The Sun. — London, England, 1849-08-14 00:00:00

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The first aggregate meeting of the Metropolitan Par liamentary and Financial Reform Association was hk Id last night within the walls of Drury lane Theatre. The vast edifice was crowded to the roof; and additional ac commodation was provided for several hundreds of per sons at the back of the stage and behind the speakers. A considerable number of ladies occupied seats in the boxes and pit. The arrangements for the preservation of order was enforced by a number of stewards wearing rosettes and carrying wands. The chair was taken at seven o'clock by Sir Joshua Walmsley, M.P., President of the Association. Among the members and friends of the association upon the platform were Lord Nugent, M.P., Lord Dudley Stuart, M.P., Mr. C. Lushingtoa, M.P., Mr. F. O'Connor, M.P., Mr. G. Thompson, M.P., Count Pnlski, the Rev. T. Spencer, M.A., Sir F. Knowles, Bart. ; Mr. C. Gilpin, Professor Maham, Oberlin College, Ohio, United States; T. Price, LL.D., Mr. S. Ilarford, &c., &c. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the business of the meet ing, read the following letter from Mr. Cobden, M.P., expressing his regret at being unable to attend the meeting:— _ . "Eastbourne, Sussex, Aug. 7. " Sir,—Will you be good enough to express to the committee my regret that absence from town will pre vent my being present at the next meeting of the Metro politan and Parliamentary Reform Association? You have many years of good work before you, and it will not, therefore, be amiss to keep an army of reserve for another campaign. In the mean time you are doing battle heroically, and "I remain, Sir, your obedient servant, "E. Whitty, Esq. RICHARD COBDEN." A similar letter of apology was read from Mr. Hume, M.P. The CHAIRMAN then" said, that amongst the various subjects of congratulation arising out of the present brilliant and important meeting, not the least significant was the presence of so unusual a number of their fel low-countrywomen.—(Cheers.) It was an evidence of the rectitude of their principles and the peacefulness of their policy, and it spoke volumes in favour of their early, signal, and complete success. He only echoed the sentiment of every gentleman present when he thanked them gratefully ter their countenance.— (Loud cheers.) It was honourable to the metropolis that this association had so rapidly developed the neces sity of uniting all classes in the attainment of a large, substantial, and permanent measure of reform. In the short space of six months they had succeeded in inspir • ing confidence -where distrust formerly existed, in unit ing those who had long been alienated, and in giving form and consistency to the demand for civil rights; and from their present place of meeting might go forth a na tional rallying cry which would end in the extinction of abuses and the elevation of the masses to the rights of citizenship.—(Cheers.) For this early efficiency they were indebted to the zealous, untiring, and earnest labours of their Council. They were told the middle classes were apathetic, and the masses chilled into indif ference. They applied the test of public meetings to the assumed fact, and the result had been that no building had yet been found sufficiently capacious to receive the thousands who bad thronged to give their adhesion to the cause of freedom and advancement.—(Cheers.) But the great feature that distinguished the present movement from all others in the his tory of political agitation was the momentous fact that the link was broken, and, thus separated, the two great classes had again been welded firmly, ann he trusted for ever, for the just purposes of social and political elevation.—(Cheers.) By means of this union the association had already become a " great fact,"— (Checrs)—but to be really powerful for good the sphere of its labours must be extended, its members zealous in the support of their opinions, and the principles for which they were associated, carried out in a fearless and uncompromising spirit. The objects they sought were worthy of the effort. They would emancipate their fellow-men, restore the spirit of the constitution, place property on a sale and permanent basis, and make that a fact which had hitherto been purely a fiction, by caus ing the institutions of the country to live in the breasts and affections of the people.—(Cheers.) At present their politiaal existence was a perpetual turmoil, un suited to the habits and genius of the people.—(Hear, hear.) The masses throughout the country were every where sullen and discontented. The middle classes groaned under the pressure of unequal and unneces sary taxation.—(Cheers.) There was an antagonism between the people and their representatives of so extraordinary a character, that no great social or po litical amelioration could be achieved without an or ganized agitation, destructive alike to the time, the Means, and the energies of the country.—(Hear, and cheers.) A glance at the Parliamentary history of this country would convince the most sceptical of the notes shy for a thorough reform of the representative system. The only great national measure which received the sanction of the Legislature during the entire of the last session was that crowning act of tree trade, the repeal of the navigation-laws—(Cheers)—nor did this arise from Want of exertion on the part at the Members representing large constituences. Mr. Cobden's motion for placing the warlike establishments of the country on the basis of 1835, after 20 years of peace, and thus saving 10,000,0001., was rejected by 275 to 78 ; Mr. Hume's motion for the amendment of the national r« presentation by 268 to 82; Mr. Berkeley's, for the ballot, by 136 to 85. Air. O'Con nor's motion for the Charter met a similar fate, and was thrown out by 224 to 15. Nor was Mr. Osborne's motion for a Committee to Inquire into the Irish State Church viewed with more favour ; it was refused by 17 0 to 103. In fact, every measure to relieve the burdens or elevate the conditi,n of the people was treated as visionary and out of place, and would con tinue to be so treated until the House of Commons became not only in name, but in reality the Commons' House. lie would conclude by reminding them that there were few objects of higher, purer, or more ennobling in terest than those for which they associated. It was for them to de!ermine whether they would continue to allow a territorial oligarchy to subvert the entire spirit of the co nstitution, or whether by the exertion of their moral Power they would vindicate the majesty of the people, and insure peace, happiness, and contentment to every Portion of the empire.—(Loud cheers.) The report was then read by Mr. G. THOMPSON. We extract the following passag.si— " It is with the utmost gratification that the Council have to announce to the first aggregate meeting of mem bers the indisputable success of the association. " After repeated deliberations, and having consulted With the leaders of all classes of reformers, it was re- Solved to advocate the following reforms:— " 1. Such an extension of the franchise as will give to every male occupier of a tenement, or any portiou of a tenement, for which he shall be rated, or shall have tclaimed to be rated, to the relief of the poor, the right to oe registered as an elector. "2. The adoption of the system of voting by ballot. " 3. The limitation of the duration of Parliament to three years. " 4. Such a change in the arrangement of the electoral districts as shall produce a more equal apportionment of representatives to constituents. 5. The abolition of the property qualification for Members of Parliament. _. . .. . " The plan of agitation hitherto pursued has been to visit in succession the various boroughs ; and public meetings have been held in Lambeth, Finsbury, Mary "one, the Tower Hamlets, Greenwich, Southwark, and West London ; -which, with the meeting now held in Westminster, will include every section of the me tropolis. " With a desire not to exaggerate, the Council can reall y safely assert that they have been everywhere enthu-ias greeted by crowded assemblies, held invariably 11 the largest buildings available in the localities. 401 " It Would be idle to attempt to conceal that much of the success which waits to reward the persevering efforts of this association must be the result of the individual exertions of the people. Two great practical modes of action should be ever borne in mind—the existing registers must be closely watched and purified ; the e''unty constituents must be enlarged by the vigorous and simultaneous working, in every locality, of freehold qualification societies. " In this movement the men of Birmingham set the example, which was speedily followed by the midland Counties. In Manchester, and in almost all the other large towns, freehold land and building societies have also been formed; whilst in the metropolis this Council has aided in the establishment of one for the emancipa tion of the home counties. By the aid of these societies the 403. franchise is brought within the reach of every industrious man placed above the struggle for the merest necessaries of life. A judicious investment of 201., which may be subscribed at the rate of Is. a week, will thus se cure an annual return to the subscriber of at least 10 per Cent. upon his outlay, and place him upon the register for the county in which bis qualification is situated. "The amount of individual aid thus brought to the c ommon cause will be the fairest test of the sincerity and Public spirit of the great body of reformers; and the vigour which the freehold qualification movement has hitherto displayed affords every reason for a confident e xpectation that it will constitute one of the most efficient means for the attainment of political rights. " The movement having now become a fact of unequi vocal import, and having insured the support of the me- Ls and its environs, the Council, in obedience to the necessity of its position, and in compliance with repeated Invitations from many of the largest provincial towns , no , r .'nger hesitates to extend the