The Sun. — London, England, 1855-02-09 00:00:00

LIMO' lafflS 01 , )r tiy after 12 ° ,LS. ceco nd t o re: v Oxfori, 1 " row guage)' tion 11 ; pa fro $ V lll6 eit l . the estabhsuw nV III it i on from prir op ,?, th necn e w 3riv P. l -ice €0 Sf• FIE , tra..., Ego. LCIIEQ :cljourn ual• MOTI°-NS,ni Dot I notices thereupon r- - VBS. p orsereo: 0 ~ de 3 r the 1 1 t, whe ther , 'bill itrodur ta ► to Ir;i1 Egg' , r Q uelo t c o to tl i '!' en d ,pant c on ; ,; on B r e the s t t o ig ;rel aPa , f the ) 1 4 egg , D d t e c ors . . e lduce d, juir ly Foi. , ;slop/ ',, co one i , 0 bY a ; I : A 0 esr A i j l!, n qua., _ d t ? :e begg t c h ,tit t " :°` c, gi ber, t ha t tbs ~,e 0 110 ll .. imP d Id be to _ e lbo ur' cluct l " ititr ° the 1311 ' 1" ' IA )f the cls l stP °ne , this UP° bri sup THE SUN, LONYMM, FRIDAY PVISINING PERRITARY, 9, ISPIS. alpE RI kI°IISE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The h Which Which t °ll se Met' as usual at five o'clock, s e h e or e t f ly p a e f e t r e e r . seeilir there was a numerous attendance e l ' es r antenr_ ,e the new Minister for War, took t h h is ee s e e h at , seater s. " B thief Ministerial bench ; mid on the 0... to the bar of the house, the Earl of Aberdeen nex and the bake of Newcastle occupied seats. th e a 11 ke of NEWCASTLE presented -.idle New Zeslaudwa - f the claims petition from 6tea alineila ° f Ire Zealand on the subject Company. • Lord - TUE NEW MINISTRY. . t ies , .141113IRTEST requested their lordships ' atten tase 1114 he made a few observations respecting which Le ,1°11: relative to the expedition to the Crimea, . o. 14 14 '1 placed on the paper of the house. The fo . llowin ot , ttliro:lie ter on of the motion :—" Tnat in the opinion of le ' i t :,, lll ., ° the expedition to the Crimea was undertakeninadequate gas rajesty's Government with very in 'te l 1414 w ithout due caution or sufficient inquiry Pe } the nature and extent of the resistance to be ex-- 4,ea froro the enemy' and that the neglect and mil , t tt ,, ° , 4le °t of te overntnent in the conduct of tilt tti`llleiit:Oetionhiv: lel to the is _ t .ora e s, most disastrous results. would observe from the terms ofn that it applied to the late Gover l op s e°l!etalY and was not intended to boar ei . iclusiv r e d y . Ma Li/ ile gle ll ' ac b as , ,laits ni er of the Cabinet. This was in ac ' llesl s e statement made- in the other house o s i._ Vhe esi,'"unt, now theCrown,byc fle ve rialc e that he considered ever member eer of of he late Go 11°ttri:k teapossible for the conduct of the That , ..l' e „,, , l e, li.e believed could not easily be w4r _controverted. e.e I I kw str ic 9f,' at the ' list of what was supposed te n b ine tt a r i. li/iSre, stroistration he found that it consisted of: 111leet, v/ii.st n oethem, including the noble, viscount 111 / 4 /ltly iilre 'Penibers of the late Government , - and e c t on ei con affair ii'kered in the responsibility for t e Ll ,, ai r B , esti Zvertheless, considering the present state t of a ? 4, 1 411 ,,Y etS4' i tering also that it e re ly it se ers ee ,„' i. t han the present A e d al m e s e in l e a rs t t e a ra d mi n i s 11 3? es atn s to take any step t t io e n ll disturbefel t in t ott. es etict . s i rer the first movements of the new Ad to .'.E'lglit to'_uut, on tho contrary, he thought that every i, seette, heart°Odeayour in the present state of things .'lreeset,ll, and Soul, for the purpose of assisting the 4g /he 1. 4, ' 11 / in retrieving past disasters and rester 4erese Tit credit f the country. (Hear, t A . 4 felt th4l. o i c ir cumstances, he should e, secs, -s, ringer th ese _ hear.) He mlstryOrge the duty he owed to their lordships and the , 4°ticre, Yulehaeliilleian;ss ) frern proceeding"with his intended ' The 4-1 E ARItY IN THE CRIMEL 1 4 4as„ - said, he agreed in i 'll Iv y ' ll of CLANRICA.RDE lo t 11 11rd that had fallen flea, the noble and learned a D ,' 611 d h e „ s , I -ass et' s 'sued to take that opportunity . of making I ; 4l se y . , °ll. w hich he deemed worthy of consi . derat t ion a — d. 4t lrll f„ t44 t , as the house was likely on its rising 4 th ' s 4°4le daYs, the Government should be pr . ep o a e r r e d d . Ililk,"'elsserebling of the house to lay before their 1 ill the 411°0 ataternent of the actual .condition of the army elah rh tea up to the latest period to which the account eats keareOveniently made out. If some such statement for tt , 141 11:" 4 : '4l authority, it might save many motions ees He Ik e ,' tilat4tri man not very profitable . discn ip:,:iley cf° ask for information respectinth s e si state and before an i 'l lt 7 *14441 art°Y en g a g ed in eny operationsbe a very th e Ikl, taro under ordinary circumstances , the 4 rs e t 1 . 