leading onward to the same fearful end, nor once to bestir himself to avert the ruin which approaches Isis country. Gentlemen, I have mentioned the licentious ness of the Press, and I have no hesitation in saying, that in my conscience I believe that it is to the extravagant licence now a-days assumed by that Press, in the face of all Law arid precedent, that most of the evils at which I have glanced, may fairly be referred. Gentlemen, I ant anxious here not to be misunderstood. Do riot suppose that I am presuming to assail that sacred right, earned for us by the firm ness and blood of our ancestors—an Englishman's birth-right and best inheritance ! The man dots not breathe who valises and venerates that right more than myself; but I am speaking now of a licenc e h av i ng no thing of resemblance to that gorious right—the Creature of modern times and Revolutionary feeling, which, under the false title of " tine Liberty of thiPress," arrogates to itself the right to assail, with unceasing insult, all the consecrated and the noble. And I would intreat you, Gentlemen, to pause for an instant and reflect upon the consequences of permitting a mischief such as this to con:inue unrestrained, in times like the present. On time one hand we are dissetnia rotting far and wide over the face of 'redundant population— amongst its lowest classes, and upon a system the most ex tensive and refined, the gifts of Education. We are giving to every man—l ought rather to say we are forcing upon every man, indiscrimittately, whatever be Isis station, charac ter, or t alents, the faculty of reasoning for himself upon every conceivable variety of topic,—and, if he will, upon that topic too frequently now a-days in the mouths of the lower classes—the conduct of his superiors. Gentlemen, I am not here to question the policy of I his system ;—on the contrary, I avow myself, to Christian Education, .a sincere and zealous friend; but, 1 would ask, what must be the result of our doing all this upon the one hand, whilst upon the other we permit the Press to teem with every incitement to Rebellion and Infidelity ?—What the consequence of thus placing the lower classes under the more immediate influence of such an engine—at a moment when it is breathing only blasphemies against God, the King, and the Laws?-What, I repeat, must be the end of our thus expanding the minds of our Poor, if we miller them instantly to he filled with all the elements of dis content and sedition ? It seems to me, that by such a course, we are conferring little of benefit either upon our country or the individual. We are, in a word, (if I may be allowed the figure,) sowing a seed that the Enemy of God and Mats may reap the fruits. Gentlemen, I must therefore be allowed to repeat my serious conviction, that it is the bounden duty of every man, at a moment like tine present, to repress, by every means its his power, a licence su c h as thi s , fraught, as it is, with ruin to our most valuable possessions. And, if I ant asked how—and with what weapon I would repress it ?—I answer, with that weapon, provided for the very purpose by the wisdom of our ancestors—that weapon which lam per suaded will ever suffice for the end-1 mean, Gentlemen, th- Laws of time Land ; which du indeed give to every man the right to publish what he will; but in giving to him that righe do not fail to remind bins that he must strictly account fort its legal and innocent exercise; and that in the use of it he must not infringe upon the rights—no! —not of the meanest of' his fellow citizens—still less endanger the safety of his country, Gentlemen, I shall be much misunderstood, if in there re marks it should be supposed that 1 have giren way to political or party feeling I can assure you nothing can have been fur ther (ruin my thoughts or intention. Indeed, .1 cannot but indulge a hope that in what I hare said, I shall obtain the concurrence of all parties—one only excepted ;—and with that • party I scruple not to avow implacable hostility-4 mean, Gentlemen, that party whose aim and object it is to subvert the Constitution of England, and to build upon its ruins a !