The Sun. — London, England, 1842-08-29 00:00:00

'or at!4...a,titiog to sodm o our sepoys ; and flit is' or ophtioti that-what- tiitanal. may hava further to state in eltargea ,l-aetl,l be fairly taken into con ;<i::r •:&lion bit ,nta noatattrea adverse to his Highness can he taken upon the proceedings already held. "7. With regard to Dr. Milne, I am desired to state, that though it was intended that his personal statements should not be rejected, it was not designed to admit him as the partisan and advocate of the Raja, and that his intercourse with the Raja is expressly placed under the control. of the Bombay Government.. "8. I am desired at the same time to state, with ref erence to the altered state of European society, and to the freedom of access to this country now granted, that the policy may be questionable of discouraging respect able individuals like Dr. Milne, from undertaking the defence of naives of rank, who would probably be driven by sac!' discouragement to resort to the aid of :Wren turer, careless alike of the reputation of the accused, and of their own Government.—l have, eac., . (Signed) "W. 11. MACNAGHTEN, "Secretary to the Government of India. "Fart William, Oct. 16, 1837." " the above was written, your letters of the 2:th anti 28th ultimo, with their respective enclo sur.a, tiara been received ; but lam desired to state, that the contents of those communications do not alter the ‘l,ays which the Governor-General in Council en tertain of the impolicy of the collateral proceedings re cen,lv held under the authority of the Right Honour able the Gavernar in Council ; and his Lordship in Council call adheres to the wish already expressed, that the proceedings against the Raja shall be brought to a termination as soon as possible. (Signed) " W. IL MACNAGHTEN." It is remarkable that the course recommended in the former of these letters is very nearly that which Sir James Caraac, in 1339, determined in the first. instan-e to adopt, and which there can be little doubt would have been by far the best way of disposing of this unfortunate and painful ease, These letters, particularly that of the 2d of October, 1837, made a deep impression on the Buthlaty 0 overnment, and no one can be surprised. It felt - itself oa i.s trial as well as the Raja; and did not like beiag called upon to abandon an unpromising and unSati,.factory iaveatigation, which it had deemed so im-. pqLs,p;._ _These papers follow : [;yl'r i ,(2ainnte by, the Governor, Oct. 19, 1837.) 'cOnseqtience of the, to me, surprising letter of the. Government of India, dated the 2d instant, on Sattara affairs, I think we l ad. better suspend sending any tor tilla.: pap. r., connected-with these affairs to that Go vernmeuz, till we can coutider a little the position in which we are placed by the letter in question. This does not apply to letters which ought to have been sent before trure emitted a.Jeident." (Miaute by the Governor, Oct. 30, 1837.) Subscribed to by Mr. James Farish. _ _ . 1. I have perused, with equal surprise and regret, the letter from the Government of India, dated the 2d inste ; for • I conceive that, if the course suggested in the con cluding paragraph be pursued, the credit of the British Government will be seriously impaired." " 5. I need not say that, in the earlier stages of the present hiveetigation, our proceedings had the good for tune to meet with the entire approval of the Government of India; All the information, however, which we could then collect was derived from but a few sources, and was comparatively scanty, and the Government of India ex pressed a wish for further information. We exerted our selves to meet that wish ; and in entering on a more ex tended field of inquiry, we were acting, as we conceived, immediately by the directions of that Government, and • securely counted on their sanction and countenance. The various clues to discovery, therefore, which the first in quiry suggested, were followed out with diligence, and a vast mass of new evidence has been elicited ; but no great progress had been made in this work, when the :Supreme Government Was pleased to disapprove of the course we were pursuing, and to call on us to terminate it at the earliest possible moment. To close our proceedings abruptly would have been fatal to the reputation, not only of this Government, but, as I conscientiously be lieve, ef the British power in general, fur wisdom, firm ness, and justice. The responsibility, however, of going fbrward, even to a limited extent, was heavy and painful. It is astonishing how quickly the opinion gained ground at Sattara, that the Bombay au thorities, in the active measures in which they stall persisted, were seriously compromising their credit with the higher authorities to whom they .were accountable. Animated by this belief, the parties, whose interests the inquiry threatened to affect adverFely, made every attempt to thwart or elude it ; and, riell and unscrupulous, they had in no small degree th:: rt: es !is of accomplishing their object. The public press of Bombay meanwhile rang with necessarily un contrrelicted declarations against our cruel, oppressive, and inquisitorial conduct. To attacks like these no powers of language that I possess can adequately repre sent my profound indifference, so long as I both know them to be unjust, and feel myself sufficiently supported to be enabled to proceed with a firm step in that path which tile public interests prescribe. But, unhappily, these invectives, in fact, emanated from well-known in triguers at Sattara, re-acted on the impression at that place, nul aggravated the difficulties of the inquiry in which we were engaged. Thus situated ourselves, we yet felt it our duty to give no cold or vacillating support to the able and zealous officer immediately charged with those inquiries. Through good and evil report we have persevered ; have taken it on ourselves to protract, to the letest moment, that cessation of operations which had been enjoined; and though, even yet, some lines of in quiry remain unpursued, have at length acquired a suffi cient body of fact, to settle, as I believe, the question at issue. " G. Under these circumstances, however, it cannot be denied that the character of the Bombay Government is nlmo,it as deeply committed on the event of the present discu3 ? ,ions as that cf the ruler of Sattara.. %' owe it to ou.-:;elVes to show, that we have not acted lightly, •or harshir, ur credulously ; that fr om fi rst to last we have • had mo . object but the discovery of truth, and have taken no measures but such as that object justified ; that there • were good and rational grounds for the several inquiries instituted, and that thole inquiries have uniformly been prowcuted with judgment, with prudence, with all prac tical;!e despatch, and with the utmost consideration for the !ing6 and interests of individuals, which could be not •.(-) consist with a supreme regard to the ends of 7. By what I have just observed I must not be un derstood to say, that I deem it essential to the credit of this Government to prove that the Raja of Sattara is guilty. AU that I mean is this, that, whether he be guilty or not, we muss prove that his acts have not been, subjeeted to a minuter or severer scrutiny than the inte rests of truth and of the British Government fully war ranted and positively required. That we are strong at least to this extent, I hare no hesitation in affirming ; and when this is made out, the vindication of the Bom bay aet,horitiee as I conceive, be complete." Tile Government accordingly proceeded as shown in the preeeding passages. The Resident at the same time was desire d to complete his inquiries, and send up a state ment the evidence to be communicated to the Raja, who wes to be heard in hie defence. It has been some times alleged that the Raja had been satisfactorily tried on the ;isst charge', but t: is seems to be disproved by the that in the statement of evidence transmitted to Government by the Resident in January, 1828, pre penitent to the intended hearing of the Raja, appears the evidence of the first charge, as well as that of the others ; and I may here add, that when subsequently anether statement of the evidence was prepared by the Reeident ia November, 1838, for the same purpose, aercealdhy to the Governor-Geueral's Minute of Sept. 23, 18:.;8, that statement also was made to include the evi dence on the first charge, together with that on the other charges. The following extract from the public papers als4 conclusively prove that it was intended to give the Raja a hearing or trial upon all the charges which had been brought against him, and which were maintained. (Sir T. Grant's minute, 15th August, 1837, par. 12. , • S.P. i., 931.) • ••at f rtn further strongly of opinion that before the case •is eeeclusivelv disposed of, the Raja should he made ac qua; well with the fresh evidence that has been elicited . agaits:e Slim, and should be allowed the opportunity of ofFseiag defence or explanation." (Sir R. Grant's minute, 20th September, 1837, par. 13. 104. ) " I think also that Colonel Ovans should be.instructed -to prepere a complete statement of the case which has been established against the Raja, in order that when hiainquiries aro concluded, it may be furnished to his ilighnees for any such explanation or answer as he may eNoose to offer. If the Raja denies the statements, he should, he confronted with the witnesses ; but in this case the acting Resident must adopt the most effective sen•aser es for their protection." iColenerOsans to Government, 15th Aug., 1838, par. 9.) 1 t is to be recollected aleo that, up to this time, the R: ;:c has had no clear idea of the evidence which has et e i l snired against him." (Mr. Anderson's Minute, 22d May, 1838, S. P., i. 207). . Ido not know whet is the course the Right Honour able the Governor proposes should be finally pursued ; but I think that ifa final decision or full report is made to the Honourable Court, that it will be just that the Raja should have an opportunity of affording an explana tion of .shat Li considered to be established against his Highness. For this end, I think the various facts found, shelving the Raja to have been implicated in intrigues and ennspiracies, having for their end the subversion of the British authority, should be succinctly stated to his Highness, and that his Highness should be informed that Government is very willing to receive an explana. tion of ~hat is considered to be established against his Highness." - (Sir B. Grant, 31st May, 7 1838, S. P. i. 247). " 33. It will he asked, however, whether he (the Baja) is to t.o condemned without the opportunity of de fending himself. The Raja has not ben told Of of th ,, evi,lence taken by Lieutenant-Colonel °yang, and tmrloai,tetlly hus a right to be heard in his own vindica tion. I !tavo nt.ver nieant otherwhie, although Ido not think that he wili vindicate hiinst.lf snceessfullv. In . rainnto or the 15th August. 