The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-02 00:00:00

tain friendly relations with the Government of Austria? Have you given that Government reason to entertain friendly relations with you ?—(Hear.) Have you reason to believe that it does entertain friendly feelings towards you ?—(Hear.) Are you, or are you not, the only Pow er of Europe to whom th e overnment of Austria has not offi cially, by the mission of an embassy, signified the acces sion of the present Monarch to the throne? And more than that, has that mission, er has it not, been accompa nied by an intimation that the cause of it, as respects you, and you alone, was the unfri en dly attitude which the Go vernment of this country has assumed towards the Emperor of Austria ? You were in great haste last year to enter upon diplomatic relations with the Cour t of Rome. Do y ou enter tain friendly relations with the Sovereign of the . Roman States? Have you not, with regard to t he Italian provinces, with re gard to Rome, Naples, and Sicily, taken a stepwhich an illus trious man and an upright M inister in his last work has declared to be a thing which a Government cannot undertake with safety? Have you not sown underhand the spirit of disaf fection?—(Hear.) And have you not vainly attempted at the last to strangle the creature which was the creation of your own proceedings? Have you not fostered the spirit of disaffection in the shell, and vainly sought to quell it when it broke the shell? If I am not mistaken, in the course of last session, when I ventured to express, with every respect for the motives and amiable disposition and kind feelings of the Sovereign Pontiff, my doubt whether he would be able to check the revolutionary spirit, to which no doubt with very different and very praiseworthy feelings he had given encouragement, I was assured, with regard to Naples, Rome, and Florence, the intervention and advice of the Noble Earl the Lord Privy Seal had been of infinite im portance and use in encouraging liberal institutions, and that the Sovereign Pontiff would be able to stem any excess of public feeling if he lent himself to the advice of the Noble Earl. What has been the result of the encouragement he has given to liberal institutions, fostered and supported by the Prince and the people, and by the special mission of a Cabinet Minister? The consequence has been that the head of the Roman Catholic Church, the undoubted Sovereign of the Roman territories, has been wholly unable to stem the torrent of which he broke down the dam in the first instance at your advice and by your support, and at this moment he is in an exile from his do minions; and those dominions are under the control and management, if any control there prevail, of no regular or systematic Government, but of a club or association—call it , as you will—the open and avowed advocates of foul and atrocious murder.—(Hear,/hear.) What has_been the result of your intervention in Naples and Sicily? I will not follow the Noble Lord who has just sat down through his historical statement of the relations between this country and Sicily and Naples; but I cannot help say ing I think it would have been more to the purpose of the Noble Lord, in commenting upon the obligations which this country had incurred, had he commenced his researches at a somewhat later period, and had referred to the present state of things, and to the Government, not of Naples, not of Sicily—for by our guarantees and treaties they are not in dependent and separate states—we dealt not with Sicily or Naples, but we had an alliance and treaty with the King of the Twe Sicilies, and with him alone in that capacity was it competent for us to deal.—(Hear.) I took the liberty last year to ask the Government for some information as to the principle on which it was their intention to interfere in the affairs of Sicily. There was at that time a very general belief that the British and French squadrons were, by the order of the Government, to interfere for the purpose of preventing the sailing of the expedition of the King of Naples to recover his Sicilian dominions. No answer was given to that question. In point of fact no intervention did take place—that armament did sail from Naples and was uninterrupted although followed by the British squadron. Far better would it have been, in my judgment, had that humanity which is so prominently put forward in her Majesty's Speech inter vened sad prevented the sailing of that squadron, than that the British fleet should first have permitted it, and then in terfered at the time and in the manner in which it did inter fere. For this has been the consequence—and it has been the consequence in every country in which they have inter fered—that they have alternately given encouragement and support to each of the contending parties. Each in turn has been led to believe that they might count upon support, or at least on the neutrality of the British Government; but, each in turn has found itself deceived and betrayed by the Government which they thought they could trust. The horrors of civil war have been prolonged and aggravated to an incalculable degree by the vacillating policy of the British Government, and your reward, the just, equitable, unfailing, certain reward—must have been, and has been this—that you are distrusted and con demned by both parties with whom you have interfered. I heard, with some astonishment, from the language of her Majesty's Speech, that it is upon the unauthorised act of the British and French admirals, not acting on instructions from their Governments, that rests the burden of the responsibility of that intervention. At the period of that intervention the Sicilian struggle was virtually over ; the King of Naples had virtually taken possession of Messina. Messina was the stronghold of the Insurgents, and the successful revolt of Sicily was hopeless. I fear—l hope it may not be so—but I fear when these papers are produced, that even after the in tervention took place, and that unwarrantable prohibition of the army proceeding with its operations was published, the strict neutrality professed by her Majesty's Government was not in point of tact observed by the British squadron. I fear it will appear, if all the papers connected with this transaction are laid before us, that all the moral influence of the British arms and power was thrown in Sicily into the scale of the insurgents, and against the Monarch with whom we had treaties. I hope it is not true that any British officer should be so far for getful of his duty as to appear in public holding a tricoloured flag, and that he should have said the cause of Sicily was the cause of England and of France, and that they might rely on their support. I shall rejoice to hear that no officer has been so forgetful of his duty as to join in public clamour and in vivas for the independence of Sicily. I confess I heard with surprise from the Noble Lord, and I hope I shall not hear from any other Noble Lord, the cry raised in this House for the independence of Italy—that phantom which I thought had long since vanished into thin air, or that the Go vernment of Austria in the Milanese district was a brutal Government, that ought to be denounced. Setting aside all our connexions and the ties of friendship with Austria, -placing the Government of Austria on the merits of its ad ministration, I believe that the administration of that Go vernment may challege comparison with the administration of any Government, however free or liberal the institutions of that Government may be. The Noble Earl, in moving the Address, referred to the paragraph of her Majesty's Speech in which her Majesty said :—" It was satisfactory to her to be enabled to state that, both in the north and RI the south of Europe, the contending parties had owasented to a suspension of arms for the purpose of negotiating terms of peace." With regard to that paragraph, it is not very clear who are the contending parties who have agreed to a suspension of hostilities. No distinction is drawn between the consent to the suspension in the north and the consent to the suspension in the south. It is false that there is any suspension of hostilities between Austria and Turin, except that which was so eloquently and humorously ad verted to by my Noble Friend—that the King of Sardinia has been foiled in his most unjust aggression. There is, as far as I know, no suspension of hostilities between the Sove reign Pontiff and his subjects at Rome. But now, with re gard to this negotiation, by what principle, by what right are you entering upon any negotiation whatever ?—(Hear.) What is the object of that negotiation ? As regards Austria and Lombardy, what have you to negotiate for? From those provinces, to which Austria has an undoubted right, the Sing of Sardinia has been driven, and the war there is virtually at an end. Are you going to carry your love of liberal principles so far in the person of Charles Albert as that, having refused to mediate at a time when Austria was anxious for your mediation, now, when the success of Austria is complete, without the consent of Austria you are about to negotiate and to propose terms of mediation, by which the King of Sardinia should derive some advantage from his most unprincipled aggression ? The liing,of Naples has not asked for our assistance. All he desires is simply to be left alone.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was not an unreasonable request his Majesty made, that he should be allowed to manage his own dominion without our meddling interference.—(Cheers.) We have no more right to be interfering between Naples and Sicily, than the King of Naples has to intermeddle in our affairs. But, in spite of the protest of the King of Naples, we are going, it appears, to effect what we conceive to be a just and equitable solution of the question, having already given a rather premature intimation of our views when we sanctioned the offer of the throne of Sicily to the son of the King of Sar dinia.—(Hear, hear.) I will not ask whether, in the threatened.negotiations, the King of Naples is to be insulted with the proposition that Sicily is to be governed by a Sici lian assembly and garr i sone d b y a Si c ili an army—l w i ll not tboe an independent that you can have the eff ron t er y t o o ff er suc h terms independent sovereign as the solution of this question, until I actually see evidence of it in the black and white of official documents._( Hear, hear.) But do you mean to deal with parties on equal terms? Is it your intention to force each to accept your terms, or, in the event of either rejecting them, to leave the parties to settle the dispute as they i esi3 B,._(Hear, hear. ) The state of our foreign relat ions most unsatisfactory. With almost every country we are, not involved in quarrels, at least upon an unfriendly footing. ,hear.) o That this country is not engaged in hostilities with most of her allies is attri butable, not to your discretion, Tttrte o their wise moderation an d forbearance.---(Cheers.is one Government— if, indeed, it can be called a Government l —the u G n o d y e e r rn al m l t e h n e t of a great and po w er f u l country, Scue that e of t v h e e , difficulties with which it is struggling, with we are u friendly terms. I will ta aL this a w rn hi h opportunityb h e a l t i r I repeating pon what I have often said— k sentiment will obtain the concurrence of every man here, that the continuance of a good understanding between this coun try and France is at all times essential to the maintenance of the peace of Europe.—(Hear, hear.) How is it that we have maintained friendly relations with France? Because our Government has cautiously and prudently abstained from all interference in the domestic affairs of that country —.because you allowed the French to settle their own Go. vernment, without obtruding on them your interference, advice, and negotiations.