‘ nameless, creedless, lawless" system of Anarchy anti Blood, in which every thing rile and refuse would struggle in wild riot on the surface—but every thing great or good must sink for ever? PARLIAMENT, enacting a law which, like all other laws, could only be justified on the ground of its expeihency for the public good. Therefore, in relation to its expediency, they were hound to consider its effects with regard to public I , p in ion ; and with respect to public opinion, it was impoasible to justify the enactment of such a measure as this when fotooled not on positive proof, but on presumption of a fact, drawn front the bare possibility of its having been committed. Bi caii'c the Princess of Wales, five years ago, when sailing it) a hot climate, reposed under an awning, on the deck of the vessel, one of her male attendants also reposing under the saute awn ing, and because it Was possible that in that sitmnion she might have committed adultery, it was proposed to t hem to de• grade her from her rank, on the ground of such conduct being a public scandal, and calculated to bring dishonour and dis. grace on the character of the nation. in the eyes of whom ? Of all Europe, as set forth in the preamble? No! but as ap peared by the evidence, of Gorgon() and Patntrzo, the Captain and the Mate ! They were the representatives of all Europe on this occasion. Their delicate perceptions, in matters of morality, had been shocked and scandalized by the spectacle of such conduct, and through them was the scandal reflected which would degrade and disgrace the character of England in the eyesaif all Europe I Gorgon() and Pattirco, therefore, their Lordships were called on to believe,ont of respect to the honour and character of a station, with which they had be come acquainted through some of its ships and sailors, which they might hole seen, gave existence to the Milan Coonnis slim, which was appointed to raise up the history of this scan (talons transaction. li' their Lordships looked for any miter evidence of the existence of this scandal and dishonour, they would look in vain. If they were led to affirm the preamble of the Bill, it must be from very different authority than any thing which had been proved at their bar. But this pious uncle, and his modest relation, he doubted not, if they hail been asked six months ago at Naples, what was the rea son of their coming torward with this statement, would have announced that it was because they expected to gain in the way of a handsome present (Gnion' regalo), an equivalent fur the reward of which Garguilo had been disappointed by Ber ganii. He had heard quoted in support of this measure the Bills for alter big the succession, But would those who re ferred to them say, that those Bills had been founded on con jecture ? And of what nature were the grounds on which it was proposed to them to pass this Bill ? Was there any one of those grounds which might hereafter, if this precedent were established, answer the purpose of a Bill to alter the succession ? The ground was, that the conduct of the party had herrn such as to create public scandal, and to bring dis credit on the moral character of the country. He did not mean to refer to any particular instance, but it WAS easy to conceive that at some future period it might happen that the person who by right of succession came to the throne might have previously been placed in a similar situation. Was it not possible that a few persons, either in or out of the Hou=e, might, by Motives of various kinds--.-either of ambition, or revenge, or jealousy, or malice, or meanness--for there were many wavS in which the temptation might present itself to erect such a circumstance into a charge against the illustri ous object of their persecution, who only reigned by virtue cif the Act of Settlement; and Sacchis, Hasstellis , Alajoccis, and such creatures, would not be wanting 'to swear to their troth ? And was well a charge to be made the pretext for setting aside the succession to the Throne? Were they to suppose that because, not three years ago, but three years be fore that, the Illustrious Object of the present measure had been guilty of conduct which they conceived pernicious in the way of example to the people of this country ; that therefore she must be presumed likely to pursue similar conduct, and to set a bad example in her new character of Queen; and on the ground of that presumption to be deprived of herdignity? This principle car riedinto action would reduce nsto the condition of an elective Monarchy. He then adverted to the circumstance of many Lords having voted for the second reading, on the supposition of the Bill being mitigated in the Committee, by dropping the divorce clause, and contended