The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-15 00:00:00

____ - 1 111 th° ~have, been avoidel h forethonght, an i d t.heati,l,esqlee,,°4l„ been d , i,e to eirable them to a , e v i ' L `every thing-.4;3 ' lam afraid, my lords it is a truism h.e t v h e a s t e e e v e e e r a y s. - 4 it u l as not been done to enable, them a ke tve M been the answer to th . es . e . a m lle e g to e a f ti m on y s t n ? o e . ttPon tee°ll a ttempted to the critic's bl Ha f e ri a e li n y d to le t he War system ? Has any single Minister fentureit diti / t hot the expedition to the Crimea was not an expe metillrld,ertaken in ignorance, without prep uation, and kno w i e m; Period of the year --( to encounter, e i toove ute of the difficulties goingyou f wer e e u h e a r ) u n d fe e en r w t e a m k y e n observationswih o u t 4 % 14 of ge of tha resources o Ea s t ,preparation you should m y ake a r ? and th Iscrom tl,*-ttIiasTVILLE here addressed rceriaTeeettaiiaallaileery, but in so low a tone that they did not expedition to the of DERBY proceeded—The Th: l e a was not the result of ability,wisdom,or foresight. noble as (Newcastle) opposite a few days since ac tom bened that at the time of the Crimean expcdit L io L n_ t t) ' - ad no id f • ; th e y relied upon taking 1". Wti b_ .ea o a siege Pas R fla p as it Were by surprise, but the idea of having to Seb Etfit,-. 41 ° 11 winter without huts and warm clo k t e hi a n a g m b i et t o e r d e veer e r was an idea that the noble u l ' er einfil' e d his mind or the mind of her d M . a n j e es a t t y e 's ffi G ee o; Of etl a i n n e '; The same thing was said by an eminent Ne rs, whe also thought the place might be taken in toileh reanner, but who, from the first day's firing, came 4 eillt e eeeriction that the work would be one . o m f e gr . eat dif- Well, thet,Y,faud also that it would be a work of time. art of froth als o of foresight and miscalcnlationonthe ttlter t dips "°, ` -rve rnment and not from other circumstances,. iehtis,_aave been exposed to hardships against . which eeir ~,A •. have been protected. ( Hear hear.) Theyhad leintteo,7ring3 increased by ignorance ; 'and upon the Go what was it °lrin a t ,,' roust rest the responsibility. ff ring and over eraaaCi'_ai.tlie troops were worn out by Veat that ? W hY, because the amount eu h of e work was so d ealle, a t! I could not be spared from . t t e h t e ren w c e h r e e s w ; it b h e . - -tawn ticaceroing to Sir John Burgoyne, lf y -4141414, ~4eraY Vvould advance to the possession of them, (F lesr, hear"( 3 Work would be doubled in retaki y n e g u th t e a m ke . to Ao„.) But the noble earl says, " 4letter.,s‘tee of the telecTaph, or the railw t a i v ok e, , o c r ri o m t e h a e u r .. el,Pe ditin e ,, fft ed by th a E aid of science in was "'" ( ed, •-"' . (Hear hear.) Sir John Burgoyne have liee t ef l ti e hie exa mination, if the railway would,,, y es ; it th ou th en 1/1 October last. His answer was, b b.'" l lght e , tl have been of infinite advantage, ut was not ”tit ° - o '' '' Bat h th noble earl takes creditfor tot taetcf scientific rid modern invention, he surely oughttruction i i as a railway amongst them, for the co P t ese wa3r W as as well understood in October la u s e tas l it am is t : t k 1 , 4 , t . ; and 1911 itwas not thought of till April ~1(4,1",° u n tie why I do not find there have been • of the 'eBolnti"Jeetions raised to the substantive our trot The facts of theportions amongst to oil s 'Pe 'Ave not been ° denied, suf feringand that they wereo i. and privation wlo. (14°11444'0rue t be attPatt,,e,rl . (flew.) But in t he 7lp teci t(!, expressed his s t urprise that censureshoul h d employing the right men dow ti _414005. be east for no th e tt with a 1 ,,, -,- expected the noble lord woul have con:'n for th Pla coi "n of personal cases—all fit men employed " that e Nil' ' and Only 4 8. lc servic Bt he did not show yo if employed because of their fitness to , in ch i g fit ll ti I can only say.. , h et th man was engaged ; .an isi a i 4 At ,: te Were, they did their business t in anythin c , L e sariat.e4Viner. In the transport depar ment, the com- It ' lett aii t i ' rce dictal departments, there had e b v e e e ry n t u h t i t n e g r , 4 trk tti , On I f ;and what wasstill t t t i .g tao exiliteelallttlizith the rules and regulations of routineto bit really , tno man could . undertake to do that whichnow tio, ehp to ca 4, no for the public service. r. M So-and-eo, an t d . zoet t c get 4 55 _ tile _p . erformace ef lam not I t ' l l 4 W ° o Whieh riSit,it t i f s er. doing so Ido not; mean ef duty; n butthere is one depar t() 4 1 1Pait ' e d rv o! the noble duke (Newcastle)ieozosrelt f m all I ke,t(iheal,,s% On the contrary, el eqi l ,.' th ere hear 1, that of the members l of b the late Govern of hie ud wi,Tas none who devoted himself more energe . i 1311 t ° ke tV stlell unremitting applica (C ti r o i n ee t e o f t, , ll , e H t e lu ar til t h eie kt the as (!id the noble duke. Of t h e made ,Die finis I must be permitted to regret the 10 1 l W ar fly the noble duke in accepting the conduct P ° I)o Ith e wA. ePartment. Ido not concur with ; th t e h n e o la b t l e e resentment, so- i nstrumental in overthrow,ng bohi e ci ote , Lana who has done so little to s practical 14 1 Le (Ink, , 4410—that it was com . mend a u ahle in the pport the ite w ied g (4) accept an office which required . 4 ,the z Z "f Inilitary affairs Hear.) And site of t i , ' , e "(l 8,, - ;.` and energy f the noble duke, I do not believe to eon ttilie ei`cbocle,lit militaryo knowledge to enable him . It em i le effeetivl_Upiate discharge his dep?xtment, and to .K B ee a p ttel ask'duk °ln the of their public duty. t ti ea . I , as n civilian, was to undertak . military con thQ ° f ofne:eY„°9 Whether it was not necessary vredrattielis.leirnedaely under him, am, b apes eon' lconnected the wrilthh dt,l,4tit it ia t!o . ll of war, should be filled isc the ,tall !tary affairs ? (Hear, hear . )l arn,not now t;tf0,.311i,,, _ltlol3 of the Ordnance - office. oo te ,v 4 ,v,hether or not the original coesetiotuwtiohniehof the e the l''' reiy4tlltY• But it is the th e '',11.‘,,,,f91" supplies of war munitions , ewhoio ci a t n ie d sti u o p n 7, ef n k4„ / t v ai bei''cg of which depends the Well, th 14 3,Br.ge,,ng Batisfactorily conductedor Lord Raglan) was . away tit,_Lis C r i me o f the Ordnance (essary not. to aplitolouftthae dtitrthEttiti,a, and it was found Lit: e 5. T he \-Teneral of the Ordnan n ce ee to_ and, I 1 is vacant, .. erm. i e lev e office of Surveyor-Genera perform Par t tea' P to th kg . dt i t,. ...e present time there is no ptehrseonoPrderetance, of 01s th ere T hen there is the the House in Disi c'elin Presentative of the department ho es- Minister, w _ Os ' 4 5 th ; of the Clerk of . tvh, all ‘, mouthp.ece . w _ 4 %1 41 has Ch' t ere connected din former time ? B qit b e f riet i d at ° Mee been fill° ith MilitelY sst9r,e_s'y m ß y y llte); kis 11°W in command hyttMet,°t,bY General Fee-, GeneraloftbeCaorinx,yanTootrhderHmair.; Volit p ge last f whom %vas t of the present war the Colonel Dunne. I may 4 ril.(3f Ql4° the cowmeneeme w n as never held by an y brit ,he t it t ',', , Y in a :r the Ordnance r 44 N I " Of4 e , ) e At the commencement . of this great %a m , it in Put jat uoold necessarily be . doubly activa, whom wh y, you i ' ° ", 4 0ers , r ° that responsible situation . ? af r,lilic) ha, ,''l4,etable gentleman—an Irishman, I be- ILIT?let u ° h ag t N.Z il tly teen occasion to change b hi d s form o tern a ' Pist ol •-e tk -.;,°,. a% far as I know, when he L'i r° , -I gliii, , ~,v,,;11,) O rdnUnce if he had had to been told to go - biy could' L'Pera.Cn' b4v e found it very dam (Rear,) --tu '-'4l.' 1,h111.---(h (hear and laughter)—and who car °lid til4self If t 4 1,-,:i7Pql nothing about military matters.ue not thEkt b, ,ahttlilit4ry-r,,`" (hike the Minister for War was ht, for the 11 - vc, x4ll, Win] it not all the more n tot, "e firBt time - Wintery assistant and adviser?A t n h d e the fea t .of th e ( 2 in the history of this country,eresent m eat n 'i f .' s ter ill the r",. sa cs office the erson to 1; 11 itileiae,,ar, iti' u oi c , n.se of Commons at the commence e 0 e,1,1 • ' latter topic, for the purpose of showing how far I differ from an opinion which se3ins to be very extonsivAy enter tamed throughout the country. If that word "routine" is applied reproachfully to the performance of the duties of • the subordinate department sof the state—duties discharged I most usefully for the country by gentlemen who labour in the public service with great assiduity and very inadequate remuneration, and at the vane time with none of the in centives to publicity and popularity to support them—if the word "routine" is applied reproachfully to the perform ance of those duties, I say that it would be just as reasonable for a manufacturer to complain of the routine of his wheel, because it always turns precisely in the same direction, and works precisely in the same manner. Of all these depart ments routine is the very essence and soul, and without it the machine of the state would be thrown into utter con fusion in the space of an hour. I will not, however, say that, under all circumstances, too much attention has not been sometimes paid to the claims of mere seniority in the public offices. I do not mean to say that promotion may not occasionally have been given with too little regard to the claims of superior merit ; and I am not prepared to say that the Government would not do well to set aside, but with a liberal provision, men who, although qualified for the duties of public departments in ordinary times, are unfitted by age or infirmity to meet the requirements of a great emergency, and interfere with the advancement of younger and abler persons. (Hear, hoar.) It is essentially necessary that you should have " routine" in the public de partments : but then you ought to have over all of them ruling minds. My noble friend lays down the doctrine —and it is a doctrine which can hardly be contra dicted—that it is important for the public service that public appointments should be made solely with a view to the public interest. But I must frankly confess that I think considerable misconception prevails out of doors upon the question of the selection of public officers. No doubt, in a despotic country, a despot or his minister, has the power of selecting for a public department the men he may think best qualified for the performance of its du ties, without any reference to the necessity of insuring a co-operation among the various members of his Govern ment. But to apply that principle in this country would be impossible in itself, and would be at variance with the principles of our constitution ; and the Minister of the day must choose his associates from within a very narrow com pass. The whole of our constitutional system, from first to last, hangs on mutual confidence. The Crown appoints a Minister in whom it has confidence, and in whom it be lieves that the people have confidence; that Minister must be supported by a body of colleagues, and those colleagues must be members of one or other House of Parliament. There are some officers who must be members of your your lordships' house, and there are others who must be members of the House of Commons ; but the choice of the Minister for associates is limited to the members of the two houses. It is even far more limited than that ;it is limit ed to those members of the two houses who concur with him in political opinions, and who are willing to co-operate with him in official life. Now, he cannot include among those men the members even of own party who are pre vented by their devotion to more profitable avocations from undertaking the engrossing duties of a Minister of the Crown. And I must say; without meaning