—(Hear, hear.) B ut thou g h y ou have friendly relations with France at this moment, who can predict that for a fortnight, we may be able to maintain amicable relations with them? Passing a week, or a day, from our foreign relations, the Royal Speech next informs us that " a rebellion of a formidable character has broken out in the Punjaub," and then goes on to say that the " tranquillity of British India has not been affected by the unprovoked disturbances." If I know anything of the force of language, a rebellion means the rising of subjects against their lawful sovereign. In terms you exclude the Punjaub from the Queen's dominions in British India. You have never claimed it. I do not venture to express an opinion as to whether policy may render it desirable, or ne cessity may make it unavoidable, to annex the Punjaeb to our territories in India, but at present it is no portion of the British dominions ; and, though there has been a rising in the Pnnjaub, you are not justified in designating it by the not unimportant or insignificant word "rebellion." The fact, however, is incontestable, that a war of a formidable cha racter has broken out in the Punjaub, to conduct which to a successful issue it will be necessary to employ a portion of her Majesty's forces in addition to those at the disposal of the East India Company. With respect to Ireland, we are told that the insurrection in that country has not been renewed, but that a spirit of disaffection still exists, and that it is neces sary to ask for a continuance for a limited time of the coercive pon ers which Parliament entrusted to the Government last session. The Noble Lord who moved the Address told us that Ireland was in a better state now than it was in last year, when a storm was threatening there. I need not tell your Lordships that the storm burst mad did not prove very formidable in its the strong The outbreak is Ireland was suppressed by the strong arm —by the military force and by nothing else, and the moment you reduce that force, the moment you take off' the pressure, the storm is ready to bur s t forth again ; for the spirit of disaffection is still rife‘in that country, and the forcible suppression of the late outbreak has not produced upon the minds of the great body of the people the slightest effect as regards the hopelessness, and still les s as regards the criminality of these designs.—(Hear, hear.) Wi t ', re , spect to our foreign relations, then, it appears that we are upon amicable terms only with France; with respect to India, we are engaged in a formidable war there, and in two or three of our colonies insurrection has already broken out, which it will require a considerable body of troops to quell. I regret to see that in some other of our colonial possessions the feeling of exasperation at the treatment which they have experienced from the Imperial Legislature has engendered a spirit amounting now to discontent, but which is fast ripening into disaffection, and, as they despair cf obtaining relief from the mother country, no dne can be bold enough to predict the re sult.—(Hear, hear.) Lastly, we have Ireland almost uni versally disaffected—a country in which the ordinary process between man and man can be enforced by military power alone. In the face of all this Ministers have had the confidence to place in the mouth of their Sovereign the astounding declaration that the aspect of affairs is such as to enable them to effect large reductions in the :estimates. — (Loud cries of "Hear.") I venture to state, openly and fearlessly, that it is not the aspect of affairs abroad or in Ire land, but the aspect of affairs in another place, which has in duced the Government to make reductions. I believe that they have no alternative but to do as they are ordered.— (Cheers.) I believe it is possible to effect some reductions in the civil departments of the army, ordnance, and navy, I also think that large reductions may be made by checking the abuses which exist in the administration and management of the dockyards.—(Hear, hear.) But the greatest security we could obtain for having the work well done in the dockyards would be the passing of an enact ment to deprive all persons employed in those yards from voting for Members of Parliament.—(Cheers) I have heard at least 20 naval officers express an opinion that until per sons employed in the dockyards shall be prevented from voting for Members of Parliament, it will be impossible to exercise efficient control over the work performed in those establishments.—(Hear, hear.) If reductions can be effected, in God's name let them be made, and, although one may wonder why such a course has been so long delayed, I will applaud the Government which shall economise with out prejudice to the permanent interests of the empire. But when the country is in a position which requires that she should have all her resources and powers at hand, I cannot concur with those who, for the sake of economy, would largely diminish the naval and military forces of the country. —(Hear, hear.) I observe it is announced that the Govern ment intends in the course of the present session to take some steps with reference to the amendment of the law for the re lief of the poor in Ireland. Now, without undervaluing the labours of a Committee of either House of Parliament, my opinion is, that if the Government mean to lay before the Committee a clear statement of the amendments which they intend to propose in the law, and ask the Committee merely to occupy themselves with the details, they will obtain the cheerful and candid co-operation of both parties in Parlia ment ; but if it be the object of the Government to throw the whole question before a Committee in order that they may inquire into that which has already been inquired into usque ad nauseam; and when we have a Lord-Lieutenant who, I am glad to declare, discharges the duties of his high station in a praiseworthy manner to men of all parties, and willing to receive their suggestions and ad vice—then, I say that Ministers will s h r i n k f ro m the respon sibility which properly belongs to them, and will betray their duty to their Sovereign and their country.—(Cheers.) It is announced also in the Speech from the throne, that it is the intention of the Government to submit to the considera tion of Parliament a measure for the repeal or modification of the navigation laws. Now I must declare my fixed opi nion, founded upon all the inquiry I have been able to make, is, with regard to these laws, very contrary to the assump tions of her Majesty's Speech. I hold that the maintenance of the navigation laws—not in every part of their details, but in all the integrity of their every principle, is essential and indispensable to our maritime supremacy, and does not check or impede the commerce of the country in any degree, to be placed for a single moment as a counterbalance and coun terpose to the vital and paramount consideration of maintaining our maritime supremacy. Therefore, whilst I assent in this qualified manner to the portion of the Address which relates to this subject, in which I think most of your Lordships will be disposed to concur with me, I ex press my firm determination at the present moment to resist any attempt that may be made to modify materially, or in terfere with, the essence and integrity of these laws.—(Hear, hear.) I come now to the last portion of her Majesty's Speech upon which I have to comment. Upon those por tions to which I have already adverted, much as dissent from many of their statements, and very un satisfactory as I deem them to be I do not feel my self called upon to offer your Lordships any amendment. But, my Lords, in the portion to which I now come, there appears to me to be so exaggerated and so erroneous a view presented of the actual state of the trade and commerce of the country, and it appears to me to be so necessary that there should be placed before the country a clear and per fect knowledge of the view which Parliament takes of the actual condition of the great interests to which I have al luded, that reluctant as I am on all occasions like the pre sent to interfere with the unanimity of your Lordships upon the Address in answer to her Majesty's Speech, I still feel it my duty to submit to your Lordship? consideration an amendment upon this paragraph of the Address, and I trust your Lordships will think proper to accede to it. My Lords, it is stated in the Royal Speech that her Majesty has great satisfaction in stating that the trade and commerce of the country are reviving from those shocks which at the commencement of last session we all had to deplore ; and it is also stated that the condition of the manufacturing interests is more encouraging than it has been for some time before; and further, that the revenue is in a state of progressive improvement. My Lords, I cannot think this statement conveys a fair and accurate representa tion of the state of the manufacturing and commercial interests of the country, or of the state of the revenue. It is no doubt true that the panics of last year and of 1847 are much mitigated; but we are strangely mistaken indeed, if we suppose that the results of that panic on the com merce of the country have ceased to be felt. We are greatly mistaken if we suppose that the commerce or manufactures of this country are in a state of even comparative prospe rity; and I think the few documents to which I shall appeal too abundantly show that a too favourable view is taken in this her Majesty's Speech with regard to these matters. First, with reference to finance, " the progressive improve ment in the revenue." I hold in my hand the last quarter's statement of the revenue, and I find that the revenue for the last year (I speak now, of course, of the ordinary revenue of the country) exceeds by something like 900,0001. the revenue of the preceding year ; and there is an excess of ! revenue in the Customs to the amount of 900,0001. There is a falling off in other branches. There is an increase—an apparent increase —in the Excise to the amount of 1,100,0001. ; but that is explained by a transfer account that has taken place between the Excise and the Stamps and Taxes. On the other hand, there is a decrease of between 800,0001. and 900,0004 ; but the amount of the Customs revenue—the amount of the sur plus in this year, of a "progressive improvement" in the re venue is, so far as I can judge, within a very limited sum indeed, precisely the difference that arises from the duty on foreign corn, and which duty did not exist in 1847. And how are you to support this " progressive improvement" of revenue? Why, you are about this very day to cut off the only source from which that surplus is derived.—(Rear, hear.) But, my Lords, another. significant matter with re spect to those figures is, that there is a small, but not un important decrease in the property-tax—a diminution to the amount of 103,000/. ; and this is caused not by any mere casual remissness in one quarter, as compared with another; and every diminution under the head property tax, of re ceipts into the Exchequer, is an indication of the loss of capital on which the tax is levied to the amount of 33 times the loss of revenue stated. The ;apparent loss of 103,0001., small as the sum appeared on so large an amount as the property-tax realised, is an indication that British capital and property liable to that tax is lost and destroyed to the extent of three millions and a half. Now, I see in this no reason to boast of the returning prosperity of the manufac turing and commercial interests. I will now appeal to a paper on the table, periodically published under the autho rity of the Board of Trade. The last returns showed that in the six leading articles of British manufacture—cotton, silk, woollen, linen, hardware, and earthernware, so far from there being an improvement in the amount of the exports in 1848, there was actually a diminution in the exports of those six articles alone, as compared with 1847, of 4,000,0u0/. sterling in value, and as compared with 1846, of 5,200,000/. These exp or t s one had felled off since 1846, from 87 millions to 32 millions within a fraction. There is another test of prosperity, not applicable, certainly, to the manufacturing interests alone, to which I shall refer—l mean the withdrawal of deposits in the savings' banks. I have consulted several documents relating to different parts of the country, and from one and all, almost without excep tion, the withdrawals .of deposits from the savings' banks throughout the country during the present year exceeds those of six previous years by a sum of between 40,000/. and 50,0001.