1837, I observe, lam foriilor :;:rongly of opinion, that before the case is con- chlyiv , iy disposed of the Baja should be made acquainted w i t h t hy crosh evidence which has been elicited — against nim, :::d slictild be allowed the opportunity of offering deter.. - :+ repeat that opinion, not imauing that there should tie merely the form or farce 'of a trial, to be elo',.led by a rearly-made j u d gment , b ut :bat ti:o defence. should be fairly heard and imp ar ti a lly weighed. So far as thi s Government should be called to decide on that defence, it would be my honest endeavour to discharge my mind of all my previous opinions on the sulject, and to judge the case as if I heard it for the first time. But if it be thought that the Bombay Go vernment is too strongly prepossessed of the guilt of the _Raja to be placed in the chair of judgment over - his ilighness, let the Government of India constitute, in any manner which th t y thi n k fi t t es t, an :mpartial and com petent judicature fbr the occasion." (Mr. Finish's Minute, 4th June, 1838, page 4, S.P. i. 251.) "As regards the particular manner proposed of mak- hoe the Raja aequaietcd with the charges proved against him, and giting him the opportunity of defence, although in th e peculiar pusithei of the case, it seems to me hardly nceeesary, yet, as exhibiting to the. waive Power:; the equitable course we deeire to adopt, as showing to him every lenient consideration, and awarding to him the fullest possible measure of justice, I do not hesitate to assent cordially to it ; but with this it will he indiapen sably necessary that, for the protection of those who have given their evidence, and to prevent tampering with witnesses, and intimidating them, as Colonel Ovens has pointed outehe be suspended from all power as Raja while making his defence. The political effect of this course is also most important." (Sir R. Grant, Sept. 23, 1835, June 8, S. P. i. 335.) " We are called upon, I feel, by very strong considera tions of propriety and expediency, to bring the guilt of the Raja to the test of a final proof by the best and most just process which can be devised ; and then, if he should have been unable to exculpate himself, to remove him from a throne, of which he will have shown himself emi nently undeserving." • • The Resident's Reports upon the several charges being before Government, Sir Robert Grant recorded in the course of the month of May, 1838, minutes, amount ing in all to nearly 600 paragraphs, to prove theßaja'sguilt. Now, I will just ask any one whether there can be a treason worth thinking of, that requires 600 paragraphs to prove it ? I never heard of such a thing I Nor can it, I think, be deemed any thing less.' than lamentable self delusion in Sir Robert Grant to have believed that he could calmly sit down to try impartially an alleged trea son which he had composed 600 paragraphs to prove. However, let that pass. This step which, I must say, I cannot • consider free from objection, of recording his full conviction of the Raja's guilt on the three charges finally maintained against his Highness, was followed by the members of Council of Bombay, and the Governor-General having these vo luminous papers transmitted to him when Atrghan poli tics were about to occupy so much of his attention, fol lowed the example of the Government of Bombay, under the express understanding that a fair hearing would be allowed to the Raja. It may be here mentioned that at a subsequent period the members of the Government of India recorded in like manner their opinion that the Raja was guilty. Two of them stated that they did not think it ne cessary to give bins a hearing, and the third seems not to have alluded to that point. The decision of the Governor- General on the long debated point of the Raja's guilt, reached the Bombay Government in October, 1838. And now at last the time did appear to be coming when the Raja, who, from June, 1837, to October, 1838, had occu pied a position in his own capital from which the meanest of his subjects would have shrunk with dismay—that of a butt merely for accusations, concocted by the ingenuity and malevolence of an influential, numerous, and unscrupulous caste of natives, his known enemies, aided and supported by British credulity and British power—seemed at length likely to attain that which he had in vain been endeavouring to gain the whole time, viz., a full and impartial hearing. He was never far ther from the attainment of that object than. he was at that moment. Now, as well as on the previous occasion, when the statement of evidence was submitted by the Resident, came on a perfect fever of apprehension of the Raja's " vast resources, boundless wealth, and despotic power," to allure alike and intimidate witnesses, coupled, too, with the Raja's unscrupulous application of them in all probability to those ends. " His vast resources and boundless wealth" were described by the Bombay Go vernment, in the despatch to the Secret Committee, of the 15th of September, 1836, par. 10 (S.P., i. 2), as fol lows:—" His revenues do not exceed fourteen lacs of rupees per annum, and his military resources are con temptible, and totally inadequate for the enterprise he has undertaken. We must,therefore, believe that heis associated with other Powers anxiously desiring to shake off our rule, and we infer that he looks to his Highness the Nizam, Scindia, and other native Chiefs, to declare against us, when their plans have been brought to maturity." His " despotic . power" is exemplified in Colonel Ovens' letter of the 25th November, 1841, paragraphs 9 and 10, (S. P. iii. 24), wherein Colonel Ovens rules, and the Bombay Government say nothing against the interpreta tion, that the Raja was guilty of an infraction of the treaty. for failing to be guided in any matter by the ad vice of the British Agent at his Highness's Court, even though such matter should be the right understanding of an article of the treaty itself, which conferred on the British Government that authority over the Raja, with which it was willing to be satisfied after the conquest. As breaker of the treaty he was of course liable to de thronement, and, with respect to the difficulty of de throning him, we have Sir J. Carnac's testimony corrobo rated by experience (Minute, June 19, 1834 ; S. P. i. 290), that "he is altogether at our mercy, and the execution ofan order to dispossess him of his territories, would scarcely b e a more difficult work than to sign such an order." So much for his resources, his wealth, and his power, if he presumed to use them against the British Government. As to his probable unscrupulousness in the use of them, I shall show subsequently that the Raja offered "not once, not twice, but repeatedly," to surrender his terri tories into, the keeping of the British—a thing which most unquestionably, I, in his place, and no. more guilty of treason than I am at this moment, would never have ventured to do—provided that a fair and impartial hearing were granted him. He seems, therefore, to have thought but little of the unrighteous appli cation of his vast resources, unbounded wealth, and des potic power. I shall show presently that these advan tages were used against him in other instances beside that remarkable one of Sukaram Bullal's deputation to Govind Row at Ahniednuggur, before noticed. Most of the authorities agreed that his suspension was necessary during the trial ; but lam happy to see that my most ebteetned and valued friend, Mr. Anderson, records the fol lowing sentiments, though in opposition to the majority: (Minute, June 7, 1838.)—5.P. i. 253. " Par. 21. I shOuld not, however, consider it a wise course to depose the Raja, whilst any inquiry was going an; be 'that inquiry of what nature it may. "22. It' would be a shoCk to the feelings of the people whether high or low, to find a Sovereign so treated. They would scarcely (I should say certainly not) respect our motives. The degradation to the Prince would be thought of, not our sense of justice, and the cause would rather be attributed to our weakness than our strength. Ido not think it either necessary. The same end can be gained without it, and the influence or power of the Raja to injure could for such a purpose be prevented by our guarantee and assurance of protection.' Well, upon my word, I think so. However those who knew the probable value of the evidence against the Raja, in all likelihood, better than Mr. Anderson, were very averse to the Raja not being . altogether suspended from power, while the trial was going on; and Sir Robert Grant, in his minute of J une 8, 1838, pars. 4 and 5 (S. P., i. 254), enables us to see, that the objection to leaving the. Raja, at this moment, in possession of power was felt principally by Colonel Ovens, " who so well understands the case," giving utterance doubtless, to the sentiment of Balajipunt Nattoo, who, I am quite sure, understood it much better. Sir R. Grant, in his Minute of Bth June, 1838, par 4,. says I observe that Mr. Anderson is adverse to the deposal of the Raja whilst defending himself. I am quite willing to leave this point to the determination of the Governor-General, to whom it more properly upper • tains ; but I am still, I confess, impressed with the idea of the extreme difficulty, if not 'impracticability, of bringing this matter to a fair and just issue, if his High- ness is to make his defence while in possession of all those vast means of corrupting and falsifying the case, which we know. eo he at his command, and which he is likely to employ with so little scruple. The per suasion also has become general among his sub jects, that he is certain, or nearly so, of acquittal, though that consummation May be delayed by the intrigues of the Bombay Govermnent— the moral effect of this persuasion, aided by the free use of the means ; aboveementioned, is sure to give hi m a l arge b o d y of I witnesses, ready to swear exactly as he may choose to dictate. As a counteractive to these mischiefs, Lieute nant-Colonel Ovens, WHO SO WELL UNDERSTANDS THE casn, has again and ag a i n d ec l are d t h at a suspens i o ad interim of the Raja (for, after all, it is only a suspen sion, not a deposal) is an absolutely essential measure.