operations of the associa "on to the whole kingdom. Its scope, like its object is "lightened national ; and the Council earnestly calls upon the "lightened reformers in all parts of the country to unite with this great movement for the extension of popular right=_—(Cheers.) sel .:reT e o ly accomplish the objects of the association it needs to be said that a large amount of pecuniary aid has now become indispensable. Small subscriptions, if universally contributed, will suffice, but it is necessary that the Council should be furnished with adequate ttl eans of co m p e ti n g with the compact body of t h e i r in terested opponents, who will cling to the abuses by which they profit till the united efforts of an earnest and in dignant people shall enforce their relinquishment. It is not within the object of the present report to dilate upon the results of the proposed change; but the ,Council cannot conclude without reiterating their con 'Weed belief that it will tend to the preservation of our m ost valuable institutions, give stability and protection to property, elevate and improve the condition of all classes of the people, and consequently raise the king.. apm to a hei g ht o f prosper ity an d g randeur which, amidst all its successes, it has never yet attained." Mr. C. LUS HINGTON sa id , he regretted the absence of :1-Lime who, it had been arranged, should first have iia ad dressed the meet i ng to n i g h t; b ut t hi s p r i va tion, as he him sure every one present would feel it, would enable a cordial tribute to the transcendent merits of_ thtnot p e a x y cellent man and admirable statesman.—(Hear, " e ar.) Mr. Hume commenced his career at a time hen, ticcording to the prejudices of the day, to aavo• e ft a i. t ts e__ reform was almost to contend for treason, but, although lie was reviled by the enemies of reform, he pursued his course steadily, and had succeeded in con ferring upon his country inestimable benefits by the ex tinc:ion of abuses and the reduction of the national ex penditure. Their gratitude was, therefore, essen tially due to that venerable and consistent reformer. A public complimeet was already paid to that Hon. Gentle man by a particular seat being reserved for him in the House of Commons into which no other Member in truded; and when nature should assert her stern and final decree he (Mr. Lushington) felt convinced that a niche would be assigned him in the temple of public gratitude, where the memory of his patriotic deeds would be consecrated and embalmed.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Lushington) would now turn to the immediate business of the evening. He believed this was the last metropolitan district which bad been visited by the Fi nancial Rerorm Association; but the Council of that as• sociation knew that there was in Westminster an appe tite for reform of insatiable voracity.—(Laughter and cheers.) He considered that the Conncil bad laid down an admirable plan of operations, and he rejoiced that there had been a union of sentiment and exertion upon this question on the part of various sections of the community entertaining different political opinions—a union which be believed no machinations of the enemies of freedom could successfully resist.—(Loud cheers.) The middle classes and the great body of the artizans of this country had proclaimed the approaching doom of that offensive and detestable exclusiveness which had hitherto deprived a great proportion of the people of their proper share in the representation. Was not such a combination required? How were the people repre sented in the House of Commons?—(A Voice—" Not at ell.”)—(Laughter and cheers.) Where were the friends of the people in that House? He believed the largest number of Members who had voted in favour of any one reform question had been only 84; and motion after motion fir reform bad been negatived by large majori ties. Of 850,000 electors in this country only 1-17th belonged to the industrial classes; and he thought this was a state of things which ought to be remedied. The fact was that the representation of the House of Com mons was a mockery; and the people, having no voice in the representation, could exercise no control over the expenditure which was met from that taxation to which they were the chief contributors. Taking the annual expenses of the nation at 56,000,0001., the working classes were required to contribute 32,000,0001. of that amount. Under the present system the constitutional right of the people not to be taxed without their own consent was constantly violated. At the period of the American war Lord Chancellor Camden enunciated this magnificent principle, " Taxation and representation are inseparably united. God has joined them; no British Parliament can put them asunder. Taxation and representation are inseparable; it is one of the laws of nature that whatever is a man's own is absolutely his own; no man has a right to take it without the consent of the possessor, expressed either by himself or his re presentative, and whoever attempts to do so commits an injury and a robbery."—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) Now, it was an incontestable fact that the people of this country were not representsd—(Hear, hear)—neverthe less they were taxed.—(Laughter and cheers.) There fore, as Lord Camden said, they were robbed, because they were not allowed to exercise that control over the public expenditure to which they were entitled by every principle of justice. Seven-eighths of the Members of the House of Commons were, he believed, altogether op posed to aey reform. He (Mr. Lushington) had fre quently been in minorities of eighteen or twenty upon questions of reform; and he believed the smallest num ber with which he had voted was upon the " People's Charter."—(Loud cheers, renewed and continued for some moments.) On that occasion only thirteen Members, besides the two tellers, supported the motion—(Cries of " Shame, shame!")—but in that baker's dozen he was numbered, along with Mr. Hume, and several Hon. gentlemen who were present on this occasion. —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He held in his hand a list of 21 propositions for reform submitted to the House of Com mons, every one of which had been negatived by large majorities.—(Cries of " Shame!") The people, then, were not duly represented; they were left to writhe in compulsory submission to aggravated abuses, flagrant but unacknowledged, iniquitous but unredressed. The Prime Minister derided the idea of reform—(Cries of " Oh !" and groans)—and seven eighths of the House of Commons opposed every emendatory measure. What then was the remedy for this state of things? They could not rely upon the House of Commons—(Hear. hear) they must rely upon themselves.— (Cheers.) They must secure an amendment and reform of thy electoral tranchise; they must have universal suffrage. —(Loud cheering, which was prolonged for some moments.) Universal suffrage was proffered to them by the Finance Association, purified to a small extent merely to protect it from abuse—from the invasion of the common beggar and the common vagabond.— (A voice—" Where's the rights o' man?"—Laughter and cheers.) But while they got universal suffrage they must also secure the privileges of the ballot. (Cheers) How had universal suffrage operated in America? It had established peace among the people, and had given universal satisfaction. They never heard of seditious tumults or disturbances against the Govern merit of the United States, because there the people were their own governors, and would not attempt to destro) their own authority. Then let them look at France. —(A. cry of " Rome," followed by hisses and groans.) He did not wish to go into the question, but merely to express his opinion that the exercise of universal hUi ?rage had preserved France from much evil.—(Hear.) lie called upon them to persevere steadily in carrying on their object, avoiding the minutest infraction of thy law, and they would then confound their enemies, wh, might be still endeavouring to entrap and to punish them.—(Hear, hear.) The honest declaration of public opinion, enunciated calmly, and according to the dictates of the law, could not be battered down by artillery— (Hear)—no six pounders would lurk in the suburbs; the Horse Guards Blue would repose harmlessly in their barracks—(A laugh)—and the people would achieve complete success, because their sovereignty and their rights would be constitutionally vindicated. He might conclude by observing, with reference to the' scheme for purchasing 40s. freeholds in counties, that he was glad a society had been formed to sy cure to artisans and to the industrious classes the means of obtaining by that means votes in counties, and that he hoped the plan would be encouraged by those who had the power of promoting it.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Rev. T. SPENCER observed, such was the powet of corruption, that no Prime Minister could remove great evils without the assistance of popular opinion. —(Hear, hear.) If they looked to the past, they would find that every great measure brought to a successful issue by the Government of the day had been carried by the assis tance of the people at meetings of this kind; and he therefore took courage for the future, and believed the great work upon which they had now entered would in a few years be perfectly accomplished. Sir Robert Peel had rejoiced at the repeal of the corn-laws, and had attributed to th a t measure t h e escape of this country from revolution; but there were other dangers by which the country was threatened besides the want of free trade. He considered that the great danger to this country, and perhaps to every country in Europe, arose from excessive taxation, and the monopoly of legislation. —(Hear, hear.) They ought to apply to Government the principle of buying in the cheapest market. The Emperor of Austria had an expensive government, but it was not a good one; the United States had a cheap government, and it was a good one.—(Laughter.) Ii was quite unnecessary to spend 54,000,0001. a year upon the government of this country.