—(Hear, hear.) The general tenor and character of the Speech, then, do, even with regard to the manufacturing and commercial interests, and the state and prosperity or the revenue, give a more favourable view of the condition of the country than we are warranted by the facts of the case in drawing. And I must observe that I am quite as tonished that her Majesty's Ministers, professing in the Queen's Speech to give a review of the social condition of the country, should have passed by, either with indifference, and as altogether unworthy of notice, or in the belief that they were labouring under no difficulties or depression, interests, which, to say the least of them, do not yield in magnitude or importance to the vast commercial and manufacturing inte rests of the country—l allude to the agricultural and colonial interests of this empire ; and yet, look where you will, go to what authority you please, this fact will not be denied, not even by the Minister for the Home Department, regarding the agricultural interests, nor even by the Secretary of State for the Colonies with respect to the West Indies, that those interests are labouring at this moment under a state of deep and sericusdspression.—(Hear.) My Lords why then this total omission of all mention of those interests? Why had the slightest indication been grasped at of returning prosperity in the manufacturing and commercial interests, whilst these grave particulars relating to, what I venture to call the great vital and fundamental interests of every country, are treated with a contemptuous or indifferent silence?—(Bear, hear.) I believe the maintenance of these interests is essen tial to the prosperity of this country. Nay, more, I will say this, th e a n t tb i ts fear the find rthe measures of her Majesty's Government ,v,reernagoing far to pe r p e t ua t e an d in crease t h e ru i n an d dis tress or, I flow impending over both of these great interests. My t ea h re a d t u w p i o t n h a re m ga o r s d t m to is b t o ak th en of co t u h r e s m e , of th p e ol G iu O y - . I am gl a d to that my Noble and Learned Friend now gives his powerfai aid subvert it .a combination and advocacy to the landed interest when he feels that .eombination is already organized to cuirnori.i which, as I anticipated when we passed the unhappy fled there, but, following up landed interests of this ° f fa f a h -o e u N r o o f ble de clared its fixed intention to tie aria t s ' great colonial interests of the em •• receive the powerful support of (Lord Brougham), at last, in measure, would not rest satis fied fatal onslaught upon the openly and avowedly annihilate and destroy the justiceai d t Leaf i ned Lord pire. We are now about to and colonial interests. He has noticed the unconstitutional and illegal mode in which that combination prosecuted jtlanded e u d t T u t fatal and pernicious purposes; and I trust that my Noble and Learned Friend, warned by experience, and I trust your Lordships also, warned by not experience merely, but also by his honest confession, will not lend your countenance or sup port for the attainment of any object, however desirabl e effected b be is not sought to y wise, by honourable, by safe, instead it may be in itself, that of by violent er dan gerous or uuconstitutional means.—(Hear, hear.) My Lord s , of with no less confidence, with no less conviction the truth of my opinions, whilst I unhesitatingly profess myself no advocate for any unnecessary or vexatious restrictions upon commerce, I no less unhesitatingly declare myself an uncom promising enemy to tha t miscalled, that one-sided, that bastard system termed " free trade," which was introduced by her Majesty's Government, to the benefit of the foreigner, and the detriment of British industry ; and I avow myself also to be an uncompromising adherent of that old principle which felt it to be wise, and just, and equitable to give protection—not prohibition —not monopoly—not more than a necessary pro tection, to counterbalance the disadvantages experienced by your own producerin this country, and encountered by your fellow-countryman, wherever he may be found. I hear many say that this Pr' • inciple of " free trade" having been deliberately adopted, and confirmed by the Legislature of this country, that adjustment must be considered as final, and never again to be interfered with. My Lords, from that principle, and from that position, I most emphatically dissent. I continue to believe that protection to the products of Bri tish industry is a sound, a rational, and a national policy-- (Hear) and I will never consent to establish what has already been done in an opposite direction as a stepping -stone from which we are to proceed in all our future legislation, and to take it as un fait accompli, that protection to British industry must henceforth be abandoned. On the contrary, lam here THE SUN, to declare before your Lordships and the country, strength ened by experience of every succeeding day, my conviction that this country will never prosper—that you will never be able to thwart and defeat the dangerous designs of mischievous men, bent upon still farther measures of p er ill ous change, and having, as they imagine, at length grasped the lever by which they hope to upheave and up root the old and venerable fsundations of this country —my Lords, I say every day's experience convinces me more and more that if you hope to see the return of prosprrity to the manufacturing and commercial interests, as well as of the landed and agricultural interests, including in these latter interests not the country gentlemen alone, but the farmers, and also the labourers of England—(Hear, hear) — you must retrace the steps you have taken —you must return to make a large portion of your revenue depend upon the product of moderate import duties—you must return to the principle of protection, and not only is my conviction firm that this is that to which, if you are wise, you will return, but my belief moreover is strong, that at no very distant period to that principle and to that system the feeling and deliberate opinion of the country will compel you to return.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, with the view I take, it is hardly necessary for me to waste your Lordships' time by referring to the present prices of agricultural pro duce, or to waste your time by showing that the farming interests of this country are in a state of considerable depres sion. I have, indeed, heard that, as has been said lately, on tke authority of a very distinguished individual, after all, the wheat crop is a very small proportion of farmers' produce. —(A laugh.) I can easily conceive that at the present moment thanks to your Lordships' le gislation and that of the other House of Parliament, —the farmers' wheat crop does constitute a very small item of his annual produce. At the present moment the price of corn is 455. per quarter—the precise amount to which I ven tured, in the debate on the corn-laws, to express my opinion free trade would bring down the regular price of corn in this country; and that at the price of 455. you would have intro duced, one year with the other, something like four million quarters. Now it singularly enough happens that the price of wheat at this moment, I believe, is 455. and a fraction per quarter, and that in the course of last year—a year, be it observed, of very moderate prices—there wer6 imported about 5,000,000 quarters of all descrip tions of corn. I say it is impossible, if these prices are to be permanent, that the agricultural operations of this country can be carried on with profit to the farmer; and I say that if they cannot so be carried on with a profit, the loss will in a very short time fall, not upon him, but upon the labourers employed, and all connected with the agricultural interest. But, my Lords, there is a most significant fact staring us in the face at the present moment, and I appeal as to this, not to figures, but to your Lordships' expe rience, and I speak to men connected with almost all parts of the country upon the point, and I ask if experience throughout the kingdom, and more especially in the southern counties, does not show, that in spite of the low prices that were to bring about universal plenty, happiness, and contentment, there is a larger amount of vagrancy, a greater amount of mendicancy, and a greater number of able-bodied agricultural labourers thrown upon the poor-rates than there ever was before? I ask your Lordships whether these increasing evils are not pressing exclusively upon the land, and becoming more into lerably burdensome than they have ever been at any other period? Now, if this be really the truth—if this fearful state of things is actually going on—then it is not honest to sink the fact. I believe, my Lords, that you have given, in her Majesty's Speech, an erroneous and exaggerated colouring, even of the state of those interests that are mentioned in it; and that there is an entire omission in that Speech—not, perhaps, wilfully—on the part of her Majesty's advisers, but still most censurably, of all mention of important interests now in distress, and ap proaching their ruin. I will not now enter into details re garding our West Indian colonies. I have to thank your Lordships for having so patiently listened to me while endea vouring to correct what I deem to be serious mis-statements in her Majesty's Speech; and I must also apologise most unfeignedly to you for my having been drawn, in the course of my hasty remarks, to an unexpected length. I have to move, as an amendment upon the Address before your Lord ships, that at the conclusion of the paragraph which de clares the state of the revenue to be one of progressive im provement, and after thanking her Majesty for that com munication, that the following words be inserted, viz.— We regret, however, to be compelled humbly to represent to your Majesty, that neither your Majesty's relations with foreign Powers, nor the state of the revenue, nor the con dition of the commercial and manufacturing interests of the country are such as, in our opinion, justify us in addressing you- Majesty in language of congratulation, and that large portions of the agricultural and colonial interests of the empire are labouring under a state of progressive de pression, calculated to excite serious apprehensions and anxieties." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE next rose to address the House, but Ins speech was very inaudible in the gallery. We understood him to say that he must begin by stating that had it not been for the speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down, he would have been perfectly content to rest the grounds of his vote in favour of the Address that had been moved that night upon the speeches of the two Noble Lords behind him. But after what had fallen from the Noble Lord who had last addressed the House, he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) felt it necessary to make a few observations. The Noble Lord who had just sat down, was pleased to conjecture that this silence had been occasioned by the supposition on his (Lord Lansdowne's) part, that the speech of the Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Brougham) was favour able to the Address, and to the policy which it recommended. Such was the simplicity with which the Noble Lord had been pleased to charge him. But ,he did certainly think th e Noble Lord had shown a s much simplicity when he con sidered, as he (Lord Lansdowne) well keew at the time and expected he would consider, the speech of the Noble Lord, which went so much further in approbation, and therefore so much less in disapprobation of the Address, to be in favour of the sentiments he himself had just expressed. —(Hear, hear.) Yet although he congratulated himself upon having secured the assistance and approbation of the Noble and Learned Lord in favour of what he was pleased to call the landed interest, that Noble and Learned Lord had taken the opportunity already of reminding him that he must not congratulate himself on having secured his assistance in going back wards—( Hear, hear)—to protection, which he had just an nounced to their Lordships as his policy. In that respect, at least, he could not assure him of having found much en couragement from the Learned Lord, or assistance. With regard to the silence alluded to by the Noble Lord, and his own reasons for abstaining for the while from offering him self to the attention of their Lordships, he would say that the Noble Lord had availed himself as undoubtedly he was well competent to do, of that opportunity, and the terms of the Address, in order to state an opinion, and to found that ' opinion on assumed facts, at a moment when, in the very terms of the Speech, it had been announced that the whole of the papers would be very shortly laid upon the table. He would be permitted to say that the .Noble Lord could not, for his purpose, have ever adopted a more judicious time.