The Sun. — London, England, 1842-07-02 00:00:00

ith esS *te , ti? oa t ettt ;Gre ula the f o of bf the wag - with the circumstances brought under the con kr:ration of the House by the Hon. Member for e i n° ek- If it was dangerous on the one hand to ze ottliaet.re to feelings a despondency, it was equally so on "id out false expectations of relief from 4,ai,public pu rse . I f an example were wanting, the ta:leY case would affted it ; that was a te e , of distress of a most remarkab!e cha h,l'otrii pervading a large manufacturing community. ,!,cattses of that distress it perhaps might not be awe to g o ; but he should assign as one cause *the trelre_ br the manufactures carried On in the town. It th e ea_tnanufacfure confined almost to one commodity ; eisoil4et trade was connected with the United States. or t „,! ,the d iSturbances in those States a sudden cessation te i ‘"e did take place • and besides that, the expected . , flat ure " the Scotch banks caused a failure in the nianu- Peop le ' s there. The Hon. Alember talked of .. Christian qr eh ,, not being treated with respect. He . (Sir James kke eli sel) thought they had been treated with a feeling . bwarmer than respect, and to the honour of Scot -1(),0001 it stated that a sum of between 25,000/. and hue ex . • was collected in behalf of Paisley. 'Phis sum, 5s i t er la rge, was expended. Local subscriptions fail ete, was necessary to supply further funds. Her Ma. ile4os Government endeavoured to promote public col. i ns 'hie metropolis. The Paisley case afforded a e exam inter of th e d anger o f th e G overnmen t ter • tete(gi I ncases of this nature. The Hon. Gentleman had e l)4 ,tte:', b iections t o the system of Government stores; nol e - 63'stetti had been adopted as less liable on the 4,,, t to a buse than an y ot h er . Th e su b scr ipt ions did ceter?i,`"e souted lely from the Government, but a portion was lq private individuals ; and there was no A encour a e belief that the public purse would te,ertted to an u g nli a mitelextent for the relief of the dis -4111 Nisle). The Manufacturing community at large toef it r .'° doubt at present reduced to a very melancholy . e tli ste: ) , l Ile (Sir J. Graham) had never denied the . iie,c)lBl.,eeirerosti distress, and he deeply sympathised with He entirely concurred, however,. with the Crenib for Cockermouth—a high authority on tt tar e .I.!et - ---that it was beyond the power of the L.egis ;lsdevise an immediate remedy for the existing lemed he re were many circumstances which had of late f d epress our trade and manufactures. There l eet c :i. st ance, the war in China and the disturbances „INte -r ,,:. 1 Asia. The consequences of these and other Gr al) e re deeply felt in this country, and he (Sir , ,',nal 441 ) did not believe that Parliament could apple remedy, if they were to sit for a longer pe ,,414d; consider the subject, as proposed by the Hon. „.7 0 11, q er f° r Greenock. The simple remedy proposed by dial ,"tieMen on the other side was confined to a - te e '' Corn-laws. 1 • So, deep—so sincere, was his Pathy " s * ie •that could he be d nitu the state oi suffering, . h eu ange in the Corn-laws would remove that (he \-,;°,l3ersonal consideration should prevent him L t ` i _.,them But so far from that being the case, of tic el- 4, v eu• a s . udde cliuwe in those laws would te: the farmers' la n boureWto the destitute condition t'ltalllll4eturing population, and aggravate the evil E.,!a l cr e lle- 4 ,,, • all. He believed the distress would only eee be 'evt by that sudden change, and, under these t ion ll°tl aing remained to him but to oppose the i h kr n WARD said that the Right Hon. Baronet had at s, -( '‘' ive r - , e a tangible - limn to the debate. He could not ap -oree,,,ci'- "ee form of the motion ; it was suambiguously t tNeb i ;, they ought to have something positive and 'tir ed e °efore them. The representations he had re %t ,awe:tated .that it was impossible subject remedy ectiv e if they did . not take the of the ~,c ' utitr ees into consideration. The whole trade of the ' l ste4," e Pended on the freedom of intercourse and ;etieue.,lvith other countries. He regretted that the tio'4 not been brought forward somewhat later, the e eli eved th e 111 01 ., :) more the Government inquired into g. trnperatlye they would find it to do some ' ' t * ti , ,e country asked the Government not to stand tosdet` of and a better system ; they did not expect ' 4l t era t " Legislature ; they did not expect them to vt ‘'.4, 4 ll ,i n t P e r °d eetive - branches of trade productive, or to do kl_e‘tartrheueautititthie prejudices e hich restricted ou r commerce nent of Europe. But they did ask thern t klv es ?'aiodtat their own principles, which they had them the Vi; (l . °wn, and whi c h h a d been so ably expounded kk lee e Presid ent o f the Boar d o f T ra d e. H e be id" w as impossible t o o v err a te th e depression at *4 ic e ; ne-th ~ ird o f th e p o p u l a ti on was o ut of em ,etllist, and the poor -rates were increasing to an extent tho se Property of the town could not support. And w ho were suffering distinctly traced their de olle:s to the operation' of the Corn-laws. With those des did put it to the Right Hon. Baronet, whether t .t etp ° -•" not be glad to have the shield of Parliament lit e c'sejl between him and such an amount of response. a ': he 'lee had not approve of the motion, it was vague; - h o uaet stateci whet Parliament could do—they 'ae r aestly consider the Corn-laws. All these la a ble • • • , ese,, s ubscriptions were only blinking the real v ( i l ; and he believed the Right Hon. Baronet had t " 1 , 41 1 't the conviction that it would be necessary for 4 . "/it t () , l l)f--n. the ports during the coming winter, and 4 4 °l the first measures of the next session would 11 1_C ce ' l eration of the law he had himself proposed. ~;ALKER explained. '`).D'ISRAELI opposed the motion. The . Hon. for Sheffield had alluded to the distress in by LePea'i l an d had stated that it might be remedied ya tot t i the Corn-laws ; 'that might be all very well, ta,te wei-e ther means of remedying the distress ; e'at het be dn by better cOmmercial regulations. Membert goat ne had said it was not only Sheffield, be e . Novo, with respect . to that, he would ask, 1)1,, zo n ' ti ",. seine commercial treaty_ which . permitted 4 t e' Sheffield . to enter foreign ports, ap el, all . e e eds, Birmingham and Wolverhampton, L , gr(q t to i : v jl piaceS it . been represented tat" deal i„, (l 'stress prevailed? . They had . heard - d e ere • e "•,T I .Y of the French ordinance with respect he - ", c ,e 4ssin t l e :ue duty on cotton and other articles the 4 that of e e i i : 4 a country,• it was generally understood blowth e to industry in this country ; a°ll4ted Whether tele use e f , eat it wes,. but this he believed, that bi s lY en i ts he distress was not single, but depended k ent Treign policy.—(Hear, hear.) He did not 4 i she w thatc I nto any political discussion, but he wished g reat their commercial prosperity was dependent, te n 'Y , d egree, upon their foreign policy.—(Hear.) t(i e Y ()e ta , toe French commercial treaty, and the treaty le 4l ttle , - ' 4°4 in consequence lost them their Levantine r -e•---(Rea • hear ) Why then, did they turn 7‘114111' . and s aY t1 1 4.t 'the Corn-I;ws were the cause of t,ent distress. The moment the French com e 1,`' 41 ( e,'" Na tY was lost, the whole of their commercial with the East, the Levant, Egypt, India. and th'arliet'vas dis turbed. —(Hear, hear.) Of all our Eastern v t •:' the most important and the most profitable was '„, t ae l l:,e market. The Chinese were eminently a 1 , r113' P e 9Ple, and our commerce with them was e d ...t t 'eede' a e n r e d asing at the time the disturbances between tee thud China commenced. Those troubles had 4 ' 4 4 Commerce with China to one-third of what I kea eea before. Here, in addition to the distur- I tte r ", °I th e American markets, were great causes of sfttlln'als.eial distress, and yet those gentlemen who now sp iti ," l °f this distress were the very persons this etr e, ,Forted the late Government, to whose policy t4 s 4 ab lva3 "Fin The Income-tax was school ae, • --r oad N ang.. that would occasion to nerinqy to be the causes of the distress. No Minister for to tai tole tv°old, be suffered to . silence discussion by ~ neeotiations were going on when they were t k i c ; ll ' l ,, R t a treaty was not ratified when we were I t 'd th e ~•— ( Hear, hear.) These things had occa. h . tr. 1_0„- fstress, and nor our agricultural policy. tr', ff eted ' l\ll -% agreed that our commercial interestshad apeAty great injury from the non -ratification of the of iner" w ith" France, and from the diiturb ee oi e I,, td Leva ce ntine market. But the Hon. Gentle th Germitted to make any allusion to the American b i ,:e t o „, a 0 Markets—markets more important than ow e I ' o l h e h a d a ll u d e d , an d f rom w hi c h it was "414 (1 ia o n its that w e w ere exc l u d e d. If we had motil e, h e un- laws at th a t ti me , America would not have t aritf• From the year 1825 to the present ej 4 Y e u t; t •,o. manufactures had been subjected to a very T h Ns America, sometimes amounting to 4 . 0 . or t -14 dat e v - 's , in Consequence ' of the Corn-laws remaining. t tl t , r : 4 ,o"„l v °tild have gone as profit to the manufac tli,,4 wages to-the labourers, if the Corn-laws had h '` ti r ' ate d• The delegates from the manufacturin . g a h c l set forth to the country their views on this ti rfl r e the i 'e.Y prayed to be allowed 1.0 expound them -ell y 1 , - ;" ()Ii se• From the statements of those gen 111,,ntyltee',eldd . a ear that a person bad sent out a 4d-ett%- n osiery, " for which he was to receive 216 4114 fUr e (' rg t 4' s 4 , s re ut of this he had to pay for freig th„ barrels . for duty in_ America 32 barrels, ir opos -e,nglish duty 42 barrels. Both these duties en s _* ,„ ec i in consequence of our Corn-laws ; for if ,Iv t e t ei d n ° Corn-laws in this country, the Amen iCP L' L lire s not impose any . duty on our Ula hkea'kti Ported into 'America from this country,_ Oretied Hight Hon. Gentleman whether, if they to t . t (ab eurc. IC. the aruments of America, that the Brie . it and r wouldnot been in a state now of com p re , t .aye e P e rttee The Right Hon. Secretary for the Dap Petetinent said. that the distress had been accu teZeasira:ntil Years. Why, suit had, and it would, go s o t n e te, s e ee u °, l ' t 9r they could not now send heir goods w ) er,__rles which had nothing . but corn ao duty. e te Per cent e Americans in retaliation put on of ti 1 . 411 ,._ °lt hardware, and other heavyduties,. a a u l .. l thTh ere would not repeal the Corn-laws in this e c u o a _ _ e e k ' % Ito , was Property in Atherica which would _ b . l Ytn r Y to ree eive 6,000,000/. in a few months in &.i,,e,l;ll,tvt;t:ltlrieir debts, if these laws were repealed. So, e ''ll ett e %." l esPect to Germany and Prussia. Hon. iteiiiitttreoutunht.riee Ir e , tha t . e tratTle the here, other side said, if you open know that , how do we open their trade? H . e . had te Is : h and, written b •• the Prussian Minister to evite°4rtatilio-ii-Y,oten 1 825, in which it was stated . that the t he foreign articles in Prussia was free, N a %3 ver n .