the slightest disrespect to the present constitution of the House of Com mons, or without intending to raise the slightest doubt that on all sides of that house are to be found men perfectly ca p able of discharging the duties of Ministers of the Crown — I must say that since the period of the Reform Bill there has been an alteration in the character of its composition which makes it more difficult than it formerly was for a Minister to select his colleagues from among its members. Previously to the Reform Bill therewere a very great num ber of boroughs under the control of individuals, which were known as "rotten boroughs," and there can be no doubt but that those rotten boroughs, whatever may have been their imperfections, or however irreconcileable they may have been with the spirit of our constitution, afforded an ordinary avenue to Parliament for young men not known to the public, but who were desirous of qualifying themselves by early training for official life—not as a re munerative profession, but as a profession highly attractive for persons possessed of independent fortune. But that avenue to the House of Commons, that nursery of young statesmen, has been in a great degree destroyed by the Re form Bill. Look at the character of the men who are now returned to that house, and more especially of those who are returned by the great towns. They are men, no doubt, of ability, but they are men, in general, of mature age. They are professional men, or merchants—men of great gi eat sense and capacity in many instances—but men who did not devote their attention exclusively to public affairs, and who had not from their youth been trained to public business. And I must here ob erve that the instances are very few in which a man who entered Parliament for the first time at a mature age raised himself there to any very distinguished position. I may be told that many of these smaller boroughs still remain, but I think it will be ad mi te I that, among the voters even in those smaller beroues, there prevails a certain degree of independence which, although it will not prevent them from supporting a member of the most influential family in their neighbour. hood, induces them to resist any attempt to impose upon them a mere stranger. The result is, that the number of persons qualified by previous training for the duties of Go vernment is smaller at present than it was before the pass ing of the Reform Bill. I state this merely for the purpose of correcting those exaggerated representations of the real character of an evil of which so many persons are now com plaining, and in some respects complaining very justly. I am still per ectly certain of this, that if there be in either House of Parliament any man who shows ability and an alititade for business—who can explain and enforce his own views—whatever may be his birth or his origin, or his connexions—there is no Minister, whether Whig, Tory, or Radical, who will not speedily accept his aid, and welcome him into the service of the Crown if he should think fit to undertake the thankless duty which devolves on a servant of the Crown. (Hear, hear.) But so strong is the feeling in the country against placing inexperienced men in high office, that when, a few years ago, I availed myself of the services of several gentlemen of great ability, but who had not had any previous official training, I was told I had only raised a squad of raw recruits." I say that no minister, be he who he may, can put his finger on what he may consider the most competent men for public life, and say to one "you must go here," and to another " you must go there " He must make his selections from his political adherents; he must make his selections from those only among even his own adherents who are in a po sition to take office, and who are qualified for the dis charge of its duties. I make this statement because lam desirous of correcting the exaggerated opinions which are entertained with regard to the duties of a minister, and the possibility of a minister's carrying out his own wishes. I say it is the duty of a minister, with regard to - department in Parliament or out of Parliament, to h.: 4 c i • . -- every as 3 , t sa by cace"', it had filling a position which, even and who, in his judgment, is th e :nog a...l:!illitetyriact always been held essential shou t, c whose services he ca a n r : i e ehlar , office. That is the prple . to th f e ke o rtlst th e ill aa• (Hear.) Ido not wish_ to_ r sZ ji sbeelsetctfi,t;eidth;urtdaopnzarnptibaylitycuorrefear or favour, the individual Of e Of ce ki_hde, erellttlem.an who was . removed rtm t ant which is . laid afraid, without citing instances d either h estelinos,e.ii?ePaty e t? gY in the Colonial . Department le which I am has h House nnot been always followed my noble friend ; and it is e a s p w rin i c eh e h lsi( ler e Z l 4 of 1t,, 1 111 „,„ net sa e ' t ar t M l l ro te w r Ailing in the would be 11 :01 1 co es abilic Pe y gen a tleman n no doubt of veryd laughter.) But its lt ara 4 1 . rendt k i. know nothino• in his antecedents h e i e n a n ete a r ir e i n Z e min her Ma i j n e v s i t d v rucheive are asked why we bring o this and now; and it ernalm7ort,orhby any Govern by that has p lso r a e ps c r e e d s e e d n . t th G e I v . peculiarly qualified to explain sh all (I I ePre se 4lonse of Commons, or to act as the great suffering—there werea 1 t all that took place under the kie r , Ne t t ea r) j e 1 lre of the War Minister in that is said, "True, there was thfisrlwgraerhatesneegplereivt—attiohnerse endured s u t r h e i c s i by our troops—but recollect p, is e , o Ni eteet these cases because we have been i pad e not nt out a • • • h th e right late, and n n nts Nit, i, .11y instances in which d friencfithe Minister . of War undoubtedly . present tor, a rlia, out °f pinthe right laces I will not go to e-ofnoble friend, the ' - '4 gent • arliarn p • * but, with the exception my not under the present, Government." litly noble t akts- et ed • and t cat--I will confine myself to those bl rl p,, i _sdrs ef with the ~,() the case of gentlemen immediately h.) But the no e ea old partners. (Hear, and a laug consider what wonderful tli,"'(l f r the lit Gov ernment—and I will show that in "you do not Government may very truly be styled a new firm with the IS Niit er4 the 111°° t imPorta y have signally de- opPosit.e says, e nence of the %t e with es ' a cil th" a of selecting ,id °u •ht en for things have been done within thelast three months." IVI ~e 8 8 Ohld L an a one, as my n? e es t ! i h , solely d 1 ble friend meaeures which were taken by the noble duke a re ei `,', of th _ have done, to the exigencies and the . continued —Settle .th - at among ~i t. te.e e( ) y ou 7 Public service. (Hear.) But it is said The Earl of DERBY co n 0 . . Ma:inter of War. distinction whatever 111 is t ~..0 0 l tis, t i l i e rt a na forward this question now ? You between the late and the rreeent w of the matter, he cannot t it the s w l i 4 r , e lle fr ' o r . Cice of a public meeting ; you yourselves. (Lan titer. I draw 14 4 1 ,5,1 toe, of ss u s l a_ publie r meeting, and followingel avoid acknowledgins, th h a a t t he v r ie Majesty's Ministers_osuethit;rteoe Government ; and if the 4p s . 4,„„,inis, of Mid Layard ;' and the noble arc noble earl concurs i n n crot t be held responsible h Yoi a t are not did 1i 0 00r 5 ,„, t 4. , new combination of Lord Derby, and 4 ne, °l' a es r atlyth il d.„.. ll r- Layard." Now, lam not_t re- r dealing with the late Government alone , the present only for the lathes of the I V l 4 l °4l4'l°. . olg h air. Layard may have thouh !o months, but for th f o t s b e e o e f r t ow e n la a st re tw on o e , 4 11 11e • 111 la fear,th 9.r, and a laugh.) My acquaint- have, no doubt,. been some few sacrifices made in the case s th. • i h stio r ,„ I e slightest possible character. Upon Y a a d rB te same. There There have been some few Jonase $4, of e s elles e haveh_ never had an communication with th f e lateadvis o individual . di cal change 1 ) , Wh i 'Ni es " FBA constituted himself the represents- . but, orthe olicy • of the late Adm. the construction •heh i s which • in either M ara m o isters. . . lie s la ,in th e .is very powerful in the country, thrown overboard , . in point of fact, no w r NA Nti le ia uee ° led Main is a just feeling ; but I think that taken place within the l•istfew days ? The Minister at th o hot ak -alti sa ot . ,luto an intemperance of language, and the very day on which Well what has . nistration has been effected. (Hear. ils . Whif ie to B ua StY and sweeping charges which he gave notice of the resolutions iir t h ehl e ico,iiubstantiate. I cannot help considering, 'ny noble friend . • said, 4, -en War came down to this house upon I meant to pro- Y form on the day which he Ar i ti tl s its e i n s gs t„ his himself, with the impulsive vehemence has moveedastahries oefvegnrienagt,aadnredi tk,aes ee ' ri g h t 1,8 character to thepursuit of that which pose a m qii wh .s of 19. • he has suffered himself to be led into urn-administrative re this very th be il'h.wer,:goage, and into expressions and intima:unfortunate, no upon . wllaiwchastghoeisneg rteosogliuvteioansmatrieeetoto effectcome on on for discus en' (Laughter.) It was very 4:,No i ::: lB tifi el not borne out by facts, and which coulu evening."_ Is de 1 ?Jet. si (Rear, hear.) With all my respect, in which he was thi)theiecola nitr• La '..1 Yarses abilities, Ido not hold myself, o , i • but, in the difficult posi ion . pointed , his great /Bea d cbt that the noble baron should have been thus disap- N ll ,glat N o i t . noble friend, nor any of those who concur Placed!.lordships had f administrative reform until our yo of my noble !•l ii °B ts„ l3f th a t !cilia, responsible for any act, or word, or auto ° pronounced your decision upon the resolutions as well he thought it advisable to postpone it,,e a, ° ea ~, sen tlenian; nor is there the slightest con .lo r ile -11sobl •Ministers began -s s O oto N w h 0 friend and Mr. Layard, or any of friend. , or t aty , ' 0 e ar l 08 e o Pinions Mr. Layard represents. But as this. ands he noble lord at the But there is another House . of Parliament , sei , Pehi i B gove,„°PPosite and the other members of her.. 1 3 grow dof the Government, not havin g quite inconvenientonhe ; r a M n a esty a so large 'stock lie i fil ti; ° feeli s .mul eat. were to say that those demonstrations . , a Thel ittl e l) r e asureu e great measure fl• their hay w hich we witness in every quarter, and Of the day to which the announceme nt postponed. He, therefore, qOl Who ipfteev_e• reached the Ministers themselves, have i a patienee as the Minister of War could of th not wait for f administrative reform was load, his colleague, o f Lai:4 4 °, o h se b ue ° on the words of myself or of my noble o t* i ates the statement of the noble at''' . le r bo eossr°ught forward these resolutions, lam not Si o s eLe es th with all due '4' looks g e ons _ .at noble lords opposite have formed ahear.) speak , hi g h d With ssoPtion ofadministrative reform. (Hear, in another Place, which seisi nisr e our views if they think that .. we anticipates to the House of Commons l his measures of respect of what has occurred „... Is sil ts ere .Y•s eate gard or with neglect on the indications 1 4 4 1 c 8 0t 8 11 ti le `i Public feeling, which has led men a _"these great measures b p rmitted to observe that It in d . . pi eta el)risats character, engaged in the discharge of im- in in a manner ph B t o 13' p art ' !Intiea, and who rdinarily shrink from "must not be named to ears polite h. k (a, laugh)but I must of a coup d'etat. IvOge ! t , u ,iti,( l4 Public discussions —Which has led these which bears laughter.) o f e . a d mi a i strativ e somewhatreforin the ew appearanceere ushere ver to be a —rivalling Vs it,44. the fora time th • a en s t--0 err usua wed laughter) til e coa ne er at any of a public contest. I cannot look charac t e r elsewhere, IN Ott aat the part of a certain political terre on .recently Wh o ,o r Y. j such feeling prevailing throughout coup de terra—(rene wed (hear m h for th2ar_nnot think that a it is safe for your lord- Y . amused. (Laughter.) On Friday last, nw t e hose coups de aenredwwuoenpll awake" 4 4 h ue %A W l ° llB e of Co for any parties by which her Ma eat liege . subecs hqi ~,, ear) - ' - 'ocsery t• mpo?s, 9r . noble viscount s s ata ilit . sat e die a ive principle in this country — great attachment to the . . s t re 8 f ork est ati • regard, or to appear to be indifferent to, went and professed . accident, a gentleman got up in the other tli s t4 oas" ° l'lle °1:18 rd . Public feeling (Hear, hear.) Administration; but he devotion to the service of his . of h anr o ne u n s rg e son o of Y P a ln r fi r :- liot Nt ar °B sio',, an a Perhaphelp saying at the head of her Marsty's Government . and a prodigion p e „ to , W e 't cur opinionwith have d rho conduct of swe . forborne ne too long, We the Ik -i all ill batr " I 've been led regal to e that he bad been a little disappointed in the course of th an de r . a 's her Majesty'sro do so by an earnest desire stated that "he could not, at the same time, late o se o w in g t 6 Government, and more es- to be little better than her Majesty's 1 vcrnment seemed est ei elaib'qe£,,, tu :P t rogres s of those negotiations which last three mouths by the circumstance that the present Go lae ~ ~i 'ras a th _"", ely. been brought to a close. Rather ter, he concluded something to retrieve is do - • • h c t ek at ien e h ay o asovernment in such a critical state of °. tadvisers." And after an . exhoytatien to the noble viscoun IE4 of h. a , ,Perhaps, 'at • ° led env, exposed ourselves to the itn fallen." h e . is t , 4%4 '.,Pathetic and indifferent, and we seem " Arise, awake, or be for ever 1 arji si deralsl • oceed with the quotation 14'8:'aitat* an aant the party to the dangerous conclusion . with this sublime adjui ation— (Great laughter.) To k e , se ro e o reis no hope for them, and that by „ 1 'sly °ll th goof doors they must produce that inn- ing ; as when men, ' ate e cne e s Upon the w tht, Illy ey ed tk rnment which would be more legiti- found by whom they dread, On duty sleepingthetespwlaminchg, e ll ' We se who ugh the two houses of the Legislature. ti ) ,, °ll a til'aelit not old the same opinions with me, think He heard and was abashed 1 spur of the moment, —and upon the I 14'2 1 Of ti , Pe crs 13 Y our silence to encourage the growth —renewed( laughter)—and the House of Commons, anti upon a mo t b this I ti," ri ot n e ot l - 11 : of opiaions so dangerous to the institu- without notice to Rouse and bestir themselves •I t s ;cilt s 'AY that y ' (Hear, hear.) But when I say that, Lion for the adjournment erhaps rather say Tgreat the slum- I b4. l aa rt : eod i _ s I concur in all the views, in all the sen- ,manic *and—l should P rouses herself from h i r Ztl o ` t :4 t h u et all the expressions which have been put I laughter)—the sleeping beauty f es seven years she had as DP lo t '''• o ° f a F c great meeting in the City or at other I hers in which for seven im ti ei , l e a ollo t w ai t iat ir h il a a vr_ meta of the house, , ,01i1i,3 sal — 0, • arrangements should have ancient a o eharacter. .(Hear, an a tau h ) I i buried, dreaming and puzzling herself all the time t Bssi, ore es , se. 1 0 said to excite the langhter of g noble ! how it was possibie that cli,,' ass e `lire ssed a aY that I do not concur in all the sen- . continued to separate the artillery ter) For seven times seven ot Vtiss, t ablas e at those meetings. But I look upon I in-Chief. (Renewed laugh • .perpetual dream, the ~. - ;e et , e re eti on a mes in dicationsof d -rooted feeling of years that has been the wakene head 16 44 i(C nb tt a t the . of her Majest).s 4/ , t Orbd • Re mismanagement of her Me set . al • 1 3 a s ' puzzle of the noble viscount at the from the Commander in titO I'Government. But, some how or another, Ina 9 'at 8 p Or „,art hear.) . In matters of what may be , 4 an at . t oi3' Mercantile character mercantile men 1 course o these seven times seven 'f l id i 4 11 a t he e . !Albit e h • e I. d mos t.' tutted to him to reduce the phantom at *it' ctrl business has been conduc t e d of his imagin i . bai el i ihl the 1 a ill , ,and that much more might have been to a reality.. (Laughter.) Animated, however, Ina by the , 00 it suddenly strut a' Bati,;atne tim e smaller expenditure. But I must say, spiration of his Parliamentary Mentor, su Ibe separateil, years it nevyre.toc I ; l : A N,,,aoti se , li iae, that I believe man arsonsp, in their the noble viscount, that if they ought not to now . a ._. es, 1,0 e ill ant, h a t the rnisrnno reason why they should not h . a c",i_bt sir l eh os ehi . ave h _ • anagement of he r Majesty's there was . ,Ita h a th, arena w . oen led to wrong and exagge- 1 bined ; and, acting upon the idea, ho sprung u, ti , s Depart' i' V ( ' 41 %re 8 , I th es led to the causes of the evils I place, an d proposed . to hand over the Ordnance if th e I . Pit e h tID,, n th a nxieus to remedy. The ordinary lan- ment to the Minister of War and to place the artillery G, 0 IneC.helel-ntthat is Jett is, that it . is not the men but u n d er th e con trol of the Commander-in-Chief. (Hear, and ,i 1 4 I Vit ha I"ae the evil blame; but sane persons attribute ; &laugh.) With respect to the proposition itself, I shall ii 4 a to the monopoly that I consider it to be my duty to wait of every office of I merely observe th e ' ' th„r that'iiittl. emolument by the aristocracy ; while until it i s befarls t. us ineil before l o n v i v a e k v e er any th r a e t ma t Lk e , At ,44t4r„Iltil ronitB all owing to an adherence to routine, I with reference to Certain I . h " 111 . s c Is got rid of there can be no hope Minister. of War ea h ' • 11 , •te he n ave no objection to t e respite NOW' 1. Wish to say a few words upon the . has obtained with respect to the development of the plans • - - - THE SUN", LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 15, 1855. of the Government upon the subject of military reform. (A laugh.) I cannot, however, giVe her Majesty's Minis ters much credit, for the zeal which they have for the last few days exhibited in connection with the subject, inas much as I think they have been much quickened into action by the hints which they lately received. (Hear, hear.) I have a great respect for the deference which they have shown to public opinion, but I trust that they will carry that deference to a somewhat mare considerable ex tent than was manifested by the announcement of the noble viscount at the head of the Government in the other House of Parliament. I entertain some doubts with respect to the wisdom and the prudence of making such a change with regard to the Ordnance Department as is pro posed, more especially unless the machinery which is to be called into action with that change is well arranged. I hail the proposition, however, as an evidence of increased activity upon th e p ar t o f her Majesty's Ministers, and of deference to the well-expressed feelings of growing dis satisfaction and discontent which prevail throughout the country. (Hear, hear.) But, at the same time, I must say that in my o pi n i on th a t i ncr eased deference to public opinion and that increased activity upon the part of the Government have not been a little stimulated, not only by What has occurred out of doors, but by the hint which the resolutions of my noble friend near me con vey. (Hear, hear.) One word more before I sit down. The noble earl opposite has referred to the probable effect of the adoption of these resolutions upon the Government. He says he thinks that nothing can be more unsatisfactory than constant changes of government, and says that fre quent alterations of policy are a great evil to the country. I am of the same opinion ; but I must add, that I wish the noble earl and those who act with him had taken, at the close of the year 1852, similar views upon that subject to which they now give expression. (Hear, and a laugh.) I am sure they will do those who sit upon this side of the house the justice to consider that, however agreeable the position which her Majesty's ministers, as a general rule, occupy, may be, the recent position of affairs renders the task of endeavouring to discharge the various functions of the public service one which any man would desire to be spared. I beg to say—although I cannot deny that the motion under which the present government has conducted the operations connected with the war—l beg to say, and I do so with the utmost sincerity, that I should very much regret that the consequence of the success of the motion should be the imposition upon noble lords sitting upon this side of the house of the responsibility of administering the affairs of the country at a moment so critical as the pre sent. Ido not admit, however, that the position of affairs now is precisely the same as it was when I myself, from a sense of public duty, was called upon ;to decline that re sponsibility of forming a government with which her Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust me. In the first place, there were then negotiations pending of the utmost delicacy and perplexity; and to interfere with the pro gress of these negotiations by any change of Government might have been productive of the most serious conse quences. On public grounds, therefore, a complete change in the administration at the time of which I speak would undoubtedly involve much inconvenience, and would be exceedingly dangerous to the country. It also happened that the noble viscount now at the head of the Govern ment enjoyed at that time the advantage of great prestige throughout the country, and he, of all men, was then deemed to be the best qualified of any of our statesmen to conduct the public affairs With vigour, firmness, decision, and energy. That feeling prevailed to such an extent that I am perfectly confident that no admi nistration could be formed in February last of which the noble viscount was not a member, which would not be ac cused of having kept out of office that man in the country who was the most competent to be at the head of affairs. I hope it is not being disrespectful to the noble viscount to say that the prestige to which I have referred has since considerably diminished, and that the warmth and fervour of that admiration which the country entertained for him have fallen down, if not to zero, at all events to a tempera ture much lower than that at which they some time' since stood. (Hear, and a laugh.) I am not sure that if the country was now to lose his services it would be inclined to regard that loss as irreparable, or that without hisaid it would be impossible that the business of the public service could be efficiently conducted. (Hear, and laughter.) But the noble earl opposite says, " we do not mind the effect of those resolutions so far as the Government is concerned, but just consider the effect which they are calculated to produce upon foreign countries." The noble earl seems to imagine that the consequence of the success of my noble , friend's motion will be that foreign nations will be brought to look upon England as possessing no great resources for the prosecution of the war ; that encouragement will be afforded to the peace party in France ; that that country would bo rendered indisposed to continue her alliance with us, and that Russia would gain confidence when she be came aware of how we ourselves were inclined to disparage the means at our disposal. Ido not exactly know what the noble earl supposes the consequences would be in the case of Austria, but Prussia he appeared to think would