—(Hear, hear.) If the Noble Lord had waited for these papers, no one of the assertions which he had made in his speech, and which he had made the foun dation of that opinion which he invited their Lordships to adopt, not one of these assertions which would not have been falsified. In proCeeding to reply to the speech of the Noble Lord, he would take it up in the order which the Noble Lord himself had pursued. But he begged leave, in the first instance, to say that he disclaimed with the Noble Lord altogether the opinion that hostilities had been coun tenanced by the British Government, or with their consent suspended between Austria and Hungary. He assured them that they had never interfered with these hostilities, never meant to interfere with them, and never were desired to interfere. At the same time they could not but contem plate with deep interest a struggle carried on under circum stances of great difficulty, in which individuals had displayed before the world sentiments and conduct of so lofty a cha racter. He assured the Noble Lord that they had taken no part whatever in the negotiation between the Emperor of Austria and his subjects—a negotiation in which he deemed they had no right to take part. There were other nego tiations, however, connected with th a t p ower i nto which they had entered, and which, he hoped, would end in con solidating the interests of that power, and the general peace of Europe. His Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Department had, nevertheless, been represented as insisting upon being permitted to interfere, and as thrusting his mediation upon. other nations. There was one instance, in deed, in which they had offered their mediation : they had communicated to Austria the terms on which they proposed to mediate, terms which were favourable to the Austrian interests. At the moment Austria did not think tit to accede to these terms; but a time elapsed, new circum stances occurred, and the relations of parties were somewhat altered, when at length their mediation was accepted, and a Congress would be called upon such terms as perfectly justi fied the course determined on by the Noble Lord the Secre tary for .e °reign Affairs. He did not certainly think that his Noble Friend opposite ;(Lord Stanley) would go so far as to say that, having undertaken a mediation, at the request and in consequence of the application of another power, they should offer only such advice as she herself might wish.— (Hear, hear.) Such, at least, were not the terms on which they had, or ever would consent to interfere in any coun try; and when the Noble Lord chose so to misrepresent the policy of his Noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Depart ment, he might remind that Noble Lord of the time when he was in conjunction with his Noble Friend (Lord Pal merston), and when hii Noble Friend entered upon some of the most important negotiations with the greatest powers in Europe, and carried them to a successful termination, with the complete approbation of the Noble Lord then, though he had now withheld it, and with the very best effects upon the peace of the world. If, however, it were conceded to the Noble Lord that the policy of his Noble Friend (Lord Pal merston) had been of a disturbing and unpeaceful character, why, the Noble Lord, by his own expressed opinion, had still the consolation that his Noble Friend, during the past year, had been most unsuccessful in his endeavours.— (Hear, and laughter.) These endeavours had been made at a crisis the most exciting, and under circumstances the most trying which for many years had occurred in Europe —at a time when those evil passions alluded to by the Noble Lord had been let loose, and hostilities existed between country and country, and even forgotten nationalities had been revived in a spirit of bitterness; but thanks to the policy on which his Noble Friend had proceeded—(Cheers) —and thanks to that con junction and co-operation of France with England—(Cheers) —noticed in the Speech from the Throne, these evil passions, these hostilities between country and country—these nation alities had been for the time successfully prevented from end ing in a general war. It was mainly owing to the policy of his Noble Friend that there had not been a general outbreak. —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He now came to notice the comments of the Noble Lord on their mediation in the affairs of Sicily. In the first place, the Noble Lord would have their Lordships to believe that, as regarded any of the par ties concerned, the interference of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had been uninvited. Lord STANLEY explained that his remarks applied to the interference of the squadron. wha The affairs, Marquisa nodfhLeAdNidSDnoOtWinNteErferweouuhldtilcoamfteetro the that impor tunate tt ne sa d et s e . s solicitation Noble o f Friend the had King o f never Napleswished h I t: e Icinterfere(iie himself.—(Hear, r n , hear.) They had been solicited for their ad v i ce i n t h e a ff a i rs s of i i N i 3 a ,, p 0 l r e s i , f t a h n e d y h w a n d e n n o o t ne in g one t Naples, they t , h w e ha solicited to pass over into Sicily, If they were urge d an d they wdounlodtnogw have eto e been the languag e o f t h e N oble Lord opposite in animadverting upon the conduct of the Government? "Is that the 'he would have said, "i n w hi ch you use the King ofNwaalY,s" an ancient power in friendly re l at i ons with the British Go, vernment ? You have neglected y our o b l i gations in so treat- - ing a friendly power who has solicited, under important cir cumstances, your advice and mediation." They did go to Naples, but when there, they were solicited to send also into Sicily. " Would the Secretary of the Legation at all events not go ? Or would they not send, if it were only an attache? Would nobody go ?" Somebody did go, therefore. As re spected Naples, then, it was a power with which they had been in a state of alliance, and a power which had solicited their interference. Indeed, looking at Sicily, not as indepen - dent of Naples, not as a country which they wished to be inde pendent of Naples, but as a country having certain rights, and in possession of these rights, as being practically independent, these rights were recognized ar the ground of British interfe rence in Sicily. He did not say that they had been invited at the time to effect for Sicily recovery of the possession of these ht s; b ut circumstances afterwards did occur which made i obligatory on the British Government to give the weight and LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2, 1849 assistance of their moral influence for the recovery of these rights to the nation. In their interference they had ex pressly limited themselves by the same principle which had ruled the negotiations of former Governments with the same kingdom. He might quote, from more than one document, a precedent in support of the course adopted by the Govern ment in this case, but he would confine himself to the in structions given by Lord Castlereagh, to Sir William A'Court in circumstances precisely similar. The Noble Marquis then read a passage from these instructions, which made the consent of the Sicilian Parliament a condition of Sir Wil liam proceeding with the negotiation. What did the Noble Lord think of that? But it was very convenient for the Noble Lord to despise any mention of moral obliga tion, as though the Government had had nothing to do with mediating between the parties. The Government had warned them that they would not go to war, and could they do more? But, at the same time, they had ❑ot disclaimed a warm interest and a strong feeling on their behalf. The British and French squadrons then, without any preparations for war, and without any instructions either to make war or to be prepared for it, lay in the waters over against Ales sina, and observed the motions of both parties in that city. They were surprised to see, without notice or warning, a se ries of hostilities commenced, and a terrible bombardment began, and continued throughout the whole of the day. A struggle, which both the admirals of the combined fleets had been called on three different times to assist in terminating, and towards a successful:determination of which their efforts had been as often all but successful, hoping that, with a little delay, another might succeed where they had failed; this struggle was thus suddenly and unexpectedly recommenced, and pro secuted with barbarities which, as described by the Noble Lord himself, exceeded those that had been perpetrated in the streets of Frankfort, as much as these exceeded the character of civilized war. Those who, by their course of life, might be expected to have their feelings somewhat har dened to the scenes presented by warfare, saw with horror not only the houses demolished or burned down, bat hos pitals even—(Hear, hear)—thrown down and their unhappy Inmates, the diseased, the sick, and the infirm, dragged out and butchered ; they saw;' and saw with horror, women dragged from their houses, and dragged from the churches to which they had fled for shelter, and violated and killed. Could those men in the English and French fleets allow such barbarities to proceed, notwithstanding that they had been thrice invited to negotiate a friendly issue, and had thrice almost succeeded in conciliating the contending parties? Could they, although accustomed to the scenes of war, remain indifferent while the same parties who had in vited their interference were perpetrating barbarities that outraged humanity? The Noble Lord, however, must not think, as he seems to do, that the interference of England was all on one side. The patriots or the insurgents, which soever it might please the Noble Lord to call them, had been successful against Palermo, and had taken the city ; but the garrison which still remained within the city was in danger of being butchered, except for the presence of English men of-war. The Noble Lord's arguments, however, might be stretched so far as to countenance the butchering of that garrison; yet he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) would not do him the injustice to suppose that he would practically acknowledge the natural consequences of his own reasoning. The interference, then, was ne cessitated by the circumstances which he had narrated, and was sanctioned by the authority of the Admiral, Sir William Parker, whose conduct while employed in many of the most difficult and delicate negotiations had been of the most meritorious character.—( Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Ministers, he might say, were at that moment in negotiation for a happy termination of these painful contests, and al though he might not venture to express a definite opinion, he would express his sanguine hope that their negotiations would be brought to a prompt and acceptable issue. In regard to what the Noble Lord opposite had said upon the subject of the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, he could only assure the Noble Lord that the negotiation was proceeding, if not speedily, yet satisfactorily, and that the difficulties had in a certain degree disappeared. With re gard to Spain, we understood the Noble Marquis to say that he expected the Spanish Government would fully recognize the injustice of the charges they had brought against our Minister. The Noble Marquis then passed to that part of the speech of Lord Stanley, in which he had com mented upon the Government policy in Ireland, and had made remarks not borne out by the facts. He was not there to contend that the poor-law in that country required no modification or change, and he trusted that at an early period of the session that subject would be fully taken into con sideration. As regarded the renewal of the increased powers, which had been granted last year, those powers had been exercised mildly ; and he intended to lay before the House a dispatch received from the Lord-Lieutenant, containing the grounds upon which he had made that recommendation to the Government—and in which they bad acquiesced—of askir.g for the renewal of those powers, and that dispatch, he trusted, would satisfy the minds of their Lordships as to the propriety of the course which had been taken in this respect. The Noble Marquis next drew the attention of their Lord ships to the ready improving state of commerce, and of the manufacturing districts. There bad lately been a much greater demand for manufactured goods. The state of the revenue was also, happily, one of progression—( Hear) ; and he trusted he should be able to satisfy the Noble Lord opposite that there was proof of improvement in the revenue altogether independent of the corn duty. Putting aside the corn duty altogether, there had been an improvement of 20C,0001. in the Customs in the course of last year.