that such an omissions would make the measure still more objectionable. They were up to this moment clear of imputation, but a few short hours would decide whether the inconsistency which marked the origin of this Bill, and the mischiefs which had attended its progress, should be increased tenfold hereafter— whether, in short, this Bill should pass or not. Pass, how ever, it never could. Their Lordships would consider that 'they were bound to anew their own sense of justice, and that - no power on earth could efface their record. It was for them to consider. whether they would send their names down to posterity branded with the infamy of having passed a law upon bare presumption, to degrade and punish a Sovereign of their country. _ . HOUSE OF LORDS-YESTERDAY. THE QUEEN. continuation of Yesterdali's Proceedings.] The following is the conclusion of the Marquess of LANSDOWNL's Speech : The Noble Marquess contrasted the conduct and the professions of the Counsel and Prosecutor with their subsequent practices. Though the Learned-Gentlemen were to be considered in.some sort as parties to the Bill, the real cause to be tried was to have been 'l't nth retsws the Princess of Wales. If the Noble Earl opposite had been asked at the commencement, supposing any evidence to be prepared, which, while it threw suspicion upon the agency by which these charges had been collected, bore materially in favour of the Princess of Wales, and if that Noble Earl had been told that the greatest efforts.would he made to suppress that evi deuce, would be not have declared that he would be the last man in the House to countenance that suppression ? Let their Lordships mark the way in which they had been direct ed first of all to proceed, and the measures into which they were afterwards drawn. Let them remember that it was at Naples where that foul and licentious system of crime had been described' to have originated. And yet Dr. Holland, Plsysician to the Princess at that place and time, standing in that peculiar situation which gave him the best opportunity of ascertaining the truth, having commenced and ended his connection with the Princess at Naples, having there fore no strong feelings of obligation to bind hint to her in terest, being independent of her in circumstances, owing her nothing on the score of gratitude, and having an op portunity of securing patronage,' honour, and emolument, if he could have been swayed by any other motives titan the dictates of his honourable and manly wind—Doctor Holland swore, that having been five years at home in the Metropolis, he had never been called on, no inquiry had ever been made of him by ally of those prosecutors, or any of their numerous agents (being all so anxious for the elucidation and clear establishment of truth !)- respecting his observations of the conduct of the Princess of Wales. His Lordship applied the sante remark to the absence of Maurice Credi, who, it was clear, could have given material evidence for the cause of truth, though he might not have been very useful to the prosecutor. The same remark applied to the person who made the beds at Naples. Anne Brison was in the power of the Government—she had the care of the beds and bed linen. She could have established the guilt by evi dence of the acts, had they been committed. Anne Brisun was in this country, perhaps in Cotton-garden—of that be was not certain, for he'knew nothing of the mysteries of that place. When he recollected bow the Counsel for the Queen, who had the interests of their client to consult, had been taunted on account of holding back particular witnesses; and when he considered that on the part of the prosecution it had been professed that the only object was the discovery of truth, he considered that the House as well as the Queen, had been hardly dealt with, when they were not allowed to see that evidence, which, if the accusations were true, must have dis tinctly and, satisfactorily proved them. His Lordship proposed to pass lightly over those acts of supposed imprudence or in delicacy, which were not immediately connected with the case. If the direct evidence were unsatisfactory and suspici ous, if the fasts of adultery were not to be believed on ac count of the characters of the witnesses, their Lordships were not called on to inquire into other matters, and piirsue the Queen of England on an indefinite charge. If on the charge of impropriety, he were not prepared