—(Hear.) The President of the United States received 5,0001. a year, and the Secretaries of State 1,0001. a year each, and they did their duty quite as well as Lord J. Russell— (Laughter and groans)—or any minister of state in Great Britain. Ile (Mr. Spencer) did not mean to say be would reduce the salaries of the Ministers of this country to the amount of those paid in America--(A voice " I would, though," laughter)—and he thought the public expen diture in that respect might be very considerably di minished. He considered that there was no good reason for giving Queen Adelaide 100,0001. a year!—(" Oh, oh" and a laugh)—for allowing Lord Brougham 5,0001. a year—(Laughter)—and for giving to descendants of the illegitimate children of Charles 11. large sums of public money.—(Cheers.) He was convinced that, un less a reduction of taxation was effected, they could not look forward to a continuance of peace in this country. —(A voice, " What about the bishops?") Then there was also the danger arising from the discontent of every man who had not a vote. It was not in human nature for six men out of every seven to stand by at an election and see themselves counted for nothing. —(Hear, hear.) These two objects were united by the Financial Reform Association, and he (Mr. Spencer), therefore, commended it to their support. He might be told that, as a clergyman, he ought to re commend every man to be quiet and contented, and not to " meddle with those that are given to change," and that it was his duty to preach peace and good-will among men. Well, he believed the course he took was the best mode of fulfilling that mission. —(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He never felt that he was doing his Master's work so much as when he was endeavouring to diminish the sum of human misery —(Hear, hear)—and he be lieved the will of Almighty God was the happiness of all to t fi h l e l t t h h e e made r t s m e w n i n t) ? t j t o o y and starve, g o l a r d t i o i e s b s e , s g l i a v v i e n s g , men;b ut them all things richly to enjoy; and that his will was that the Government should live for the people, and not that the people should live for the Government.—(Hear, bear.) One of the " powers ordained of God" in this country was the House of Commons, which was sup posed to represent the people at large; but the working men, and the taxpaying men, who created the wealth of the country, were not the persons who elected the House of Commons. That House was indeed filled with naval and military officers, pensioners, and the sons of the nobility, and it represented anything rather than the Commons of the realm. Lord J. Russell had said that the people had no right to universal suffrage, although they had the right to be well governed. That Noble Lord, however, seemed to forget that a great deal dep what ended goodupon g th U e ve p r e n r rn so e n n s t who s ;haadndtoasaansmweemr member r e ques tionoithearistocracy the Noble Lord might think that it was enough it one person in every four, five, or six possessed the elective franchise. But the question was, what the people of England would think? He was in the United States some time ago, and he had never seen a country so peaceful as that, or a set of men so bearing the marks of self-respect, independence, end manly bearing. He had seen elections at N e w ork and Boston, and so quiet and orderly were the people, that unless he had been told, he should not have known that elections were in progress. Well, then, as universal suffrage and vote by ballot were working so well in America, why should they not work well bere?—(Hear.) Were the people of this country inferior to those of America? did they not come from us? A few years ago the directors of railways ob jected to expressions of opinion on the part of share holders respecting the management of their affairs. They said, " Let us alone; we will manage the railway property for you.—(A laugh.) If you put a question to us we will resign." Well, the shareholders were good ' boys, and did not interfere. But, by and bye, it was discoTered these aneu had played the rogue, sad the shareholders fouhd it necessary to take the management of their affairs into their own hands. The people of England were now the shareholders, and the aristocracy were the railway directors, who said, " Leave us alone to manage everything, and don't you interfere." But the people had found that they did not manage very well, and they were determined to take their affairs into their own hands. The working man was taxed 50 per cent., the middle class 25 per cent. Now, they would rather see every man pay according to his property. He believed there was not a single working man who would wish to escape all taxation—(Cheers)—and they were all ready to pay their shilling when taxation should be ren dered fair and equal. He believed that if the people would meet in such assemblies as the present, Govern• ment would within two years say, " We cannot stop them ; we will take the matter out of their hands; and have it they shall.—(Tremendous cheers.) The CHAIRMAN then introduced Lord Dudley Stuart, whose presence he especially hailed, as a member of the aristocracy who had stepped out of the ranks of his order to aid the cause of the people.—(Loud cheers.) Lord Dudley Stuart then presented himself, and was greeted with enthusiastic and prolonged applause, which was increased by a gentleman on the platform exclaiming " three cheers for Hungary - when the vast audience en masse, by shouts and waving of handkerchiefs, testified their enthusiasm in the cause. The CHAIRMAN here announced that Count Pub zky was on the platform, and this again excited the enthu siastic cheering of the meeting. Lord D. STUART proceeded, at length, to say that this was, indeed, a great moment for him. The cheers which the meeting had given, not for his own name, but for that of Hungary—(Renewed cheers)—would resound from the banks of the Thames to those of the Danube and the Theiss; and he prayed that they might urge on the gallant patriots —not in their struggle against op pression, but in their hour of triumphant victory.— (Great applause.) But the meeting had not been as sembled to discuss any topics of foreign policy, although the enthusiasm which reigned in their hearts for all who, in whatever clime, were struggling for their rights, had burst forth in a noble strain, and for a moment diverted attention from the object of the evening.— (Hear, hear.) It was not for him to return thanks for that noble ebullition of feeling. The Honourable Chairman had announced that there was present one of Hungary's noblest patriots—(At this point the en thusiasm of the meeting was greatly increased by the chairman pointing to Count Puhaki, who was forthwith called in front of the stage, and accommodated with a prominent seat)—who before they separated would probably express his feelings at this noble episode in so magnificent a meeting.—(Great applause.) After the many eloquent speeches upon the subject of financial and parliamentary reform, both in and out of Parliament, and the able writings that had been circulated upon it, he had not the vanity to suppose he could adduce any new arguments in favour of these important objects. But none were necessary. Every person of reflection in the kingdom must feel that financial reform was necessary, and that the means of obtaining it lay through reform in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) What need of argument to show that financial reform was required when every schoolboy was aware that the expenditure of th e c o un t r y was now ten millions greater than it was ten years ago.—(Cheers.) The great evil of this country was excessive and unequal taxation.—(Cheers.) The remedy for the evil was Parliamentary Reform.—(Renewed cheers.) There must be unequal conditions in every coantry. Every person could not be rich or prosperous ; and no legisla don could place a man in the receipt of a hundred a year in as good a position, in a worldly sense, as a man who enjoyed a thousand a year. But we need not have a system of taxation pressing more hardly upon the poor than upon the rich.—(Hear, hear.) We might have a more equitable system ; we need not have every article consumed by the poor highly taxed. By the as sistance of a league, similar to that which they were now assembled to promote, the will of the people had been made known, and the tax upon the staff of life got rid of ; but there were other articles, consumed by the poor, which were heavily taxed—tea, tobacco, beer (through the malt tax), and light and air, through the window-tax.—(Hear, hear.) And he was sorry to add that, in the metropolis at least, water was also subjected to a heavy tax—a tax which might not be paid to the collector of the Government, but which was a grievance that the inhabitants of the metropolis, and of most towns in England, laboured under, and which he hoped, ere long, would ,be removed.—(Hear, hear.) It was to re move grievances of this sort that the association had been for med ; and, knowing that the present meeting was to be held, he could not have been satisfied with pointing to the votes he had given in the House of Commons for the motions of Mr. Cobden and .vlr. Hume. He therefore thoughtiil. - 5;;;to; present, being desirous of taking part in this great, sound, and wholesome agitation. It was by agitation hat all great ends were to be obtained, and by agitation only, at least he trusted so, in this country. It was only oy such agitation as this association would persevere with that they could effect the purpose of relieving the people from the crushing injustice of unequal taxation. He had himself been a strenuous oppont nt of the income-tax, and it might be said " if you mean to take off such taxes as you have mentioned money must be raised to meet the obligations of the country, and you must come to direct taxation." It was' per ,ectly true that he had opposed the income-tax might and main, but he had not opposed a property-tax.— (Cheers.) He had not b.en told by the Government, •• We will take off the window-tax, abolish the duty upon tea or tobacco, to enable the poor man to buy his comforts and necessaries at a cheap rate; but he had ',card them say, " We must have an income tax of five per cent. to meet the necessities of the State."