—(Hear, hear.) He then alluded to the returns from the savings banks, which he described as encouraging, and concluded by saying he felt justified in the opinion that there was a return to prosperity in every branch—a prosperity which he earnestly hoped might be permanent.—(Cheers.) The Dulls of RICHMOND could not undeastand why the Noble Marquis should have added insult to injury in his in flictions upon the agricultural interest. While a protection, ranging from five to fifteen per cent., bad been continued, and rightly, on the manufactures of this country, the agricul tural interests of the country had at the moment he was speaking, no protection at all.—(Hear, hear.) The farmers could not afford to pay a large number of labourers, and they were forced to keep on as many as they could of those men who had large families, and to discharge the others. He had always thought the new poor-law a good law, and had sup ported it; but he declared before heaven that he had never dreamed it possible that by an Act passed by men voting against their consciences as he deeply regretted to say many of their Lordshipsidid—honest industrious men seeking only to support themselves and their families; by doing a good day's work for a good day's pay, would be driven into the workhouses. The Noble Duke then expressed his dis approbation of the proceedings of the financial and other agitators in Liverpool and Manchester, who, he believed, were doing great injury to the country. Was it possible the Government could consent to the reduction of the army and navy of this empire, at the bidding of such a despicable body of men? Ho hoped his Noble Friend, when he pro posed his reductions, would stateexplicitly the reasons which had induced him to think that this country was now in such a condition, that her power might be reduced. Were the Government going to take men away from Ireland? If so, what did they want with a Coercion Act? The best co ercion act for the Irish insurgents was the know ledge that a British regiment was at hand and ready to act. Reduction of this kind in the army was false economy. The parish rates would be increased because, if men were discharged, he apprehended the Government would not part with the most efficient, and the men so discharged were unfit for agricultural pursuits; and even if they were there was no demand for their labour, and so these men would swell the already over -crowded workhouses. He trusted protection would again become the law of the land. He might be told that it was unlikely or impossible, but what was unlikely when it was remem bered that, in 1846, the Peelites voted for the repeal of the corn-laws? He would contend to the last for the princi ciples of protection, and to his dying day it would be a source of regret to him that so many of their Lordships had voted for the corn-laws against their own convictions.—( Hear.) Earl FITZ WILLIAM had so much confidence in the honesty of his Noble Friend, that he entertained no doubt he would redeem the pledge - he had given, that he would contend for iprotection ; but he must remember that public opinion in this country had grown, and that a mass of ability, energy, and untiring perseverance had grown up in the middle classes of this country, by the power of which protection had been torn away. It was not the Anti-Corn law League that would have carried the repeal of those laws, if it had not found a basis in the feelings and opinions of the mass of the people, and his Noble Friend must win the opinion of the country to his principles. As to the taxation, the weight of it did not press exclusively upon agricultural property, but upon factories and other property that might be called realised, but was totally distinct from agriculture. The Noble Earl proceeded to deprecate that sort of warfare between classes which the language used by his Noble Friend unfortunately tended to encourage. He recommended his Noble Friend and those who acted with him not by their own conduct to place those who ca villed at the landed interest, and regarded it as injurious to the country, in the position of being really in the right. This much he would say—tbat the gentlemen of 1841 might, if they had chosen, have made a much better bar gain than they did, and if they had now no protection at all it was their own fault. With respect to Ireland, his Noble Friend (the Marquis of Lansdowne) had given notice of his intention of moving for the appointment of a Committee on the subject of the Irish poor-law. Whatever was to be done with respect to the amendment of the Irish poor-law should be effected without delay, and he feared the appoint ment of a Committee might occupy a considerable period. The Earl of YARBOROUGH wished to state shortly the reasons which would induce him to vote against the amend ment. He was not prepared to say that they should retrace their steps with regard to the removal of protection, for by doing so they would only expose the agricultural interests to all the agitation to which they had been exposed during the last three or four years. He was glad that her Majesty's Ministers had made no allusion in the Speech from the Throne to the agricultural interest, and he had hoped that no allusion would have been made to it in the course of the debate. The Duke of ARGYLE thought that it would b e nothing short of a great p u bli c ca l am ity, if the amendment of the Noble Lord was adopted. He conceived that in 1845 the question of protection was Betted, and it would only be pro per again to agitate the question when there was an obvious failure of free trade. He denied that there had been any su c h failure.—(Hear.) He had lately . returned from Scotland where he had been in communication with some of the most intelligent farmers of the country, and he knew that they did not regard the change with alarm. They believed that the present state os the price of corn was owing to this being the period of transition. He should heartily give his vote against the amendment. The Duke of WELLINGTON addressed the House as fol lows :—Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, I cannot refrain from addressing a few words to your Lordships to de precate the voting this amendment to the Address, and also shortly to state my reaso n f o r giving a voft against the am en d. ment.—(Hear, bear.) I gr eatly admired the speech which my Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham) delivered in the early part of the evening. My NoblePand Learned Friend was the first person in that House fully to appre ciate the state of a ff a i rs on the Continent, 'which rendered it extremely difficult for this country to succeed in its exer tions to maintain the peace of Europe.:—(Hear, hear.) I was always sensible of the extreme delicacy and diffi cu l ty attending the position o f public affairs on the continent of Europe during the whole of the year 1848—(Hear, hear)-- and I have been all along most anxious that nothing should be done to throw the smallest difficulty or impediment in the way of the Government, or which should give occasion to the smallest ground for believing that the Government was not supported by the public opinion of this country.—(Hear.) For this reason, I con f ess th a t I was relieved' from intense anxiety, when, in the Speech from the Throne this day, I heard . her Majesty read th at paragrap h in which was stated that, as soon as " the interests of the public service will pe rm i t, I shall direct the p apers connecte d with these transactions to be laid on the table of the House." I was gratified to hear this declaration from her Majesty, as I had hoped that it would have had the effect of pre vent i ng a discussion on thos e d e li cate a ff a i rs until the House was fully informed of the measures adopted by her Majesty's Govern ment, and of the reasons which had actuated them. The House, however, entered upon the discussion of th ese ques tion, notwithstanding her Majesty had promised that the papers should be furnished as soon as was consistent with the . public service, or th a t th e y might ha ve an opportunity of discussing them with a knowledge of the facts of the case. My Lords, I am aware that a great deal must be explained. A Noble Lord on this side of the House (Lord Beaumont) has expressed a strong opinion with respect to Naples and lSicily. I was anxious, and it was my intention to move, for the production of certain th•cutnt•ilt wh , th are n.,r w found among the Parliainentar 3 p per', .ianwiy, the de clarations made by the King of Naples when he acceded to the throne of Naples in conformity with tlie treaty of Vienna. —(Hear, hear.) With regard to the first part of that treaty, when King of the Two Sicilies, it was true that he was not actually King of Naples, for a member of the family of Bona parte was then in possession of the throne of Naples ; he was, however, actually King of the Two Sicilies, and in that capacity made treaties with George 111. It was after this that the Congress of Vienna tendered to that Sovereign the accession to the throne of Naples. The King of the Two Sicilies accepted the invitation, and before taking pos session of the throne, he made certain declarations which became a part of the treaty—indeed, they were as much a part of the treaty of Vienna as the other parts of it —(Hear, hear)—and which his Majesty and this country were bound to observe as much as they were bound by the other stipu lations of the treaty of Vienca.—(Hear, hear.) Before this debate began I had intended to have given notice of a mo tion for the production of the documents to which I have alluded, and which I believe are now out of print, as they cannot be found in this House; and I therefore hope there will be no objection to their production. It is a very impor taut document, because it is that part of the treaty on which the subsequent negotiations were founded which were conducted by Sir W. A'Court and Lord Castlereagh. With respect to my Noble Friend's amendment, it is true that it does not turn exactly upon these subjects; but my Noble Friend addressed the House upon the foreign po licy of this country, and my Noble and Learned Friend, who is not now in his place, addressed the House on the same question of foreign policy. The Noble Marquis (the Marquis of Lansdowne) also addressed the House for a great length of time on the same subject. I therefore entreat your Lord ships not to let it go forth to the public that a disagreement in the House of Lords has taken place on the subject of our foreign negotiations. Let the Government continue to have the support of public opinion and of this House on the sub.• ject or these foreign negotiations until the papers are laid before Parliament, and until your Lordship* see that you ought to withdraw your confidence from them. Upon these grounds, therefore, I have determined to give my vote against the amendment of my Noble Friend opposite. Lord STANLEY explained. Their Lordships then divided, when there appeared— Contents ... ... 52 Non-contents Majority for Ministers ... —2 The Address was then agreed to. PENINSULAR MEDALS. The Duke of RICHMOND asked when the medals to the veterans of the Peninsular war would be issued? Earl GREY— They have been issued - thiTa;;T. The House then adjourned, at Twelve o'clock, till Monday next. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS (From the Votes and Proceedings of the House of Commons.) THURSDAY, FEB. 1. QUEEN'S SPEECH. Motion made, and Question proposed, " That an humble Address be presented to her Majesty, to convey to her Ma jesty the dutiful thanks of this House for her most gracious Speech from the Throne." Amendment proposed, to leave out from the first word " That," in the eleventh paragraph, to the end of the paragraph, in order to add the words," the disturbances in Ireland have not been renewed, but a feeling of discontent, augmented by the distresses of the people, still exists, which it will be our duty to watch, and as speedily as possible to remedy," instead thereof:—Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." Ti:e House divided : MAJORITY—AYES, 200. Fuller, A. E. Ogle, S. C.l Gaskell, J. M. Ossulton, Lord Gladstone, W. E. Owen, Sir J. Glyn, G. C. Paget, Lord A. Gordon, Admiral Paget, Lord C. Graham, Sir James Pilkington, James Granby, Marquis of Palmer, Robert Greene, Thomas Palmerston, Vis. Grenfell, C. Pascoe Parker, John Grenfell, C. W. Pigott, Francis Grey, Sir George Plowden, W. H. Grey, Ralph W. Frice, Sir R Grosvenor, Earl Raphael, Alexander Gwyn, Howel Rawdon, Colonel Ilardcastle, J. A. Reid. Colonel Harris, Captain Ricardo, Osman Harris, Richard Rice, E. R. Hastie, Alexander Rich, Henry Hastie, Archibald Richards, Richard Hawes, B. Hominy, Sir John Hayter, W. G. Rumbold, C. E. Henley, J. W. Russell, Lord J. Herbert, Sydney Russell, Edward S. Ilenies, J. C. Sandars, George Hervey, Lord A. Sandars, Joseph Hildyard, T. B. T. Scrope, G. P. Hobliouse, Sir J. Seymour, Lord Hobhouse, T. B. Sheil, It. L. Hodges, T. L. Shelburne, Earl of Hood, Sir A. Simeon, John Hornby John Smith, R. V. Horsman, E. Smith, John A. Howard, Lord E. Smythe, George Howard, C. W. G. Somerville, Sir W. Hume, J. Spearman, H. J Inglis, Sir R. Spooner, R. Jervis, Sir John Stafford, A. Keppel, G. T. Stanton, W. H. Kershaw, James Stuart, Lord D. Labouchere, Henry Stuart, John Langston, J. H. Sturt, H. G. Lascellcs, W. S. Tallourd, Sergeant Lennox, Lori 11. Teunent, R. J. Lewis, G. C. Thompson, Coionel Lincoln, Earl of Thompson, Alderman Littleton, E. It. Thompson, George Locke, Joseph Thornely, T. Lushington. Charles Towneley, John Maitland, Thomas Turner, G. J. Mandeville, Viscount Tynte, Colonel Mangles, It. D. Tyrrell, gir J. Manners, Lord G. Vane, Lord H. March, Earl of Villiers. Viscount Martin, John Waddington, H. S. Martin, C. W. Ward, H. G. Martin, Samuel Watkins, Colonel .. Maule, Fox Willoughby, Sir H. Milner, W. M. Wilson, James Milues, R. Monckton Wilson, Matthew Mitchell, A. T. Wodehouse, E. Moffatt, George Weod, Sir Charles Mostyn, E. Wood, W. P. Mulgrave, Earl Wyld, James Newdegate, C. N. Wyvill, Marmaduke Newport, Viscount Newry, Viscount TELLERS. Norreys, Lord ' ! Tufhell, H. Nugent, Lord Hill, Lord Marcus Acland, Sir T. Adair, Hugh E. Adair, It. Shafto Adderley, C. 13. Aglionby, Henry Anson, Colonel An, on, Viscount Armstrong, Sir A. Armstrong, It. B. Arundel, Earl of Bagot, William Bankes, George Baring, Thomas Barrington, Lord Bass, Thomas Bateson, T. Bellew, IL M. Bennet, Philip Bentinck, Lord 11. Berkeley, Captain Berkeley, H. Berkeley, C. L. G. Bernal, Ralph Macklin, S. W. Blair, Stephen Bouverie,:E. P. Bowles, Admiral Boyle, Colonel Bramston, T. W. Bremridge, Richard Brooke, Lord Brotherton, Joseph Bunbury, E. H. Campbell, W. F. Cardwell, Edward Cavendish, C. C. Cayley, Edward S. Charteris, Francis Chichester, Lord J. Childers, J. W. Christopher, R. Clay, James Clive, Henry B. Cocks, Thomas S. Colebrooke, Sir T. Corry, Henry . _. Cowper, W. F. Craig, W. G. Crowder, R. B. Dawson, T. V. Disraeli: B. Douglas, Sir C. Duke, Sir James Dundas, Admiral Dundas, Sir David Ebrington, Lord Egerton, Sir P. Ellis, John Elliot, John E. Evans, William Ewart, William FeHowes, E. Fitzpatrick. J. W. Floyer, John Forbes, William Fordyce, A. D. Forester, G. C. Fox, W. J. Austen T. C. Devereux, J. T. Eagan, William Greene, John Herbert, Fleury A. MINORITY-NOES, 12. Meagher, Thomas Scholefleld, William Moore, G. 11. Sullivan, Michael Munta, G. F. TELLERS. O'Flaherty, Anthony Grattanalonry Rocke, E. B. O'Connell, John SPOR ; IN G INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S.-YESTERDAY. The betting, until near the close of the room, was wholly confined to the Chester Cup, the quotations on which shov two important changes. As on Monday, the outlay in the , aggregate was not extensive, the weight of the investments, being on The Tartar and Joc o'Sot, the former rising to 25 to 1, and the latter to 30 to 1, both taken. Geraldine was backed for 1501. at 25 to 1; Inheritress for half that sum, at 27 to 1 ; and Rathmines and Halo several times, at 1,000 to 20. The Metropolitan Handicap was touched upon just at the last, the offers showing a decline in Canezou, and an improvement in Lugar and Loupgarou. A few bets were made on the Derby, but no alteration of any moment occurred. Closing prices : LIVERPOOL STEEPLECHASE. 25 to 1 agst Mr. Coghlan na Edward the First—taken METROPOLITAN HANDICAP. 9 to 1 agst Lord Stanley's Canezou 12 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Lugar 14 to 1 agst Mr. Gregory's Loupgarou CHESTER CUP. 25 to 1 agst Mr. Nolan's Blucher—taken and aft. offered 25 to 1 agst Mr. Grevide's Geraldine—taken and aft. offered. 25 to 1 agst Mr. 4. B. Day's The Tartar—taken 27 to 1 agst Mr. Meiklam's Inheritres?—taken and aft. offered 30 to 1 agst Mr. F. Clarke's Joe o'Sot—taken 50 to 1 agst Mr. Maugham's Rathmines—taken and aft. offered 50 to 1 agst Mr. M. Blake's Ballinsfad —take 1,0r,0 to 15 50 to 1 agst Mr. Gregory's Clermont—take 1,000 to 15 50 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Halo—take 1,000 to 15 1,000 to 10 agst 1 r. Courtenay's Impostor DERBY 13 to 3 agst Lord Eglinton's Flying Dutchman—taken to 304:1/. 7 to 1 agst Colonel Peel's Tadmor 20 to 1 agst Mr. A. Nichol's Nunnykirk 20 to 1 agst Lord Stanley's Strongbow 20 to 1 agst Mr. Gully's Osterley 30 to 1 agst Lord Eglinton's Elthiron—taken to 1001. 1,000 to 20 agst Colonel Peel's Indus—taken 1,000 to 15 agst Duke of Rutland's c out of Flambeau's dam—taken 500 even between Nunnykirk and Strongbow. CHESTER, THURSDAY NIGHT. CHESTER CUP.—The following horses have paid at Chester Eon Mot, Delusion colt, Tom Tough, Disbury, Mogador, Crazy Lad, Tom Tit, John Orridge, Prrable, Dulcet, Backbiter, Do-it-agal Melton, Avenger, Gratis, Andalusian, The Swift, and Portrait. HUNTING APPOINTMENTS, Blackdown lids., Tues., Orchard Woed; "— Fri.t Lamb Inn, near T.Tfl'cullii —lO . ➢ggesford, lids., Tues., Broaduroodkelly Village; Fri., Gl(Lley Arms-11. • Essex Union hds., Wed., Rettendon Windmill ; Sat., Stuck• I.edburi , hds., Mon., Feathers Inn, Staunton ; Fri., Nevre Wood— 101 . Mr. M. Marshall's hds., Monday, Woodford Bridge-10M. Sir Henry Seale's hds., Mon., Staple Green. SECONDARIES'.-(THIS DAY.) (Before Mr. Secondary POTTER.) GLYN AND OTHERS V. SAVILLE. The plaintiffs in this action are trustees of the Globe Insurance Company, to recover the sum of 2701. Is. 2d., the balance of an ac count for policies, &c. The defendant suffered judgment to go by default, and a verdict was given for the amount. This was the only case on the list. CRIMINAL COURT.-_( THIS DAY.) OLD COURT. (Before Mr. Commissioner BULLOCK.) CUTTING AND WOUNDING.—Anna Maria Bowen, a married woman, aged 56, was indicted for feloniously cutting and wounding Jahn Lawler, with intent to de him some grievous bodily harm. Mr. Ballantine defended i he prisoner. The jury found the prisoner guilty of a common assault only, and the Court sentenced her to seven days' imprisonment. NEW CUURT. (Before the REcomm.) STEALING IN THE COURT OF CIIANCERY.—Thomas Witnbusk, a middle-aged man, was convicted of picking pockets in the Vic e- Chancellor's Court. He had previously been found guilty of felon y, for which offence he had suffered two years' imprisonment. The prisoner, in mitigation of his conduct, stated that he had been ruined by being made a party to a Chancery suit, and having uncle r gone all the miseries and privations attendant upon sleeping in coincts and doorways, and living in the casual wards of workhouses and :re fuges for the destitute, absolute starvation had ultimately indiked him to renew his former felonious practices. The Court sentenced him to ten years' transFortation. MA RLBRW-STREET-( THIS DAY . ..) A HOPEFUL YOUTH.—John Ferbury, a lad about 13 years of age, in the employ of Mr. James James, Bentinck-street, Soho, VilS brought before Mr. Hardwick, charged with having stolen a SOIN - reign from his master. Mrs. James stated that on the:previous night, about seven o'clock, she called the prisoner upstairs, and giving him a sovereign told h in to go to Fincham's, at Charing cross, and purchase a pound of coffite . The prisoner never returned, and nothing more was seen 'of him till this morning, when he came t• her house in a state of intoxication. She asked him where he had been, and w:ha t he had done with the sovereign. He said that he had lost th e money, and had been home to his father's, who had put him into Lb is police-station in Marylebone-lane, where he remained all night, :anal was sent away by the inspector at five this morning. She then sant fora constable and gave him in charge. In answer to the charge the lad said he had lost the money ; that he wandered as far as Kennington-common, and that he met some ono whom he did not know, and who made him drunk. lie c ould not recollect a single circumstance further. Air. HARDWICK remanded him till Wednesday next. A meeting was held at Nowall's-buildings, Mancbee ter, yesterday, the object of which was to carry out the directions contained in the resolutions passed at the meeting held in the Free , Trade Hall, on the 10th of January. In our advertising columns will be found the resolutions agreed to. MARKET NE - orc;___(THlS DAY) CORN EXC.HLANGE-FRIDA Y The arrivals of English Wheat, coastwise, during the previous week have been 'good, yet, as most of the cargoes were previously disposed of, the show of samples of that grain to-day was limited. The finest qualities were mostly disposed of at an advance in the quotations of Monday last of is per quarter; and the value of all other kinds was well supported. Upwards of 16,000 quarters of foreign Wheat have come to hand. As the duty on that article is now only Is. per quarter, a large quantity was on offer this morning. Still, however, the holders refused to sell except at an impro vemen t of rom ls. to 2s. per quarter. This had the effect of checking business. We have had an im mense arrival of English Barley. Malting samples sold at full rates of currency; but grinding and distilling sorts were a dull inquiry. Not less than 10,290 quarters of Malt have come to hand. This large supply had the effect of causing a dull sale, at barely late rates. Oats sold without difficulty, at very full prices. All other kinds of grain, including Flour, were a slow sale. ARRIVAL' THIS WEEK Wheat. Barley. Oats. Flour English ...• •.• 1 4,510 qrs. 11,020 qrs. 8,230 qr s . 4,840 ski. Irish. •••• • • • -- -- 1,400 I Foreign ...... 16,590 2,350 2,810 I -- Malt. 10,290 qrs. SMITTIPIELD. The supply of Beasts on sale in to-day's market was limited as to number, but of full average qua lit y . Alth oug h the attendance of buyers was small, the primest Scots, &c., sold at prices quite equal to those paid on Monday; but all other breeds were dull, at barely late rates. Since our last report, 148 Beasts have been landed at South ampton from Portugal; 99 were disposed of at that port, and the remainder were on offer here this morning, in good condition. With Sheep we were scantily supplied; never theless, the Mutton-trade was inactive, at unaltered quota tions. Calves, the supply of which was moderate, moved off heavily, at a decline in value of quite 2d per s. In Pigs very little business was doing. Mitch Cows were quoted at from 141 to 18/ each, including their small calf. Per Blbs. to sink the offal. a. d. to s. d. s. d. to s. d. Inferior Beasts... 3 2 3 6 Second qual. Sheep 3 8 4 0 'econd quality 3 6 3 8 Coarse-woolledditto 4 2 4 6 Prime large Oxen.. 3 8 310 Southdown Wether 4 8 410 Prime Scots •••• .. 4 0 4 2 Ditto eutof the wool 0 0 0 0 Large coarse Calves 4 0 4 6 Large Hogs ...... 3 4 4 4 ilime small ditto .. 4 8 5 0 Small Porkers 4 6 4 8 - tickling Calves ..18 0 25 0 Quarter old Pigs ..16 0 21 0 Inferior Sheep • . 3 4 3 6 Lambs .....• •—• 0 0 0 0 TOTAL SUPPLY AT MARKET. Sheep. I Calves. I Pigs. I 2,850 196 160 FOREIGN SUPPLY. Sheep. I Calves. Pigs. 80 82 SCOTCH.—B easts. 140 ; Sheep, 210. NEWGATE AND LEADENHA.LI. These markets were dull, on the following terms:— Beasts. 886 Beasts. 69 At per stone by the Carcase. s. d. to s. d. s. d. to s. d. Beef,inferior.••••• 2 4 2 6 Mutton, inferior .. 2 4 210 - middling .. 2 8 210 middling.. 3 0 310 primelarge .. 3 0 3 2 prime .... 4 0 4 4 - prime small.• 3 4 3 6 Pork,large....•• •• 3 2 3 8 Veal.. •• •• •• ••••• • 3 10 410 --- 5ma11........ 