__' e P, 14 " n of salt and playing cards, upon_ uf e i p r th• retltlir intiat held a monopoly, and that all that was th_ el . for a reciprocated system of free trade was Government should allow the importa 114,1iNs thesti:S'an goods into this country. free. In . this 14 _ th, pr:prFsentations were made to M . r. Cannin ru g, e j lt nt salon was made by the Prussian Govern that th:try f ree 7,,to allow Prussian goods to enter 1 th , th e i r ehe answer was dated July, 1826, and said coul t r u ! ' ds ,hiPs having fully considered the subject, te r 4ity e%/' entertain such a proposal. Never ~s a Y, after this, that foreigners had tra t i e 7 e '.,f B the way of a reciprocal system tee t 'N if we had met other countries fairly we e 4t. tee h c , r lati that system now. With respect to the I„,.ess ,the Hoase, he was glad to hear that the et le `'' l3 ar N e 4 'reely admitted and regretted. The Right . t4. !a t! , (4 , a, et said Paisley had suffered in cense et4' I•he hi ve hange in fashion, but he (Mr. Hume) found ke~g l 4. i n a the manufacturing districts were still, 114 ,e tot enteecturers of Birmingham aad Sheffield t'.ll co! a e t e f therefore, the rematk of the Right ; npply to the state of geneeal oie.• 44 Lint of '"lti at this ruoroent consturie double the ..„ . , e Qra that this country produced, and yet . T lt - 42 .PUatuds were out of employment in the country. Repeal the Corn-law, and such would not be the case, and he fully believed that the landed in terests would not suffer. The Right Honourable Baronet's reasoning was quite fallacious on this subject. The distress was general all over the country, and that which affected one part affected all. The county of Forfar was in a state of great distress. Linen n caving was the trade which the people of that county carried on. France and America were the prin ciple receptacles of their manufacture, but now they would take very little. He would beg to read a letter from Mr. Edward Baxter, of Dundee, in proof of what he said. "In that town," said Mr. Baxter, " the . poor's-tates in 1840, were only 5,6621., last year the rates amounted to 7.0871., and upwards of 1,2001. had been subscribed for the relief-of the poor. In January, 1842, the number unemployed, who subscribed themselves as paupers, yas 942, (and he would beg to remind the House that, before a man in that country would subscribe himself a pauper, he must be in great distress.) Besides that, since that time, four mills in the town had stepped work, throwing 695 men out of employment.. Wages for spinning and weaving were very low in .January, 1842, since then spinning wages had been reduced 10 per cent., and other wages from 14 to 16 per cent." What would be the result in consequence of the present ordinance of France, it was almost impossible to conceive. What was to be done he did not know. The Income-tax would rather add to their distress. The tariff would, in time, do something, but, in the mean time, the people were starving. There was a remedy, however, to which the people all pointed, and he would ask them whether they were not called upon to throw their ports open and unburthen trade ? An Hon. Member had inquired what would be the effect of the repeal of the Corn-laws ? Why this would. be the effect. Directly they knew abroad that the Corn-laws were to be repealed, large supplies would come over here ; . the manufacturers here would immediately commence their work again, till the goods might be exchanged for corn, and the hands would be immediately taken into employ. Notwithstanding the patience and good conduct of the working classes, their demanes had been mocked at.—(No, no.) No 1 He could not mistake the votes of the House. They had denied them bread—they had denied them their just demands. Was food cheaper ? No, food was dearer.—(Hear, hear.) The people asked for bread and they gave them stones. Was that to relieve them ? They must re-consider the Corn-laws, that was the only remedy. The House was acting a cruel and hard-hearted part, and on that ground he thanked his Hon. Friend fur bringing his motion before the House. They might cavil about the remedy, but he (Mr. Hume) thought the ' repeal of the Corn-laws was the best remedy. If the Grivernment had a remedy, let them try it, but do not condign the whole population of England to misery, destitution, and death. Mr. M. AT rwooD was understood'' to say that America had, to a certain extent, f'.llowed the free trade policy recommended by the Hon. Member i?r Montrose, and the consequence was that the distress;in America was second only to that which existed in England. He remembered well the words of Mr. Huskis - son, when speaking of reciprocity. He said that so long as foreign al-tides — could admitted free, so long as taxes could be reduced, and the Exchequer still remain in a favourable condition, they might expect that liireign nations would fallow their policy ; but if they could not do that—if. whilst they reduced the taxes. and admitted foreign produce free, the Exchequer be came empty—they then might depend upon it foreign nations would not follow their example. And what had the Chancellor of the Exchequer to show now ? Nothing but an empty Exchequer, which required an Income-tax to restore it ; and would they expect, with that before them, that other nations would follow their policy, and would act with them on a system of reciprocity ? He (Mr. Attaood) did not attribute the present distress to the condition of the Corn-laws, but he did attribute it in a great measure to the extraordinary fait that the British manufactures could be purchased in China, Bombay, and in almost every market of the world at -as cheap a rate as at the place where manufactured in England. This might appear to be an anomaly, but it was a fact. The condition of the people was such that Parliament ought, if they could not relieve, to show that they were determined to apply all the remedies,they could to the evil. It was not in the mouth of the „Government to say they had not caused the evil, and there let it rest ; but they ought to join ' , -with and assist it in cluing all it could to remedy the sufferings of the people.—(Hear, hear.) Par liament ought not to separate without some such course being pursued. He denied that the Corn-laws were the sole cause of the distress in the country, but the people ought not to be left in the desperate state in which they were without inquiry and relief. Lord JOHN hirSSELL was not one of those who took the most favourable view of the course pursued by her Majesty's . Government; but, although he had no great reliance on their councils, or confidence in the efficacy of their plans for the relief of the distresses of the country, yet he should not feel justified in taking so hostile a course as that which had been adopted by the Hon. Member opposite. That Hon. Gentleman, after raising their apprehensions for the tranquillity of the country, had suggested no remedy. —(Hear, hear.) All that he had done, was to say that there ought to be inquiry into the cause of the distress. —(Hear, hear.) Now, in his opinion, to adopt such an inquiry, would be holding out no reasonable expectation to the country of any relief.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had not even proposed the favourite scheme of the one-pound notes.—Cilear, and laughter.) Mr. M. ATTWOOD said that he never proposed any such scheme. Lord J. RUSSELL did not say that the Hon. Gentle man had proposed such a scheme, but those with whom he agreed in opinion had.--(Hear, hear.) As to the present discussion, there ought certainly some allowance to be made for her Majesty's Government. They must allow that they were not responsible for the distress that existed. They must allow that they f(4lt as much for their fellow-countrymen, as any other men. They must allow, also, that no particular scheme would alleviate their distresses. But having stated this much, he must state that he entirely disagreed with the course taken during the present Session. He (Lord J. Russell) believed they were mistaken in supposing that the financial deficiency was the only evil they had to deal with. The primary evil was the depressed state of trade, and the financial deficiency was but a secondary evil. The whole plan of the Government was framed with the view of making the income equal to the ex penditure, b.nd afterwards to relieve trade from its embar rassments. In this first object he admitted they were likely to succeed; but, with respect to the Income-tax, he thought it was neither justified nor necessary. He thought the spirit that had been shown by the country to bear that tax, was enough to convince any one that the spirit of the people was unbroken, and that they were ready to meet any difficulty. With respect to the second, the greatest evil they had to deal with was the embarrass ment of trade, and the present distressed state of the country. The Member for Whitehaven, thought they were wrong in adopting the plan of Mr Huskisson. He (Lord John Russell) could not agt ee with that becauie he did not think that the alteration made with respect to cotton and woollen goods, silks and gloves, had been any cause of the deficiency of the revenue of the country, and more than once it had been shown that the con sequences of these measures had been to increase the industry as well as the wealth of the country. Where, however, the case of the Government failed was that, not agreeing with the prin ciple of the Hun. Gentleman, but agreeing with the principle of Mr. Huskisson, they relied upon certain changes they had made, but refused to apply the same principles to other and greater articles.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, had told the House that he thought the changes in the tariff would augment the industry of the country. If that was the case, if the Right lion. Gentleman was right in that sill position even to some extent, bow could it be, he would ask, that measures founded upon those principles should be correct with respect to oil and other articles, but that when they came to corn and flour they were not equally so ?—( Hear, hear.) He considered the admis sion of foreign corn was of the greatest importance to this country The Hight Hon. Gentleman opposite, when he (Lord J. Russell) made this observation, observed that he had proposed an 86. duty ; that was perfectly true, and it ssas his (Lord John Russell's) firm belief, that if, during the embarasssments of last year, they had established such a duty toreign countries would have sent orcr large quantities of corn to this country. He agreed with the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Montrose that they might consume a greater quantity of foreign corn than at present without in jury to the agriculturists. The present depressed state of the country was not to be attributed to the want of exports, but to the fact that workmen were paid low wages, while they had to pay high prices for their food ; but if foreign corn was admitted, they would get their food cheaper, employ ment would be increased, and the country generally benefited. Great alarm had been created by the anticipated changes in the tariff; and yet the Government persevered in the measure. It was found, too, after a short interval, that the fears of those parties to be affected by the tariff had not been realised. He believed in like manner, that if they were to effect a material alteration in the Corn-laws, although apprehensions might at first be created among the agriculturists, those apprehensions would speedily subside ; and that the agriculture of the country would be placed upon the best and soundestbasis. Ho did not, however, mean to say that the Corn laws were the only source of the national embarrassments. But sill those laws had certainly largely contributed to create those embarrass ments. The Hon. Member for Shrewsbury (Mr. D'lsraeli) had on a former occasion attributed many of our difficulties to the unsatisfactory condition of our commercial treaties. But it was to be observed that it was not always in our power to improve the treaties. We should first have the consent of other nations in any modification of this kind. But it would not be wise, while waiting for such consent, to delay those improvements in our commercial system which we could our selves effect, and to which we would be the only parties. He did not, he might say in passing, approve of the principle of re taliating on foreign nations their illiberality towards our manu factures. He did not think, for instance, that because the French Government had punished their people by prohibiting the importation cf our linen thread, that the British Govern ment should punish the English people by prohibiting articles of French produce.