— (Hear, hear.) Let it be remembered than an income ,ax was not a property•tax; but he believed the best thing that could be done for the people would be e b i t i o s b t , a ke not tex.—(lL ar, hear.)—He believed that the same amount off ff an th in e co ta m x e e - s ta h x e , b h u a t d an m e e q n u t i i t ( a )n b e le d, pr a o n p d ert e y s s . of money which was now raised could be raised by less oppressive means. Reduce the duty upon tea, and the revenue would be equal to its present amount, whilst the poor would be benefited. It had been so with coffee. The duty had been reduced, whilst the revenue derived roar it was the same, if not greater. So it would be wi h every other article which the poor consumed. — (Hear, hear.) How, then, were they to urge tinancial reform? By revolution, anarchy, and vio. tence?—(Cries of "No, no.") Such a remedy would be worse than the disease. The real remedy was Par oamentary Reform—(Hear)—for until the House of Commons was made what it professed to be, a real re presentation of the people, it was vain to hope for any amelioration in our condition. This, then, was what the association proposed to effect. First, it would ex tend the suffrage by extending the right of voting to any man who was rated, however small in amount, or who chose to claim to be rated. He did not know how far such an extension of the suffrage might give universal satisfaction, but it would be a great and a most import ant step towards improvement. It would at least effect ~ , n , ne l yp ua r pm o i s n e o — r it t h y a o t ,f wthheeree population, electoral and twasbe non electors electors a large minority, places would be changed. The ehctors would become the large majority, whilst (hose excluded would be the minority; and after all, if this was not found sufficient, it would not prevent the people going further.— (Hear, hear.) Ho had alway s been for progressive reform. Long ago he had voted for what was called the Reform Bill. Now he voted for what he called the Reform Bill of the present day, as proposed by the Hon. Gentleman in the chair.—(Hear, hear.) The next point demanded by the association was the oallot, which might be called at once the greatest and the least of the points. It was the greatest because the most necessary, and the most important of all at the present day ; perhaps it would be the least important after all the others had been secured. Although he had voted again and again for the ballot, and should do so again whenver it was proposed, he confessed he did not iike it. He did not like doing things in secret. He might then be asked why he voted for it? He would say why, for the same reason that he built a wall round his garden—to keep out intruders. It was his right to be secured; it was his right that no man should come in and trespass upon his grounds to steal and carry away that which belonged to him; and although he would much rather not be put to the expense of building a wall —although he had much rather it was not necessary to protect the voter by the ballot, he was determined that the voter should oe free. Therefore it was necessary to afford the voter protection, and therefore he voted for the ballot. The n..xt point of the asso ciation was that of shorter Parliaments. On this point he had always entertained strong opinions— stronger than those of many good and earnest Re formers. Nothing was more important than to have short Parliaments. The people could net continue to be properly represented without them, for if there was all the extension of the suffrage that could be desired, and they were protected both by their numbers and by the device of the ballot from improper interference, they would have no security that their representatives, however fairly chosen, would continue properly for any length of time to represent their opinions. Three years was the time proposed by the association. Some per sons might think that too long ; but he said, "let us try that first." The fourth point of the association was, that of more equal electoral districts. It was not necessary to explain in many words upon that point ; for who could think it right or just that a city like West m i ns t er should have no more Members to represent it than a little fishing town like Harwich, and other places of no greater moment ? Upon all these points, then, he agreed; and he was anxious to promote their being passed into a law. He was also in favour of the other point urged by the association—the abolition of the pro perty qualification.—(Hear, hear.) One word more re specting the association. It had for its object and its effect to unite the working and the middle classes. Henceforth they were united for a common object. Union was strength; by union they would obtain their object; and those who would attempt to sow disunion among them were their greatest enemies. —(Hear, hear.) Those who bound the different classes together, and amalgamated them, as far as possible, all into one, were a nation's greatest benefactors. But the greatest of all its enemies,.; in his mind, were those who, by pro moting class legislation, gave to one class of the people a right to be banded together in aversion and dislike to another class, who established in a country discontent and disunion, not as a transient evil, but as a lasting and chronic malady. Therefore he honoured this asso ciation, and wished to support it, because it sought to destroy all class legislation—all legislation for the benefit of one set of men in the country and not for the benefit of all. He was happy to do whatever lay in his power, however humbly, to promote such good and righteous ends; ar d sure he was that this great move ment, begun under the auspices under which it had ap peared—that was, emanating from the people, would progress from day to day, from week to week, and from month to month, until it became triumphant in the at tainment How soon not foresee. Futurity was t t a h i a n t m m en i t ot of be e ts - h noble ob e l e e el o d bj wrept jn olowisond he might not lire to see these great reforms wrought out. Yet he trusted they would be achieved in a very short time, and that an impatient people would not have lung to wait. But whether he lived to see their triumph or not, if he had contributed ever so little in promoting it, he might feel that he had not dlogi , her lived in vain.—(Cheers.) Lord NUGENT said this was the first occasion on which it had been his good fortune to take part in the proceedings of the Financial Reform Association. It bad been said by a great man that " When bad men conspire, good men must combine," and he thought they ought now to sink all minor differences and combine to make head against the corruption, the self-interest, and the tyranny which was endeavouring to stop the course of reform.—(Hear, hear.) He must confess that he did not concur in one sentence of the report, which recom mended that the franchise should be thrown open to all persons who paid even the smallest rates. Now, he was an advocate of complete universal suffrage—(Great cheering)—and he had never been able to see the common sense of what was called a money qualification. Every man who consumed bread contributed to the taxation of the country; and so long as a duty was paid upon any article which related to the produce or import of corn it could not be said that bread was untaxed. He (Lord Nugent) would act upon the maxim of Lord Camden, which had been quoted to-night by Mr. Lushington— that taxation without representation was robbery. He (Lord Nugent) would call no man a robber, but he might he permitted to say that if, with hie opinions, he ever found himself in the House of Commons voting for a tax or a grant of public money, and he was not prepared on the same night to vote for universal suffrage, he would certainly consider himself a thief and a robber.—(Great laughter and cheering.) He could not understand bow a property qualification bore upon the question of the suf frage. He knew that in the early period of our Parlia mentary constitution it was assumed that a money qua lification was a kind of test of a certain amount of in. telligence and independence.—(Laughter.) The vote was given for the intelligence and independence, the money being only the test ; but now they did not look to independence or intelligence in voters, but merely to the money qualification.—(Hear, hear.) He differed slightly, on the question of the ballot, from the Noble Lord who had just addressed them—one who was noble not only from the name he bore, but from the manner in which he had associated that name with a noble cause.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) The Noble Lord had said that if human nature were more nearly advanced towards perfection, and if the difficulties thrown in the way of independent voting were less manifest and powerful, he would not be disposed to adopt a system of secret voting He (Lord Nugent) would not dislike secret voting even if human nature were much nearer perfection than it was, and.it no attempts were made to destroy the indepen dence of voters, and for this reason—Was the secret kept by the voter when he put the ball into the ballot box an unmanly secret ? The voter had a right to keep that secret, and no man was entitled to ask him how he voted.—(Hear, hear.) If his opinions and prin ciples were asked, the voter would at once avow them ; but if a candidate asked for his vote, he might reply, " My vote is my property, to be given for the general benefit, and I have as much right to put my ball in the ballot-box without saying for whom I vote, as I have to keep my will sealed.'—(Hear, hear.) The ballot had been called unmanly and un-English, but it was no more so, in his opinion, than the proceedings before grand juries. He (Lord Nugent) had taken the oaths as a grand juryman to keep secret his own and his fellows' counsel ; and why was this done? To guarantee the jurymen against corruption, oppression, or vio lence.