310 4 6 BOROUGH HOP MARKET. Although our market is rather scantily supplied with the best new Hops in pockets, the demand for them has become heavy, and last week's quotations are with difficulty sup ported. In all other kinds of Hops so little is doing that prices are almost nominal. New Hops per cwt. :—Sussez pockets, 21 3s to 31; Weald of Kent ditto, 21 to 31 103; Mid and East Sent ditto, 315 s to 6/. HAYMARKET THEATRE. In the whole range of dramas written within the last twenty years, there is not, probably, a more agreeable work than Mr. Jerrold's Housekeeper. The story is simple :and interesting, the dialogue is written with that point in which the author is unequalled, and the building up of the play shows &constructive skill which is not to be found in all his productions. With the present audience the Housekeeper remains fresh as 'ever. The repartees command laughter and ap plause, the situations create surprise, and the sentiment and tone diffuse a general good humour. This piece was never played in London with so strong a cast as last night, when it was acted by nearly the same performers as at Windsor Castle. The character of Felicia, the " housekeeper," is one that is capable of drawing forth very great histrionic talent. Now the feigned rustic simplicity is to predominate ; now the real lady of education is to be visible through the disguise ; now the anxious watchings of the conspiracy are to be represented, and Felicia appears in the third phase of a devoted heroine. The transitions from one phase to another are as rapid as possible. A sudden look or gesture must often supply the place of words, and the actress can scarcely repose for an instant. At least the character was so rendered by Mrs. Charles Kean, whose moveability of expression —if we may use the term—was wonderful. With the quickness of lightning she passed from extreme niaiserie to vivid intelligence, and yet all was done with the most perfect nature. Sidney Maynard, the student, whose sober resolutions give way to the charms of the " housekeeper," was excellently played by Mr. Kean. It was a kindly gentlemanlike performance. He ab stained from every appearance of gloom or moroseness, and made the audience feel from the beginning that the recluse was after all a soft-hearted creature, who would not be impervious to a series of attacks. The Jesuit Oliver was one of the parts in which Mr. Webster first displayed that talent for delineating strongly marked character to ,which his inimitable style of dressing is so valuable an assistance. Last night he looked and acted the solemn hypocrite as well as ever. The gallant, rakish Tom Purple was played with great spirit by Mr. Wigan, whose drunken rush into the arms of the conspirators was one - of the most effective points in the piece. Simon Box gains new value from the humour of Mr. Keeley ; the aplomb of Mrs. Humby gives weight to every line of Sophy Hawes ; and Mrs. W. Clifford, as Dame Duck ling, effec, ively tells her tale of rural perfidy. The piece elicited the most lively expressions of satisfaction throughout, and at the conclusion Air. and Mrs. Kean were called with loud applause. COURT CIRCULAR. --- --- The Queen went in state yesterday to the House of Lords, to open the Session of earliament with a speech from the Throne. The State Procession was formed at Buckingham Palace at a quarter before two o'clock, in the following order : A carriage, drawn by six bays, conveying Mr. Heneage, Mr. Des Voeux , and Mr. Greville, Gentlemen Ushers; and Captain Sadler, Exon of the Yeoman Guard. A carriage drawn by six bays, conveying Captain the Hon. Joseph Denman, Groom in waiting; Colonel Wylde, Groom in waiting to the Prince; and Messrs. George Ca meron and Alfred Crofton, Pages of Honour. A carriage drawn by six bays, conveying Captain the Hon. Alexander Gordon, Equerry in waiting to the Prince-, and Lieut.-Colonel the Hon, Charles B. Phipps, Equerry in waiting. A carriage, drawn by six bays, conveying Lord Alfred Paget, Clerk Marshall; Colonel Thornton, Field Officer in Brigade in waiting; the Right Hon. William Sebright Las celles Comptroller of the Ho use h o ld ; an d C o l one l H a ll , G o ld Stick in waiting. A carriage, drawn by six bays 2 conveying Lord Elphin stone, G.C.H., Lord in wa iti ng; Lord George Lennox, Lord in waiting to the Prince ; and Lord Marcus Hill, Treasurer of the Household. A carriage, drawn by six black horses, conveying the Viscountess Jocelyn (Lady in waiting), the Earl Fortescue (Lord Steward), Viscount Combermere, G.C.B. (Gold Stick in waiting), and the Marquis of Abercorn, K,G. (Groom of the St,,le to the Prince). The Queen's Marshalmen, two and two. The Queen's Footmen in State liveries, two and two. A party of the Yeomen Guard. The State coach, drawn by eight cream-coloured horses, conveying her Majesty the Queen, his Royal Highness the Prince Albert, KG., the Duchess of Sutherland (Mistress of the Robes), and the Duke of Norfolk, K.G. (Master of the Horse). Her Majesty and the Prince were conducted to their car riage-by the Lord Chamberlain and the Vice-Chamberlain. The Queen's Guard (of the Goot Guards), stationed on the lawn in the garden of the Palace, received the Sovereign with the usual honours, the band playing " God save the Queen." The Crown was conveyed to the House of Lords by Sir William Martin, Gentleman Usher. Her Majesty and Prince Albert returned to Buckingham Palace at three o'clock, and were received on alighting from their carriage by the Lord Chamberlain and the Vice-Cham berlain, - The Queen and Prince Albert, attended by the Vicountess Jocelyn (Lady in Waiting), left town in a carriage and four at twenty minutes past four o'clock yesterday afternoon for Windsor Castle. The royal suite consisted of Lord Elphin stone, Major-General Bowles, Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. C. B. Phipps, Captain the Hon. Joseph Renman, and Lord Alfred Paget. Her Majesty and his Royal Highness were conducted to the garden entrance by the Lord Steward, the Lord Cham berlain, the Master of the Horse, the Groom of the Stole, Lord George Lennox, and Captain the Hon. A. Gordon. The august party went from Buckingham Palace to Pad dington, and left by a special train on the Great Western Railway for Slough. Mr. Thornycroft had the honour to submit to the Queen two statues in bronze —one, of .his Royal Highness Prince Alfred, and one, of her Royal Highness the Princess Alice, which received her Majesty's gracious approval. WINDSOR, THURSDAY.—The Queen and Prince Albert attended by the Lord and Lady in waiting, the Master of the Household, the Groom in waiting, and the Equery in waiting, arrived at the Castle from the Slough station, at twenty minutes past five o'clock this afternoon. Mr. Gregory, Governor of the Bahama Islands, left town yesterday to embark for those colonies. The Master-General of the Ordnance had an interview with the Chanceller of the Exchequer yesterday. Mr. John Wood had also an interview with the Right Hon. Baronet, at his official residence in Downing-street. The usual search under the Houses of Parliament was made yesterday morning by Sir Augustus Clifford, Bart., Gentle man Usher of the Black Rod (officiating for Lord Willoughby de Eresby), attended by a party of the Yeoman Guard, under the command of Captain Sadler. Dispatches were sent off yesterday evening from the Colo nial- office for the Governors of the West India Colonies. MUSIC. THE FORGET-ME NOT WALTZ Com posed, and dedicated by permission to Viscount ,Seakant, by Emily Welten. Miss Welten is already,tayourably known to the public as a composer, and " The Forget-Me-Not Waltz" will add to her reputation. It is a beautiful and elegant coin position and will be a fa vour i te a lik e in the drawing room and the assembly. BAHAMA ISLANDS.—Mr. Gregory, with his family, left London yesterday, to assume the government of the Bahama Islands. LEOMINSTER ELECTION.—LEOMINSTER, TIMES DAY.—Mr. Phillimore, who so suddenly re-appeared as a candidate for Leominster last week, has a second time retired and left the field to Mr. Frederick Peel, who is now the only candidate. THE MARINE SOClETY.—Yesterday the annual general meeting of the Governors of this institution, was held at the Society's house, Bishopsgate. street Within. Mr. Rust, thesecretary, read the report. On the Ist January, 1848, 99 boys were on board the ship at Deptford, received during the year 277 ; total 376. Placed in the India► navy, 40; apprenticed 'to merchant service, 209 ; discharged for misconduct, 24 ; ran away, 2 ; dead, 1 ; leaving 100 boys now on board. Annual snbscriptions 566/. 19s. 4d.; dona tions, 5531. 10s. 9d. ; bequest of the late Andrew Marlow: Esq., 1,0001.; total receipts, 8,3681. 6s. ld. ; the expenditure leaving a balance of 551/. 17s. After some routine business, the meeting separated. DEATH OF THE CORN.LAWS.—A numerous meet. ing of the friends of reform took place at Oxford, on Wed nesday evening to celebrate the final extinction of the corn laws. Councillor J. Towle, was called to the chair, and the meeting was addressed by Messrs. Dobney, Collins, G ru b b, Green, and Albutt, members of the Town Council ; and by Messrs. Carr, Harcombe, and others. The assembly evinced great enthusiasm in the cause of reform, and a nnaniraous feeling was expressed to support Messrs. Hume and Cobden in their great financial and parliamentary reform movements. A committee was at the same time formed, and subscriptions entered into to co operate with the Liverpool association ; and atter a vote of thanks to Mr. Cobden and his colleagues was passed by acclamation, the meeting separated. SHOW OF THE ROYAL AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY IN 1850.—A public meeting, convened by the Mayor, was held yester day at Maidstone, for the purpose of taking measures to procure the selection of that town in 1850 for the great annual agrieultural show. THE NEW GOVERNOR OF THE MAURITIUS.—Mr. G. Anderson, who was some time acting Governor of Bombay, and a member of the Council, was yesterday appointed by Earl Grey to the Governorship of the Mauritius. crluvTnY MARKET' the 27th, the-e was a muei, sa St.tp, I I „ fl ier , , and the trade ruled firm, with the turn in favour of the seller. Barley maintained its value, but the transactions were limited. Oats rather lower. Beans declined Is. per quarter. Peas entirely neglected. The transactions in wheat have 'again been on a small scale, holders being very firm, Barley without alteration. Beans rather more in demand. In peas nothing doing worth notice. Only retail sales of oats are reported.. At this day's market 'fine English wheat realised an advance m f Is per quarter, with ass improved de mand for foreign. Barley was held for a similar rise, but buyers would not comply. Oats were ta k en at the currency of this day se'nnight. Beans is per quarter lower. Peas very little In quired for. BRISTOL, FEB. I.—At our market to-day there was a good busi ness done in foreign wheat, at an advance of from Is to 2s per qr on last week's prices. The arrivals during the week have been— from Waterford, in the Rose, 14 qrs of wheat; from Cerk, in the Sabrina, 2 tons of oatmeal, 120 qrs 20 brls of oats ; from Dublin; in the Shamrock, 32 cwt of meal, 4 qrs oats, and 4 qrs malt; from Selva, in the Kitty, 64 qrs and 520 bush of barley. 60 qrs and 490 bush of oats ; from Chepstow, in the Friends, 70 sacks of flour; from Siege, Denmark, in the Venus, 450 qrs of peas ; frem Cork, in the Juverna, 200 qrs and 20 brls of oats, 3 tons of oatmeal, and 321 brls of black oats ; from Gloucester, in the Mary, 400 sacks of flour ; from Aberthan, in the Picton, 57 qrs of wheat, and 31 qrs of barley ; -from Liverpool, in the Troubadour, 200 bags of rice. BOSTON, JAN. 31.—Wheat, red, 40s to 465; white, 50s; oats, new, 12s to 19s; old, 225.; beans, new, 25s to 30s; old, 36s per qr. SrAmoiNo, JAN. 30. --Beans, small white, 28s to 30s ; old, 34s to 37s (19st) ; wheat, 38? to 47s ; oats, Ils to 17s per quarter. SLEAFORD, JAN. `,9.—Wheat, white, 47s to 49s ; red, 458 to 473 ; barley, 26s to 30s . oats, 14s to 185 ; beans, old, 383 to 40s ; new, 285 to 30s. GRlMSB7•—Return of sales to Jan. 29:—Wheat, 335 qrs, 6761 Os (aver 40s 414 d) ; barley, 240 qrs, 3021 (aver 25s 2d) ; eats, 110 qrs, 711 !Os (aver 13s). LOUTH, JAN. 31.—Wheat, 37s to 435; barley, 23s to 28s; oats, 14s to 178; beans, 333 to 38s per qr. Flour, best seconds, 2s per st. LYNN, JAN. 30, —Wheat, 40s to 448 ; fine, 465, 49s to Ns ; barley, 255, 27s to '2Bs ; fine, 30s to 318. OAKHAM, JAN, 29.—Wheat, 40s to 445; barley, 24s to 275; oats, I6s to 19s ; beans, 39s to 428 per qr. UPPINGHAM, JAN. 31.—Wheat, 44s to 50s; barley, 25s to 30$; oats. Its to 203; beans, 30s to 40s per qr, Butter, lld to I2d per lb. Eggs, 16 for is. GAINSBOROUGEI, JAN. 30.—Wheat, 40s to 495; barley, 153 QV, aver 28s 6%d. NEWARK, JAN. 31.—Wheat, white, 51s to 535; red, 47s to 51s; barley, malting, 318 to 33s ; grinding, 25s to 275; oats, old, 22s to 26s ; new, 15s to 18s; beans, old, 39s to 42s ; new, 30s to 33s ; peas, blue, 42s to 43s ; malt, 54s to 56s per qr. BELFAST, JAN. 29.