—( Hear, hear.) fle believed, on the whole, that the Government, while they had adopted sound principles in the formation of the new tariff, had not pro perly carried out those principles, and had not pursued the course which would be most beneficial to the country. Expe rience had proved that the new Corn-law had contributed very little, if at aa, to an increased importation of corn from other countries. indeed, he feared it might be said that, considering the present high price of corn here, there had been a less im portation since the new law had come into operation, than there had been under the law of 1 ti2t3. lie felt convinced that, it they applied to that very great article of trade. and of subsist ence, the &me principles which they had applied to other arti cles, and upon which their seasoning had been so just, and their majorities so traimpnant—(Hear, hear) —if they were to apply the same principles, he felt convinced they would be making a material, a most useful alteration in their legislation. He should certainly be ready, if any one were to propose it, to give his vote in favour of an alteration of the present Corn laws.--(Hear.) But he must consider that the House had made up its mind with respect to the plans of the present Session. The Right Hon. Gentleman who had made the mo tion of that night had not pointed to any definite remedy for existing evils ; he hail only stated its his resolutions that it was the duty of her Majesty's Ministers to advise the Crown not to prorogue Parliament until some remedy was found for the pre seat distress. But knowing s hat the duties of a Government were, how advisable it was, and as he (Lord J. Russell) thought how just it was, not to place upon them, without giving a clear and definite alternative, the whole of the responsibility for not finding a remedy for the evils from which the country suffered, he owned he could not refese to go into the ordinary Committee of Supply upon such a motion as that of the Right ( Heir. ) He believed that the poi; • and which he had repeated that night, with respect to the com mercial policy of the country, were the principles upon winch TBE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 2, P 342. Government must ultimately act. He litairted that the Go vernment had postponed the consideration of the remedies for the existing distress, but he should leave to them the responsi bility of determining the time at which they should propose thlie remedies. He would not, by any vote for a vague and indefinite remedy, tend in any way to augment the national em barrassment. His vote, however, as he had said before, would be given for any alteration in the existing Corn-laws. That was a subject Upon which he had a clear and definite opinion ) and he should therefore be prepared to give a decided vote upon it. tie could not, with equal satisfaction to himself, give a vote in favour of the present motion ; and he should refuse to concur in any course which would set aside the ordinary proceed ing by which the Government sought to obtain the supplies necessary for the service of the year.—( Cheers. ) Sir R. PEEL rose and said, that however varior.s might be the opinions of gentlemen on different sides of the House with respect to the commercial policy of the Government, or the reasons which ought to be adopted for the purpose of miti gating that distress which all admitted to prevail, he still ap prehended that no Honourable Gentleman would be inclined to give his vote without attending to the propesal to which he was invited to give his a,sent. He should, therefore, call the attention of tke House to the practical proposition of the Member for Greenock. In much of the first five resolutions, which spoke of the fortitude with which the people had borne their sufferings, he entirely agreed. But the sixth contained the proposal of the Hon. Member, and it was, that a humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying her Majesty not to prorogue the Parliament till a searching inquiry had been instituted into the causes of the present distress. Why, what a shabby way was this of meet ing the difficulty ?—( Hear, hear.) They had arrived at the first of July, and no notice had hitherto been given of such an intention. If such an inquiry was c .nsidered lively to have useful practical resu'ts. Why was it not ;rope-ea at a much earlier period? By what mode was it to be instituted? Was it to be a Committee of Inquiry on evidence given at the bar of the House into all the complicated causes of the distress of the country, or was it to be by a Select Committee? Upon all the practical parts of the question the lion. Gentleman had evaded giving any opinion. But he said he &new if the inquiry could be completed, still there would be no prorogation till effectual means had been secured for providing for the suste nance of the unemployed poor and their destitute families. Whv, what did that mean, but the same thing as the motion of the Member for Knaresborough ? What Government could give such an assurance as that it would take means to revive the in- dustry and commerce of the country. To promise the peopl e sustenance could not be doneunless they adopted the principle of the resolution of the Member for Knaresborough, against which the Honourable Member for Greenock himself voted.— (Cheers.) He koped the House would not sanction such a pro position. He believed he had said enough to shew that it would not be wise in the House to evade the pre- sent difficulty and encourage expectations on the part of the suffering people from an inquiry, the result of which could not be otherwise than deceptive.—( Hear, hear.) Yet he un derstood the Hon. Yember for Whitehaven intended to vote for the motion for inquiry ; he was surprised to hear him state that intention when, with all his practical knowledge of commercial affairs, he had sat tranquilly till the first of -July, and never intimated that he had any such intention. He had never even stated his opinion of the causes of the distress; yet, surely, those who had been engaged all their lives in commerce were as competent to form an opinion of it ; surely they could not be simple enough to believe that there existed in cer tain official departments a remedy for the disorder that existed. He was surprised, then, that his refusal to suggest a remedy should be so intense, when he was just as competent as her Majesty's Government to form an opinion of the kind of remedy reciuired, Mr. W. ATWOOD—I am not " the Doctor."—(Leud laughter, and cheers from the Opposition.) Sir It. PEEL—Then the Hon. Gentleman took exactly the same course he had done himself—not being responsible, he would not give a remedy ; but he (Sir R. Peel) had underta ken that responsibility, and had offered a remedy—( Hear)---all that the Hon. Gentleman had clone was to attend a consultation of doctors, but he would offer no opinion of his own.—(Cheers. ) He totally dissented from the remedy proposed by the Govern ment, but he proposed no other. He said the Government were wrong in making any relaxations of commerce they had done— did he, then, propose to increase restriction ?—(No, ) It appeared he did not ; then what were his opinions on our com mercial system? From the praise he had given the policy of the United States, he seemed to think we ought to refuse to purchase any produce of a foreign country which they were able to raise.themselves. But the Hon. Gentleman would find him self defeated by high duties on such productions ; he would find the revenue diminished, but domestic industry not pro tected. He had expected to hear him advocate the abolition of the law which makes paper currency convertible into gold. He disclaimed the intention of re-issuing the one-pound notes ; he thought the repeal of the Corn-laws would aggravate the distress; he apprehended, therefore, that he had no other remedy to propose, but the resorting to what was called the " little shilling," the making ninepence or tenpence, pass for a shilling, or else the relieving the issuers of paper from the obligation of converting it into gold. But let him get the Com mittee of Inquiry : what was the prospect from it, what time would be consumed till they could come to the recommendation of some practical measure ? He now came to the speech of the Noble Lord, who took an entirely different view of the subject, and who was prepared to adopt a tone much less hostile to the Government. He said he thought the Govern ment had attached too much importance to their financial difficulties; but, considering that the deficiency had existed 'for five years, and amounted to ten millions, he believed the coun try woul d to a different opinion.