avail herself of" the passing of these resolutions to take a course inconsistent with our interests. The noble earl has abstained, however, from pointing out 'a single word in these resolutions which could make the impression or bear out the views which he has represented to the house. France, my lords, we recognise with the highest gratification as our ally. The perfect understanding which selesiats between her and this country we hold to be fraught with advantages, not alone to us, but to the future interests of other nations. The noble earl com mitted a great mistake when he says that by these resoln tions we seek to disparage the resources of England. We do not do that, my lords ; we seek to disparage only the manner in which those resources have been husbanded and applied. (Hear, hear.) We draw a distinction between England and her Majesty's ministers. (Hear, hear.) And if, by disparaging the conduct of the latter, we can incite them to the display of fresh energy and activity in the future conduct of the war, we need not for a moment ap prehend that the consequence will be that our friendly re lations with any great power will thereby be in the smallest degree interfered. (Hear, hear.) It is my lords, because I hold that—as the noble lord had said--the greater por tion of these resolutions consists of truisms which cannot be controverted—truisms which it is absolutely necessary to place upon record upon the solemn declaration of the parliament of this country—embodying our determination to prosecute the war with all the energy in our power and to adhere to our alliance with France—it is, I repeat, be cause I hold that these resolutionsgive expression to those sentiments, and because they declare your lordships' opinions, announced in this house, to be in conformity with the just feelings of your fellow-subjects, that I give my support to the motion which has been made by my noble friend. Whether he succeeds or does not, in carry ing these resolutions, I rejoice that while we, the members of the great Conservative party, are anxious to maintain the institutions of this country, we do not set at nought the, manifestation of public feeling, but that, while de sirous of co-operating with that feeling to the fullest extent to which we can go, wo do not seek to implicate ourselves in the extravagances into which it is sometimes betrayed. (Cheers ) The Duke of NEWCASTLE, who at the commence ment of his speech was very imperfectly heard, in con sequence of the noise occasioned by a number of peers quitting the house, said,—lt appears to me that the rea sons which have been assigned by the noble earl who last addressed the house for supporting these resolu tions are so unsound that they will fail in inducing many of your lordships who usually act with the noble earl from giving the resolutions that assent which he is prepared to give to them. The noble earl said that, al though ho must admit the resolutions did, in some sense, bear the construction of a vote of censure upon the Go 'ernment, he would feel deep regret if they should have the effect of displacing the Government from.office. Now, I must contend that, if these are the opinions of the noble earl, he ought not to support the resolutions. If the two noble earls opposite believe conscientiously that, by the displacement of the present Government from office, and by themselves assuming—by the grace and favour of the Sovereign—the management of public affairs, they would be able to conduct the war with increased energy, and so to promote the public welfare, I think they would be per fectly justified in bringing forward and supporting these resolutions • but I must say that if the motion is brou g ht forward, not ' with the view of displacing the Government, but of rendering what some noble lord asserts to be a weak Government still weaker, it is not a course worthy of the Peers of England at a moment like the present. Unless the object is to displace the Government, I see no patriotic grounds for supporting the resolutions. The noble earl e o r m n e m s e u n r t prise who t h h a a v t e t s h p e o k t ewno didm e n m o b t e e r n s t o e f r h i n e t r o M a nay must have been evident to the noble earl that those noble je d ex e sl ia ry i e' l ss e s d Gedo d v e s fence of the conduct of the war • but I think it lords did not enter into such a defence because no case had been set up on the other side which it was necessary for them to answer. Accustomed as I have been, not merely Fiuce I have had a seat in this house, but for many years previously, to listen with the greatest interest to the speeches of my noble friend who brought forward those resolutions, I must say that I never heard any speech of his which seemed to me so deficient in strength as that to which I listened this evening. It appeared to me to be entirely defective with regard to all those great attributes which distinguish his speeches. The noble earl did not bring forward in his usual concise and consecutive order such facts as he is accustomed to place before the house, nor did he state to the houstz those clear and logical deductions which on former occasions he has ad duced from the facts he has brought forward. Having listened attentively to the noble earl, and to my noble and gallant friend who spoke at considerable length, I must say that, with the exception of the anecdotes which my noble friend narrated, and one of which I may observe was utterly and entirely inaccurate—(a laugh)—l am un able to fix upon anything tangible in their speeches. Nor do I think the noble earl who last spoke has materially improved the case as it was left by his predecessors. The noble eat] has occupied the greater part of his speech in referring to the doctrines of that association which has yet to be formed, and of which he has professed himself in somewhat hesitating terms a disciple, though certainly to a more limited extent than the noble earl who brought forward the resolutions ; but, beyond this, he seems to me to have confined himself to one single point—the policy of the expedition to the Crimea. I had hoped that I might have been spared the necessity of alluding to any matter personal to myself, but a noble earl opposite stated, cer tainly in terms of very great courtesy and kindness, that be could not agree in approving what has been called my "commendable ambition" in taking upon myself the ma nagement of the War Department. I will not on this occasion go over that painful ground, but I may remind the noble earl and the house that in the month of February I commented upon those very words, and I stated expli citly to the house—and my statement has never been con troverted—the precise circumstances under which I as sumed the office. The noble earl has laid considerable stress upon the point that the management of the war was placed in my hands, I being a civilian,—as if it had not been, I may say, a constitutional doerine in this country that the management of the War Department should be in the hands of h civilian. At any rate, that has been the invariable practice. While the Commander-in-Chief of the army is of course a military man, the Secretary of State has invariably been a civilian. But the noble earl maintained, this being the case, that I ought to have had the assistance of competent military men. Now, no one has more readily expressed concurrence in that sen timent, both in this house and elsewhere, than myself. It must be remembered, however, that we have to consider not merely who shall occupy military offices in this country, but who shall command your army in the Crimea. lam sure my noble friend the Commander-in-Chief will bear me out when I say that for a long time I hesitated to con cur in the recommendation that my deeply-lamented friend Sir G. Cathcart should be appointed to a command in the Crimea. And why? Because I felt it of the utmost possible i m portance to me that I should have the advice and assis tance of such a man at home. At the same time, as it was the greatest- possible object that Lord Raglan should have his a id in the Crimea in the command of a division, I felt •it to be my duty, upon a balance of arguments, to place him at Lord _Raglan's disposal. The noble earl went on to 1 say that the Ordnance Department was left in a most ineffi- I cient state. The noble earl is not quite correct, however, in stating that the Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance was left without the powers which the Master-General possessed. I am certain that he was appointed under the impression that he would have precisely the same powers which Lord Raglan had, and, if any of his powers should prove defi cient, that they should be made up by the assistance which the Government would render him. The noble earl also commented upon the appointment of Mr. Monsen to the office of Clark to the Ordnance, and remarked upon the circumstance of his change of religion, as if that had any thing whatever to do with his suitablenei3s for the office. I cannot see what it has to do with it, and, for myself, I should just as much cons id er th at it fitted a person for , the post as that it disqualified him. Now, with referenceto myself, I wish to say that neither in this house nor any where else will I accept any praise for assiduity and labour. Assiduity and labour are the duty of every man who under takes an office in the Government; and I do nothing but my duty in bestowing every portion of my time to the exe cution of my duty; and if the noble earl can substantiate that in the performance of those duties I stood in the way of others who could have execrib r il them mach better and that, in fact, I was a b a d a d m i n i strator o f t h e office which I held, then I say that no labour or assiduity . which I be stowed should bo viewed as a makeweight for any defi ciency of which I might have been guilty. (Hear, hear. ) The noble earl said that we ought never to have under taken the expedition to the Crimea, if, having undertaken it, we had not taken precautions to render oar proceedings effective. That opinion of the impolicy of going to the Crimea is one, however, which has arisen out of the cir cumstances of the case, and not from any feeling which was formed at the time. I appeal to your lordships whe ther, when Parliament met in December, we heard any thing of the impolicy of that expedition to the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) What was the attack which the noble earl made upon us then ? It was that we had - not from the commencement of the war formed our plan, and that the Crimea was an after thought, taken up at Varna when the siege of Silistria was raised. That it was which formed one of the principal points of his accusation against the Government at that time ; and it is only now, when it is thought that the expedition may not be attended with success, that the noble earl and others becomes° wise after the fact. (Hear, hear.) It is not fair, then, for the noble earl, after his organs of the press spoke of impeaching the Government for not undertaking it before, to turn round upon us now, and to state that the expedition was im politic because it had not been attended with success. If the noble earl can substantiate that when the expedition was undertaken there was no providence, no means for accomplishing the object in view, he would establish a case against the Government. But is that sot The noble earl said that in my evidence before the committee I stated that we expected to take Sebastopol by a coup de main, and that I did not contemplate a siege. The noble earl is not correct in his version of my evidence. What I said was, that I expected to be in possession of Sebastopol long before it would be necessary for the army to go into win ter quarters. So far from not contemplating a siege and not making provisions for it, two effective