to pronounce a verdict of acquittal, be could not concur in those unqualified cen sures which had been bestowed on her conduct, and obliged to pronounce upon it, he should not do so without taking into consideration the peculiar circumstances of her Majesty's situation. Considfrieg the . humility which the infirmities of our common nature ought to have inspired, those re marks ought not to have been made. Let their Lordships con sider the difficulty they had in guiding their own conduct, especially in retired situations where they were less free from those rules, traditions, customs, manners, and moral rela tions, which mainly assisted them in discharging their moral duties satisfactorily to society and themselves. It was painfol for hint to have to refer to such considerations—ha did it only fur the purpose of spewing that the Queen's conduct, except so far as it related to the charge of the Bill, formed no question for their Lordships' deliberation. He had oo ' wish to offer explanation, or to attempt any mitigation of her Majesty's conduct; he had made those remarks in conse quence of expressions which bad fallen from one of their Lordships, and he made them because he was about to in sist that such considerations could not enter into the pre sent inquiry. He would not occupy their Lordships long; yet he was obliged to consider, io some measure, the na ture and character oldie proceeding upon which they were deliberating. They were bound to consider that circum stance, if they were resolved to do their ditty as men, as Judges, or as Legislators. A Noble Lord opposite had stated that Bills of Pains and Penalties had incurred, a hard name. Long may Bills of Pains and Penalties preserve their hard name ! The Noble Earl bad asked, and in that question he seemed' to be supported by the Noble and Learned Lord (Re ' dessiale)—What was it, after all, but a common Divorce Bill? This from those who had proposed to institute a Committee to search 'for precedents, not of Divorce Bills, but of Bills of Pains and Penalties only ! and had excluded from the Report the only Divorce case, that of the Duke of Norfolk, which it was nose known gave the accused every advantage that could be desired! Now that all the weight of the Bill of Pains and Penalties was pressing on the head of the Queen, the Noble and Learned Lord said, that there was little if any difference between this and a common Bill of Divorce ! Little indeed I There was as much difference as between a Bill to relieve the subject and a Bill to inflict penalties. Iu a Bill of Divorce, if any penalty occurred, it was only accessory matter to the relief tar which the plaintiff was entitled by the laws of the country ; but in a Bill of Pains and Penalties, the relief was only accessory, arid the penalties certain. He condemned, generally the principle of Bills of Pains and Penalties, observing, that whereas the laws of the coun try specified the punishment for an offence committed against thew, these Bills created a punishment for an offence which violated no preceding law.—After having thus grounded and guided their proceedings isy the pre cedents of Bills - of Pains and Penalties only, and not by those of Divorce Bills, thus to turn round and 'say that this was not a Bill of Pains and Penalties, but a Bill of Di vorce, and to pass it on this new ground, would he one of the harshest and most unjust proceedings that had ever been adopted. The present was then a Bill of Pains and Penalties, differing only from other Bills of Pains and Penalties in this, that in proportion as the rights and privileges of which it went to deprive its illustrious object were greater than those of other indisiduals, in proportion as the rank and station from which it sought to degrade tier were more exalted, the penalties which it enacted were heavier and more oppressive than those of other Bills. Another ground on which he felt decidedly opposed to this measure was, that it was most 'unpopular. Unpopular not to the rabble only, who might be excited • to raise their voices and to express their opinions against a measure of which they pos sessed no information, and were riot enabled to estimate its consequence by any knowledge of the history of their country, but unpopular also with all the best informed and most reflect ing portion of society, with those who knew how to judge of its principles, and could look to its future effects. What had been said of measures of this description by es-try persons who had written on the 'subject ? There were two authors to whom they were taught to look with respect for their sound Judgmeot en all matters connected with the principles and practice of our Constitution ; he alluded to Blackstone and Paley. If they found those • authors—Blackstone receding fronts the discussion of the subject, as in consciousness of its direct opposition to all those constitutional doctrines -which he had - inculcated; and Paley describing them as in their naturearesentially unjust, he' implored the authors of this proceeding to pause and consider its probable operation on -.