—( Hear, hear.) He said the people gave a great indication of their spirit by their cheerful acquiescence with the Income-tax ; what stronger proof could a people give of its confidence in a Government? What must they have thought of the late Government? Was it not probable that they had come to the conclusion that the time had arrived when the revenue and the expenditure ought to be equal'zed ; that delay and evasion were no longer practicable— and that some vigorous and decisive measures were necessary ? There had been a very prevalent impression, upon the proposal of the Income-tax, that the members of the late Government intended to give it their support. What circumstances had induced them to change their view, he of course could not tell, but that impresion prevailed; and the very circumstance that they thought it necessary to take time to consider the measure would naturally lead to the supposition that they thought there were solid reasons for the proposal. Nor was it the Government alone who took that view of the matter. Looking at the general position of this country ; seeing that on the north-west frontier of India there were hostilities of doubtful issue, whilst on the other frontier of India, namely China, there was a war, the du ration of which it was difficult to forsee ; considering that our differences with America had continued for several years, and perceiving that, with respect to that country, an intimate sill ' ante with which had formed one of our chief hopes, there had grown up, from some cause or other, feelings of jealousy and hostility greatly to be deprecated—combining all these consi derations together the people came to the opinion that it was desirable to make a great effort to equalise the revenue and the expenditure, and the burden should fall upon the property of the country, and not upon those who were engaged in pro ductive industry. Now, with respect to the tariff. The Noble Lord, by his general submissions, had gone far to show that her Majesty's Government had pushed the principles upon which the tariff was founded to as great an extent as was consistent either with public feeling or due protection to existing inte rests. " See," said the Noble Lord, " what you have done; you have reduced the duty on oil ; you have reduced the duty on seed, on ore, and on timber ; you have affected a great many interests. All I complain of is, that you have not carried your principles much further." Now take the'case of cattle. ° For a long time the complaint had been that the provision laws im peded the commercial intercourse of this country; but up to February, 1842, no Government had ever talked about 'cattle —( Hear)--the subject was never mentioned. The late Go vernment said they would doubtless have made an alteration, for it was conformable with their principles ; but he had never heard the word mentioned in that House. He proposed duties which were not objected to on the other side of the House—a duty of 1/. per head upon cattle, and Id. per pound upon meat. The Noble Lord said that a great panic had been produced by the alteration. He said he knew cases in which farmers hail bought cattle, had fed them, and had afterwards sold them for a less sum than they cost. This showed that a relaxation of monopolies was not unattended with practical evils—that they were often productive of individual injustice. The farmer who, in consequence of the panic, unwisely, but not unnatu rally, parted with his cattle, had a right to complain, per haps, of the proposition which he had made. The Noble Lord said that he (Sir R. Peel) hal disregarded the panic, had braved opposition, and was now rewarded by finding that the panio was unfounded; but the Noble Lord oid not give him much encouragement to proceed, for he told him that notwith standit g the r duction of duties he had done no good. Why. what was the Noble Lord's argument ? He said, " adopt the principle of an Bs. duty with respect to corn, and the same consequences would follow as in the case of cattle. Why, what, according to the Noble Lord, would those consequences be ? That the panic would prove to be groundless, but he would do no good whatever —( Hear, hear.) He a-ked the House to judge of the position of the Government. One class of gentlemen declared that all which had been done was in effectual, that nothing would avail but a repeal of the Corn laws. The Hon. Gentleman opposite, a man practically ac quainted with commerce, said that the Corn-laws were not in the slightest degree chargeable with the present distress. and that commercial prosperity had co-existed with them, and that it would be absurd to expect any relief from their repeal. He implied an opinion, in fact, that all commercial relaxations were unwise, and that additional protection to domestic prodtt cc ought to be at once afforded. The grand remedy now proposed was a I,ommittee of Inquiry. Why, wbat was the practical course which her Majesty's Government had pursued ? They had re duced the duties upon corn by one-half..—(Oh, oh.) At that moment foreign corn was admitted at 95., whereas if the old law had been in operation the duty would hive been 235. Bd. They proposed to relieve the country from financial difficulties, and they staked the existence of the Government upon the propo. al. They proposed to equalise the revenue and the expenditure by direct taxation. Did they stop there? Did they appropriate the whole of the proceeds of that taxa tion to the payment of the public establishments ?. On the contrary, they applied a great part of it to the remission of du ties which impeded foreign commercial intercourse, and they revised, almost without exception, the whole of the commercial tariff of this country. In proposing, however, the revisal of the tariff they did not think it desirable to disturb the employment of capital by too sudden and precipitate changes.—( Hear, hear.) His firm belief was that they adopted the proper course. They were blamed by some for going too far, they were blamed by others for not going far enough. He asked the House to esti mate all the difficulties with which they had had to contend, and he could not help thinking that any impartial man would come to the conclusion, that those difficulties had been fairly and successfully encountered. He now came to the Corn-laws. This proposal was not a proposal either for the repeal or for a modification of those laws, and any gentleman who was in favour of absolute repeal, would be perfectly justi fied in resisting a motion for indefinite inquiry. It was perfectly open to such a person to propose the repeal of the Corn-laws, but he earnestly hoped that no such propo sition would be made. Ho hoped that a fair trial would be given to the law as it now stood. He retained the opinion which lie had heretofore expressed on this subject. He did not believe that any of the proposals which he had heard with re spect to the Corn-laws would have the effect of mitigating the distress under which tlsis country was labouring, and he could not help thinking that if they adopted any measure of that kind, which involved the agricultural population of this country in distress, they would only aggravate privations which the commercial classes were now enduring. He found that the commercial prosperity of this coentry had been consistent with the laws which had till lately been in operation with respect to the import of corn. It was stated, on the authority of the Chamber of Commerce of Manchester, that up to the year 1837, and for many years pre ceding, the manufacturers and commercial interests of this country had been in a state of unexampled prosperity. He know it would be said, that, during the four. }ears preceding 1837, the price of provisions was very low ; bus there had been no foreign corn imported during those years, and consequently there had been no demand for the manufac tured cottons of this country. The Hon. Member for Stock port had said that cotton manufactures in this country required no protection, that it was absurd to demand protection for cotton manufactured in England. That was to say, that not withstanding the high vice of food in this country, yet that still we had contrived to outstrip every other com asrlefarded the production o f co tt on . He ( Sir could not deny th a t di s t ress ex i s ted com petitor, Robert itor , pee iu many parts of th:s country—that it was most grievous in the districts eo,cerned is cotton mauufactures. In many other .1 s. ere -0., but they in an especial degree in those districts connected with cotton manufactures, It may be said that a great portien of the kill* I in those districts had stopped work. That might be true, of course, with respect to some districts, yet still it was a remark able thing (he did not state this for the purpose of denying the existence at the distress—the indications were too manifest to admit of denial) -01/ it was remarkable—it did suggest some considerations to the mind , tthen they heard of this uni vet sal distress in the manufacturing districts, and the immense extent to which the closing of mills had • taken place ...that the quantities of cotton taken out for borne triatitifecture this year, as compared with last year, had not decreased. From the Government returns, up to the 24th of June, 1842, it appeared that in the first six months of the year 1841 there were 464,000 bales of cotton taken out for home consumption. From the statements of the extent to which industry was paralysed in the cotton manufac ture in the present year as compared with last year, he had ex peeted to find a diminution in the quantity taken out. But that was not the case. The quantity taken out the first six months of last year was 464 500 bales. The quantity consumed up to the '24th of June, 1842, was 538,000 bales. So that notwith standing the distress and the closing of the mills, yet the whole quantity taken out for consumption in the first six months of 1842 exceeded that taken out in the first six months of 1841, and he doubted whether it did cot almost equal that taken out during the first six months of any preceding year, with one or two exceptions: He knew that that did not prove that the profits were great and that the distress was diminished. Still the fact was remarkable. He had taken, in one respect, a more desponding view of the condition of this country than Honourable Gentlemen op posite. He firmly believed that if they repealed the Corn la s, and if that measure produced the effect they anticipated, they would not give a guarantee against the recurrence of se vere distress in c ertain localities. He was afraid, even if they repealed the Coln. laws, they must look forward to occasional severe local distress. At the p resent m o ment of severe distress iinngcertain filled with i mprove d machinery. localities manufacturers of there were in some parts of the co untry new mills in the I t course must o a c and happen that bet smaller ca;-ital should have imperfect machinery, yet still employing a great mass of population not capable of easy re moval, who would find it difficult .to enter into competition with those who could command capital, and adopt the most approved machinery. To resist the progress of those wonderful inventions was impossible, but though there should be increased demand at present for manufactures, still there must be s imultaneously existing with that demand se vere distress on account of the sudden application of new ma chinery to the process. He could prove that to be the case, but he would not dwell upon the matter. He could show that the immediate application of improved machinery to manufac tures was the production of distress - a tendency to throw out of employment adult males, and substitute for their labrur shat of females and children ; and that the result was, that men of twanty-five or thirty, who up to that age were employed in cotton manufacture, found it difficult to turn their hands to any other occupation. They sheuld not make the Corn-laws responsible laws for this. He did not, however; make that an impeach ment of those inventions. Those invereions might cause em ployment in mechanical industry of another nature, but still commercial prosperity might be great ; yet in certain districts, from which it was difficult to remove men with large families, distress would arise from this cause. Looking at this state of things, he could not anticipate that absence of distress which some Hon. Gentlemen calculated upon. They had applied harsh terms to the measures which Government had taken to alleviate the distress. They talked of " begging boxes" and charitable relief," and said that such remedies were not satisfactory. He admitted they were less satisfactory than any mode of providing employment ; less satisfactory, in every re spect, in a social point of view, to the honest and independent feeling of those who dreaded temporary assistance, and who pre fect ed that labour which