and complete battering trains were sent out, and were in Lord Raglan's possession when he undertook the expedition ; and from the very first every effort was made to provide the army with the means of carrying on a siege. (Hear.) The noble lord says that we made no provision for the com forts of the men - that we sent out no huts and no warm clothing. Undoubtedly, the huts were not ordered until after it became evident that the place would not be taken except by a long siege • but I must contradict the statement that no wa rm clothing was provided for the army. So early as the month of August a large quantity of woollen clothing of every description, addi tional warm clothing, both under and upper, extra great coats to go over the ordinary greatcoats, and a variety of things of that description to an enormous amount, were sent out—a large portion of them before we heard of the re sult of the siege. But if the noble earl means that we did not send out in the middle of summer that large quantity of sheepskins and furs which we sent out subsequently, un doubtedly the noble earl is correct. It is incorrect and most unfair tow ar d s m e to represent that I have ever al lowed to drop from me in conversation, much less in any speech in Parliament, or in any public capacity, one word derogatory to the character of any officer in that army. (Hear.) I have never thrown discredit upon any officer, least of all upon my noble and gallant friend whoholds the chief command in the Crimea. The noble earl says the Government is to blame for not making the railway sooner, and to support the charge he refers to the answer of Sir John Burgoyne, given before tho Sebastopol Committee, to what I must term a silly question—whether it would not have been a great advantage 'to have had the railway in October. Of course, Sir John Burgoyne said it would. It would have been a great advantage if we had found a railway already there. It would have been a great advan tage if we had had a railway all the way, and other things equally impossible would as certainly have been advanta geous. Remember where this railway is applicable. From Balaklava to Sebastopol. And what was the intention when the troops landed at Old Fort? It was agreed by the generals and by the Government that Seastopol should be attacked on the north side, and it was only after the Battle of the Alma that Lord Raglan and General St. Arnaud determined on the flank march which led to Balaklava, and subsequently to our laying siege to the south Bide of Sebastopol. Is not this a specimen of how accusations are cast upon those who have the management of the war? (Hear.) And when the noble earl says the railway might as well have been sent in the month of October 'as in the month of April, I beg he will recollect that I sent ar Sir M. Peto at the end of November, and that the railway was sent out in the beginning of December. (Cheers.) The noble earl who brought forward his motion condemned the Govern ment for not being in a position to move the army at once when it landed at Varna. The for land trans port requires a considerable time, and I am convinced if, at the commencement of the war, it had been proposed to the Hohse of Commons to organise the transport corps which I had the honour of providing through the instru mentality of that gallant officer ColonelM9Slurdo ' it would have been laughed at as an extravagant and absurd, though perhaps it would have been the wisest and most judicious, step that could have been taken. (Hear, hear.) When the army moved to Varna, on the special requisi tion of Omer Pacha, at the very earliest possible moment, before all the troops had arrived at Scutari from England, earl does not maintain that the army it is a t n o u e n . d . o b u l t e t e h d e fact a tot t a n d e n w e e e r e f r n o o m t sufficient a ani mals os ri a . The noble should have remained at Scutari, but approves the order to move from Scutari to Varna. That advance to Varna was made with a double object—to give a moral as well as a material assistance to Omer Pacha, and I have no hesi tation in saying that it was one of the main causes of rais ing the siege of Silistris, although up to that time the army had not become a moveable army. (Cheers.) Go vernments may have neglected to put the right men in the right places, but no Government would recognise for one moment the principle that any one but the best m en should be appointed, and every one would admit th at the Go vernmentce which had appointed Unfit men to high office had grossly neglected its duty. The noble earl w ho opened , the e in d having debate effected has laid (el change e blame the com upon the ositi the House of Commons. I think that complaint .is to a certain extent correct, bat not in the particular i s ar point alluded to. A system has grown u p ° years which has acted most prejudicially i n regard to p art providing men fit for holding office. The greatestßeformefor p on ?f of our mercantile men refuse for two causes to undertake offices of State ; the first is that they are u nwilling abandon their private career and deprive the ir families ia s of the large and honourable gains they acqu ire ; the second is that they are reluctant to leave du ties cations that are agreeable to them, seeing the growling vo-a a nd a ten dency there is to heap obloquy upon every man ortaie every c side of the house and of every party who may undertake the discharge of public duties. There are n umbers who are perfectly qualified to take a part in the cond uct of pub lie affairs, and I shall rejoice, whenever a g eneral elec. tion shall occur, to see a large increase in the number of such men sent into the House of Commons. But there is a growing practice among constituencies not to look among men whom they know to be of proved qua lifications and character, but to look up to clubs and co teries in London, to recommend them men who are parti sans of ono body or another, and who sit and g ive a silent vote for their party, instead' of doing honour to the con stituency which returns them. As long as constituencies pursue this course, and apply one ,party to the Carlton Club and another to the Reform Club for members, so long shall we have men of mediocrity prepared to give silent and tacit votes instead of men whose minds are pre pared for the performance of great public duties, and from whom a Minister might select the officers of his Govern ment. From that body alone the high political officers must be selected. My lords, I hope that these discussions will not lead men to think that we area beaten nation— (cheers) —that we are incapable of the great deeds by which our forefathers have distinguished themselves; that our i m proved, but that in other respdcts we have deteriorated. ravee' and the quality of our soldiers is nothing of the kind. (Hear.) It may we began the siege of Sebastopol- in Septem bbmeeyr, said laobi braverytrd I b ultt:i. h,slooking at the position of the allied forces and of the enemy, is it so unfavourable to us, and so fa vourable to him? (Hear, hear.) We have placed a pressure on the internal organisation of Russia that is beginning to tell. Russia is suffering severely from the drain of men, and the feelings of the people towards the Sovereign power are undergoing a change. Is it not true that we have slopped the direct commerce of Russia? that we have swept from the sea every ship that she possessed? that her great vessels of war are either sunk at Sebastopol or locked up or rotting in the harbours of Cronstadt and Helaingfors ? We have effected a lodgment on her shores, and by God's blessing we may soon be in a position to dictate such a peace as will be alike honourable to this country and will insure the attainment of those great objects for which the war was undertaken. (Hear.) The Marquis of CL ANRICARDE (who was greeted With a general cry of " Question 1") said that if by any misfortune these resolutions were carried that night the most injurious effect would bo produced abroad • and he therefore trusted that their lordships would reject by a large majority. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY believed that the present resolutions were brought forward with the view of testing the strength of parties in that house, and had no doubt that those who supported them did so with a desire to change the Government. Under these circumstances, while he wished it to be distinctly understood that he did not rise as the advocate or one of the retainers of the noble lord who held the office of Premier, at the same time he felt that, the honour and dignity of the Crown and the de termination of the country to maintain its position as a great empire being now concerned, it would have been a dereliction of duty on his part to remain on the cr o ss benches. If their lordships would not show to the w o rld the example i a of momentousdistracted crisis counselsisis of and our support a Government which, under great difficulties and great pressure, and also amid some exhibition of party feeling, were endeavouring to do their duty to their coun try. Their lordships must be aware, from the p u bli c meet it n het g s thatthe public were mind beingh held e in a i n favour disturbedadm i n i a s u t r d dangerous a tiver ef state ; and was it likely that the views put forward by the noble earl (Lord Ellenborough) and his friends that night would at all satisfy the feeling out of d oors on this ques tion? Could the noble lords opposite prod uce a Government whose talent, ability, and experience would hold out to the self having wishede confidence n fi t ( o l see nce well-considered in th e abability o reforms e t f h o e r mn noble ble introduced earl o i country the hope that its affairs would be better conducted in the present emergency than they were at present? He hi fnsmitte an The h h e i s m s e u r p ci p u o ie r teefraLAtoNcsaprroywouNtEt_holsererseefeferrmtsi purpose all the administrative departments of the State, but, not o e tory manner, be would oppose the present motion.sa ac whom,g som I hhope, observations ay mboeropertinhaintteodneteo making half hour, but most glad was I to give way to the noble mar quis,friend, although I cannot claim any • • political relations with p ey the n o dsneol the o h s l f t ee him. I was glad also to give way to my nwobcialtellhin noble duke on the bench below me, much more able, and much more entitled than myself to give explanations upon the particular acts connected with the depa rtmen t s o ver which he for some time presid e d, and for every one of which acts, I am glad to say, I myself bear an humble share of Go vernment responsibility with him—(cheers)—and, I will add, glad am Ito be responsible with him. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the noble earl who introduced these resolutions, and the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) who supported him, appeared to take different views of the subject of administra tive reform. The latter noble earl disclaimed founding his support of the resolutions upon that sentiment which is abroad with respect to the administration of public affai 5, and which he thought it expedient, for the sake of the present and future Governments, to resist. When he found it as serted in the resolutions, • not directly, but by insinuation, that men ware selected in this country for public employment with regard to other considerations than the• public service, he must be allowed to ask what it meant ? Did it mean a Charge If such a charge were brought against any Govern ment, no scruple with regard to men or principles ought to deter any one from distinctly stating who the men were. (Hear.) The noble earl, however, abstained from all particu lar mention of men in the course of his resolutions, although he had not done so in the course of his speech. Throughout the whole of the motion the noble lord had, in reference to the motives which induced him to make it, alluded to one man, and that man was Lord Palmerston. (A laugh.) Tho noble earl had referred to some observations made 'by the late Duke of Wellington with respect to Lord Palmerston, in which the duke was represented as having said that he would not fire large guns at small birds, and he (the noble marquis) might say that Lord Palmerston did not think it worth while, upon a recent occasion, to fire off his powder at a great bird, although he possibly might have hit his man. (Laughter.) The reason why our army in tho Crimea was now in a perfect state of efficiency was, because there had been sudcient time to revive it. From the period of the revo lution down to the present time, in every war in which we had been engaged, the first year was unsuccessful, and often unsuccessful to a degree infinitely greater than it had been in the case of the present war. The noble marquis then refer red to the expedition which was sent by William 111. over to Ireland under the Duke of Schomberg, and to the seven years' war, the circumstances attending which bore out his assertion with regard to the hardships suffered during the first year. According to the noble earl (the Earl of Ellenborough) nei ther with a reform Parliament nor with an unreformed Par ment could any Government of this country hope to carry on _ _ the affairs of the nation. He did not doubt the desire of the noble lord to find out the best persons for the best places ; but, with the fairest intentions, it was a popular error to sup pose there existed in this country a reservoir out of which talent could be drawn at any time. Until noble lords opposite could point out the persons who had been appointed from un fair motives, or from any other motive than fitness for their employment, he should continue to think that his noble friend had been actuated in making all their appointments by con siderations for the public good. Another reason why he ob jected to the proposed resolutions was, that they were likely to create an impression in Europe that we were a defeated country. That he wholly denied, and no circumstances bad arisen to justify the terms, " general dissatisfaction," used in the resolutions. The result of the war to the present tine had, in fact, been to reduce Russia as a naval power to a most con temptible position—to render it, in fact, a nonentity as such, and very greatly to destroy and ruin its trade. Was it net fair, in considering the results of a war, to take into account the losses of the enemy t If it was, it might be melancholy satis, faction for us to know that the loss which Russia had sustained was threefold that of the allies. If we had suffered from wapt of clothing, transports,'&c., Russia had suffered tenfold more. He (the noble marquis) held in his hand a paper containing statistics of the very highest authority. The name of the writer he would not state; but it appeared from the paper referred to, that, a few days before the death of the Emperor Nicholas, a return was made up, stating that 177,000 Rus siaus had died during the present war up to that date ; and by a supplemental return, made some days afterwards, it ap peared that 70,000 more were added to the above list, making a total loss of 247,000 men. The noble earl condemned in general terms the conduct of the war—and the proposed re solutions were thus condemnatory of the French Government ; for he (the Marquis of Lansdowne) , could assert that no step had been taken in this war, or expedition planned, that had not been, if not suggested, yet cordially concurred in, by our invaluable ally. He (the Marquis of Lansdowne) could not find out from the speech of the noble earl opposite whether or not he condemned Lord Raglan ; but as nothing was said about it he presumed he did not wish to condemn him. He (the noble marquis) was glad of it, for to Lord Raglan we principally owed the warm attachment and cordial alliance which had sprung up, and through the most trying circum stances continued to exist between ourselves and our allies. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that he should, in re ply, only address himself to two observations which had been made in the course of the discussion—the one by the noble marquis who hadjust sat down, the other by the noble duke op posite (the Duke of Newcastle). He could not allow the noble marquis to say that these resolutions were to the effect that this country was a defeated country. He wholly denied that such was the case. The troops of this country had obtained the greatest glory by their conduct at the battles of Alma and In kerman, and by the magnificent attack of the cavalry at Bala klava. But what he (the Earl of Ellenborough) did say was, that they had been deprived of the advantages of victory by the man ner in whiCh the Government was carrying on the war, and that, as it was now conducted, it was impossible for the troops to gain a decisive success. With reference to what had fallen from the noble duke opposite, to the effect that the house originally made no objection to the expedition to Se bastopol, he (the Earl of Ellenborough) must say that such was not the true facts of the case. That expedition was not known until the sth of August, when they were all out of town. He wrote, however, to the noble earl the President of the Council, and stated fully the nature of his objections to the expedition ; and the noble earl told him that he had cir culated his letter amone , his colleagues. (Heav y hear.) The Government was therefore perfectly aware of his opinions, and the only regret which he felt was, that he had not returned to town to enforce them more strongly upon the Government. After a few words in explanation from the ,Duke of NEW CASTLE, which were inaudible in the gallery, Their lordships then divided, when the numbers were • Content, present 7l „ . . proxies --- 71 115 Not content, present proxies -181 Majority against the resolutions... 110 The house then adjourned at a quarter to one o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—YESTERDAY. .-The Smuczna •took the chair at 4 o'clock. - PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Banff, Macduff, and Tarriffßailway,Commercial-road, Cork and Youghall Railway, Fibre Company, Leomin ster and Ledbury-road, Limerick and Castleconnel Rail way, Manchester Improvement, Renfrew Police and Improvement, South Wales Railway (Consolidation), Swansea Docks, and Waterford and Limerick Railway. The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Cromford and High Peak Railway ; Kingston-upon-Hull, Hussle, and Ferribly-road ; New town and Oswestry Railway, St. Helen's Improvement, Ayr Harbour, and Weston super Mare Gas. PETITIONS. Petitions wera presented by Sir Joshua Walms ley from Protestant Dissenters of Leicester, for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. Grogan, from a parish in Dublin, against the Maynooth grant : by Lord New port, two petitions from Shropshire, for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. Hadfield, 1G petitions from Chesterfield and other places in favour of the abolition of church rates ; by Mr, Cobden, several petitions from Doncaster, and other places in Yorkshire, for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. A. Pellatt, seven petitions from Essex with the same prayer. THE BOARD OF HEALTH. Lord R. GROSVENOR asked the President of the Board of Health whether forms were issued to the legally qualified medical pra7titiouers of the metropolis last year, inviting them to fill them up, in order to exhibit the result of the various methods adopted by them. for the treatment of cholera ; whether, when those forms were returned, the Medical Council of the Board of Health refused to take cogni sance of any of them, or of any returns of a like nature made by the legally qualified medical officers of any hospital, and, if so, for what reason ? And, if any cor respondence had taken place between the General Board of Health and any persons complaining of omissions in the report issued by the board, as to the results of cholera treatment ; and, if so, whether he had any objection to lay it upon the table of the house ? Sir B. RALL said after he accepted office be appointed a medical council to assist him. They met for the first time on the 6th September, and forms were sent round to all qualified medical practitioner?, but afterwards he was informed th a t some o f t h em had not sent full reports as to those who followed the homoeopathic system. He could have no objection whatever to lay the returns on the table. BURIAL GROUNDS AT GRANTHAM. Lori W. GRAHAM asked the Secretary of State for the 11-nne Department on what grounds be had re fused to comply with the request of the parishioners of Grantham, that the right of interment in existing vaults in the parish church should be continued to the proprie tors of the said vaults, the representation for closing the burial ground not having yet been taken into considera tion by the Privy Council ? Sir G. GREY said until the representation of the Secretary of State was taken into consideration by the Council no steps could be taken in such matters. With regard to Grantham, he did not think himself justified in departing from the recommendation of the medical inspectors. THE VIENNA NEGOTIATIONS. Mr. M. GIBSON wished to know if the noble lord at the head of the Government intended to name any day for discussing the papers laid on the table relative to the Vienna negotiations ? Mr. LAYARD said before the question was answered he wished to suggest to the noble lord that he should bring forward his resolutions on Friday or Monday. Lord PALMERSTON said the Government had several measures of importance in progress. There were the remaining votes of supply, and two or three bills of pressing urgency, and he thought it very unreason able that gentlemen who could give notice for any day of their motions should expect Government to put off their measures. He was sure his right honourable friend (Mr. Gibson) could have no difficulty in doing so, and as for the honourable member for Aylesbury, (Mr. Layard) he must remind him that he offered him a day—(hear)—and an offer once refused could not be re newed. But at the same time the forms of the house did give hon. members a fair opportunity of bringing such motions forward. Mr. DISRAELI apprehended it would be really im possible for the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gibson) to bring forward his motion for an addressto_at purpose. her Majesty unless the Government gave a day f Now he (Mr. Disraeli) begged to calltheor th he atte d n i t d ion ne o t f the house to the circumstahce that find any precedent, when negotiations laid tionshaupen dternthiie nated, and the papers had hi m self had not g n otice to bring beforeiven table, that the Minister n otice house the subject of those _ h papers, and th e conduct u t ctof the negotiations no w wished to k_t_ eernoblelordif hedid ; not an d fe h e e as l bound to do so ? (11 Lord PALMERSTON said ho bad no wish to throw impediment in the way of hon. membe rs who wished atonybin forward motions or to take the sense of the house on any matters of a very pressing nature,' and it would be in the power of any hon. member who had any important questions to bring forward to do so. It was impossible to answer those questions off-hand without notice, but he could assure the right hon. gentleman, that as far as was compatible with the forms of p u bli c serv i ce , th ere was nothing but willing hess—he might say a desire—that the sense of Parlia ment should be obtained at an early day upon matters of such great importance. Mr. DISRAELI—Then the noble lord does not pro pose to na me any day himself ? Lord PALMERSTON—No. REFORM OF CORPORATION OF LONDON. In reply to a question