— Now, if any step short of his suspension could gain that object, let it by all means be adopted ; but, after all. I see, there is none other which will both afford efficient protection to true witnesses, and secure us against.the inundation of false evidence."—This apprehension of subornation on the part of the Raja, is -particularly indefensible and inapplicable, when it is - recollected that Government had before it the proceedings of the Com mission of 1836, and that his Highness had not on that occasion been charged with having re sorted in the slightest degree to such practices. The Raja, I should mention from the time when his in tercoarse with - the Government of Bombay became so unsatisfactory, had sought out other means of communi cating with the British authorities, and for a long time corresponded with Dr. Milne, at least so it would appear. The Bombay Government intercepted this correspond ence, and Colonel Ovans on the Ist of October, 1837, much objected to any correspondence with the Baja, which Was not entirely within the knowledge of Go vernment. The Governor- General, though he did net approve entirely of the correspondence which seemed to have been carried on, was yet inclined to let it continue till the Raja had been tried. Notwithstanding the in terception of the correspondence the Bombay Govern ment seemed to prefer that it should be put a stop to, and'at length on the 30th January, 1839, this object was accomplished. We find too that at that period it was intended to prevent a deputation from the Raja being sent to England, if this could have legally been done, (S. P. vol. i., pp. 278 to 283.) In this state was this un fortunate Prince left. He was subjected, thus fettered, to a most searching inquisition, for many months carried on with.all the influence of the British Government by the British Agent at his Court, w h o h a d not a d ou b t of his guilt, mil directed by his most implacable and formidable native foe, a leading man in the most influential caste in India, a caste notoriously at variance with the Raja, unscrupulous. vindictive, :tad having religious spite to gratify I Sir, I cannot imagine tiny man to be in a situation more helpless then was the Raja at this period, and yet I find him prevented front resorting to rely for tuitous aid which he might have been fortunate to dis cover. I declare. though perfectly satisfied of the Raja's entire innocence, I am astonished at the weakness of the case against him; under these circumstances, let the same meant; be resorted to in any other Indian Court, and I am convinced that in one-third of the time an infinitely better sustained charge would be made out.. This may be a fitting opportunity for placing before you what the Resident considered a fair way of trying the Raja at the beginning of 1838, and towards the end of that year : " 50. But I must beg to express my doubts whether furnishing the Raja with copies of the statements (pre pared statements of the evidence), above referred to, will do this—bring the inquiry to a final close. It is clear that time will be demanded to prepare the reply ; that it must bo sent to Bombay to be commented upon there, and that no conclusive or satisfactory answer will be given. Instead of refuting - the facts, it is much to be feared that the same course will be pursued now, as formerly, at the time of the Commission, viz., to defame Led answered with the neost ree flee rcaolite , :or facilitati ng investigation, becomes, at the Yoe' moment, perfectly infleeible, and with powerful i' a t io t meats to yield, refuses to do that which Wel ll , , gs branded hint as a hypocrite and a traitor, by - sig li f neefeorandien contaittiug an eckatieledg'"?" guilt, which he knewa w as im e e ns i ete et wite pv - even though such refusal cost him his throne n i l , liberty, and banished him to a distant countil,. , to my belief that - th e R a j a Would-- net "! h rJI change his sh a re i n t h ese transact i ons , welt iftV its consequences, for ours ; and, fur my. P? , rtipli, corduct of the Raja b e t rays obliquity or irotell oi ll free to conf ess th at m y intellect is very eidici ne ' re soil am, further, s ) mi s guid e d as t o w i s h t h at it tra): so as long us I live. May my friends have their in ' as aslant a s th e y pl ease ' ; an d may• I have for ray'.sor rents those wh o d eem i t w i se, sagac i ous , and I r :a ell able condu ct t o en d eavour to persuade bigleatie o `:s . sit 4 untried men t o s i gn themselves %Mains as tbe - t"; end on which they are to b e tr e a t e d with conn4hneeioo favour, and who deem it to be no'diserace to s a a,sl condemnation with ou t a h ear i ng. It nosy be us e b ' e t- aol the close of thi s un f ortunate hi story, Ls , ( " a we t of t he professions and the final practice in the disr s3 Liesq case of the Raja of Satara. The sentiments expressed by the Bombay Government were tbei;* "We are not to a s sume f or trut h t h e cite nu t ' tbo which were a sserte d* [b y G ov i nd Row a wn Brahmin emissary." "Of his Highness the Raja we ought to be vf i l ja to entertain such suspicions, and the facts stOcarqopel two native (officers of the 23d, whose depositiees l i u se fat Lodwick transmits, are of the most equivocallk tla as they affect that Prince." raln etiti "The honour, indeed, of the British Gore eer eed and also its credit for consistency, are deepl e v, c ' n 'esesce' in not admitting, except on the most irrcsistibie fasts the errors of a Prince whom the Government rod' f e;., a ttl a prison to a th rone , w h om it has ever since t oy re; with friendly care , an d f rom w h om i t h as unite s r dea ce ceived all the o b servances o f attac h ment an d col;" . co s' " No intentio n ex i s t s o f w hi sper i ng d ou btful c stances to his (the Raja's) disadvantage." least gt : " Subject to the question, whether by the jeo lt) , tempt to seduce our native, tros from theirooc ought not to be considered an unpardonable (dr t i i - e ter' case against the Raja was not at that tine (°' Th e mination of the Commission) a very strong 0 0 m ight evidence, though satisfactory to us, was such ts be questioned without any obstinate incredulite• acted Let us see how fix these sentiments have be e :, 00' 1 up to. Is the evid ence on t h e S epoy se d uct ion cu t : c os' irresistible ? D o th e enorm i t i es o f U nta j c e s aw l demnatory dis c rep anc i es o f t h e Soo b a d ars , at'c (bete proved falsehood regarding the receipt of pin to nut) at the P a l ace ; the peuries of Costa la ucl° wh° unwillingly yielded evidenc e of Abbe Mohltel',,,the would not admit that he had said that he had s e :is de' Soobadars enter the Pulace, until he fOund hifu s s . s al t ° nouneed by Elojee Mohitey, whom the Raja exl_y ef or 4 Captain Grant Duff as an intriguer, and whom he ol ' ot hei: to gratify by assigning to him property in n 0 0? possession? Do all these furnish us wick no pos'w n close, of resisting the evidence on the Sepoy seduell ° ist ible Is the evidence on the Joudpour case most irres t to s et' Is it the extreme probability, amounting 3 11 ° 6 a p ol. ' taints, that the Raja would send a messenger tu,ligiotts friendless, destitute Prince, more than half a 0 00 5 mendicant, to suggest that he would " make PI, t hat 1 1 to join in a war against the English," to reelr; oe i tt et would use his good officers in persuading the t a s ogsl Constantinople t o " l et t h e R uss i ans march e 5 or ,o Turkey to India," and " to beg him to transnatt=capterg, Inca of rupees to enabl e th e Portuguese troops o su:i Nagpoor,' and that the Raja would autloorise,"reasee' treasonable intent, the transmission to su ch s „NIP' Prince, of an o ld swor d ;i s i t, I say, t h e ealrell t hat bility and almost certainty of these eccurrenst;tacto forces us to b e li eve them, when those who tell o _ 4lo 10 , are almost all persons opposed to the er i, ; g the further, had no epportunity whatever of an s '`, irre , l charge? Is the ev id ence on t h e Gov, ease a ,;, r tain 01 ' tible ? Is it so very p ro b a bl e as to b e a lmost - also woo Brahmins, well known to hate the Rajs, as he hie l ir a tress known to hate th em , s h ou ld carry on essona a pse% trigue for the elevatio n o f th e R a j a and on Eurortto, . on the ruins of the British Indian Empire. should serve th e enemy and oppressor of t" agal n ' , tribe ~stt such matchless fidelity, as to have protectett!., E u rope° . detection for twelve years er more ; that s pindoos , power should be the Portuguese, a bhorred . u btto ieraece t and Brahmins in particular,for their religl° ° ee itain Is it so very probable as to be plaw st tru st 1 1 the Raja should the most bigoted placeof Bsurcahhminns(l3 oprius'tt4 their irritating them, as he constantly did Brahmins, 'll l ts pretensions—that he should invest one of caste rte it , in s tin i ca i l l full powers to use his seal in traitorous col and to receive and keep for him treasonable lrterns;;ler, the Raja never saw, and write for him, in l 1, it s o . treasonable answers, and seal and send these.• : _ art y very probable, as to be almost certain, that!" ,i e g to, negotiators, when the head of the embassy (be d ' if t ,eio want of money, and having with them the I?° l* . n j th!, treasonable communications between the Rotp,..' be sall Viceroy of Goa, and an affecting appeal on th;_" be had from their expiring Chief to the master who 11 i the served so long and so faithfully, should engage neat occupation of gang robbery, so dangerous, cli a ' rath er say, so little creditable to the diplomatic ho'ly' „ a rt. than solicit aid from the Raja, from whom, if tlets e . - 0 to they could extort it by threats of disc.wery, Wu' ' , e on hint would, to use Sir Robert Grant's nerds, have be " ruin irremediable ?" Is it so very probable as t° h is almost certain that the Raja, having these p ers ons 111 . 