enabled the poor man by the sweat of his brow to gain an honest subsistence. But when pressure came could any man say that even that unsatisfactory mode of relief ought to be refused ? Was it wise to disparage that mode of re ceiving contributions, when they themselves must feel that no immediate improvement, according to their own views, of com mercial policy, could result from their measures ? He gave credit to the patience and forbearance with which the people had borne their distress, and, he believed, if left to themselves, they would continue to manifest that patience. He thought them entitled to a higher degree of credit, in consequence of the persevering efforts made to inflame their Illityls,by wicked per sons, who, he had conclusis e proof, attereiPted/o : indisfose them to honest industry. While on one hand thin . Sidniiiatiou was raised by the forbearance of the people, on thebtherthrshs indignation must be excited against these who, by violent langitage,attempted to urge the people to courses which, for the preservation of the best interests of all, would give the present Government no alternative but their firm repression, the repression of disobe dience to the law, and the maintenance of peace against any efforts at disturbance. Mr. MILNER GIBSON said that, notwithstanding the regret expressed by the Right Hon. Gentleman at the opinion to which he (Mr. Milner Gibson) gave utterance on a former occasion, that subscriptions to the Anti-Corn-law League were more humane subscriptions for the relief of charitable objects than any other, yet he still adhered to that opinion. With respect to what had been said, in answer to the arguments of the Hon. Member for White haven (Mr. M. Attwood), he (Mr. Gibson) thought that gentleman had expressed himself consistently, rationally, and wisely, as he held that protection was a source of national pros perity. Because he was in favour of protection and opposed to relaxation, he was consistent in voting for an inquiry. What course was formerly pursued with agricultural distress? Why, Committees of Inquiry were appointed. .There was the Pay master of the Forces locking with tranquil indifference at the distress of the manufacturers, who seconded a motion in 1821 for an inquiry into agricultural distress.—( Hear, hear, hear.) It was then said that mere sympathy was not enough— that they wanted more from the priest than his blessing— they wanted his pence. Such was the language used then, and they were right, for though an inquiry might be productive of no real good, it would show the people that they were ready to inquire into their distress.—( Hear, hear.) It was upon the same grounds that they now asked for inquiry. It was true there were different opinions on the cause of that distress ; but that was the very reason why an inquiry ought to be instituted. —( Hear, hear.) He begged of the House to favour him with its attention, while tie read some statements respecting Manchester, the metropolis of the cotton manufacture. The Hon. Gentleman then read a letter from the proprietor of the Oxford-row cotton manufactory, in which the writer stated that, in consequence of the state of the trade, 260 workmen had been discharged, and that he was afraid he would be obliged to turn a great number out of employment. The Hon. Gentle man then read a statement, signed by Mr. Herbert, the Dean of Manchester, in which it was stated that 1,200 persons in Manchester were dependent for their support on the soup which they received from the charity fund; and that 7,500, who were making small wages, were partially dependent on it.—( Hear, hear.) The writer then went on to detail particular instances of distress. One family were without food for two days; a father of a family shed tears when a ticket was given him; and another, with a wife and five children, lived on a pound of bread for two days. Such facts, of wee s k o u s , p 3, l 7 ve o r o e q a u t ar t firs ,, t e d re is g tr i i v b e n n t . ed , b e u eh t , w d a s u r thein the writer continued, might easily be multiplied. 1,500 quarts during s a h t ee of f o u t or last eg s in Manchester. The Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department regretted that the Hon. Member for Bolton had raised unnecessary alarm by stating that they were likely to bate a de icient harvest. But if that were so, was it not better to state the fact, that it might not come upon them un provided.— ( Hear, hear.) if he were desirous of the charac ter of a cautious statesman, he would rather yield to the fear of such a calamity, than depend on the expectation of the other.—(Hear, hear.) But what did the Farmer's Journal say upon the subject? Ha would quote from tke " Corn trade letter" of the 20th of June. The writer stated his opinion to be that there was little corn in the hands of the farmers, and that the coming harvest was not likely to yield the average crop. He stated the de ficiency in 1840 was calculated to be 4,000,000 quarters, but that Ireland and the Continent were open to them, from which 6,218,817 quarters were obtained. But, now that Ire land was herself bankrupt, and that the Continent was not likely to grow wheat for them, they would not be able to ob tain more than 2,000,000 quarters from them ; so that four and a quarter millions of quarters were to be supplied.—( Hear, hear.) That was the statement in the Farmer's Journal, and it a as confirmed by the Mark-lane Express. This subject was germane to the question before the House, because the distress was) occasioned by a deficiency of food. Charitable contributions would do no good whatever. There were numbers in the country who wanted food, and he did not see how they were to obtain it, if the Corn-laws were maintained. It was true the Corn-law would not provide im mediate relief, and the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir J, Graham) bad misunderstood the argument of the Hon. Member on that point. What the Hon. Gentleman said was, that the Corn-law would not be of immediate efficacy, and that it would require sonic years to bring the country to that healthy state in which it would be if the Corn-laws had never existed. But the system of a sliding scale would not produce that effect. Nothing less than a total abolition of the Corn-laws would produce that result. ( Hear, hear. ) They could not stop short of free trade. It was a fallacy to talk of levying a moderate protecting duty, and doing away with prohibition. They could do no such thing. If, under a system of free trade, they would import twenty quarters of wheat, while under a moderate protecting duty they would only import fifteen quarters, that moderate protecting duty was, to all intents and purposes, a prohibition as far as re garded five quarters of wheat.—(Cheers.) The only proper Judge of the wants of the community, of the quantity of food which the community ought to consume, was the community itself. For any statesman to pretend to know what the wants of the community were better than the community itself, appeared to him to be one of the wildest and most visionary ideas in the world.—( Hear ' hear.) He was justified in saying this by the conduct of the. Right Hon. Baronet. 'The Right Hon. Baro net had never been able to give anygood reason why, in the alterations in the tariff, he had gone no further. '1 be Right Hon. Baronet. and the Right Hon. Gentlemen the Vice-Pre sitlent of the Board of Trade had, in their speeches, laid down free trade principles as clearly as any Anti-Corn-law lecturer could have done.—(Hear, hear.) The only difference between the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite and himself was as to the practical application of those principles.—(Hear, hear.) 1 he Right Hon. Baronet said that they ought to buy in the cheapest market, and that it was to manulactures, and not to the Corn laws that the prosperity of the landed interest was owing.— (Cheers.) The Vice President of the Board of Trade said if they imported cattle to the value of 500,000/. a .year they must ex port commoditi , s of an equal value to pay for them. Here they had the two great principles of in free trade conceded— ( Loud cheers) — first , the rig ht to buythe_ cheapest mar k et ; and secondly, the princip le that if there be an import trade there must be an export trade—(Cheers) —and that principle for which they contended was also admitted—that it was not corn-laws, or beef-laws, or mutton-laws, that were the founda tion of the welfare of the landed interest, but the p rosper i ty of -- manufactures.(Cheers. 1 Could anything be metre reason epwlgeeuroldun out lnderely u n d erstan d s, reason al, than what was asked for by the present motion? It was admitted that the country wa s in a state of unparalleled distress, and all that was asked fo r was an inquiry into the causes of the distress. He would not quibble about the, wording of the motion. If he shirke d the proposition the hde n oy l o y would ex be doors knew c e sng into t once the ;au toldse s he could give for so doing was some quibble about word ing of oft o ns it. He should be laughed at and be told by his constituents that he was shirking the quest ion if he were to av a il hi mse lf of such a subterfuge. If the Hon. Gentlemen opposit e vo t e d misunderstooda n g o a th in ii s i t g . th o e f motieo their ent quibbles if l b e b l d y l ee e u s .r upon nsu p n e ll They that a motion had been mad of the distress, and calling upo n the Executive to provide a remedy. if next session the Ex ecutive were to be told of a diminishing trade, and of the continuance and increase of distress, what would be said ? W e h f y r , they inquiring would ii a that they had made no motion for in q uir y .— (Loud cheers.) —that they had sat, like the Right Hon. Gentle man the Pay master of the Forces, with tranquil indifference— (Cheers and laughter) -and had never exerted themselves to draw attention to the subject.—( Loud cheers.) If the y had acte d in such a manner, they would be undeserving of bein g ret urned to that House.—(Cheers.) They did not as k the Ho use to interfere with the rights of others ; they u on ly a-ked to be permitted to exercise their own industry, and that those impediments should be removed which prevented them from earning their bread. t Cheers.) When the agricultural interest complained of dis tress, did they content themselves with merely asking this. No 1 they interfered with the rights of others—(Cheers) — they asked that the trade of the country should be checked by Act of Parliament.—( Cheers.) They asked that they should be corntituted the sale shopkeepers, provision merchants, and purveyors of the United Kingdotn.---(Cheers.) The manu facturers asked nothing of this sort. All they wanted was to be permitted to exerc i se t h e i r i n d us try withnutimpediment. That was a measure of justice, and ought not to be postponed on account of the vested interests of those who had committed originally an injustice which ought never to have been corn mitted.—(Cheers.) The argument made use of by the Right Hon. Gentleman, that we ought not to reduce the duties on our imports until foreign nations should reciprocate, was a specious one, and not an invalid one in instances where there was any chance of such reciprocation taking place. But according to that argument it would appear that we were the parties yielding. Was such the real state of the case? Looking at our tariff, including the Corn-laws, it was the most hostile to free trade of any country in the world.