from Mr. LABOUCHERE, Sir G. GREY stated it was the intention of her Ma• jesty's Government to introduce a bill for the reform ol the Corporation of the City of London at an early day. SANITARY CONDITION OF THE METROPOLIS, Lord EBRINGTON, having no desire to impede the public business, postponed his motion relative to the sani tary condition of the metropolis, and to the urgency of enabling the Metropolitan Commissioners of Sewers to turn to account the two months rem a i n i ng available for the execution of preventive and palliative w or k s e f ore the hot weather rendered i mm inent the outbreak and spread of epidemic disorders. CUSTOMS DUTY BILL. After a few words from Mr. M`GREGOR and Mr. HEYWORTH against the bill, the third reading was agreed to without a division. DISTILLA noN OF SPIRITS FROM MALT. In answer to a question from Mr. GROGAN, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated it was his intention shortly after Whitsuntide to intro duce a bill for the permission of distillation from malt in bond, and to extend to sugar the same regulation as malt, the change to commence from October next. METROPOLIS LOCAL MANAGEMENT BILL. On the order of the day for the house going into com mittee on this bill, Sir B. HALL said it was not his intention by this bill to interfere with the principle of Hobhouse's Act, or in any manner to modify it. Amongst the alterations he proposed, was that of altering the amount of qualifi cation for vestrymen in the metropolitan districts. Under Hobhouse's Act the qualification was 401. in the metropolitan districts, but he found that in some of the districts there were few 401. houses, in com parison with others of a less value, and he proposed that in such parishes where the 401. houses formed an insig nificant portion of the rateable houses the qualification for vestrymen should be reduced to 251., and he further proposed that the necessity of residence should be abolished, because he thought it a hardship that mer chants and others who were largely rated in one parish and resided in another should be prevented, because they did not sleep on the premises, from taking part in its local government. This bill had only been denounced at one pub lic meeting in the metropolis at which there were not more than 30 rate-payers present, which he looked upon as significant of the bill being received with satisfaction in the metropolis. Lord EBRINGTON moved, as an amendment, that the further consideration of the bill be deferred till the house had decided upon the principles of the bill an nounced by the President of the Board of Health for the modification of the act commonly known ae Hobhouse's Act, which act was proposed to be incorporated in the Metropolitan Bill. His lordship at great length en tered into the objections he had to the details of the measure, which he said were in union with the opinions of his constituents. - Mr. LABOUCHERE, was opposed to re-discussing this bill after the house had once approved of the prin ciple, and hoped the house would be allowed to go into committee on the bill. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY thought the bill, as it was at present, rather unintelligible. After a somewhat desultory discussion, Lord Ebriog ton withdrew his motion. Mr. MACKINNON then moved that the bill be referred to a select committee, and the motion was seconded by Mr. Ps LLATT. Sir G. GREY opposed the motion, considering that no grounds had been stated for referring the bill to a select committee. Sir G. Pecbell and Mr. Williams likewise opposed the motion, which was supported, io a modified manner, by Mr. M. Chambers and Lord Ebrington, and, upon a division, negatived by 131 to 8. The house then went into committee upon the bill, a few of the clauses of which had been gone through, when the Chairman was ordered to report progress. The Jurisdiction of the Staunary Court Amendment Bill was read a second time. The Burial-grounds (Scotland) Bill ,passed through committee. The Infants' Marriage Bill was read a third time and passed. Ober bills passed through committee. Mr. KENDALL obtained leave to bring in a bill der the better regulation of the payment of poor s rate on the royalties of mines in England and Wales ; and the Lord Advocate a bill to consolidate and amend the laws relating to bankruptcy in Scotland. The house then adjourned. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. (From the Times of this day.) LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S MOTION. The intentions announced last night by Lord Ellenborough were in all respects meritorious—to restore to Parliament that influence which it ought to possess over the public opinion of this country ; to place the Hone of Lords in the fi:ont of the battle for the rights of merit and for adminis trative reform ; to assure the Crown of the fearless deter mination of Parliament to give its active support to the war, while it lays bare the causes that have hitherto increased our sacrifices and impaired our success. These were objects worthy of a groat oratbr, a groat crisis, and a great display of political excitement. Never was the House of Lords more crowded, cover did a more brilliant audience throng the gal leries or besiege the bar, never was public curiosity more excited; yet, in spite of all these announcements, of all these preparations, and of the tiptoe avidity of the public, we are constrained to add that the debate in no degree realised these expectations, and the largo majority which ne gatived Lord Ellenborough's resolutions expressed the opinion of all who listened impartially to the debate, and of all, we believe, who will read the report with similar impartiality this morning. The most brilliant audience in Britain was, indeed, kept for above an hour suspended between plati tudes which no one could contest, and paradoxes which no one could believe ; and we suspect that most of those present retired with the melancholy conviction that, although the country may be sorely in want of a powerful War Minis ter, that heaven-born statesman is not to be found in the accomplished orator who had commenced the discussion. Nor was Lord Derby more fortunate. ' Brilliant as usual, his speech failed to convince his warmest admirers that he was sincere in desiring the Administrative Reform which he affected to advocate, and he must have borne his friend's de feat with more even than his ordinary resignatiOn. Lord Ellenborough, with characteristic military tactics, be• gan the action by throwing out his light troops, and succeeded by a small anecdote in raising a faint laugh. But this petty advantage was not favourable to his career, and in discussing the wars of empires we can forget the fate of small birds. The true gist of the speech was confined to two points- -the strategical operations of the war as projected and executed by the late Government in the last campaign, and the selec tion of men for the public service, and especially for the military service of the country, without interest or favour, but by the sole test of merit. On this last point we need not say that we cordially agree with Lord El lenborough, and that he has the country to back him ; but the application he made of the principle led him, as we shall presently see, to a most extraordinary paradox. We gather from Lord Ellenborough's remarks en the last campaign that be would have preferred, if possible, that the English and French armies should have been engaged in dis tinct operations, in order to avoid the evils of a. divided com mand. He approves, however, the gradual advance of the forces, the lines at Gallipoli, and the landing at Varna, but from that point his comae of operations would have been wholly different. He appears to think that one portion of the allied forces ought to have been employed in Asia to co operate with the Turkish army of Kars, and that the re mainder should have co-operated with the Turks and Aus trians in the'Principalities, so as to' drive the Russians from the Prnth to the Dnieper. There have, no doubt, been many defects of military judgment and administrative ability in the conduct of the past campaign, but, all things considered, no blunders have been committed at all approaching to the ab surdity of these suggestions. The position of the allied armies has been most trying during a winter in the Crimea within six miles of the sea ; what would it have been in the mountainous regions of Armenia, cut off by rocks and snow from the coast, and buried in that wild region which Xenophon crossed by a march still cited as a miracle in military history ? The Government are sometimes accused of not knowing what they under took when they invaded the Crimea, but that reproach is, at least, ill-founded in the mouths of men who would have despatched an army into Mingrelia and Imeritia. Again, Lord Ellenborough advocates a campaign in the valley of the Danube, the Principalities, and the plains of Bessarabia—a country already exhausted by the passage of armies, infected with pestilence, scorched by heat in summer, and swept by the severest cold in winter—where we must have encountered as we advanced two or three fold our own numbers in the ranks of the enemy. Both these plans appear to us so ex travagant, and so evidently fatal to the troops which might have been engaged in them, that they materially shake what ever confidence we might have been disposed to place in Lord Elleuborough's judgment and sagacity; and we are confident that the difficulties *e have already had to surmount in our schemesoperations ha d been would have adop b ted. e e n Lord r e t con trary, e t , omits the one main point of our superiority and our success. We are making war at a great distance from home, o n cation wholly deficient. What, then, have we in andi climates habitations and countriesscarce, w we n k d n thee little means of, of where inland y France and ;urourmairinntiummearaheven catrao food to ma n t o l f P' t p li n e ? se? • and enable us e England into contact with Russia, superiority,le an s ort which,w h givesch b u r i sa n it g lh c a Tauric Chersonesus. railroads and telegraphs on the soil of the sa which exposed it to tarn our armies, to reinforce our troops, and even to Plant o ut It is the peninsular form of the Crim cases s tnmand base of operations. to carry on the war there with e f the maritime character of the attacks of the maritime Powers,as Lord Ellenborough loses sight o t erceive that the conquest of the war, and hence he does not p attainment of every other ob cainirde which enables them ilereas with the Russian top ursue, w ject he recommends us -ed in Sebastopol no other opera tion hccosueldstwraittchsriscaafle,tvyinchwoeatevs:ehbh. doubtedly are, were e a e wA n sd a vo t e t pr e ,t m ins p gin t attempted. Lord Ellenborough t 313 the advancement of merit and capacity in opposition to fa vouritism and routine, he gave his unqualified support to those principles which the experience of the last few mouths has placed in the mouth of every man not pledged by interest or prejudice to the existing system. We give Lord Ellenbo rough credit for something of that sprrit which enabled Lord Chatham to select the best instruments for the boldest policy, and to triumph over obstacles in war which baffled the con stancy and the courage even of his illustrious son. But, w hil e Lord Ellenborough gave utt erance to these honourable and patriotic sentiments, we we re not prepared to hear hi m w i n d up his harangue by a direct appeal to the personal merits of his hereditary auditors. The merit to which the country looks for the work of administrative reform is the personal merit of those who raise their own fortunes and confer a lustre on their own names —the merit of those who make peerages, but who assembly who cannot invoke the er h f e a e m i b s do not often inherit them eea sM orsf rC fsr e oo l m y me cestor, and reckon the honours he ns peero illustriousmeoimnioteha nt servant of the realm. We neither forget their pas t services nor grudge th em these rewards.