—(Hear, and cheers.) It must not be said, then, that the ballot was un - English or unmanly until they were prepared to abandon trial by jury.— (Hear.) It was most necessary that they should com bine at this time in support of liberal principles, because they had to encounter a powerful opposite wn. The Whig Government—(Loud groans and hisses)—opposed Par liamentary and financial reform, judicial reform, and colonial reform—(Hear, hear, and hisses)—and with such a Government the Liberal party could not act. — (Cheers.) He did not wish to speak with disrespect of absent persons, but he would allude to one member of the Administration who had hitherto kept the character of the Government from disgrace and degradation by refusing to become an accomplice to the tyranny of other powers of Europe.—(Cheers.) There was one who had not allowed himself, either hastily or by mistake, to call the most glorious struggle that had been made for cen turies gl" a,,nthineswurairecbtieotvw,:enbuHt uwnghaoryhaadndteArmusetdria.tLat (Great cheering.) The meeting perhaps might not be aware that Lord Palmerston, by his conduct, had raised himself to the glory of being the subject of an intrigue intended to cast him from his position.—(Hear, hear, and shouts of " Shame!") At that very time an in trigue was proceeding—(Cries of " Shame!" and cheers) —fostered by the criminals who had been ejected from their own countries by revolutions —fostered by the Met ternichs—(Groans and cheers) —the object of which was to undermine Lord Palmerston with his colleagues, and to substitute in his place a Foreign Minister of a Met ternich choice—(Hisses and cheers)—who was thought a more fitting associate for a Whig Ministry.—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) Why, then, did not Lord Palmer ston appeal to the people and throw himself upon them? —(Loud cheers.) The period, perhaps, had not yet arrived for such a step; but, if Lord Palmerston was what he hoped and believed him to be, the time was not far distant when they would see the result of the struggle between the Noble Lord and his opponents. He (Lord Nugent) would say—" Up with Lord Palmerston, and down with intriguers."—(A cheer was called for and given for Lord Palmerston, and immediately afterwards three hearty cheers were given for ‘• Gallant Hungary.") The Noble Lord in conclusion exhorted the meeting not to forget the cause they had tonight met to promote, but to recollect that it was the beginning of a combina tion which they must carry out with determined per severance until they had obtained entire Radical uni versal reform.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. E. Mull, considered that every subject of the realm, contributing to the support of its civil and political institutions, was entitled at least to an elementary share of political power; and he therefore gave in his humble but hearty adhesion to this movement. After a few other observations, which were delivered in a low tone, and were inaudible to the great body of the meeting, the impatient interruptions of the audience in the upper boxes and galleries prevented Mr. Miall from proceeding; and, after expressing his full concurrence in the objects of the association, he resumed his seat. Mr. F. O'Cosmon, M.P., was received with rapturous cheering by the Chartist portion of the assembly. He said he supposed be might regard the present assemi - ly in Drury-lane as " Lord John's bespeak "—(Cheers and laughter)—because the Noble Lord said, at the close of the session, that he was always prepared to yield to the pressure from without. He was delighted to see the present assembly. He would not have fraternised with mere wealthy men, because he would not co operate with money-jobbers any more than with land-jobbers; but be liked to see the fraternisation of mental and manual labour.—(Cheers.) He was glad to find that their chairman, and the other members of the associa tion, had taken the greater portion of the five points of the Charter; and he hoped they would at last think that every one of the six points depended upon e h n i s i u f r p i friends a o m n e n the t; p b l u a t t f h o o r mw were e o r u e l d t l u i k e the other.—(Great cheering f ro m th e Ch ar ti s t s .) F o r ee to xa s m ee pl w e 'o s r o k m in e g o m f y to get there without the payment of members 2 (Cheers.) He rejoiced it would go forth that there were now no differences between the middle and working classes, and that they were d e t erm i ne d to un i te to obtain the justice that had so long been withheld from them.— (Cheers.) He had laboured long, incessantly, and ardently, fur the purpose of procuring something for the people, and if from vanity and ambition he were to tell them that this association would do nothing for them, he should mislead them. He told them to get what the association were striving for, and then they might carry the rest afterwards if they pleased. He saw happy days for England in the prospect now before him. Political parties were divided now, not into Whigs Tories, and Radicals, but into Liberals and Illiberals. A small minority should no longer control the will of the over whelming majority. The Chartists had never thought of war and bloodshed, although Lord John Russell and Sir George Grey had tried to force them into war. —(Hisses.) Where was the class of people who had so strong an interest in the_ preservation of the peace as the working classes ?—(Hear, hear.) He wanted the association to develop the labour question, be cause by the profitable cultivation of the soil and by developing the resources of the country a working man ought to receive 30s. or 40s. a day instead of ss. or 6s.— (Cheers and interruption.) He was happy to see the present combination of parties, and the prospect of see ing the people's grievances redressed. He trusted that many quarters against , and that the more t t h h thee workingevil prejudices classes e ts o r u t l a d i n: an n s n h in fluential members of the association felt that they would be better represented if the working classes were allowed to vote for Members of Parliament —(Cheers.) He regarded the present meeting as a fair representation of the mind of the working and middle classes. He would bury the past in oblivion, and with it all the persecu tions, and prosecutions, and slanders he had been ex posed to; and he would say he had not worked in vain if he had brought about this happy combination be tween the veritable working and middle classes of Eng land.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. CLARK, the Chartist candidate for Reading, next addressed the meeting. GEORGE THOMPSON, Esq., M.P. for th e T ower Ham lets, then came forward to address the meeting, and was received with the most enthusiastic and rapturous ap plause. When the cheering had in some measure sub sided he said —Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen, I have the satisfaction of informing you that I am the last man.—(Laughter.) I am merely called up to pro nounce the benediction, after the solemnization of this alliance between the working and the middle classes to night, in the cause of national reform; and, Sir, I can only repeat what has been said by the last speaker, that I congratulate you upon the proceedings of what I think I may describe as an unprecedented assembly within the United Kingdom. I believe there has never before been such a gathering or exhibition of a collusion of elements hitherto estranged the one from the other. Now, ladies and gentlemen, I am going to ask your permission to retire from this platform without delivering any spoech.—(Loud cries of " No, no.") Well, then, gentlemen, what must I say ?—[A voice—Tell us something about Hungary.] A gentleman says, " Tell us something about Hungary." Sir, I am sure the exhibition to-night must have been sufficient to have demonstrated to our Hungarian visitors here that there beats in every British bosom a feeling of the most per fect sympathy with those noblemen who are struggling for their rights in their native land. Sir, in the cause of liberty we cannot help sympathising;with nil in every clime who are struggling for the same object. We con gratulate ourselves upon the aspect of the world at large. " There is a voice on every wave, A sound on every sea, The watchword of the brave, The anthem of the free : From steep to steep it rings Through Europe's many climes, A knell to despot Kings, A sentence on their crimes. Where'er a wind is rushing, Where'er a stream is gushing, The swelling sounds are heard Of man to freeman calling, Of broken fetters falling, And like the carol of a cageless bird, The bursting shouts of Freedom's rallying word." (Cheers.) Well, Sir, let us, in the middle of all this couamo tion,congratulate ourselves that we are not obliged to resort to the weapons which other oppressed nations are called upon to use for the purpose of winning their just rights; and let us not, in our aspirations after a larger measure of political power than that which we have enjoyed, be unmindful of the substantial blessings with which we are favoured. We are thankful that we live in a country, in the metropolis of which we can assemble as we have done to-night; we are grateful that at least we have it in our power to rebuke, from this platform, those who are our rulers, and who, as we think, have not sympa thised as they ought to have done with the people whom they govern. We are thankful that, though we have not gained at present what I hope we shall speedily gain, a removal of all taxes upon the spread of knowledge— (Hear, hear)—yet at least there are the pens of ready writers amongst us, who will multiply the speeches of tonight, and cause what has been said hero to go forth to the most distant portions of our empire, not only stimulating the people of England, or the children bf this soil in every other land wheresoever they are colo nised ; but I hope that one effect, flowing from this movement, will be to lead the people of our colonies firmly and sternly to maintain their rights, and to dis miss from their shores those that have been billeted u o p d on to exhaustionoverlshmeont—( fthti o r ud re c so h u ee rc rs es s ' Sir I venture to predict that our friends, the Whigs ethe them, country'sto the impoverishment.