0 , employ for so long a time, on this da ngerous s er'l he should have shown no uneasiness on the demise of t o principal agent, and made no effort to secure the custody of his treasonable papers, which the thotl n less and needy members of his embassy were paw i : a ia g for 401.? Is it so very probable as to be almost eer l that the Viceroy of Goa should seriously enter into to j treasonable intrigue, and bind his Sovereign te o 50, rt 30,000 troops aith powder and shot to India, to sub the British power in that country, having previouslp.,l.o.. deputing to Sattara a member of one of the V fessions as a special messenger to make the tisfied himself that the request, for this aid was du2 vvou ld by the Raja's authority ? Are all these things, 1 e e; eo aek, so very probable so almost certain —es toffn ..,ha our belief in the reality of the so-stated maliguAervoy, of long duration between the Raja and the v ., of notwithstanding that the Raja's connexion wittiancoo, part of the story is limited to one or two COe elusive circumstances—notwithstanding that tl nea dso tirely depend, and tee case itself largely r e iou s . ne w on the oral evidence of the Rap enemies, gang-robbers, a fraudulent harl l ,' t r it ti s t' te l ' i l a u g !..rllOt ,Vl ea se' a collector of obscene songs that the Raja's intercepted confidentia l fi n a l,}", fi e slll , spondence is totally silent on the subject ; alr Eht notwithstanding the avowed disbelief of th e I :ju.o' er ' the late President of the Board of Control ? ae fec t so f t o is the belief thus irresistibly forced upon u s f l o es - and so satisfactory, as to make it entirely super r ering t" { allow his Highness an opportunity of ausw`L bc sefi charge ? Sir, I, formy part, entertain a total w i ' lere sore , all the three cherges, and declare myself , t against the motion for adjournment. oft" , as (1 11 * Sir Robert Grant's Minute, July 23, IW , o ust S.P. p. 11. I think that the words in bracket! a mistake, but I have net ascertained this. r V.{ THE STJN, LONDON, MONDAY MORNING, AUGUST 29, 1(142'. tioecharacter ol the evidence ; and that a mass of irrele vi it statements will be produced, which it will be diffi cult either to reject or to receive." " 35. That which i think holds out the best prospect Of meeting the views ui Gevernnient would be to read over all the evideeee its the presenee of the Raja, and any two or three of his native advisers whom he chores to select, to confront the witnesses with him at the same time, and then immediately take down any defence, he has to offer, as well as to summon and examine any wit nesses on his own behalf, whom -he may .name. This, I third:, would answer all the real and substantial ends of justice, and would, it is to be hoped, bring matters at once to a close. • " 56. To render this proceeding more solemn, and satisfactory to all parties, and to remedy any future misrepresentation that might arise, I would also very respectfully be; to submit, that sho u ld it appear to b e expedient to the Right Hon. the Governor in Council, a confidential officer of rank might be deputed here for a few days, for the special purpose of being present at their final. proceedings, and of reporting the case fur the infinenatiou of Government. "57. By the above proceeding, I conceive that this in vestigation could at once be brought to a close, amid affairs here once more put on a satisfactoyy footing. But I must beg to repeat, that I conceive the suspension of the Raja's authority necessary to the success of these measures ; and that without this I see no end to present . difficulties. It would, I think, in every point of view, be attended with advantage ; for, even supposing that his Highness should be able to exonerate himself frozn some of these charges, yet enough, I believe, will remain to subject him to any penalty Government may lie pleased to inflict, and a temporary suspension of this nature would serve as a salutary warning to him for the future, as well as a lesson to the country at large, that such conduct will never be passed over with impunity. "58. Indeed, it is very much to be feared, that with out some decided step of this nature, affairs here will not admit of any speedy or satisfactory adjustment, for, as I have before stated, concession will only aggraVate the present evils. The more we show ourselves disposed to overlook what has occurred, the more extravagant will the Raja's demands become ; and by such a line of policy we will - be involved in a labyrinth, froM which it will perhaps be difficult to extricate ourselves. " 59..8at if we now show our deterniinationto act with firmness and vi g our in punishing th ese i nt ri gues, there can be little doubt that this mode of proceeding will be attended with the best effects, and that it will tend to restore our character and influence throughout the country, both of which have materially suffered by the extraordinary and unprecedented license so long as sumed by this Durbar, and which, if permitted to con tinue, can only end in its final ruin." (Extract of a Letter from Colonel ()vans to Government, 15th November, 1838.) "20. Whatever may be the Raja's reply, however, it appears evident from the Minute of the Right Honour able the Governor-General, that some ulterior and final proceeding is meditated; and, if such be the case, would it not be wiser that such proceeding should at once take place ? and thus prevent all the mischief and intrigue that will immediately be put in operation by the Raja, on the receipt of this Yad. "21. The evils that it will produce are clear and evi dent, the good problematical ; nor will it, I fear, bring us at all nearer the close of thew proceedings, which is the grand object to be obtained. It will, on the contrary, probably delay, nay, perhaps, in the eed, entirely frus trate this desirable consummation ; inasmuch, as if the witnesses be tampered with, ant the Raja be permitted to burden the PRESENT SIMPLE STATEMENT OF FACTS with loads of irrelevant evidence, supplied both by his own ingenuity and that of his Bombay advisers, any Commissioner: hereafter appointed may be involved in a labyrinth, from which it will be very difficult for them to escape." OTHERS. Soobadar Sewgoolam Sing gaviltlar Chundur Sing • C;osiit Nfaloo Alpha Mhareek Abba Parusnees Elojee Mohitey Abba Mohitey SECOND, OR JOUDPOOR CASE. BRAHMINS.. Krustmajee Chintamun Agassey Babjee Myputteo Parsotum Anund Rugho Punt ausalcul ICaxc® Punt Bundrey—before named Guvind Row Dewan—befort named OTHERS. Elojee Afohitey—before named Appajee Jadno Wittoo Bogania • Wi t too Pa teykur Kedaree Mania Dhoondee Katia Abba Mhareek—before named Abba Parusnees—before named Dinkur Row Mohitey THIRD, OR GOA CASE. BRAHMINS. Wasdeo Shastree Dajeeba Waeed Balkoba Kelkur Moro Punt JOS(4? Hurry Punt Patuk Narain Bhut Chitty Rowjee Kotnees Khundoo Venktesh Kasoo Bueherow Gopal Jayram Kolutkur Abbajee Narain Josee Moro Punt Putwardhun - Nilo Abbajee Burkunkur Sunjeewun, Brahmin Pursotum Anunt Gosavree Vishnoo Kesoo Dewasthuly Ballajee Punt Nattoo fiasee Sewram Bundrey—before named Ramehundur Gungadirur Josee. Dufturdar, or Dajeeba ,Tosee Rajaram Bhut Moondlee Govind Row Dewan (confession)—before namel Vishnoo Punt Funseekur Narain Bhut Sidhpy Sewram Bhut Ladkur Ballajee Punt Jogleekur liarbhutbin Ramehundur Bhut liulbia Ramehundur Sadasew Bhut Abhienkur Dhoondoo Vishnoo Aptey, Government vakeel Sawunt Ware° I collie now to a consideration of the merits of the two latter charges against the Raja; and it must always be remembered that upon these no trial or hearing what ever has been granted him. I have perused repeatedly Sir R. Grant's minute of the 24th of May, 1838, on the Joudpoor case, and I have found it, I must say, weari some reading. In the name of common sense, are Princes in India to be deposed because vagabonds at enmity with them say that verbal messages were sent to a dethroned Irince, in the destitute situation of Appa Sahib of Nag poor, requesting him " to make preparations to join in a war against the English," and " to exert his interest with the Sooltan of Constantinople to let the Russians pass through Turkey to India," and because it is stated that a sword was authorised to be sent in a veena to such dethroned Prince, whom the Dewan requests to send 25 or 30 Lacs, to enable the Portuguese troops to capture Nagpoor ? Unworthy of serious thought as these charges are, I do not believe them. Elojee Mohitey, one of the leading witnesses, was an adherent of Appa Sahib of Nagpoor, and was denounced - by the Raja to Captain Grant Duff as an intriguer; and, as for the story of his destroying the letter and the sho es (S.P. 209), he couples with this service an alleged promise by the Raja, to make his mother give up to him some disputed property. It would surely be natural for the• Raja to pay useful service to himself, even at his own expense, and at any rate at the expense of others Yet the mo ther of Elojee Mohitey was not, I believe, compelled by the Raja to make the surrender in question. What is the plain inference ? Why, that Elojee was dissatisfied with the Raja, and that his Highness did not mind about him. Abba Mhareek, an other leading witness, is connected by marriage with Elojee Mohitey. I -cannot stop to say, more upon this paltry charge, of political communication hostile to the Britit,h Government with a fugitive and a beggar ; and one, moreover, who seeme d to h ave ta k en up the idea of becoming a religious ascetic ; and we are called. upon to believe that this silly, useless treason, had been going on for years I As for the principal features and characters in the Goa case, let us suppose a gang of robbers taken up. They are found to be connected with a coining shop; the officers proceed to it, and find quantities of false money and tools for making it, and on asking for explanation, they are answered by the principal coiner, "Coin money—:o be sure we do, and a very good thing we make of it ; I trust that we shall long do so; we have the Queen's authority." " Oh, very well," we may suppose the police-officer to answer, "I am happy to hear that we are with respectable people ; I find all is right here ; now you will, doubtless, be good enough to show me the Queen's authority." "Why, yes," the chief coiner will reply, -` I certainly would have great pleasure in obliging you, as you are so