• But is it possible that Lord Ellenborongh could confound the hereditary titles and station of the House of Peers with the achievements in which they t.ok their origin Does it not savour of irony to remind th members of that House that genius and valour confer these distinctions, though they do not accompany them by heredi tary descent The very charge brought against aristocrat:c institutions is, that they perpetuate this share of power, rank, and influence in the State by the accident of birth and by the claim of kinsmanship. The House of Peers consists, not of the greatest men whom England pos sesses, but of the descenda n t s o f the greatest men whom she has at any time possessed. There, at least, the claims of family are absolute and indisputable, fox ... they are the essence of an hereditary aristocracy. In their proper place, ire do not dispute the services they may render to the State; but the rule which predominates in the House of Lords is mis• chievous and absurd when it overrules the whole public ad ministration of the country. Men who are to serve the State well must be chosen for something besides the abilities of th e i r grandfathers or the influence of their living relations ; an d the proposition he professed to assert than cal example of Lord Ellenborough could not have selected a more paradoxi that appeal to the House of Peers with which he c onc l u d e d his speech. (From the Morning Chronicleof this day. ) The Earl of Ellenborough, whether doing the work of the Nation his elaborate ofionoronly tie the Tories, on thes,atlea errors std whichne in h n id that work f k oan to have ma been committed in the military well. Into the war it is not necessary now to enter, because, however able in thems e l ves, th ey were on l y i n di r ectly connected with the real question which agitates the public mind. The practical sense of the people of this country teaches them to " let by gones be bygones," and rather to seek guarantees for the future than to inflict punishment for the past. Mistakes, at the commencement of such a war as that in which we are n ow engaged, were a l mos t i nev it a bl e, after a long period of p eace. The public, recovered from a first astonish ment that the national arms should not have proved triumphantlymsoieedL successful as the national flatterers pro mised, meet have arrived at a conviction that there were radical t:s.elnyingee,iiiisysategmen, e vv ro hi n c e h en o p ug pe h rt t to fre be m re p m ar edi liam ed e b nt y re m r d lu th te e revenge. That our affairs s re po t s n i rn ti on en of th t e he p i a lb — li tn c mind eeek is rather d to look t ro h e r an ople t : than to beyond a doubt--hew arnelezintofnprofit by a ex r p e e m ri e en y ce ra , irs have been mismanaged is t an he .a r preclude such mismanage was ecarcely w t e t um oo ? severe on Lord Pal- Lord Ellenborough merston. " Public instauctor" were not alone in their pectation that the noble viscount wo ex theunangireundeurpeeopflethaendoptponartt uhnie t w y - n o ni ffe d red him by an almost have wielded e w c i o el ni de p d reh wi en th ded a fi rm an d vigorous , hand the Dictatorship forced upon his ac ceptance. Yes, what every man i n th e nation sawto be the t nlv true solution of the great difficulty of the time, re cisely that which Lord Palmerston eith er could not, or wo uld uot, understand. 'He thought that he had done enough, when he offered offices to certain gentlemen whose position as pri vate individuals rendered acceptance impossible ; and, hav ing done this, he considered himself justified in falling back on his old Whig friends, and in forming an Administration upon scarcely any other principle than that of family con nection. Whether it was that the Peers regarded Lord Palmerston as the temporary champion of their order, or that the Tories did not seriously desire to put out their full strength, a divi sion showed a majority against Lord Ellenborough's motion. (From. the Daily News of this day.) The Peers have negatived Lord Ellenborough's motion. Seventy-one votes were recorded for, and one hundred and eighty-one against it. We should be shy of affirming that all the " Contents" are in their hearts friendly to Administrative Reform ; but we are thoroughly convinced that all the " Non contents" are sincerely opposed to it. Great things were, expected of the noble earl. As he was pointedly reminded by his antagonists who followed him in debate, he seemed, after challenging the whole Ministerial array, cautiously to avoid engaging in any conflict of a personal nature, His inculpations of the Government were general, and he ,carefully abstained from specifically censuring any particular appointment, civil or military. This method was undoubtedly consonant with good tactics as regarded votes in a division, and we are not sure that upon the whole it was an error in judgment as regards the verdict of the country. We do not blame Lord Ellenborough, therefore, for not affording his opponents an opportunity, such as no doubt they counted on, of breaking up the discussion of the great con troversy into a number of personal altercations about the de gree of demerit of each of their proteges, and the comparative ill-odour of their numerous jobs. The country has long ago made up its mind on the matter; and Lord Ellenborough did, in our opinion, much more wisely by keeping clear of all the dust and filth of individualrecrimination, and bolclly appealing for popular support by the manly and straightforward avowal of tho great principle of Administrative Reform. "I am not a convert," exclaimed the noble Earl, " to that principle, be cause I have always maintained it ; and because I have always, when I had the power, applied it in practice. The fault of the speech, as a speech, m?.nifest.y arose from its having been too hastily fore-shortened i a accordance with some sur;gestion or after-thought.- Artistically judged, it may be said to have consisted of little more than an opening and a peroration, both excellent in their way, but each more suit able to an invective of two hours' duration than a menace of attack prolonged for s five-and-forty minutes. In a word, people expected a tempest, and were consequently not very much moved by the picturesque, but harmless, threatening of a thunder-storm that passed off without bursting. It is perfectly clear that in the Upper House there is an instinctive unanimity in favour of maintaining things as they are. The contest there is solely one of party ; different shib boleths are used by rival factions ; but to cheit the middle classes out of their rights is the ultimate, though unuttered, aim of both. (From, the Morning Post of this day.) Lord Ellenborough might as well have moved a simple vote of censure as the high-sounding, resolutions which drag their slow length along over half a. column of paper. He might have done that, and he might have urged with fairness and candour his desire for anothillt change of Ministry, which should have given him an opportunity of indulging his gor geous dreams of conquered Asia—of changing the scene, with the rapidity of a pantomime, from the beleaguered walls of Sebastopol to the plains of Georgia, and the splendour of an Asiatic campaign with Russia. But candour and fairness do not seem to be favourite weapons with the War Minister who recommends himself with such earnestness and such persever- once. In his whole attack on the conduct of the war he slurs over tho fact, that the Palmerston is not tho Aber. doom Ministry—that the spirit of Lord Aberdeen is not the spirit of Lord Palmerston—that Lord Panmure is not the Duke of Newcastle—that wo have a new Minis try, not only distinct in many points from the old, but in the vigour and qualifications of its Head—in its will and capacity to reform, absolutely different. Lord Ellenborough inveighed against the doings of the Government, as if Govern ment existed on a principle of perpetuity, and were responsi ble alike for the economics of the Earl of Derby and for the weakness of Lord Aberdeen, in not counteracting their mis chief. The plaia truth is, that no Minister is individually re sponsible for the effects of a forty years'.peace on the army of a constitutional and representative country. ( From the Morning Herald of this day.) The sole reason for the motion made by the Conservative party is, the alarming nature of the crisis. Long since, deeply impressed with the necessity for administrative reform, they felt the hour had at length arrived at which it could not be much longer delayed. Lord Dirby admitted that recent de monstrations proved the existence of a deeply-seated dissatis faction and discontent amongst all classes. And unless this feeling be met in a fair and judicious manner the very foun dations of our constitution may receive a shock. This is the blow which the Conservative party would ward off from our distracted country. In vain did the Coalitionists endeavour to change the real question of debate, an .I to convert a cen sure upon the feeble policy of an incapable Government into an attack upon the united services. Again and again di both Lords Derby and Ellenborough commend most warmly, as they have ever done, our gallant defenders and their noble allies the French. The Ministry by the greatest exertions contrived to defeat the motion, but the whole weight of the debate goes against them, and the vigilance of our friends in the country will soon bring victory to the cause. ( From the Morning-Advertiser of this day.) The speech of Lord Ellenborough will prove a heavy blo and discouragement to the oligarchical system, out of which our disasters and dishonour have arisen. A great portioh of it might have been spoken with much propriety at the meet ing at the London Tavern, on Saturday week, to inaugurate the Administrative Reform movement. We do not suppose that the Administrative Reform Association will formally ex press a wish that Lord Ellenborough should join their organi sation. Nor do we suppose it likely that he will forward his subscription with a request that his name may be enrolled as a member ; but still the association may, so fares all practical purposes are concerned, regard him hereafter as ono of thei body. They must feel—at least they ought to feel—that they owe a debt of gratitude to the noble lord for his speech last night. Lord Ellenborough was very severe in his remarks on the House of Commons ; but no one can charge the noble lord with having carried his severity beyond the confines of justice. He affirmed that the House of Commons had lost the confi dence of the country. Who will deny the truth of the asser tion ? Poll the entire population of the kingdom, and you will not find one intelligent person wh does not share the opinion of the House of Commons, w hich the noblelord ca s n o . plainly and so forcibly expressed. The fact is one ew eed, c hi h for a not be too deeply deplored. It is ominous, end their views and give utterance to their epresentatives of these v eo e u ry nt na ry en bo w a h st o i i n n g th o e f its peoplerepresentative return to institute s ea t ur i i , o eh n na s t , v ob, :r f h oer f e . n epirteea the s s all claim to the character of being the o r s fti o n which we are in who sent them thither. That is the-P position. It is full of at present. It is a truly alarm reform of the House of peril. comm on T s here must be a sweepin g the Shaw, and other scientific gentlemen, bottain, Mr. . establishing that the parr, or Ramsbottam, ceded in have just succeeded remain two years in the fresh waler naturalist, of Edinburgh, M r . migration to the sea. 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