—Grain supplies email. Wheat, Bs 6d to 1083 d ; barley, 5s 6d to 6s 6d ; oats, 5s 3d to 6s 3d; oatmeal, 9s 6d to 103 6d per cwt. Pork, 36s to 47s per 120 lbs. DUNDEZ, JAN. 26 Wheat, 40s to 435; barley, 22s to 23s ; oatr, 15s 6d. EDINBURGH, JAN. 31.—The quantity of wheat brought forward to-day was 1,052 qrs, being 248 qrs mere than last week. Tel ) price down Is, and the average is Id up; 107 qrs unsold. The quantity of barley brought forward was 818 qrs, being 92 qrs more than last week. Price on the top 6d up, and the average 2d up ; 112 qrs unsold. Of oats we had 1,650 qrs brought forward, or 486 qrs mere than last week. Top price Bd, and the average 6d down ; 404 qrs unsold. The quantity of beans to-day was 173 qrs, or 21 tire more than last week. Price on the top same as last week, and the average Id up ; 11 qrs unsold. Prices.—Top of wheat, 64341 b, 52s ; barley, 57 , 1 41 b, 32s 6d; oats, 451 b, 22s 4d; beans, 65%113, 335. EDINBURGH CATTLE MARKET, JAN. 31.—The supply of cattle this morning was 440, being 38 more than last week. Demand good, and sales brisk. The quality generally not of the best descrip tion, consequently any thing that was prime brought Sc per Dutch stone—current, 7s to 7s 6d ; middling and inferior, Sc to 6s 6d. . 14 - good clearance) was effected. The supply of sheep was 2,430, being 233 more than last week. Although we cannot quote prices much higher, the demand was considerably better, and a good clear ance was effected. The Oversheil wethers brought 34s a head, being Is above last week. Top price of the beat mutton 5%d perlb I current, 4 , ,,d to sd; middling and inferior, from 3%d to 4d. CORN AVERAGES. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES OF BRITISH CORN For the Week ended Feb. 1,1848, made up from the Returns of th• Inspectors in the different Cities and Towas in England and Wale. per Imperial Quarter. I WHEAT. I BARLEY.' OATS. RYE. BRANS. I pEAS. PRICE .. I 45s 3d 28s 10d 17s Od 128 s Ild 130 s 34 325 Yd DUTIES ON FOREIGN CORN. WHEAT. I BARLEY. I OATS. I RYE. 1 BEANS. I num. Is Od Ip Od Is 04 Is Od Is Od Is Od RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. BRISTOL, FEB. 1. STOCK EXCHANGS.—The market was much firmer to-day, and prices were better. Great Western, Quarter Shares, were done st par—Ditto, New 171. Shares, dis.—Bristol and Exeter, Thirds' 73dis. LIVERPOOL,• FEB. 1. STOCK EXCHANOE.—We have had a more quiet market to-dal' and not nearly so large a business doing; prices, however, have been pretty well maintained. The sales are—Bolton, Blackburn, Clitheroo , and West Yorkshire, Preference. guaranteed 6 per cent (B), 164 East Lancashire, 251. Shares, 4% dis.— Great Northern, 9% dis Lancashire and Yorkshire (late Manchester and Birmingham), I! dia. Ditto, Quarters, 3% dis.—Ditto, Fifth s, 2 dis.—Dbto. 32 `; shares (late Extension), 5% dis.—Ditto, Halves (late Liverpool and Bury), 9% dis.—Ditto, Fifths (late West Riding Union), 3% c. Leeds and Thirsk, Preference, Quarters, 7 per cent. till 1851, % London and North-Western, New Quarters, 5% p. —Ditto, Thirds, 7 - - Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, Eighths. 6 dis.—Ditto , 101. Preference, I c.—Ditto, 201. Shares, 97 dis.—Ditto, Quarters' 6 dis. - Midland fltock, 98 —Ditto, New Half Shares, 3% dis,—North British, Quarters, 4—North Staffordshire, 31. Is. 3d. dis.—Shrews" bury and Birmingham, 9/. I2s. 3d. Shares (B), 3% dis.—ShrewsbUrY and Chester (late Oswestry and Chester), 3% c. dis.— Shropshir e Union, 2% dis.— South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, Thirds, 7%," York, Newcastle, and Ber w i c k, E x t ens i on, No. 1,2% p.—Ditto and B. Extension), No. 2,2 c. p,— Ditto (G. N. E. Purchase), 6 pe cent. guaranteed, 1%. MANCHESTER, FEB. 1. STOCK E BCHANGE.—The sales are—Eastern Countless, 6 per cent. , 1 c. p.—Leeds, Fifths, 1 15-16 dis.— Sheffield and Lincoln, 12 7- 1 ' c. dis.—Grimsby, Quarters, 6% e. dis.—North Staffordshire, 3 Old Dovers, 26—Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston, 4 3-16 West Riding Union, 3% n. dis.—North British, Quarters, 4—Man" chester and Birmingham, QAarters (C), p.—Cheshire Junction, 9% dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, 7,74—Leeds, prefer' ence, 11%. BIRMINGHAM, FEB. 1. STOCK ExcilAwas.—The share market had a downward tendency to-day, and little business dons. YORK, JAN. 31. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The business transacted to-day was en rb ,- 1- lows :—Great Northern, 9% ex int.—Y or k, N ewcastle, and .13erw,'r. (G. N. E. Purchase), 9%—York an d N or th Mi dland, Prefere nce ' GLASGOW, JAN. 31. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The following ar e t o -d ay ' s transac tions : -- an d Aberdeen, 20—Caledonian, Preferenc e , 8% —Edinburg" wv Northern, W. 19s.—Edinburgh and Perth, Halves, Apr' Halves, Dumfries, and Carlisle, s—Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and •—•., No. 1, 6%—Ditto, Halves, No. 2, 61. 6s.—Glasgow and Greenock , Preference, 71. 7s. 6d.—lfenkland, 70—Wilsonton, and Coltness, 50—Dundee and Perth. Quarters, 30s. 40.—Glasge [A DTERTISEMENT. —An .taxtraordinary Case Of Bilious Attack, Indigestion, and Flatulency Cured 11 Holloway's Pills.—Khairatee Khan, a native merchant of Patna, in the East Indies,:suifered for years from - bile , indigestion, and flatuency, and, although he consulted the most eminent surgeons of the province, yet be derived ll° benefit from their treatment, but gradually became more debilitated. Having one day ii severer attack than usual of these dreaded maladi es , h e d eterm i ne d to try Holloway '° Pills, and this fine medicine which bas obtained such, high repute throughout th e wor ld, very soon re i nsta t e him in perfect health, and, in gratitude for the benefit, b e desires this wonderful cure to be made public. Sold by all Druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Es tablisbmen 4 244, Strand, London. THE CHARTER - HOUSE.—The Archbishop of Yorl 4 has been elected one of the Governors of the Charter-house, in th. room of the late Viscount Melbourne. UPPINGIIAM.—A rumour of a most painful nature is afloat in this town, implicating the character and honesty of * Rutland gentleman, who enjoys a high position in society. Disci*: sores of a grave nature, affecting th e i ntegrity of his conduct g_.; director of a savings' bank, are likely to be made in a few days - Lincolnshire Herald. tin THE CHOLERA AT EDINBUR GH.— Th e disease !I.- continues to linger amongst u s , a lth oogh the new cases occurring a.- very few.—Edinburgh Advertiser. FORGED BANK OF ENGLAND NOTES.—Yesterday th e police succeeded in captu r i ng t wo men at Bristol, both of whorl' A , o 'i from the neighbourho o d o f Birmingham, oil a charge of uttering 1 Bank of England notes. They gave their names as George 'ATI wood and William Stevenson. It is exp ec t e d th a t ot h er charges ":rd "be preferred against th em on th e i r re-examination, which standa fl.l`" for Saturday. TRANSMIESION OF THE QUEEN'S 'SPEECH BY Tta mum—Yesterday the Queen's Speech was transmitted fr0m ,, , 3 , central station at Lothbury to all the secondary telegraph cents with greater rapidity and precision than on the occasion of u` a previous session, when' its transmission for the first ti l : h ; Was a matter attire of experiment than practice. •', Speech, which consists of 834 words, or about 70 words 17 than that of last sesion, was streamed off continuously to LiverP c ' e _ c i Manchester, York, Birmingham, Edinburgh, Newcastle, Derby, x", Other places, at the rate of 18% words a minute, and was thus poste* , in the various subscription-rooms and exchanges : in considerably less than one hour after its deli very in the House of Lords. L a st year verbatim copies of it were printed and distributed, but Ti " i g practice was discontinued. The Speech would be In Dublin, Guerir soy, Jersey, and Paris the same;evening. The Queen's Speech was yesterday telegraphed t . . k ° Stamford for this paper. Her Majesty left the House of Lords ab° half-past two, and at a quarter t o th ree the clerks at ,Lothbury ,c 1; menced telegraphing thence t o El y, where were posted threeme' id expressly for the purpose of t e l egraphing on to Stamford. There direct electric communicati on b etween this place and London; Pet,:f the superintendent of the company (Mr. Raymond) thought it te'e7.s to receive the message at Ely and send it on, than trust for pel f te j accuracy to 118 miles o f w i res. The S p eech was communieLd letter by letter, and the whole yeas' tieelved in Stamford in less u an hour and a half.—Stamford Mercury. f IMPORTATION' or CORN.—Yesterday, fi rs t d a y of February, a virtual repeal of the d u ti es on foreign corn took p lace the existing sliding or fluctuating scale of duties being en ti re ly 81j lished, and in their stead, the f o ll ow i ng, merely nominal and 1 a . 4 duties, being leviable on all sorts of meal, flour, T i m grain imported into this country, viz. : By virtue of Act 9 and 10 Victoria, cap. 23, from and after 70 Ist day of February, 1849, the following duties ot ts , be charged, viz.: "Upon all wheat, barl e y, h ere or bigg, °na rye, peas, and beans, the quarter, Is. ; upon all wheat meal_ n d flour, barley meal, oatmeal, rye meal, and flour, pea mold and in meal, the cwt., 4%d. ; buck wh ea t, th e quarter, Is.; buck meal, the cwt„ 4%d.; maize or Indian corn, the quarter, ls. ; '- Sian corn meal, the cwt„ 4%d. THE CHIEF BAILIFFSHIP OF THE CITY SHERIFF S Covzr.—The Court of Aldermen and Common Council have si; pointed an early day this month to appoint a high bailiff of the ne court for small debts—the New " Sheriffs' Court." It will be renllt bered that Mr. Wood, the son of e x -Ald erman Wood, was the PAed chief bailiff elected, but was s us p en d e d . The Court had also dec i ' A l that being an attorney shall not be a necessary qualificatio n , and , the chief bailiff shall, when necessary, personally enforce the proc_ re , of the Court. The j u d ge o f the Court has recommended Mr. t e e the second candidate o n the first election, the applica n t h av ing many years principal officer of the Old Sheriffs' Court, and not Po t vided for by the new Act, whilst all other officers of the COOL Requests received compensation. BIRTHS. Ikr• On the 29th ult., at Ramsgate, the wife of the Ref' Daniell, of Birmingham, of a daughter. On the 29th ult., at Pinner's-grove, Mrs. Milman, of a 8°,111: At Springfield, Upp er Cl ap t on, on the 30th ult., ars. Danglish, of a daught er . On the 30th ult., a t H y d e - par k -square, the wife o f Fox. jun., Esq., of a eon. On the 30th ult., at Bayswater-terrace, Mrs. Calm prematurely, of a son, stillborn. „ A . is On the 30th ult., at th e Vicarage-house, Reigate, ° al. N. Harrison, of a s on . P. On the 31st ult., at Coldharbour-rise, Camberwell, Mme' H. Al!port, of a son. Cl n the 27th ult., at Staines, MAßßlE Will Diam Ellis, Esq., of As r , -- as, youngest son of th e l ate L. Ellis, Esq., of Liverpool, to v eldest daughter of J. W. Finch, Esq., of Staines. Baddt On the 30th u lt , at Claygate, Surrey, Edward ,„0,051 Esq., to Marga re t, f ourth daughter of Colonel R. D°"' C. ts.. late Royal Artillery. I; On the 30th u l t ., at Wonersh, near Guildford, E,,, e pli abeth Chad°. te, fifth d aug h ter o f the Rev. W. H. Cole, t° , Stevenson, Esq., 8.A., l a t e o f T r i n i ty College, Contoli9/ DIEO On the 26th o f liecember, at D. the residence of her &O 11 f f ter, Stroate Tidd en h am , Gl ocesters hi re, Mrs. Ro b er ts, relic ° Captain J. Roberts, formerly of Bristol, aged 91. yr too, On the 27th u lt., Mi-s Elizabeth Kemble, a .-4 Essex, aged 73. vii z bel l ' On the 30th ult., at Prospect-place, Hackney, --- a 0. ~,e v o , relict of the late Mr. James Woolley, of Axminster , m o f On the 30th ult., at Park-square, Miss Williams, sister Charles Williams, Esq. / 8' On the 31st ult., at Camberwell-terrace North, ag ed Miss Huggins, the sister of G. Dolland, Esq. ,_.,rotelP At Crescent-cottages, Cambridge-heath, Ilacb-Li Ti - J o dgeOr formerly of Seaton hall, Warehorne, Kent, Thomas 1 " Esq., a 62. car e* At Crirencester-place, Fitzroy. square, Mr. Peregrine, -v e te' eldest son of the late Mr. John Curtis, formerly or street, Oxford street. _.....-••••r"...---e O. r London: Printed and Published by MURDO Z'OUA 111, No. 112, Strand, P r i n t er , at The Sun 013 1 :„" - ty Of Strand, in the Pre c i nc t o f th e S avo y, in 131 0 " Middlesex, Friday, February 2, 1849. r