polite, but the fact is, the Queen's autho r ity was g i ven ver b a ll y ; and i t may be as well to mention—not to any of us, but to that highly venerated individual, the late head of our firm, who died about a year ago ; and you per ceive, Sir, we are all in mourning for him ; and we have, I assure you, Sir, a great many witnesses. to prove that that departed saint did really state that he had such authority !" Now, I ask, could such an ex planation be listened to gravely ? And yet I declare that it seems to me parallel to the position of Nago's company with reference to the Raja. There is nothing to show that Nago required any authority from the Raja for anything he did. He wrote treasonable letters in the Raja's name, and made and appended seals us he pleased ; and he carried on this for twelve years ! Can any one believe this ? And who was this man ? A Brahmin, as well as the rest of his party, who are also principally his relations; and the principal, Nago Dea rao, died on the 30th July, 1836. and he was a servant of the Swamee of Sunkeshwur, one of the heads of the religious feud between the Brahmins and other castes. But there are letters from Don Manoel, and the signa ture, if not genuine, is a far better imitation than would have been necessary to deceive the Raja ! These letters, and the extravagant treaty and notes of instructions, stated to have been communicated by Don Manoel, are found only on Nago's party and as for the goodness of the signature, ir forged, it would have been necessary to forgo it well, if, as I be lieve, it wa s i n t en d e d to deceive those who under stood Portuguese signatures better than the Raja did. The attempt to connect the Reja with Nago, and his company is beyond measure weak. The particulars of Dr. Herculano's intercourse with the Raja, and of Nago's interviews, are meagre and unsatisfactory, and are incon clusively shown. The Doctor, though alive, has not given evidence, and the persons who do depose are Brahmins of most indifferent character, and members of that party of intriguers who, admitting themselves to be so implicated in transactions of this nature, and having upon them the evidence of their guilt, are under the necessity of impugning the Prince, whose name they have so unwarrantably used. Tejeram, the banker, committed, lam told, some years ago, u fraudulent bankruptcy, and came under the corrective operation of the Raja's Adawlut ; his books and evidence have been ably commented on by General Robertson, in his speech at the Court of Proprietors last July. Sir Robert G ran t' s m i nutes on this case, amidst ;he loads of matter which they contain, seem to me to exhibit scarcely an occurrence that can justly be said to affect the Raja ; and certainly none that, if his High ness had had the hearing which he solicited, he would not, in all probability, have entirelydisproved. And what a host of improbabilities present themselves to prevent our crediting this charge ? I will enumerate a few :-Ist. The extravagance of the plot. Sir Robert Grant admits, in many passages of his writings, that it is almost too absurd to conceive ; and I would remark, that surely it is not very satisfactory to be forced to be lieve that which one cannot explain or conceive. 2d. The improbability that the Raja 'should place such un bounded trust in Brahmins, whom it is well known he hated r:nd distrusted, and by whom similar feelings were entertained against him. 3d. The improbability that for so many years those enemies, who perpetually showed a desire to ruin him, should not have betrayed him. Sir Robert Grant admits also that the knowledge of his intrigues was widely spread. 4th. The weak ness of the evidence, as admitted by Sir Robert Grunt in several passages in his writings. sth. The enormous powers of Nago. Gth. The distress of Nago's followers after hie death, when they Lad it in their power, if the intrigue would last, to extort what money' they pleased from the Raja. - 7th. The absence of proof that the Raja sent to secure-Nago Dearao's papers after his death—the more especially as Sir-R. Grant ac counts for Nago recovering the Raja's supposed papers, by saying, "To the ex-Viceroy discovery might be incon venient ; to the Raja it was ruin irremediable." Bth. Disreputable character of the principal witnesses. 9th. Intriguing character of the Swatnee of Sunkeshwur, who may thereliire well be suspected to have lent himself to plots against the Raja, to whom he was notoriously inimical. 10th. The circumstance of Don Manoel' s successor and political opponent, Senhor Peres da Silva, never having exposed Don Manoel's in trigues ; had they existed, he must have disco- , vered them, . and would have denounced them. I consider the Goa plot more clearly than any other a Brahmin plot for the ruin of the Raja. Brahmins have been engaged in all quarters to furnish evidence, nor is there any room for surprise that the evidence taken at different places should correspond, if we suppos e , as I do, th a t Balajipunt N a t too at S at tarn dire c t e d the whole intrigue, and suggested in each case where evidence was to be got, after he had taken NAGO DEORAO'S SERVANTS. Augee bin Feerajee. Sukhojee bin Limbajee. Venkapa bin Pillajee. Hybutee bin Jotajoe. Pattoo bin Sooltaujee. 6 Khundoojee bin Tookajee 35 OTHERS. Tejecram, banker. }lissur Bbngwan. Balaram Cbuprasee. Abba Parusnees—before named. Pandoorang Rao. Dinkur RJw Mohitey (confession)—before named. The numbers, therefore, are as follow : Brahmins. Other Natives. 5 6 9 *35 6 Ist, or Sepoy Seduction case 2d, or Joudpore case 3d, or Goa case 46 22 If those occurring in more cases than one, are numbered separately. And Sepoy Seduction case Joudpore case Goa case 4 *33 42 17. If those occurring in more cases than one, are num bered only once. I must say that where so much depends upon the verbal evidence of the witnesses, I think it very fatal to the cre dibility of these charges that the native witnesses against the Raja should be more than two to one Brahinins, whom he always :disliked, and was at no pains to ccnci hate, the more especially when, as in the Goa case, one is required to believe that he placed unbounded confi dence in those his known enemies—and enemies, too, of the most vindictive and unscrape!ous character, inflamed by religious bigotry, and supp o rt e d by religi o us zeal. • I have adverted above to effects such as might have been expected from the steps taken to procure evidence by the officers of Government. In page 111 of the first volume of the Sattara Papers, raragraph 3, the case of Bkow Lely is referred to ; this person appears to have volun teered to furnish Lieutenant Darnels, for a considerable rew ar d, w ith papers which would prove the Raja's treason. Colonel Ovens mentioned the proposal being entertained, and when he fai!ed to produce the papers at the time agreed upon, allowed him a longer period. • He failed in the end, but it is suspected, not without grounds, that his intention was to get the required papers forged ! In pages (190 and 191) of the same volume will be found mention of three documents, said to be, one a letter from the Raja of Sattara to the Viceroy of Goa, the two others, in the Mailman language, but in Roman letters, from the Viceroy to the Raja. All these are disowned by the Nago Mundullee, or party (who have letters, con taining the same matter, but authenticated in a better way they imagine). Now, who then forged these dis honoured letters ? Certainly not the Raja's friends. It must lia-sa been clone by enemies of the Raja—aye ! and by enemies, too, who knew something of what was pro posed, or intended to be proposed by those enemies who produced the documents stated to be authentic, since they correspond in matter with those'documents. After this disclosure, I confess it surprises me that the Government did not strongly suspect that forgery by the Raja's enemies was abroad. I come now to the consideration of the question of the probability of a Brahmin conspiracy against the Raja. Colonel Ovens, in his letter dated May 29, 1841, par. 12., S. P. iii., 24 and 25, considers it as a fiction, mentioning the number of - Brahmin witnesses, as above represented, viz., 21 out of 44, while he observes, "If any conspiracy ex isted, it was on the part of the ex-Raja and his Chit nayees, to trample on the Brahmins, and to elevate the rival caste of Purbhoes, to which the Chitnavees be longed." Now it is undoubtedly true, that in this feud the Raja took the part of the Purbhoos, and surely that alone makes it likely that Brahmins would rather plot against the Raja than for him. • What was it that, some short time back, filled us with grief ? What but the confederacy of the Affghans against us ? And why did they confederate against us ? Doubtless because they considered we had trampled upon them. It is 'against those whom they deem to trample upon them, that men usually do conspire. My excellent friend, Mr. Wil loughby, in his Memorandum of 31st Oct., 1841, S. P. iii. page 13, is not, I think, at all more successful upon this point, for what does he say ? Why, that it was not likely that the Brahmins should conspire to pull down a 'Endo° Prince, whose territories would, under the cir cumstances, be likely to be transferred to the British Go vernment. To that I answer that the question is not whe ther the Brahrnins would be likely so to conspire or to rest tranquilly under their fig-trees. It is an undoubted fact, admitted by all, that numbers of Brahmins did engage in intrigues for some object or another, and are we thought credulous because we believe that revenge being the strongest passion of the mind, or nearly so, the object of the conspiracy should have been to put down a Prince whom they disliked, and who disliked and provoked them ? aye ! even though his territories might fall into the hands of the English ? Is it not, I would ask, infinitely more improbable that the Brshims should intrigue for the benefit of their enemy ?—to augment his power, so that from trampling upon them he might grind them to dust ?