—(Cheers.) Take the Brazilian tariff. They imposed a duty of 15 to 20 per cent. on some of our manufactures, while, on their staple com modity, sugar, we imposed a duty of 350 per cent. They talked of the recent duty of 20 per cent. imposed by France upon British thread ? Why we imposed a duty of 1,200 per cent. upon French brandy. For all these reasons the first proposal ought to come from us. —( Cheers. ) It was nothing but the energy of our people and the natural advantages of our country that enabled the ex port foreign trade to bear up in the manner it had done against these restrictions.—(Cheers.) The speech of Gen. Tolbecque, the American senator, showed in what light our tariff was re garded in that country. —( The Hon. Member here read an extract from the speech alluded to, in which the speaker urged the Americans to make the tariff more stringent, in consequence of the adherence of England to her system of Corn-laws.) The adherence of the Right. Hon. Baronet. to the sliding scale would be looked upon in America as indicating a desire to perpetuate restrictions, and to give up all commercial intercourse with that country.—( Hear.) Although he agreed with the principle of making the property classes bear the burdens of the country, he denied that the Income-tax would produce that effect. The Income-tax would be paid out of the fund from which the wages of labour were paid, and he felt convinced that the burden of the Income-tax would be borne by the labouring classes. The Right Hon. Member for Whitehaven (Mr. M. Attwood) had said that if the principles of free-trade were beneficial to nation;, America would be the most prosperous country in the world. hut what was national prosperity - ? A country was not prosperous in which the few were rich and flourishing, and in the enjoyment of vast incomes; but that community was truly prosperous, in which there was a large demand for labour, and in which the wages of labour commanded an abundance of the necessaries of life. In that sense America was prosperous, and those advantages England did not enjoy. In this country the splendour of the few offered a striking contrast to the misery and the privations of the great body of the people. We had, as had been stated by the Right Honourable Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department, on a former evening, 1,200,000 persons th.own' for support on the poor-rates. That was a melancholy state of things, and proved that there was something rotten in the social system of this country. And now, that unparalleled distress prevailed throughout the country the Government had recourse to charity balls and charity sermons for its relief. He looked lupon this expedient as unwise and humiliating. He would re mind the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite that the landed in terest could not expect to prosper if manufacturers were de pressed. Ile believed that the Government, by the course they had taken, had confined themselves to the symptoms of disease as they appeared on the surface, and that they had done nothing whatever to strike at the root of the existing evils. Mr. W. WILLIAMS then moved that the debate should be adjourned till Monday. Sir R. PEEL said that he took it for granted that several Hon. Gentlemen were still anxious to address the House on the sebjeet of the debate of that evening ; and he should, therefore, offer no objection to the motion for its asjournment, much as he confessed he regretted ;that such a course should have been taken. He hoped, however, that the House would bear in mind, that the necessities of the public service required that the votes o f supply should be taken without delay. He had hitherto abstained from bringing those votes before the House, from a • desire that the tariff should be passed as early as possible. He trusted that when the debate was concluded on Monday night, there would be no objection manifested to give those votes which would be required for the service of the country. The motion for the adjournment of the debate till Monday was then agreed to. MINES AND COLLIERIES BILL. On the motion for the third reading of the Mines and Col lieries Bill, Mr, AINSWORTH said he hoped the Noble Lord would not, on that occasion, press the third reading of the Bill. There were deputations in London who were anxious to ex press their opinions, and he hoped the Noble Lord would post pone the third reading, in order to give a further opportunity of discussing its provisions. The Hon. Member concluded by moving the adjournment of the debate. The SPEAKER having put the question, Mr. FORBES said he had received communications from coal-owners, who stated that although they approved generally of the Bill of the Noble Lord, there were some provisions which were extremely objectionable. ' Mr. VILLIERS and Mr. HUME opposed the third reading, on the ground that there ought to be further opportunity of discussion. Lord ASHLEY said he was extremely sorry that he could not acquiesce in the proposal to adjourn the third reading. The communications which he had received were of a very different chat acter from those received by the Hon. Gentlemen opposite, stating that the Bill would cooler the greatest possible benefit on the working classes, and he was desirous of seeing the Bill brought into operation without any unnecessary delay. Mr. STANSFIELD said if the House passed the Bill in its present shape, they would almost annihilate the coal trade. Mr. B. DENISON said there was a general feeling in the West Riding of Yorkshire against the provisions of the Bill. He did not wish to oppose any obstacle to the benevolent inten tions of the Noble Lord, but he hoped he would see the pro priety of consenting to the adjournment. Mr. PROTHEROE supported the third reading. HODGSON HINDE said, if the Noble Lord pressed his motion to a division, he would feel it his duty to vote against the Bill, in order to allow an opportunity of further discussion. Lord PALMERSTON supported the motion. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when the numbers were— For the third reading For the adjournment Majority against the adjournment - —46 On our return to the gallery, we understood that Mr. AINSWORTH had again moved the adjournment. Lord ASHLEY deprecated the obstruct:on thrown in the way of the Bill, and urged the third reading. Mr. AINSWORTH explained that, in opposing the third reading, he did not for a moment wish to countenance the atro cities it was directed against. Mr. PROT HEROE thought it was better it should be dis cussed ilia fuller House. After some conversation, _ . Mr. AINSWORTII defended his motion for the postponing the third reading ; he should be contented to let it proceed if he were allowed the opportunity to bring up a clause respecting the hours in which children were to be allowed to work. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House di. vided. The numbers were— For the adjournment 6 Against the adjournment ... Majority against the adjournment ... —42 Mr. LEADER thought it would be well that the third read ing of the Bill should not be pressed that evening. It would be but fair to afford the cpponents of the measure an opportu nity of stating their views. He should, therefore, move the adjournment of the debate. Lord ASHLEY said that he found it would be useless to at tempt to pass the Bill that evening; and he, therefore, felt himself compelled to accede to the motion of an adjournment of the debate. He would agree that it should be postponed till Monday next. Sir T. ACLAND suggested that the Bill should be then read a third time, and that the Hon. Member for Bolton, should bring up his clause on Monday, when it might be discussed by the House. Alter a short conversation this suggestion was agreed to ; and the Bill was then read a third time. Mr. GLASDTONE gave notice of his intention to move for leave to bring in a Bill relating to the linen trade of Ireland. The other Orders of the Dav were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at Half-past One o'Clock. UNIVERSITY INTELLIGENCE. OXFORD, JUNE 30.—A congregation was this day holden for granting degrees, &c., when the following were conferred:— Bachelor and Doctor in Divinity by Accumulation—Rev. Richard Harrington, Principal of Brazennose College, Grand Compounder. Doctor in Civil Law—J. Lane, of Queen's College. Bachelor in Divinity—Rev. H. D. Horlock, of Magdalen Hall. Masters of Arts—Rev. A. K. Thompson, of Queen's Col lege; Rev. T. Calvert, Queen's; H. D. Skrine, Wadham ; J. D. Dalgairns, Exeter; H. Symonds, Magdalen Hall. Bachelors of Arts—T. Evetts, of Corpus Christi College, Grand Compounder ; F. H. Deane, Magdalen Hall. On Monday Mr. Edward West, Mr. Henry Longueville Mansel, and Mr. Leopold John Bernays, Scholars of St. John's College, were admitted actual Fellows ; and at the some time Mr. Edward Thomas Austen, Mr. Robert Unille Gil bert, and Mr. Edward Victor Lewis Houlton, all being of kin to the Founder, were elected and admitted actual Fellows; and Mr. Thompson Podmore, and Mr. Christopher Cookson, were elected and admitted Probationary Scholars of the same Society. BRIGHTON, JUNE 30, 1842.—The General Steam Navigation Company's packet, Dart, Captain Cheesman, ar rived from Dieppe at half-past eleven o'clock this morn ing, with thirty passengers, many of whom reached that town about half an hour before the packets started ; a'ter clearing their baggage, they proceeded by the half-past one o'clock train from Brighton to London, thus cora pletin,g their journey between the two capitals within twenty four hours, inclusive of two hours' stay in Brighton. Among the passengers were the Baron and Baroness Starschadel, Mr. Montserrat. Col. Fox, M.P., which lattergentleman proceeded to town to attend his Parliamentary duties this evening. The great advantages afforded by the railway and the attrac tions of the bathing season at Dieppe, appear likely to make this a very favourite route to France. THE QUICKEST PASSAGE FROM LONDON TO lIAM- Buy:H.-13v the arrival of the mail packet John 13ull yes terday,;fromHamburgh, we have received a letter from Captain Cheesman, Commander of the General steam Navigation Company's mail packet Caledonia, stating that he arrived out at Hamburgh on Sunday evening, at a quarter to sewn o'clock, thus having made the passage from London to Hamburgh in 40 hours, the quickest on record. " - STARVING THE POOR IN THE CITY.—A long in vestigation took place on Thursday at the Mansion-house, before the Lord Mayor, relative to the system of the City in giving relief to the poor. The relieving officer of the East I.ondon Union brought no less than 20 paupers, 16 males and four females, charged under the following circumstances :—The officer stated that he was beset every night at his house in Seething-lane by the prisoners and others for relief, and that it had become so alarming, that he feared that without his Lordship's magisterial aid in punishing those who had no right to apply, something serious would take place, for he could not live in his house. They come to him, and get an order to go into the poor-house for the night, and next morning they turn themselves out, and refuse to work, and at night they come again to go back , and if refused they become violent and insolent, and he is obliged to call the police to ~ ,e t rid of them. lle observed, he was sure that wi th in the last three months he had paid at least 8,000 applicants for relief. The officer at Peckham said that they came into the house in a most filthy and ragged state, and when they got cleaned and clothed, they became saucy and refused to work, and walked off, and in a few days afterwards back they came in the same deplorable state. It ling been proved to his Lordship that the pri • sorters forma Part of the gang above stated, he sent the four women and 14 of the males to Bridewell with hard labour for one month and the other two men, being the most incor rigible, far two months. Their appearance was most distress ing; some of them bad scarcely clothing to cover theirnakedness. TIIE EARTHQUAKE IN THE WEST INDlES.