—(Loud of reform for the next session ; but if no —(Hisses and groans)—will be prepared with some unless I am much mistaken, they will have to make room for better men.—(Cheers.) My friend (Mr. Clark) has alluded to the election at Reading. The Government in London—the Treasury and the Reform , Club—gave their countenance to a man without any political character, who went to Reading with a sheet of • white paper in his hand, and said, " Only let me be your member, and I am anything you pleasel"—(Laughter.) 1 telt it my duty to take a bumble share in keeping that man out of Parliament.—(Hear.) In so doing I acted in co-operation with a very large section of the Liberals of that town, who are prepared to tell the Whigs, once for all, " Never more will we bow the knee at your shrine. Send down, if you will, the nominee of the Treasury, or the chosen candidate of the Keform Club ; let him be a man refusing to acknow ledge the great principles advocated here to-night, and we will either retuse our votes, although we shall be in a minority of 150, or give them to a man who truly represents the cause of the people."—(Cheers.) Well, Sir, last week, as you know, in company with Mr. Tindal Atkinson, I had the honour of attending a great public meeting at Northampton as the representative of the association, and what spectacle did 'I witness there? Almost every leading—l will not call them Whigs —but every leading Liberal was upon the'stage of that theatre, which was crowded as we witness this house to-night, and yet the Whig paper of that town did not not give a ' single name of the gentlemen upon the platform, com prising nearly all who take a leaning part in the elections there, the editor, I suppose, being so startled with the length and character of the list—(Laughter) —that he did not insert a single name except that of myself and the gentleman who accompanied me as a deputation. Now, Sir, these are some of the signs of the times. They are significant, and I say to those who have been accus tomed to manage elections that I believe it will come to this, that unless they allow the earnest, and what are called extreme Re:ormers to have a share in the se lection of candidates and in the conduct of elections, m th e e n y t must supportingexp ectcatondfiinddatethsegiro to milk t - h and w -water an, Gdoviefrnit must be so for a time, to see even a whiskered Protec- tionist going into Parliament., whose chief recom ment.atiun was, that he would have been an admirable addition to Jullien's band.—(Cheers and laughter.) Sir, since you placed yourself at the head of this movement there has been more done to bring about a friendly union between the working and middle classes than was ever done before; and what result is that lead ing to? Why, to this, that the middle men will soon begin to look upon the working men as being as good as themselves, and us much entitled to the vote as they arc. We shall not have to argue the justice of universal suffrage by and bye, or to appeal in its behalf, or combat with any prejudices against it. Let but the middle and working classes be brought together, as they now aro, and those who were opposed before to their admission to the franchise will be the first to demand that it should be extended to them. I was walking a few paces the other day from my hotel at Reading, when a man came up to me, and after apologising for addressing me, proceeded to say that he was quite of my way of thinking, which of course at once gained him my willing ear.—(Laughter.) " But, ' said he, " I quite agree with you, that tee franchise ought not to uepend upon the amount of rent a man pay s. Yuu see," said he, " I just pays 35. 10d. a week, and be cause I only pays that suet, and nut 45., I aiut consi dered jutting, nt enough to vote; but," said he, " ii I could only make up my mind to deny myself of a pot of b er a week, to make up euther twopence, I should at once be intelligent enough to give a vote for one of these Members of Parliament. So you see it comes to this, that it all lies in the 2d."—(Laughter and cheers.) And really it does aillie in the twopence.—(Laughter) But the absurdity of making a man's vote dependent upon those vicissitudes in life which now place him in a house of 201. a year, and then reduce him to a garret or cellir at at eighteenpence per week I say that absur dity has been most ably exposed to-night.— (Rear, hear.) Sir, there is only one other observation that I wish to address to the meeting. I grant you that the suffrage is au important trust, and that the franchise should be used wisely, but when I am told of the ignorance of the people being a bar to their right to the vote, I answer, while you deny them the fran chise, and the right of saying who shall be their repre sentative once in every three, five, or seven years, you yet allow them from das, to day, week to week, and year to year, to exercise influence upon society, in comparison with which the title to vote fur a representative in the House of Commons is in,iguificant and contemptible. —(Cheers.) Why, Sir, if the enfranchised classes of this country were as ignorant and vicious as they are described to be society could not hold together.— (Hear.) Not all your policemen, nor all your bayonets, our all your innumerable ball cartridges and sand-bags, would ue sufficient to preserve the peace of this country if such a statement were true. We have the vicious amongst us, it is true, and temptations and often misfortunes create men who are disobedient to the laws of their country; but I contend there never was a society in the world so prepared fur unlimited suffrage as that to which we have the privilege of be longing.—(Loud and prolonged cheering.) In what relationship is the man—a most important member of society—in that of voting for a Member of Parliament, or in his connexion as a father and a neighbour, in his family or in his locality? Why, Sir, if there are mil lions of men in this country who are not fit to have the franchise, there are millions who are not tit to be at large.—(Hear.) Tell me that a man who is a trusty porter, an honest shoprnan, a discreet and upright fore man, an ingenious mechanic, a toiling and thrifty weaver —tell Me that that man is not competent, when candi • dates have made their speeches and declared their prin ciples, and resorted to every imaginable means to make themselves known, that that man is not competent to sly which of tnose is must fitted to represent him in Par liament! Why, Sir, such an assertion is a libel upon the industrious classes of this country. Sir, I saw at Reading the other day a sight that nearly turned me sick. There are a great number of men in that town who have votes but are poor, and, I am sorry to say, very corneutable.—(Laughter.) I saw those men, for my at tention was drawn to them, strutting about, bearing blue banners, and having tickets in their hats, describing them as "the messengers of Mr. 8.," or" the messengers of Mr. S." Now, every one of those men had a vote, and yet I fancy I did not see, in the countenance of one out of had-a-dozen-of them, any symptoms of sagacity. —tLaughter.) I mingled in the market-place and other parts of Reading, with men not only of intelligent coun tenances, but highly intelligent minds, belonging to the working classes of that town; and while these drivelling and corrupt wretches were strutting through the street, straggling after a band of music, or degrading themselves by besting the standard of a candidate who could say scarcely anything on the hustings, except that he would merry one of the Reading ladies if they would only elect him.—(Laughter.) I saw these intelligent men shut out from the franchise. I went to see the candidate brought in with bribes, and the constituency overpowered by those despicable elements, which exist in every town of small dimensions, which are used by the candidates to serve their own interests and purposes. I contend. therefore, Sir, that to say that the people of this country have not intelligence sufficient to exercise the franchise is to calumniate them.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, the secret of the opposition is, not that the aristocracy are afraid of the people's ignorance, but that they dread their in telligence.—(Hear.) A man is never ignorant if he has a vote.—(Hear.) As the candidates go round among the most chaw.bacon men who happen to be electors, then bow " intelligent" they are!—(Laughter.) How " independent " they become! Then, for the time, their wives are angels and their children cherubs; and the obsequious candidate will court a roan to-day whom, as elected Member, he would not condescend to spit upon to-morrow.—(Hear.) The audience which these candi dates most dislike is such an audience as you will collect whenever you allow the people at large freely to attend meetings; but let such an audience have confidence in the man who speaks, or let them but know that they have in that assembly a right equal to that of every other man, and I, who have had twenty years' experi ence of the working classes of this country, am here to declare that they are tee beau ideal of an audience for an honest man to address.—(Loud cheers.) Sir, I am glad that the council of this association have taken the resolve of malting this a national association. — ( Hear.) When When this fact was first stated to the immense g assembled at Northampton the other night, (Cheers.) 0 s iywas hailed with universal and prolonged acela n tt ul m7r of leading the I foresee for this society the honest and uncompromising Reformers of this country. I am quite sure that if we put our shoulders to the wheel during this recess —and I, for one, am willing to aid the cause to the utmost of my power—(Loud cheers) —we shall have the country universally with us. ......