—and can ens-thine be more un likely than that Brahmins should intrigue to restore to power, in India, by our ruin, the bigoted and ceteel Portu guese, the most implacable enemies whom the Hirsdoos and the Hindoo superstition have ever had, with the single ex ception of the Mahometans, and hardly that ? The con jecture I consider extravagant and unjust towards our Government —w e are liked better than the Portugueee, whose tyranny end forced conversions, I imagine, are remembered better than Albuquerque's glory, and if our Government in India is to stand until Brain: ins league with Pcrtugneee to subvert it, depend upon it ee l have a long term of empire yet. It is to be remembered, too, that those who believe that the I3rahmins' insign e was against the Raja, and not for him, and for Portuguese, do not, as the other side have done, require this to be taken as proved. They desire full and free inquiry only. They say, " Do not upon one sided evidence alone (inadequate to establish it story not in itself unlikely) &elate that to be beyond a doubt which is glaringly imnrobable, aiid require.s, before it should be credited, the s:ronqest and most severely scrutinized evidence. In short the Goa case appears to me to be a masa of violent, improbabilities. as an intrigue for the Raja' s benefit, and on his behalf. And this case, it is admitted, is glue strongest of all. For Sir Robert Grant in the 4th paragraph of his Mi nuteofo2f4htilat A 3 l r a hl y u , te lB o 3 i B . , 3 ( l S at . 208) ; and 7th para graphdeclares the Goa c ase to b e muceillB3sBtrSng. e i r ). t i lln 23 t 6 h , e ) Joudpoor case, while he admits in paragraphs 8 and 15 of his Minute of 30th Jan., 1837 (S. F. 1., pp. 68 and 69), and in paragraph 3 of hi s Minut e o f 15th August, 1837 (S. P. i., 92,) and in paragraph 3 of his Minute of 31st lay, 1838 (S. P. 1., 235), that the first, or it is care that it shou:d be there. How suspicious, I might Slioy case, was a weak un, . say how conclusively eondemnatory, the vast number of ; also to be remembered that neither on this case Brahmin . witnesses. I ha.e taken from Colonel Ovens' , nor on the Joudpnor ease has the ltaja had any hearing letter, of the 15th of November, 1838, which I consider whatever. To crown the incredibility of the Goa plot, a the hest authentie•document for the pfirpose, the.nam:s great authority, the Right Hon. Sir John Cam Hobhouse, of Ikahmin and other native witne:4ses; and I find the Bart., the late President of the Board of Control, - has ex number much beyond, that stated in Colonel Ovans' pressed his total disbelief of this charge at least in the letter, of the 25th of November, 1841.—5. P., iii. 24, 25. Nlowing words taken from his speech hi Parliament, The following is the list:— i delivered on the 23d June, 1842, as published by Bldg , FIRST, OR SEPOY SEDUCTION CASE. way, Piccadilly : BRAHMINS.. „ • " The Hon. Member has also accused me of believing Soobadar Gooljar Missur that the Raja of Sattara was about to bring 30,000 Pot.- Purushram, perfum er luguese from Goa to invade British India. Where the liasee Punt Bundrer Hon. Member learned that, I know not. I have seen. Untajee (confession) some trumpery statement in a newspaper to that effect, Govind Row Dewan (do.) but there is not a word of truth in it. As President of • the Boahl of Control, I know that those charges were brought against the.Raja of Sattara, but to way that I believed them is what the Hon. Gentleman has not the slightest fouadation for saying." I can only say that I have always been simple enough to think that the charges were believed by those who sanctioned the dethronement of the Raja by Sir James Cantle, because he would not certify by his signature that he was guilty of them ! If the gentlemen behind the bar, would say that they do not believe them, it would spare me mush trouble, and, under the circumstances, considering that, there are, on this side of the bar, be lievers staunch, good, and true, in most of what the Court tell them. I think :hat it would be but fair to state particularly what it is that is expected to be believed. It becomes now necessary to take a review of the con duct of the Raja, subsequently to the appointment of Colonel Ovens, as acting Re.ident. Col.,nel ()vans ar rived at Sattara on the 15th June, 1837, and had an in terview with the Raja on the 19th, which is reported in his letter of the 24th of June, 1837, from which the M lowing is an extract : "4. (Accompaniment 1 contains the substance of the conference.) "5. As regards this document I will only at present remark, with reference to the sixth paragraph, that I beg leave respectfully to call the attention of Govern ment to the fburth, fifth, and sixth paragraphs of my letter of the 23d instant, in which I have stated, that that Commission (of 1836) being a secret one, no copy of any part of its proceedings could be given, and that the two members alluded to avoided waiting on his Highness, in consequence of the situation in which he stood ; but that they had not the slightest reason to be lieve that he had anything further to communicate in regard to his case. "6. In the interview above alluded to, the Raja showed an inclination to put himself into my hands, but as my communications with him at this crisis are necessarily reserved and distant, in accordance with my instructions, this feeling on his part mus t b e expecte d to wear off. ' In reply to his frequent allusions and remarks on the sultject of the Commission, I gave him distinctly - to understand that the whole case had been referred for the consideration and instructions of the Government of India. "7. I also informed his Highness that his yad of fifteen paragraphs would be forwarded to Govern ment, &c." The following is an extract from the report of the interview : " 3. That his first and only object was to preserve the favour of the Government ; that as to his raj, he would give that up and go to &flares, but he wished to clear himself from this stain in the eyes of Government and the world ; that as to' the Dotter, or anything else of that kind, it was with the view of o bt a i n i ng a hearing, and of making his case known ; that ninny things now occurred to him which had not at the time he came before the Commission ; and all he prayed for was, a thorough investigation, as without it he could not be satisfied. 'lt was better for him,' he said, to lose all, than to live in this sort of doubt.' ' "6. He wished, therefore, now to have what he begged for at the time, a copy of the evidence against him, that he might consider and answer it. The Commission had gone without seeing him, and he had bad no oppor tunity of entering into further explanation then, but he hoped now he should be permitted to do so, and then he would be content, whatever might be the s decision. "11. However, if th e G overnor would only write to him a few words, saying that he had the welthre of his 'Highness's Government at heart as much as his own, he would be satisfied, and would at once unburden his mind, and conceal nothing —every thing else will be disclosed. 12. I begged that he would repeat this declaration to prevent mistake, and, as he laid so much stress upon it, that he would give it to me in writing ; and the ac companying is the original sent by his Highness to this effect. " 13. Throughout the interview, and in reply to his appeals to my own opinion, I told him that I was the servant of the Government, and, as such, I had only to carry the orders of Government into effect." His Highness's yad (Memorandum) to the effect re presented, stated that when the letter he solicited was received, lie would tell all regarding the false accusation against him. It is probable that he could then have ventured to name Balajipunt Natoo as the originator_ of the conspiracy against him. The letter which he soli cited nes one which, by a British and Superior-Govern ment. might well have been given to a native and com paratively powerless Prince, of admirable character, if it had been desired to serve him ; except only, that whereas it contained the expression of a willingness to aid in effecting his Highness's designs, of course this should have been limited to "designs meeting the appro bation of the British Government." A letter much to the same effect was sent to the Raja by the, lion. Mount stuart Elphinstone, on the 12th September, 182 G. Could anything, I would ask, be more proper than the Raja's conduct on this occasion, and anything more chil ling and repulsive, than that of the Acting Resident, agreeably to the orders which he had received ? The Raja's request, which he twice made, that he might have a copy of the evidence against him 'in the Sepoy seduc tion case, was not complied with, on the plea that the Commission being secret, no copy of any part of its pro ceedings could be given to any one, as it' any one ever heard of a trial so secret, that the evidence against the person accused could not be had by him in writing. His offer to relinquish his territories, provided only he could obtain a hearing, was treated with neglect. The letter of favour which he begged, the Governor at once resolved to withhold, because, he said, the terms of it " might be construed to imply that Government had acted unjustly towards his Highness." Could Sir R. Grant have looked forward to September, 1839, he would have seen the unfortunate Raja dethroned for declining to sign an admission that he was a traitor ! lie offered again on the 17th July to abandon his territories for a full and fair investigation, and how was this noticed ? The Governor in his minuSe of the 21st of July, 1837, concurred in by the Board, writes :—" Ido not think any notice should for the present be taken of this communication, which, I think, betrays the Raja's uneasiness, arising from a consciousness of guilt." Strange that the man who was conscious of guilt should act in this way. He boldly protested his inno cence, and offered to divest himself of any possible "'means of concealing guilt. If guilty he would, if timid, have confessed, and, if bold, would never have offered to resign his power. No one could act in this way but an innocent man. But other parties there were who, lam of opinion, undoubtedly did betray guilt some months before. I allude to the Soobadars. Y From the 35th par. of the Governor's Minute of the 27th April, 1837 (S. P. i., 83), I feel convinced that they at that time felt all the terror of approaching, detection, from which the Governor's reception of them must haye - proved a most welcome relief. The Raja again, on the 26th July, 1837, repeated his offer to abandon his throne for a full and fair inquiry, and