- the minds - of the' reflecting part of the nation. As long as they felt deference 'for such authorities, so lossg must - they feel averse for antmeasure of this description. Their LOrdships . were bou! as Legislators, 'not only with respect to this Measure now before them,_ but also wills respect to any otheriaw, to'colisider its effects; H., called upon t o t c Lordships' to tecolleet that' they were passing . a law, n sentence—that they were not pronouncing a judgment, but accordinlr to his Majesty's Establishment in that behalf : frl ''se are to give notice, that the several Payments will be to be mace at the Pay-Office, by the Treasurer of his Navy, at Ten o'Clock in the morning, on the fol- days, ri? the 13th, 14th, and 15th of this Youth, to Admirals, in s , and their Attornies. tbe 15th, 17th, 20th, 21st, and 22d - of this Month, to ' , llenluts and Chaplains, and their Attornies. the 2=d and 24th of this Month, to Masters, Sur and Pursers, and their Attornips. which the Lists will be reeilied the first and third ;n 2very month, that all Persons may then and • ", attend to receive what may become payable to them ; • b. .ring with them an Affidavit as required by Order in ~ • of aith July, 1819, the Forms of which were publish advertisement from this Office, dated 16th Septem , 1 -8 1 a, and may he procured at the Office of the Treasurer Navy ; and in case any of the said Officers should able to attend themselves, lint employ Attornies for • !mrpose, that the said Attornies prod - uce the like Al . - ' • t!t from the Persons they are employed by. Where Officers are Abroad on leave, their Agents are to attested Copies of such Leave before the Half-Pay , paid. ;id as by Act of Parliament passed in the 3.-ith year of his I f . m , ! Majesty's R e ign, en tituled, " An Act for establish . . a more easy and expeditious method for the Payment of belonging to his Majesty's Navy," it is enacted by t• Clause of the said Act, "that if any Commissioned ', l arrant Naval Officer, who shall be entitled to receive and shall be desirous to receive and be paid the at or near the place of his Residence, he may apply-to • reasurer of his Majesty's Navy in London, to have such iy paid at or near the place of his Residence, &c. manner pointed out by the said Act." And by a fur • Act passed in the 36th year of his present Majesty's eittitoled, '' An Act for enabling the Officers in his Navy, and their Representatives, to draw for and ive their Half-Pay," it is enacted by the Ist and :3d rs tst the said Act, " that if any Officer iu his Majety's ~ who shall be entitled to receive any sum of money for account of his Half-Pay, shall he desirous of drawing a ,:1• " 5. Exchange fur the same upon the Commissioners of his Y.'s Navy, instead of receiving the same by Remittance • , he shall signify such desire by Letter to the Treasur e r • s Majesty's Navy; and that if any Officer in his Ma • Navy, who shall be entitled to receive any sum of mo ror or on account of Half-Pay, shall he desirous of having i t '! , lalf-Pay paid to him by Extract, at any.of hii Majesty's Wards, where Clerks for the Payment of Wages for the • shall reside, instead of receiving the same by Remit- Bill or Bill of Exchange, he is to apply either to the •• r Clerk at the Navy Pay-Office in London, ur at the IN . P..:-Oifice at such Dock Yard, signifying such his desire.' e is hereby farther given, that the Half-Pay ending the September, 1820, will commence paying on. the 13th ••velliber, and all Persons desirous of drawing for, or of , :t' their Half-Pay remitted to them, may apply as above A of Exchange d awn under or by virtue of the " . ,, -I , ove rec it e d, are nut liable to the Stamp Duty, N" Persons residing out of his Majesty's Deminioes are en ' •('-1 to th e privileges of the Act. .