(H ear .) All previous reforms have helped to place us OA ygol oige ground, lel t 110513 particular reforms which are sought after by certai❑ sections of the com munity, inasmuch as they will be promoted by the accomplishment of our object, will bring into our ranks those who are associated with those reforms; for this great movement is but a means to an end, and whether it is that we want to remove that stupendous abuse, the Established Church of Ireland—(Hear, hear)—or very largely to reform the Established Church at home— (Hear, hear)—or to reduce our taxation and equalise our imposts —all who are in favour of any one of these reforms will come to us; and inasmuch as it remains for those particular sections of reformers to confine them selves to the publication of information, it is for this society, by a grand organisation, to bring near the time when there shall be a House willing to discuss all these questions on their merits, without the necessity of having costly agitations of fifteen or twenty years to carry them. I say we shall, by this general and universal amalgamation, carry the objects which we have in view. Sir, again congratulating you upon the proud distinction which you enjoy of becoming the head of this movement, and this meeting upon the prevalence of an unanimity most remarkable where there are so many diverse senti meats, I shall take my seat; not, however, without congratulating this meeting upon the fact that, with one or two exceptions, the gentlemen highest in rank who have occupied this platform have been most hearty in their concurrence with the hitherto despised principles of universal suffrage. Ladies and gentlemen, thanking you, not only on behalf of myself, but of those who have preceded me, for your patient and protracted attention, let us now go away into our respective spheres to do our duty; let us be zealously affected in this good work; let us sow our seed in the full assurance that in due time we shall reap, if we faint not.—(The Honourable Gentleman resumed his seat amidst most enthusiastic and prolonged applause.) On the motion of Mr. W. WILLIAMS, late M.P. for Coventry, a vote of thanks to the Chairman was then passed; and a cheer (called for from the boxes) having been given for Kossuth, the meeting broke up shortly after eleven o'clock. LOUIS BLANC'S JOURNAL. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. SlR,—The remarks you have made upon the letter I thought it my duty to write in reference to your notice of M. L. Blanc's Review require a few words of answer. In the first place I leave your quotations entirely to themselves. Although they might want a context to be fully understood, even isolated as they are, they cannot justify the severity of your critic. In the first passage, M. L. Blanc's intention is not to establish an opposition between Socialism and order, family and property; on the contrary, he ex presses his astonishment at his antagonists' preten• sion : that those are incompatible. In the next pas sage the author merely enumerates the abuses of matrimony, and where is the man possessing the least experience of the world who will not vouch to the truth of those remarks ? The reference made to M. L. Blanc's political life has, I regret to say, confirmed my former impression, tbat your reviewer had allowed his mind to be biassed by the false imputations circulated abroad on M. L. Blanc's public character. I shall not here undertake to repel those charges ; this I shall leave to himself ; I will merely say that your allusion to his conduct on the 15th of May is equally groundless as that made to Barbes' alleged demand of a tax of a million upon the rich. As to your remarks upon myself, you might have spared them, as altogether irrelevant to the object of this unpleasant polemic. Although momentarily separated from my friend, M. Louis Blanc, I have thought it my duty, without even consulting with him, to protest against what I still consider an unjust attack. Besides my attachment to him as a friend —a circumstance which I humbly admit is my sole qualification to the office I have undertaken to fill— my position as translator and editor was, I think, sufficient to justify my presumption. In conclusion, I beg to assure you that my name, as editor of the New World, was never intended to be made use of as an element of success. lam still, it is true, on the threshold of my literary career, but I cannot imagine how that circumstance can in any degree injure a publication bearing on its title-page the name of Louis Blanc, when the nature of my position is avowedly almost restricted to that of a mechanical translator. I remain, Sir, your obedient servant, F. R. TREHONNAIS. August 13, 1849. TESTIMONIAL TO THE HUNGARIAN REFUGEES. THE HUNGARIAN NATION COUNTS ON THE SYMPATHY OF EVERY NATION WHICH LOVES RIGHT AND Ll- BERTY."—Kossuth's Protest against Russian Interren- Subscriptions may be sent to the following bankers:— Messrs. Coutts and Co. Messrs. Drummond. Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Smith ; or to any one of the members of the committee recently formed to carry out the Testimr. r i,l. 4 .•A11 further Post-office orders to he made pa3-ablo to blurdo Young, Esq., at the Money Order Office, Strand. Subscriptions already received ... ..Si2 4 2.i Third Subscription from Le . cester, per Mr. G. Smallfield, of the Leicester Mercury : Mr. George Viccars, sen. Mr. Merillier ... 0 5 0 Mr. W. Burden ... ... ... ••• 02 6 F. Dalby Mr. Henry Allen, Orford-street ... 0 10 0 A Railway Guard ... ... . . 0 1 0 Mr. J. H. Williams ... 0 5 Workmen in Mr. Clark's Brush Manufactory... 0 3 6 Mr. Thomas Cosh 0 10 6 Nine Framework Knitters ... 0 2 0 James and Jane Mortimer, John Smith, H. Middleton, and John Jones (" working-folk") 0 2 A Few Working Men, meeting at the Temper ance Coffee-house, Llanelly ... 0 8 6 Five Friends, Whitby, Yorkshire 0 7 0 Nicholai (Czar), St. Petersbnrgh, Psendouym 0 2 6 A Few Friends, Lymondsbury, near Bridport 0 3 0 From S. and A.'s Workmen, Watling -street ... 0 6 0 Third Subscription from a Bristol Liberal ... 0 10 0 J. G., Islington .. ••• ••• ..• ... 1 1 0 Total £Bl7 9 8 SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTE RSALL'S.—YESTERDAY. EBOR HANDICAP. 6 to 1 agst Mr. E. R. Clark's Giselle, 6 yrs, Est 91b —take 7 to 1 8 to 1 agst Captain Ilarcourt's Ellerdale, 5 yrs, Bst 51b—taken 8 to 1 agst Mr. Stebbings's Malton, 4 yrs, 7st-..t 8 to 1 agst Mr. Nolan's Blucher, 4 yrs, ist—taken 12 to 1 agst Lord Eglintou's Glen Saddel, 4 yrs, 6st 71b—taken 12 to 1 agst Mr. Jaques's Chantrey, 3 yrs, sst 81b—t 12 to 1 agst Mr. Medley's Cockermouth, 4yrs, 6st 51b —taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. Bowes's The Knout, 3 yra, sst 41b —taken ST. LECIER. 2 to 1 on Lord Eglinton's Flying Dutchman—taken 15 to 1 ugst Lord Stanley's Uriel—taken to 100/. 19 to 1 agst Lord Chtden's Honeycomb—taken 20 to 1 agst Mr. Pedley's Chatterer DERBY, 1850. 35 to 1 agst Lord John Scott's Windhound---taken 40 to 1 agst Mr. Stephenson's Voltigeur—taken 1,000 to 20 agst Mr. Watson's Paul—taken 1,000 to 15 agst Mr. Grutwicke ' s The Nigger—taken WOLVERHAMPTON RACES.—MONDAY. The Trial Stakes of 5 SOTS. each, and 30 added. Once round and a distance. (4 Subs.) Mr. Barnes's Sotterley, 4 yrs (Simpson) 1 Mr. T. Parr's Woolwich, 3 yrs (G. Oates) 2 Mr. Miner's Shropshire Witch, 4 yrs (Darling) 3 The Produce Stakes of 10 sous. each, and 20 added. Once round. (18 Subs.) Mr. Copeland's Aldgate, Bst (Marlow) 1 Mr. Stagg's Christiana, Bst Mr. John Fowler's John Dory, Bst 61b (Templeman) 0 Mr. 11. Wadlow's Sarah, Bst (Tasker) 0 Mr. Stubb's Glorious, Bst 31b (Denman) 0 Mr. Critchley's Sir Henry Hardinge, Bst 61b The Wolverhampton Stakes of 25 sous. each, and 10u added. Twice round; the second saves his stake. (36 Suns., 25 of v. horn declared.) Mr. Meiklam's Snowstorm, 3 yrs, sst 71b...(Arnold) 1 Mr. Gaud na Thu Model, 3 yrs, sst Sib (G. Childe) 2 Mr. Fowler's Zingari, 3 yrs, sst slb (Wells) 3 Mr. Murphy's Dough, 4 yrs, Bst 71b (Magee) 0 Mr. Parr's Van Diemen, 3 yrs, 6st 31b (41b extra)... 0 Van Diemen threw his jockey. Sweepstakes of 50 sous. each, h ft. Mile and a quarter. Sir C. Monck's Vanguard, Bst 61b walked over. SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.—The annualha fete in celebration of the birthday of her Majesetyr yesterday. Queen Dowager took place at these garde ns f yo o st pen a ing The day being also the 18th anniversary o f t he of the garden, the two events were celeb rated than usual splendour and éclat.usual entertainments of other evening j and the fire o w z, of the wild birds and beasts, the stormi n g o f of four military works, which were more brilli a nt g than on ordinary occa sions, there were the per fo rmances bands, viz., tho band of t he 2d Life Guards, of the )of tho Coldstream Guards, and Hors© Guards evenings, uheadvaie_ addition with t,e (Blues), from Woolwich, the perform of the 'loyal Artillery f the German band and chorus from Drury-lane execs o Theatre, and of the band attached to the establishment, formingaltogether an orchestra of 250 musicians, the whole conducted by Mr. E. Godfrey. The selections of concerted music were from the first masters, and made with judgment, and it would be unjust not to say that the manner in which the whole was arranged and car ried out was most creditable to the liberality of the pro prietor, Mr. Tyler, to the conductor, and to the musi cians. Amongst the solos were Mr. Roberts, the Welsh harper, Mr. Laztrus, the clarionet player, and Mr. Richardson. The Misses Wells and other favourites of the public were amongst the vocalists. The gardens are in excellent order, both the trees and parterres ex hibit signs of experienced horticultural judgment and good taste, and notwithstanding the, at times, threaten ing state of the weather, during which the company crowded into the new refreshment rooms, there were Some thourtands of pereone preseat. THE BRITANNIA BRIDGE. th h is e rewri great ia e tc a tea r rfl n from amobpraeirerka,ttoitloshi operations ssr Aepciceoeron.