on the 28th the Senaputty and Dinkur Row Mohitey waited on the part of the Raja upon the acting Resident, and begged humbly for his advice, which his instructions of course withheld him from granting. The tormenting inquiries, the political inquisition, it may well be tailed, went on without interruption—for a time tae Raja was applied to by the acting Resident to procure the attendance of witnesses, which lie seems never to have failed to do to the extent required, but after a period the acting Resident summoned and detained the Raja's subjects as he pleased. I cannot think, without pain, of the degradation to which this high-minded Prince was reduced at this un happy period, while his Brahmin enemy, by British aid too confidingly given, was stealthily, but surely, work ing his destructi mn. I cannot wonder that his Govern ment was disorganised ; I am almost surprised that. ho did not, in despair, leave his country, and search for a retreat in any quarter where he might have been per mitted to go. He was without a friend able to defend or aid him, and lie was hiniself in the grasp of those who could annihilate him in an instant ; but he still continued firm in the belief that in the end justice would be done him ; and kept as he was at arm's length by the Resi dent, who, also, he was sensible, was occupied, with the assistance of Balsjiptint Nattoo, in making out a case against him, he strove, by every channel or means, to open a communication with the British authorities. Mote "intrigues," as they were called, were engaged in ; these were easily met—all his correspondence, I imagine, has been intercepted, and what does it show on his part but an earnest desire to be permitted to make his INNOCENCE CLEAR ? for as to the stories of Ms intendCd appeal to the Russians or the Paella of Egypt, these are, I imagine, quite abandoned. I must say a word or two about this intercepted corres pondence—a good deal of it appears commented upon in the minute of the Governor of Bombay, of 24th August, 1838. It does not seem to contain much of moment, but is it therefore useless to the Raja ? It is anything but that : it would, indeed, have been of little use to him, had it been allowed to pass without examination—inter cepted it is valuable. In searching out and scru tinizing the Rajas supposed might often be at autho rities, withont a clue to guide meal, fault—but, if the Raja's intrigues were real, he and his confidants with whem lie was corresponding, intimately intrigues, the British ( with all 111,e w ‘ i ' e t) p lul se t h il e )k y ti r runtos n 's • would u musta h rx l i : ;1 1 7: to feared e had e detection.urce.; from n'erg iittri:iaisttittesi°d' tion . And can i t be conceived, that in all this con siderable quantity of intercepted correspondence there would not occur repeated allusions to this or that person, place, or thing, happily screened from search ; fears lest discoveries might be made here or there ; precautions taken to prevent these, and so forth ! There cannot be a doubt of it. I consider the Raja's intercepted correspon dence quite sufficient of itself to demonstrate his perfect in nocence against evidence far stronger than he has to en counter. The Court of Directors receiving reports of the protracted inquiries which the Bombay Government was conducting, intimated to the Governor-General on the 13th June, 1838, and the Secret Committee on the 22d January, 1839, the latter, after receiving the Governor- General's minute of 23d September, 1838, stating his change of opinion—" that it would not only be a waste of time, but seriously detrimental to time character of our Government to carry on any further inquiry into the matter ;" and in the letter the Secret Committee desired that proceedings might be stayed until Sir James Carnac arrived. It is quite clear that the sentiments of the Court of Directors at this time, were favourable to the *lncluding six servant s , not Brah na i, as, of Nago I)eorao. Raja, for Mr. Forhes, or the etii April, 1840, (6. P. i., 361) says—e. The universal impression at the India House, confirmed by his own known opinions on the sub ect, was, that the new Governer was empowered nut only to suppress all further inquiry, but to consign the enites question to compiste oultviou. One vote, at least, in the Court of Die...cows was cordially given to the candidate for the vacant Government, one voice was raised in congratulation, that among many grounds of qualification Sir James Carnac felt for the wrongs of the Raja, and was resolved to stay his protracted persecu tion." And Mr. Lyall, the chairman, said in the Court of Proprietors on the 14th July, 1841 :—" He (Sir James Carnac) left this country determined, if possible, to save the Raja, but, when .he got out to India, and became better informed of his conduct and his pro ceeilings, he changed his opinion." Since then hiS opi nion was changed ; it follows that it was previously le i vourable. No information, however, as to the guilt of the Raja was acquired, which tt as mot in England before Sir James Carnac left this country. MatterS remained in the state to which we have traced them until Sir James Carnac's arrival in Bombay, nothing having taken place in consequence of the Governor-General having deter mined. on first making another reference to the Court. The new Governor at first intended to address a latter of remonstrance, or rebuke to the Raja, and forgive him, and surely every one must deeply regret that this was not dune. In truth, the Rajah scarcely deserved rebuke, and least of all, from the Bombay Government ; but this much respect to authority and the British name seethed indise perusable ; but when the letter which he intended to send was submitted to the Governor-General, his Lordship, he his letter of the 11th July, 1839, stated that he thought it too harsh, and especially as the ob ject was to preserve harmony ; and as, besides, if the Raja replied in a tone of offensive defiance, and refused to let the subject drop, the strong mea sure of his dethronement, it' necessary, must be sanctioned. The Governor-General suggested that as amity was to depend upon the reception of this letter great care should be taken in the preparation of it. One would have thought that, considering the great importance of having this letter suitably worded, it would hardly have been a superfluous precaution to have sent the Governor- General a revised draft for approval. Not only was this not done, but the letter itself was swamped, at least so far as we see ; and, instead ofits transmission, a measure was adopted which undoubtedly was exactly that which the enemies of peace and of the unfortunate Raja would heve desired. The Governor, after proceeding to Sattara ' at an interview with the Raj a pl a c e d before his Highness for his signature a memorandum, admitting his guilt on all the charges, far more offensive than the letter which the Governor-General thought too harsh, and beyond measure more degrading, as requiring to be signed by himself. It was presented, too. at an unfortunate moment, when the Raja became first aware that he whom he thought his friend, and from whom he expected to have the healing which he had been so long denied, was about to treat him us others bad done. And why was it, unless free and full pardon was granted, that the hearing was not given ? Objec tions as to the Raja's sovereignty, and as to the servants of Government composing a tribunal for the trial of a case in which the Government was in fact a party, occurred, and further, "that such a Commission as has been recommended would appear quite 'in expedient, unless we were quite certain of the result." The Raja in vain protested his innocence of all dis loyalty, and solicited to be heard, and again and again offered to abandon his territories for a time, until inves tigation was made, and the confidence of the British Government was restored. His conduct, I should say, showed not only that he was conscious of innocence—it showed that he felt it impossible that on fair inquiry any one could be found to condemn him. He was answeled by the Governor that " had lie (the Governor) come to Sattara to inflict the penalty incurred by these violations of the treaty of 1819, further inquiry might perhaps have been considered expedient, but as he had come to over look and not to punish, this was quite unnecessary." Compare this with what followed, and is it not wretched sophistry ? What right had the Governor, because what he thought was an advantage was declined by the Raja, to make the Raja'; situati n worse than it would have been, as he admits, had he come to punish and not to pardon ? Repeated efforts Were made to induce the Raja, to sign the memorandum, but in vain ; anii ho was therefore, cn , sth September, 1839, dethrone, in consequence, it was stated in the proclamation, ()fits hay ing been conclusively established to the conviction of the British Government, that "he had for a series of years held clandestine communications, contrary - to the 'stipulations contained in the fifth article of the treaty," that. " he had cherished ambitious designs, hostile to the British Government ;" that " he had advanced claims and pretensions incompatible with the letter and spirit of the treaty ;" and that "he had conducted hint self in a manner subversive of the alliance formed between the two States." It has been said that his Highness objected to additional articles to the existing treaty, which were, however, merely to the effect of those then in force. He cer tainly might very properly have dune so; for how could he tell that he might not thus be called upon to sign a new engagement every year to abide by the treaty, and thus furnish at least a disagreable inference against him self; but, if the Government had desired to show that his objection did'not arise from his being obliged to admit his guilt; and, if they were willing to waive so wanton an insult to his Highness, they might have ex punged all that was offensive in that way. As to the preamble, it was evidently most offensive, and was cer tainly not drawn up in a spirit of friendship, but in that of conquest. Had it been otherwise,. the Raja's sup posed designs, which it must not be forgotten had never been proved, might have been alluded to as " unfortunate disagreements," or by some similar term. Nor do I see that it