—Extract from log-book of the barque Mandingo, John Burgin, comman der :—" Sunday, May 8, 1842, sh. 15m. p.m.—Light winds and fair weather—St. Nicholas Mole bearing S.E., distant about 7 raile:—experienced a severe shock of an earthquake causing the ship to vibrate and tremble exceedingly for about four minutes, unshipping the card of one of the compasses in the binnacle, she teeming to be striking heavily and forging over a coral reef; after looking round over the ship's side, and finding her still going a-head, and no appearance of any rocks or reefs, as we imagined her striking upon, one of the crew looking towards the land drew our attention that way, when we fond that several parts of the land were enveloped in large clouds of dust. 6 p.m.—St. Nicholas Mole S.E. by S., Tor tugas Island E.N.E.—slight shocks still felt. 6h. 30m. p.m..— A dense cloud of black smoke rising from the sea in the hori zon, as though issuing from a volcano. 11 p.m.—Slight shock atill felt at intervals. Midnight...Moderato brows and fine." SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. CHELTENHAM RACES.--THURSDAY. The Southam Stakesof 5 sous. each, with 30added. Two miles. Mr. J. Day's Marius, 4 yrs Mr. Bristow's fby Uncle Toby—Dinah, 3 yrs Mr. Hervey's Saracens, 3 yrs, and Mr. Bristow's Arethusa, 3 yrs, also ran. The Sherborne Stakes of 5 soya. each, with 30 added. One mile. Mr. Sadler's Combat ...... .......... ....( Rogers ) 0 1 Mr. Bristow's Harroldstone, 3 yrs Lord Eglinton's Bellona, aged The following also started, but were not placed :—Mr. Carter's Delusion, aged, Mr. Meiklam's 'Wee Willie, aged, Mr. Agg nd Protestant, 4 yrs, Mr. E. Jones's Fervid, 4 yrs, Mr. Isaac Day's b m by Nimrod, out of Busk, 5 yrs, and Mr. Rush's b g by Exquisite, ont of Maresfield's dam, 4 yrs. The Tradesmen and Innkeepers' Cup of 100 sovs., added to a Sweepstakes of 20 sovs. each, h It. About two miles and a half. Mr. Holmes's Vulcan, 5 yrs ... Sir C. R. Cockerell nd. Norman, 4 yrs 2 Mr. Charteris nd. Marino, 4 yrs; and Mr. Bristow's Are thusa, 3 yrs, also started, but were not placed. The Free Handicap of 10 sovs. each, h ft, with 50 added; the second horse saves his stake. Cup Course. Mr. Carter's Delusion, aged (Cotton) 1 Mr. Sadler's Combat, aged 2 The followinc , also starteu, but were not placed:—Mr. Rush's b g by Exquisite, out of Maresfield's dam, 4 yrs ; Mr. I. Day's Science, 6 yrs ; Sir. I. Day's b m by Nimrod, out of Jiusk, 5 yrs ; and Mr. Holman's The Page. CRICKET. KENT v. SUSSEX. The great annual match between the gentlemen and players of those celebrated cricketing counties, Kent and Sussex, was commenced on Thursday at Canterbury, and yesterday the fol lowing account of the first day's play was received by express at Lord's, from which it will be seen that only one wicket of the Sussex eleven, was required to be lowered to complete the first innings of each county. On this occasion the Kentish side con sisted of six professionals and five amateurs, while the Sussex eleven comprised only three gentlemen and eight players. Sub joined is the list : KENT.—Gentlemen—A. Mynn, EsqW. Mynn, Esq., F. Fagge, Esq., G. C. Whittaker, Esq., , and W. D. Baker, Esq. Players—Fuller Pilch, Wenman, Hillyer, Adams, Doffing ton, and Green. SUSSEX.—Gentlemen—C. Barton, Esq., E. Napper, Esq., and C. Taylor, Esq. Players—Lillywhit., Box, Dean, Millyard, Hawkins, Ham mond, Picknell, and Hawkins. The following is a copy of the scoring papers : KENT.—FIRST INNINGS. Mr. A Mynn, bby Dean . 4 Mr. W. Alynn, hit wicket, b by Lillywhite Hillyer, c by Picknell, b by Lillywhite Pilch, cby Picknell, bby Dean Wemnan, b by Dean Adams, c by Bicknell, b by Hodson Dorrington, b by Lillywhite Mr. F. - Fagge, leg before wicket, bby Lillywhite .. 0 Mr. G. C. Whittaker, not out . . Green, c by Hodson, b by Lillywhite 0 Mr. W. D. Baker, c by Hammond, b by Dean 8 Byes Wide balls No balls SUSSEX. -FIRST INNINGS. Millyard, c by Dorrington, b by Hillyer Dean, c by Mr. Whittaker, b by Mr. A. Mynn Mr. E. Napper, b by Hillyer Hawkins, b by ditto 8 Box, b by ditto 23 Mr. C. Taylor, b by Mr. A. Mynn. Picknell, b by ditto 2 Mr. C. Barton, c by Mr. Fagge, jun., b by Hillyer 0 Hodson, not out 8 Lillywhite b by Mr. A. Wynn 3 Hammond, not out 7 Byes Wide balls No balls We must defer our remarks on the play until after the con clusion of the match. MARYLEBONE CLUB v. THE GENTLEMEN OF HAMPSHIRE. This match, which was commenced at Lord's on Thursday, terminated last evening in favour of the Hampshire gentlemen. the defeat of the Club, in a great measure. being attributable to Bayley and Caldecourt, two of their best bowlers, being ac cid?ntally injured during the game, which of course greatly af fected their play. The following is a copy of the score:— THE GENTLEMEN OF HAMPSHIRE. FIRST INNINGS. Mr. Greenwood, b by Caldecourt Mr. Cholayne, b by ditto .... Mr. Hornby, b by ditto Day, b by Bayley b by ditto Buford, c by Mr. Lambart Sir F. Bathurst, b by Caldecourt Mr. W. Ward, b by Bayley Mr. Waddlestone, not out Mr. Smith, leg before wicket • .. •• • ... Byes .4/ 3 SECOND INNINGS. Mr. Greenwood, b by Mr. Maitland Mr. Cholayne, c by ditto Mr. Hornby, b by Bayley Day, cby Lord Loftus l3od!e, c by Mr. Kynaston 7O Barford, run out 3 Sir F. Bathurst, c by Mr. grown Mr. W. Ward, b by 11Ir. Maitland Mr. Waddlestone, c by Caldecourt Mr. Smith, not out 0 Byes Wide balls 40 MARYLEBONE CLUB. FIRST INNINGS. Mr. Brown, b by Day 3 Earl of Winterton, b by do Ba}ley, b by do 0 Caidecourt, bby do ... 22 Lord E. Hill, b by Sir F. Bathurst Mr. T. A. Lambart, run out Lord Loftus, bby Day .., 2 Mr. C. Maitland, run out Hon. Col. Lowther, bby Day . Captain Price, bby Sir F. Bathurst Mr. H. Kynaston, b by Day Byes Wide Balls 3 SECOND INNINGS. Mr. Brown, c by Sir F. Bathurst s.. 2O Earl of Winterton, b by Day Caldecourt, by Day Mr. T. A. Lambart, b by Sir F. Bathurst 4 Lnrd Loftus, not out Mr. E. Maitland, c by Sir F. Bathurst Captain Price, b by Bodle 2 Byes Wide Balls . I MAGAZINES -CONCLUDED. METROPOLITAN: The best article in this Number is the tale of " Sa vindroog," which exhibits no ordinary acquaintance , with the manners and customs of some of the native Indian tribes. The description of the birth-day festi val of an oriental cheiftain is as vivid and circumstan tial, as those glowing and accurate descriptions which occur so frequently in Captain Taylor's popular re mane of " Tippoo Saib." The " Spirit of Song" i s a graceful, unaffected poem, from the pen of Mrs. Abdy, who throws off an English ballad with great apparent ease, and undoubted feeling. The " Bro thers" is the continuation of an Italian story, a great portion of which has already made its appearance in thu pages of thi s M agaz i ne . • A " Chapter on Names" is an ingenious little prose essay, something after the manner of the late Charles Lamb. The " White Rose of Meath" is a sweetly versified Irish song, by Mrs. Crawford. A s it i s fortunately short, we quote it en tire : She came like a sunbeam, she glided along', She was all that a poet would weave into song; The step of her beauty was joyous and free, She was more than wild fancy had pictured to me; And as blue in its tint as the flower of the heath, Shone the eye young Ellen, " the White Rose of Meath. But it is not the brightness that beams from her brow, Nor the shadowy curls that repose on is snow ; Not the charm of her cheek, with its delicate flush, Nor her fairy mouth, glowing like morn's early blush, Nor her blight eye, as blue as the flow , er of the heath, Illakes me sigh for young Ellen, " the White Rose of Meath." 'Tis the soul of affection, the goodness, the grace That play like soft moonlight all over her face, That hallow the days of young passion to me, 1•lore sweet to my soul than the flower to the bee ; 0, there's not such a gem in all Erin's bright wreath As my lovely young Ellen, " the White Rose of Meath." UNITED SERVICE JOURNAL. The articles in this periodical are written in a fine, dashing professional style, characteristic of its gal lant contributors. Peril by land and water—in fields of battle, and upon the quarter-decks of ships of war, with all their guns run out—are narrated by veteran eye-witnesses in their own true and impressive lan guage. This Number opens with an article on " The Naval Improvements of the Eighteenth Century," in which agreat deal of valuable information is condensed. From the article entitled " British Arms as they were, and as they are," we quote the following ex tract, upon a subject well worthy of the attention of the Government : .31ilitaiw La w.—Admitting the propriety of making military law subordinate to the civil laws of the realm, and even, as Englishmen, approving to a certain extent that nothing in the Mutiny Act should be construed as exempting any officer or soldier from being proceeded against by the ordinary course of law, we must confess we cannot approve of the mode in which this " ordinary course of law" has latterly been stretched, to the no small gratification of too officious parish officers. Time was, when if an unfortunate soldier did exceed in his libations to Bacchus, he was handed over to receive a soldier's punishment for his offence.—Time is, that the man, who perhaps for years has been absent from his native land, and on his return cannot refuse to pledge the health of the warm old friends around him, is seized on his coming into the street by a constable or police officer ; and the cage is considered a fit resting place for the imprudent wearer of her Majesty's livery. The following day the soldier is brought before a Magis trate, who inflicts a pecuniary fine of several shillings on the man who receives daily but a wry few pence ; and, should the culprit refuse to borrow the money, or should his officer object to advance it, the Justice orders the soldier to be imprisoned for a stipulated period. The harshness, may we not add absurdity,' of this system will not in a single instance, perhaps, be duly appreciated by any but the victim of overstrained civil power but let us assume a case, which, doubtless, often has occurred, and a recurrence of which may occasionally be expected. Let us suppose a regiment, on whose banners are inscribed the words Waterloo—Salamanca— Busaco—Talavera—Vittoria, &c. &c. ; the days of which victories have ever been commemorated by the men who contributed their share to the success of the engagements, and subsequently by younger soldiers, who,. when those, banners were unfurled, hoped, and inwardly vowed, man fully to strive to add other records of valour to those already emblazoned on the colours of the corps. John Bull is notorious for invariably displaying his propensities for edacity, bibacity, and loquacity, when ever called upon to congregate with his friends or neigh bours on days of publi c rejoicing, to audit merchants or bankers' accounts, nay, even to talk over parish business; and the gratification of hilarity being equally inherent in soldiers, we will presume an instance occurs when twenty or thirty militants are carousing and enjoying the festive glass on on e o f " the immortal days," and that, in conse eetence of their slightly overstepping the bounds of pro.: priety and moderation, they aro incarcerated by the civil power. Now, we ask, might not the public service be seriously inconvenienced by this system ?