„ commenced i aernen s ete t eide a t l t dwe s wte t h h li,t a hti t igol o eor n efale S i te i tt i vi t in u aggb : Saturday t Considerable delay, inseparable from the stupendous character of the machinery, the care required in, ad justing it, and the calculations necessary to insure success in an experiment so vast and novel, have unavoidably taken place, so as to give time for the preparation of all appliances, and the bringing to bear all the engineering ,sisdom of the day upon a work that is watched with so much interest by the public and the scientific world. Under these circumstances it will be gratifying to know that, under the superin tendence of Mr. Stephenson's band of engineers, Messrs. E. and L. Clark, Forster, Wild, and Mr. Amos, the designer and manufacturer of the huge machinery, the great tube is now making its way majestically upwards. The raising is going on successfully at the rate of six feet a day, and the machinery acts most admirably. The great agents that work it, and that elicit the enormous pulling pressure of the hydraulic power, and by which the water is forced into the presses, are two steam engines of forty , horse power each, with tubular boilers, as in a locomotive, and it is these acting on the chains that troll up the two thousand tons, foot after foot. The steam cylinder is horizontal. A continu ation of the piston rod, which passes through both ends of the cylinder, forms the piston of the force pumps, which are placed one at each end, in the same line as the cylinder. The ram of the hydraulic press that works the mass of metal upwards is 20 inches. The simplest and most diminutive, but at the same time the most amazing instrument of power, is the pipe through which the water is forced into the press. It is of wrought iron, and though exercis ing a force over two thousand tons, is not larger than the hollow of a lady's thimble, its circum ference being that of a sixpence. The stroke now daily accomplished by the presses is six feet. This must be understood to imply that the hydraulic power is only empowered to raise six feet at one lift. The tube, when lifted that height, is sustained by the chains until six feet of masonry are, for every successive six feet, built under. Then to obtain a fresh hold the chains are gripped between another set of clams at the foot of the press, the upper set of links are taken off and laid aside, and arrangements made for another hoist. The upper clams are then again closed, and the operation repeated as before. The number of these separate lifting operations required will be about fifteen, and as there will be one a day, the whole operation will take a fortnight, including the process of holding up beneath. Each six feet stroke of the press occupies an hour, and an additional hour is occupied in adjusting the machinery for the next. The key beams employed in the pro cess, and on which the tube rests at intervals on its upward journey, are 24 feet long by 4 feet high, and weigh eleven tons each. The following up beneath with timber and brickwork employs a number of masons. Should not the present plans be modified or altered, the lifts will be confined to six feet a day. It is a grand sight to see the tube as it now hangs suspended in the chains, swinging across the Straits, during the present heavy gales in the Channel, with a cradle like motion. In the mean time the preparations for the floating the next .tube are complete, and the operation will take place as soon as the machinery for lifting can be shifted, in order to raise it as soon 83 it is floated, so that the first train will very soon cross the Straits. MORTALITY IN THE ANJJS WORTII-ROAD. For some days past a feeling of very considerable alarm has possessed the inhabitants of that part of the Wandsworth-road comprised within the parish of Clapham, and extending about a mile, in consequence of the cholera having appeared in its most malignant form, and occasioned a mortality unexampled in in tensity and numbers, even in the most squalid and ill-drained portions of the metropolis. Albion-ter race, a row of second-class houses on the north side of the road, and situated near the 'William the Fourth has been more particularly the scene of the calamity, and in ten houses of that devoted terrace, during the course of eleven days, there were seventeen deaths from Asiatic cholera, independent of several others who left their houses infected, to die elsewhere. In one house, No. 6, no less than five persons died of cholera. The house was in the occupation of the Rev T. llarrison, a dissenting minister, and with that gentleman and his wife were staying, prepara tory to a departure of the whole of the family to Brighton, Mrs. Henrietta Roscoe, a very aged lady, and Mrs. Edwards, with a cook and housemaid. Mrs. Roscoe was first seized, and died on the 4th instant. Mrs. Edwards, who had attended upon her relative, was next seized, and on Mr. llarrison return ing from the funeral of his aunt, Mrs. Roscoe, on Tuesday last, he found his wife attacked with the same dreadful disease, and that lady expired early the next morning. It appeared that Mr. Harrison, over whelmed with grief, fled the house soon after his wife's death, incempany with a lodger in the next house. On the same morning that Mr. Harrison left his house Mrs. Edwards died, and the cook was taken ill and died the same evening. On the day following, Thursday, the three bodies were taken to Mrs. Roscoe's grave, in Kensal-green, and on the return of the mourners the nurse who had attended Mrs. E so d 7 n . a a r n ds ; p ß e 'a r s s on s found in dryad. one fa T rn h i l e y r d e 3 m i a n r g li a a b s l e it fa c w t e r o e f simultaneously, and the head of the house dying from home, created an extraordinary excitement, which was considerably increased by Mr. Milledge, the undertaker who had buried the other members of the family, receiving the card of a medical gentleman at Hampstead and a note from the landlord of the Jack Straw's Castle, stating that the Rev. Mr. Harrison had died at his house, after having had his will written out by a young man who had accompanied him. On Friday the young man who had accom panied deceased from his home called on the under taker, and wished some boxes of jewellery and other property to be moved out of the house, saying he would take care of it. Mr. Milledge denied him en trance to the house, when he threatened to use force, and Mr. Milledge said if he did he would give him in charge of the police. The young man then said he would go and remove the deceased's property from the tavern at Hampstead, but as that was known to be valuable, the landlord had been cautioned not to part with it. These f.!cts coming to the knowledge of Mr. Harrison's relatives, they determined upon communicating with Mr. Higgs, the coroner for the Duchy of Lancaster, and that gentleman appointed an inquest to be holden, and a post mortem examina tion of the body to be made. Yesterday a long in quiry was gone into at the William the Fourth, and evidence embracing the facts already mentioned having been given, Mr. M'Donough, the surgeon to the parish of Clapham, was examined as to the result of the post mortem examination he had made. He stated that great inflammation existed in the abdomen, stomach, viscera, and thorax, and the heart was very soft. He had placed the heart, stomach, and right lobe of the liver in separate jars for the purpose of examination. Mr. M'Donough, who bad pricked his finger in opening the body, which had poisoned it, was in excessive pain whilst giving his evidence. The CORONER said it was highly essential that this very extraordinary case should be thoroughly in quired into, and the young man alluded to, who would appear to have been with the deceased in his last mo ments, must be looked after. ROYAL WELSU EISTEDDFOD.—On Tuesday, the 14th inst., and two following days, a royal Eisteddfod will be held at Aberffraw, in Anglesey. Some of the most influential names in the principality appear on the lists of vice-presidents, and preparations on a most ample scale are in progress to accommodate the vast concourse expected to be present on the occasion; thirty-two prizes will be awarded to the successful competitors; and at a Gorsedd, to be held on the 16th inst., degrees also will be conferred on those who have distinguished l them selves for their bardic skill. A grand processio b n ar wil , take place, consisting of the archdruids, druid t s, o , willq! harpers, &c., to the marquee be held. Contests of Penillion , singing, and other_ .o _ the proceedings f of minstrelsy will be intersperzed in each day. LONDON. —On Saturday ZOOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF society, situated in the last the splendid grounds of scene e is in which the eicei essay s a new arrangement of gaiety and animation,. o i h the excellent brass band of the of more than ordinary whiessembles in the Gardens once a Regent's-park , b w y ere the w _s n c g to Second Life Guardshea members and visitors, by their e to w selectionh whose s e o f week, to enliven t marches, musical quadrille's , &c., was executed on the occasion, numbers the wa l tze s, and "(lonely afforded greatdelight to a numerous com pany of ladies 'evil. per.termaanndcesg.enAtlemeheonie, fineness of the weather, as well as the treat of sweet sounds, was no doubt instrumental in adding. Commo dious tents and marquees were pitched through the gardens to shelter the company from the too ardent heat of the sun. The band will perform every Saturday afternoon until further notice. The following are the barristers appointed by Mr. Justice Cresswell to revise the list of voters for the pounties and borcughs cn the 'Western Circuit for 1849 :-- south Hants and Isle of Wight, J. Aldridge, Esq. North Hants, G. N. Oxenhain, Esq. Dorset, Douglas, EQq.. Holdsworth, Esq. South Devon, J. L. Lucena, Esq., 11. T. Erskine, Esq. North Devon, W. Hodges, Esq. East Cornwall, C. D. Bevan, Eeq. West Cornwall, J. S. Stock, Esq. East Somerset, J. S. Graves, Esq., F. W. Slade, Esq, West Somerset, C. Saunders, Esq. South Wilts, C. It. Dayman, E6(l. North Wilts, G. Poulden, Esq. The light of duty, hen fully clear, casts no shadow of hesitation. —Eliza Cook's Journal. 1 O c f as p k l s um of s, H ANSE ATIC ERODUCE. —Th e steam - ship Princess Royal, arrived in t he River from H amburg , has brought 234 bales pork, s42agb 30s o baskets outs, 17 asketso 3 f of cherries, beano, 5 280 of peas, 1,377 of wheat, 24 bead of oxen, 6 horses, and general merch an disv, ofof apples,bacon 254 1 465 _ 011 three moot ,cl - Ty. Our vill