was at all necessary to alluded to the conviction of the British Gweernment that his Highness had been, guilty of intriguing ; and considering how that conviction was produced, I cannot but think that the British Government would have been more a gainer than the Raja by all omission of it. Rem a rks have been made that without some special pro Vision in the treaty, the persons who had given information against the Raja, and whom we were bound to defend, could not have been protected. Those who say so cannot surely bear in mind sufficiently the control over the Raja which the British Government had the means of exercising, through the advice artiele and our superior power ; for although I think Colonel Ovens' construction of that article is too comprehensive, still there can be no doubt that it war ranted every interference that could be thought in the least reasonable on the part of the British Government. It is merely requisite further to mention, that, when de throned, he received a pledge that his private, property should be respected, provided be submitted peaceably ; that he did so submit, and that in breach of that pledge, a quantity of his property was made over to his brother, the present Raja, because " the distinction" between the private and public properly of a Sovereign was " one not ordinarily recognised in native States," although it was recognised in his State, and with the knowledge, and by the advice of the British Government. The same reluctance is observable in this third act of the drama, to subject the evidence procured against the Raja to fair scrutiny, as in the two former ones. • Is there any wonder at this ? We have seen what that evi dence is. Look at it in the Sepoy-tampering case, filled with :fatal discrepancies on the part of the only two or three witnesses who depose to anything of consequence. Look at it in the Joudpoor case, full of nothing at all, and yet that nothing told us by interested witnesses. And look at it in the Goa case, a mass of absurdities sup ported by witnesses so unworthy of belief, and altogether so incredible, and so little ail' sting the Raja, that the Right Hon. the late President of the Board of Control will not submit to have it said that he believe 4 it. And upon these charges the Raja has of been heard in his defence, for it is impossible to call a hearing the process by which he was declared guilty of the first charge. The Court of Directors, in glaring inconsistency with the letter of the• Secret Committee of 22c1 January, 1839, entirely approved all the proceedings of the Bum bay Government of September, 1839, and this without expressing a cause for their change of - sentiment. Such cause, indeed, it would have been difficult to produce, because every fact and information relative to the Raja was in the East India House previously to the 22c1 of January, 1839, when the Committee stated it to be their opinion " that it would be not only a waste of time, but seriously detrimental to the character ef our Govern ment, to carry on any further inquiry in the matter." We have heard it often observed that the Government must be the judge in political questions like the present one. All will agree in this ; but surely it will not be contended that it is necessary for the Government to decide on one sided evidence only, as has been done in this instance. It has been said that the Raja's conduct evinced obliquity of intellect. Let us shortly review the proceedings of the authorities, and see what they display. The Govern ment sanctioning a conviction, when the person tried was not allowed to be present at the trial, until all the evidence aeainst him had been taken. Sir Robert Grant and the Bombay Government expressing their full persuasion of the Raja's guilt, while expecting to try him, and the Governor recording minutes to that effiett, amounting to nearly 600 paragraphs, and flattering himself that he would be likely to conduct such trial im partially ; the refusing to the Raja copies of the evidence against nun, on the ground of secrecy, as if any evidence given on a trial could be secret from the person accused ; the procuring of evidence by deputing per sons who had given evidence against the Raja, to their friends in gaol, eepected to give similar evidence ; the evading, on every occasion, the grant of is fair hearing to the Jinja, and then at last dethroning him, because he would not admit his guilt ! Where shiill we find obliquity of intellect, if we are not to look thr it here ? The?, the Governor-General, first discouraging. further inquiry ; next, in imitation of the Bombay Government, recording his full persuasion of the Raja's guilt, while expecting to try him, and then approving the Raja's extraordinary dethronement ? And, finally the Court of Directors, first strongly disapproving further inquiry, and then, without any new fact or in formation against the Raja, sanctioning that remarkable step, by which a Prince, who h a d borne for sixteen years the highest character, and was untried, and, with scarcely less certainty: innocent, was hurled from his throne, because he would not make him- self unworthy of it, by falsely signing himself a traitor—where shall we find obliquity of intellect if we are not to look for it here ? The Raja's principal misfortune, at this moment, is the nurnbsr and magni tude of the faults (,f his adversaries. Against this array of faults, what do we find the conduct of the 'Raja 2 It is simple and consistent throughout, and totally incom patible with guilt. When accused, and throughout the inquisition to which he was subjected, he summoned and sent to the Residency persons accused with himself, and witnesses as required by the Resident. Far from shrinking from inquiry, he perpetually courted it, and repeatedly offered to surrender his territories temporarily into the hands of - the British, provided only a full and fair ir.quiry into his alleged offences were made ; and, finaly, when unable to obtain a hearing, this man, who had not shown the least desire to screen Tim WEST INDIA MAIL Th ng ernents ti 7 i : tween the Lords Commissioners: of the Board ( if A . r rGalit3 and the Right Host. Lord Lowther, the Postulastelio ieral i respecting the transmission of the Ilres Inc i'ly mails twice a month by sailing ackets, are 11 ° i ! , oat concluded.. Twelve 10-gun brigs are now fit ti - th yr with all expedition at Plymouth, as packet 4 for the p be pose of conveying the Madeira, jainalea , (and Lettishtill rile West India Islands), Panama, New Orleans, le Guiana, Surinam, and Mexican mails, which up at the General Post-office. St. Martin's-le-Gr:PI-Lill t e Ist and 15th of every month, and forwaried ri a d to mouth. The average time of the voyage f r om an , : s Falmouth and the Vest India Islands, 31e.siot:,`S'c,''.:a .Tmputed at 57 days. The Madeira, Bre l i" s ; IP' Buenos Ayres mails will be alto conveyed bY, lle ' nr ess, jesty's brigs Linnet, Penguin, Swift, Crane, l'.l tie Petrel, and Ranger, on the first Tuesday of ever": , 1 1- 1° The time • from and to Falmouth is ou an ave!, 3 ,b„ t ell will be title days. From August to January the packets Wlu -„.),,' f 0 R at . Pernambuco and Bahia on their outward p.ass!'6o,-,e -vi to Janeiro, and the other six months on their 1,4_ in 'pad. This new arrangement of the Post-office l'eeri consequence of the continued complaints that have . °1 0 ,... made to Government by the merchants uf L o ndon , L ' N , c e pool, Manchester, and Glasgow, of the delay te , ' t'iii experienced in transmitting and receiving their cries gence from our West India Islands, South Auleri"' 5 . India Mail Company. the Brazils, by th e steam y. We regret this b' ffe , &lent] t r b e r t ig u s ra are to 4 ) hope the Post-office authorities are not abo , . se formerly in . use, will be for the w a s t h k e a ti o lads those r e 0 tpttaeskyesttse:mo c - I , a f nibee saaelltelarOt bout to 'One. ' On S ~ d bik aturday, at the Insolvent Debtors' C°llr-t! Lord George Loftus (son of the Marquis of Ely) tu e rn her schedule, previous to obtainin a hearing for Pe ce e d to next. In his affidavit he stated that his father refus,rison pay his debts. His Lordship has been in the Fleeti n si n g since February last, and has had an alloWanee low that time of 61. per week from his father , the same a „ rile ance which has been paid him a great many Y ears. 11 -1 0 , debts, in the aggregate, are set forth at 15,25 U, of "' t h e 9,1511. are without consideration. In the year 1838,,_nt Marquis nf Ely paid debts for the insolvent to the est'_' 4.l of 3.0001. The insolvent stated that many of his dcu v arose from having become party to various bills of C ie change fie. Captain the Hon. F. W. Byng, for which.cth never received any consideration, and on three of wh i; c_ he was in custody. The insolvent was formerly fin ',, i d sign in the Grenadier Guards, which commission he 4 1- 11 , 0 , some time ago. Amongst the items in the schedule, . . 4 . are extracted, as extending from 1836 to the prese!: year. " Paid for admission to places of amusement ii i: , braries, &c., 1,20 C-1" " Lost by play and betting dur this time, but of which I can give no particular aecoion! about 10,0001." There does not appear in the ale coo" any property fbr the creditors , w h o are p rincipall ; l : posed of persons who figure in " bill transactions. W Air - RECOVERY OF A SHIP AND HER CARGO. ------ • , it Fraser, of the S u bmarine and Salvage Establishment,. I.B' ',- London, has succeeded, after many difficulties. in s avn the whole of the valuable cargo and st ores of the Alrea" can ship Baptist Merrick, sunk off Culansoog, on thccna s of Holland, a month ago. Amorg the cargo was a q uantitY of valuable machinery, which has been got up in as P c ,'",, r e feet a state as if it had jy. ust left the manufactory. -",,' ship lay sunk in a very exposed situation, insbd r ied i the sand, and open to the whole North Sea. Mr. Frase r wa s engaged, with his divers, for several days vat( water, stopping the principal leak::, and plsnhing Nhe'll over, and succeeded afterwards, by means of his all': rants and iron whales, in s aving the cargo, which lt, valued at upwards of 7,0001., and is now in possession 0 the underwriters. those supposed to b© joiUi offenderswith himself ; who MIIMII=EIN 7 (4 43. 4 11 ~ •'' _ . ~! ~F•~`~=_ • •46 her ~+r~, ; , G t ,r'tl , 1 1 1 .-