—many of the men might be required for duties early the following day, which could not be performed by their more prudent comrades ; and, supposing the culprits consider they have been too harshly treated in being fined more money than would reach their hands in a fortnight or three weeks (even if they were out of debt for necessaries, &c.), they are, therefore, determined not to pay the fine, pre ferring rather to undergo any sentence of imprisonment which the Magistrate. may inflict. Surely, in such a case, the hardship of the too severe civil ordinances will be made manifest ; and we trust ere long that some modification may be introduced into the civil code, by which soldiers, for offences peculiary specified, and for which stipulated ppnishments are clearly laid down in the Articles of War, may be handed over to receive, in the presence of their comrades, such military punish ' meat as may be deemed commensurate with the irregu larities they have committed. " Scenes in America" abounds in stirring anecdotes. " A Day in Calabria," " Encounter with Busli rangers in Van Diemen's Land," and " In Port after Action," are pleasant gossipping articles, such as we like to read quietly at the breakfast-table with an en joying listener or two of the gentler sex. They make us feel that there are still fine fellows in the world who do stranger things than are yet performed by steam, and that we may claim kindred with them as our countrymen. LONDON AND BIRMINGHAM RAIL WAY. A Special Meeting of the Directors and Proprietors of this Railway took place yesterday, at the Company's offices, Eusten square, for the purpose of considering the propriety of empow ering the Directors to purchase the interest of the proprietors of the Warwick and Leamington Railway, and also to enable them to raise funds for that purpose by creating, from time to time, new shares. GEORGE CARR GLYNNE, Esq. took the Chair at 12 o'clock, and, after shortly stating the object of the meeting, proposed two resolutions for the sanction of the Proprietors for the purpose of carrying that object into effect. The purport of these reso lutions was, that the Directors should be empowered to pur chase the Warwick and Leamington Railway; and that, in order to provide funds for that purpose, they should be em powered to create from time to time such number of new shares, and under such terms and conditions, as they should think fit. These resolutions were unanimously agreed to, and the meet ing separated. MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS. TIMES.—The market for Foreign Securities has been thrown into an extraordinary state of excitement by a panic among the dealers in Mexican Stock. This was occasioned by some sales made in consequence of a letter from New York, in which it was stated that the house of Messrs. Lizardi and Co. of New Orleans, had stopped payment, it being known that house is connected with the firm of the same stains in Lon don, who, at present as the agents of the Mexican Govern ment, hold the funds for the payment of the October dividend. The stock at once fell about 6 per cent, or to about the quota tion of 31. The first excitement having a little subsided, par. ties came in to purchase at the reduced price, reflecting that at all events, if the entire dividend were lost, such loss would be much more than compensated by the very low ' price of the stock. This caused a rally of the quotation to 33, when a complete c ontradiction was given by Messrs. , Lizardi to the New York letter ; not only did they prove 4 by the production of their own advises from New Orleans thot the house there had not stopped, but I also that stoppage was impossible, as there was, not 1 a single existing liability against them, while they • had large sums to receive, and had sent considerable remit tances to London. It may be stated that these advises par ticularly alluded to the failure of the bulks at New Orleans, arid the writers spoke in terms of great satisfaction of the cir cumstance that they bad not lost a dollar by the general de rangement of affairs. As soon as this contradiction was made known the stock rote to 36, from which it again receded to 34, from those who had purchased at the lowest price being anxious to realize at a profit of three or four per cent. The closing quotation was 35 to 36. It may seem extraordinary at the brat glance that the mere belief that a single half year's dividend was in jeopardy should cause a fall so much out of proportion with the apprehended loss ; but the decline must be taken as a sign of the high estimation with which the holders of Mexican Stock regard the agency of Messrs. Lizardi and Co., and that they considered the chance of having the benefit of that agency as likely to affect the per manent value of the stock to a degree that could not be mea sured by one or two dividends. Notwithstanding such violent fluctuations as have taken place, it does not appear that the public have gained or lost anything by the general movement, but that the operations have been exclusively confined to the jobbers. The following letter was written by Messrs. Lizardi and Co. to the Chairman of the Committee of the Stock Exchange : "26, Austinfriars, June 30. Gentlemen, —We beg leave to contradict in the most ex plicit manner a report which we understand has been circu lated on the Stock-Exchange, that the house of Lizard' and Co., in New Orleans, had suspended payment. As that house at the date of our last letters (the 6th of June) had literally no obligations out, and owed nothing, it is difficult to find any honest foundation for such report.—We are, gentlemen, your obedient servants, " F. DE LIZARD! AND CO. To the Chairman and Committee of the Stock-Exchange." This panic, to a certain extent, increased the difficulty of the settlement in the foreign market, as it rendered money scarce, and produced extreme caution in affording accommoda tion. Fortunately, however, the settlement passed off, with more case than could h ave b een e xp e cted, considering the ex - reme pressure occasioned by including the fluctuations. We are sorry to say that, according to the letters received yeste r d a y f ro m Lancashire and Y or kshire, the in telligence brought by the Columbia has rather increased than diminished the previous gloom which prevailed in the manu facttu ing districts. The recent continental failures have fallen heavily upon 'Blanchester, as was a t the time apprehended, she effeetlas been shown this week in a further decline of prices. Faith builds in the dunzeon and the Izrz,:ir its sublimest shrines ; and up, through the roofs of stone, that shut out all but the eye of heaven, ascends the ladder where the elgela glib to sad fro... Prayer. THE GREAT WESTERN MAGAZINE. This periodical is chiefly devoted to American po litics and literature. The present is the Fourth Num ber. It is very well conducted, and some of the ar ticles are spiritedly written. The best are the articles upon Journalism and the Federal Government of America. There is also a very good business article on " Life Assurances," which will be read with avidity on the other side the Atlantic. ENVIRONS OF LONDON. Part 111. The present Part of - this - useful itinerary contains a minute and carefully digested account of Straw berry Hill, about whose nicknackeries so much ridi culous enthusiasm has been exhibited lately ; and also of Hampton Court, one of the favourite places of holiday report for the Londoners. The embel lishments of the part, which are numerous, display very considerable ability ; and in the sketch of the entrance to Bushy Park, the long reach of perspec don is handled with a tact that shows the practised artist. FREEMASON'S QUARTERLY REVIEW. As may be surmised from its title,, this periodical is exclusively devoted to the interests of the Masonic fraternity. V In the Number before us, under the head of " The Annalist," occur several interesting biographical sketches, interspersed with characteristic anecdotes of eminent individuals who have been Freemasons. The " Masonic Intelligence" of the month deserves praise for its copiousness, and the skill with which it is drawn up. THE SPORTSMAN. There is here some clever descriptive writing, of course connected with sporting subjects, but suffi ciently general, in point of interest, to amuse the majority of readers. The tale of " Field and Flood," the scene of which is laid in the west of Ireland, is told with great spirit, and with an evident acquaint ance with the localities. The illustrations are two in number, and the best is the sketch of the four-horse carriage, which is slapping along the high road, at the (Lashing rate probably of ten miles an hour. BRITISH MAGAZINE. Contains this month a clever original essay on the subject of the " Lollards," together with " Some Thoughts on Preaching," in which will be found more than one useful practical suggestion. SPORTING MAGAZINE. In addition to the usual sporting intelligence of the month, the current Number of this veteran magazine contins a spirited chapter of Mr. Miles's new tale, the " Road of Life ;" some amusing anecdotical recollec tions of a Sportsman among the " Woods and Waters of Canada ; and a graphic acc ount of" ITigh. land Lake Fishing," together w ith a description of Loch Katrine. There are four em bellishments, one of which, "French Shooting a-la-mode," stiows a clever groupe of pointers, who are represented in the act of tearing a wounded bird to atoms. '!"----,--,---- ---- N. ADOLPHUS A. KENNEDY.— D EA TH OF TILE HOS of Cass ilis, g randson of the Marquis of Ailsa l a : n a t i l l b a r n o d th Cnt er on tot e h s e present Earl , d ied at Montrose, N.U., last oungest son of the late The Hon. Adolp hus A. Kennedy, y week. Lady Elizabeth de Ilede Ginkle, only A I.tnitlAGE IN 111611 LIFE.—We understand that thp nuptials of d aughter of the late Earl of Athlone, and the 110 n. Captain Frederick Villiers, son of the Earl of Jersey, are to be solemnized in the c ourse of the we ek after next. arl o expected Warwick,tilat tl at his ma gn ifi cen t b aron ial re le Queen and P r i nce Albe r t F id en ee, at the close of the season i n town ; an d t h a t h er Majesty intends in the course of th e summer to pay a visit to Cheltenham. I nUNDER STORM.—The town of Barnsley and the neighbourhood was visited by a heavy thunder storm, but of short duration, on the afternoon of Tuesday week. About four o'clock a thunderbolt fell in the village of Cawthorne, a few miles off, and passed through the church clock, battered the organ in the int er i or of the - church, and did other damage. The numerals " VI." on th e f ace of the dock completely taken away, so that it will be no more six o'clock at Cawthorne for aome time to come !—York Courant. _ A