• IT,irranted to Sail on or before the 15th November, having the greater part of her Cargo engaged, FOR MADRAS AND CALCUTTA, r ' - r — i THE Fine Fast-sailing River-built ' ,77 ' 4 SHIP THAMES, A. I. JOHN LITSON, Com mander...,,..- Pairthen 370 tons. Lying in theKity t‘..:.? • Canal. Has very superior Accommodations •*: for Passengers, and carries a skilful 5ur ,,..... , geon. „, l ''' , 77eight or Passage apply to BUCKLES, BAGSTER, -- '` l BUCHANAN, 33, Mark•lane. 3 'th October, 18i0. ,rranted to Sail on or before Ist January, 1841, 41aving the greater part of her Cargo engaged, FOR MADRAS AND BENGAL, 1 7 . --. . THE Fine New Coppered Teak ri• , f o r .f, ' 4* SHIP MOFFATT, THOMAS W. ALDHAM, ..- - 't 1 Commander. Uurthen 750 tons. Lying in the ~: • • =..4,21 1 City Canal. Has very superior Accommoda ,, .. . lions for Passengers; for which, or for Freight, t.. - :.. apply to the Commander, at the Jerusalem Co& •-, I louse ' or to BUCKLES, BAGSTER,and BUCHANAN, ' -, \lark- lane. I --‘ t ‘ It October, 1820. Lord MANNERS entered into an explanation of such parts of his speech as had been alluded to by the Noble Marquis ; but his Lordship spoke in so low a tone of voice as to be in audible below the Bar. We understood his Lordship to dis claim any intention of misrepresenting any part of the evi dence in this Case, and he trusted that no Noble Lorii would think him capable of doing so, merely to support a different opinion from his own. The Marquess of LANSDOWN declared that nothing Was farther from his intention than to impute any improper mo ti -es to his Noble Friend. The Earl of LIVERPOOL, in . explanation, said, that he was ready to admit that Siccsrd • Was not sent home with a view to favour the criminal intercourse which was takin g place. He adrliitted that it was done in pursuance of a pre vious arrangement which had been made. But he begged to observe, that, when Siccard was sent borne, it was with an express understanding that 'he was shortly afterwards to re turn, and he was ordered to remain in a state of prepara tion, to do so whenever Called upon. But although he did remain in that state of preparation, he never was called up on to return. How far this might affect the question, it was not then his intention to discuss, but s he thought it was worthy of remark. There was another point on which the Noble Marquess had misunderstood him. It was with refer ence to the Bill of Pains and Penalties. He never did say any such thing as was attributed to him. He had said that a Bill of Pain(' and Penalties was a very harsh measure, but he called upon their Lordships to look at the effect of it in the present case, giving it as his opinion, that,.taking the enact ment* of the Bill as they then were, it was not a measure of greater severity in its effect than any Divorce Bill against the wife of one of their Lordships. The Earl of LAUDERDALE wished to explain himself on two points :—tbe first was, that be had been represented to state that Flimflam was an nuwilling evidence. Hr was ob liged to his Noble Friends, for they had made his case stronger than he had made it himself. SETTLERS intending- to proceed to Wit' '' 7 ,,,,,, , r ' NEW SOUTH VAN DIEMAN'S LAND and NE SOUTH r:A)1, ''':,,,`.. WALES, are respectfully informed, that the •''' ..,1;,!4,., fine first claw SHIP GRACE, of 250 tons, Ws-,,,.7:--, ._...' 11.t1BERT LETHBRIDGF, Commander, will follow the DUCHESS OF YORK, and sail 4. ,,. : in Decemb.2r. She has fine heights between Decks, 1 ,, , ' t'xcellent Accoruodations for • both Cabin and Steerage ;;; . ,7 4 Kers. She is'lying in the London Dock. 4 , , , r :C Freight or Passage, apply to BUCKLES, BAGSTER, ' 1 1 t HAN AN, 33, Mark-lane. er.1....... Earl GREY said, that although his Noble Friend bail a right to explain, if he had been misrepresented, yet be hail no right to combat all the arguments that had been h► ought against him. The Earl of LAI7DERDALE.--" I do not know what my Noble Friend means, but I must say, where a witness gives his testimony unwillingly, it becomes more important. lam accused of adding make-weights to the charges against the Queen." -- L , ,rd SUFFIELD did not think this was any explanation at all. The Earl of LAUDERDALE, with some warmth, said, " Then I do nut know what explanation is." The LORD CHANCELLOR said, the Noble Lord no doubt wished to explain, but he had certainly gone beyond explanation. . - Here great confusion arose, in consequence of several Peers claiming at the same time the attention of the, House. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that it was his duty to state, that the Duke of Northumberland first caught his eve. The Duke of NORTHUNIBERL.AND then said, that. being unwilling to give a silent vote on this painful and important question, he tote to state that the allegations in the Preamble of this Bill with respect to'ber Majesty appeared to him to have been satisfactorily and conipletely proved. After bar ing paid the strictest attention to the evidence which had been adduced on both sides of the question, the manner in which the witnesses had given that evide h n e c c e o , l a d f , t i ea a tt c e an nd s i e n i g m to the 'speeches of COunsel, and to the 'arguments -of Noble Lords, he felt in his cOnScielice convinced that a long course Of indecent familiarities and of adulterou s in tercourse had taken place between the Princess of Wales and herler• that rant r " :l 4 l a aVs ' t y o it t h d dthries im pression , n i,nit f et Consort of England; and at the head of the feinales of this chaste and moral coun try. Ott their grounds he should feel hirnSelf under the cissity of voting for the Bill, unless by some minor propped:. inns the infloi•nce orthe'Queen could be removed from them, It was the with pain that be expressed these sentiments; bat Gentlemen, I will now dismiss you to your duties, and I have no doubt you will perform them in such a'ainuner, as once again to claim the tbaaks of your country. LEICESTER. On the resignation of the late Recorder of this lo 4 ). , EDWARD GOULBURN, ions Es .was chosen f 'uccessor, and at the first Sesons held be "l'4' hiin o n the 19th ultimo, he delivered the . - wing Charge to the Grand Jury : 1 - r tuti eme „ of th e Grand Jury. . "at Me th insensil to the feeling which must predominate t ninds upo is first occasion of our pyg,ublic inter -44,1, ' am well aware that you cannot find yourselves f e "ed. from this chair by a stranger, without at case look "tc.k. to the connexion so lung subsisting with your late „,,Tl',,!ier, which has recently terminated and, lam equally Gentlemen, that such a retrospective feeling must be .4 1 -...! a very painfulcharacter ; because, knowing my Learn „ii.."etid a n d P redecessor as we:; as I have the good fortune ~,.`and all hi s rare an d est i ma bl e qua li t k x—and b earing t. i d nd the long period during which those qualitieo-were f r into exercise under your immediate view—l am per 1' t hat you cannot have parted with such an individual, at.) a cquaintance of such (fiation and intimacy, without 4 ,0 of deep and affectiutrate regret. I beg to assure you c."Ylnaathize with you in those feelings; and, indeed, y„ h i e li " is S , t Inc to add for myself, that when I look back itier in wh ic h this chair has.been filled during more e.,irYears, and wh en I ca ll to m i n d (as cannot fail to do tu" tot'illy) my own h um bl e pre t ens i ons , an d con t ras t t h em A , L great legal k now l e d ge --th e s pl en did t a l en t s — t h e 1„, 1 4 9 deserved repination of let wo was so lung and so its occupant—l have, in ruth h , abundant cause for li n an xious, many a mistrustful thought. At the sam e „ i t' sill not disguis e th a t I b are b een re li eve d f rom muc h ) 3 5 , 1 feeling b y t h e knowledge which my Learned Friend • 11° Ned to me, of the character and uniform course of of those with whom I have the honour and happi4- r„ ) associated. I have already learned from him to wt,,,.nuni "4 te comfort, that I am surrounded by Magistrates yiil,*"t re as convers an t with their duty as th e y are upright•and n„ in it 3 fulfilment. And you must allow me to add, m 7 satisfaction,' that he has not left me ignorant of. tit, ata cter-of that body whom I have now the honour to ad- Can assure you that I already know, full well, the. t w hich the Grand Inquest of this Borough have y mai ntained to th e goo d op i n i on o f t h e i r f e ll ow how much th e y h ave. contr ib ute d , b y t h e active an d iirious discharge of their important duties,towards oh. 6 fur the Toslin its present high reputation. And, cer- r iis titco 3 ,,,` '4a 'l° ~ITf 0 % WOl~ ;ovie• - ►ousQe d e ' ) reA' iia are° 41 113 - chat" Lion943' ar iv" I► 4 • Sao; al Y. I._.pece ). 1 e Ltiia L. e 1. .01 11i°1 to LII )ssibig. ": is o" ''' o le " Dat il° ie 0 ,01/ he " cir bigij _, 5 311 ,4 11 9, V,' • Y t 4t 1 1 f (t