1; Perhaps a presspope proceeding • but at t n would I 's ife 44°, under t circumstances, it would t ee ros ei 3117 absurd to say that any info, ma m a 4: i t sd ' is ed 1 0 tbe enemy by making such . state -15 41 14 f" had alluded to. It was notorious that hat to 14Y4)3(4itir014 the army, more or l?" t aut t il hemselves N,teletA, of those given by the 4 4 epto t he W ay, Were made publi M c, i n a n ia a it was right, f,-ajii ~s4e.en,olY. At the same e tu rs i.ht be-con tim°which must be tQqa or t Sri ent, proceeded to . any M to , 'op alionNiruate of our military vo co te n'd H it e io h n, ea t r h d at w th it a h t ` l4 )l, ll tPri ee 1(1 ho accurately known. qfe, ti 'ek th e „a(1 co nsiderable pleasure thatesotntmlaestet estimated the o,re sure Chu of the Exchequer . llt ''net. e$ sneder the command of Lord Raglan at it:l4to, at thtie sincerely hoped that such wa e : csireo t tu h hrnen e etr e (y.t a ea, s le e ii t ' a t ' Bake hirst, he Must say that very di eeiretute 141tta h, eared in the papers. Under th r atl ts l4 of 4 ;ot it would bo advantageoust 'tet.,-losst•snalisreent, and satisfactory to the real kratrt,ifol'oe,'s're give by the Government of the i lt' ' 1 f ~taPrising all .the different un de rarm_s._..... Ho fo;4ttilt 4' 1 ) 4 1:loo Ge neral-in-Chief in the Crimea. was r ' r eos t' s 4 over 4 ,, Qll tY t make this suggestion, and . it -.441 164,1 11 . e11t to Fiay whether they deemed it worthy Sus s alls ' , 4,l ' sillsiiii7 lITERIAL STATEMENT. lord h; ttillt,, ILLEIn rising for the purpose already r '' 14te, 40 bi • atnely, to move you your I°4l '41411 - e marqu is —namely , da —I trust all° to tes ai ll i t his house to some future y teslZglii:he-stretraolsilll'irreitych y re o rn ur u n ks sna w l i k t i h . nd r n e es sp s ee a t na te co m u ye rte h e s l y f t At,-t he ti t al i.!_ ki,lli st 44 4l l teinisiratio . ns it ou h r as ior h d a s p h p i e p n e e h d o t us a e. lite (Loral'le of th e 41 :7 1 .1hd a seat in y y d o m p a p d ee. lli k th 4-61 ..had of my n th o o bl o e o f o r o ie t n r la fiscce 411 dosib t ;' here position in tat elit ° //t ofp arii " ' s kier of the great in tll , a4 d irap n , Brat his presence here gave party he represents, both . ki le ti tt ig A Y litoshi; fri end s"4lle t th e the noble i n n ea t r hi m s o ho (t us ho e. Ea S r i l n o c f e tttl l - elis vaa 4. . -0 lioo.e earl . \ 0 0, ° Ping his administration the mou l t d h o pi n e o c t s Nwt erninent ift your lordship? house.. 4 tl i 4eth 7 th• 6 b er ' may be alloWed, seeing my noble friend 'ta 'tle h belo w (lb: 4 riss,, me, to take . this opportunity of saying 1 inistration, I, a- one all 4 N I : the two years 6 h of his sha( administration , me will be said by . ~tlobi 40104 (and I believe.4-..sa. rig us ., ma), havi n g t 4 t ". ' -sitting qualities of the , ll 'Llo a ° Pees, ' e.-- of appreciating the ;IL-I-414.1' 48;1:lit:I'm of one of the most generous-winded l 4he ' l ett ; a men with whoms . i3°AtnrtuilitOd courageous ever * • P'st e Yor good fortune to 1 / 4 11t , "vices and - his groat wiper]. al. ns, ~, he asso . c e i n a e te e d g . av ( e Ch g e r e e r .i . t ) hear.) We e a a‘s ' t liat him. ( Hear,- •• , l ti, st/i,e, fell from and critics \st ' 1 'O, 14. tine still more eventful and I do feel it bon:43- acA - A • office, I le tb e lc aoss„,,.° friend assumed . of f()rtn (Qltll/)1,,,'11t% Of an incongruity that as aI matter should hY ti 0 ' owing to '' ti, ti 'e G overnment , even . n me ' l elui ' l Tee I a:l3 ac cidental precedence give , tains,' , "t 3 cting -11 . I can only say , feel I 'eer -4'4( ''°wareis those`"nnfairly towards myself, and 1.0. thsl,' a n 014 of :, able- men within . the . Gove e _ that I sae, 4 , ii * 1 b°s Government sitting on thla sidelfle t ' f if I wereat4l°l4 disr espectfelly towards bean able j'(i}: su PPert tedertake this duty without g mar- t ale %ale, ',advice, and guidance to that noble ,t,; of thi s tne), whose • guidance ' nt qualities,te! sp-, yeahatt- 4op se h . pre-emine 87:e.net only secured to him the de: t l'll e e , of MA Diva friends, but even du.rinhls s it ' i t of th is 14° Proverbial on every side and in every , giisse tra,,„°4oTehly en great deal (Cheers.) . With' tIN eeesst nee the resignation of the Cabinet but so f those more particularly k/''l,l4;llltlle't,'ll'ii:tlll3tPliQllll:;ete(ll4raiisact.i,;u° o now present, and In .!q .. 4 P f Y i j fl l tl i til t e t r V i t i l Z r i r la e future occasion offer ip any l e l x P c I E I l kii ht lie , trona _tecesaary to lor• tv i t ile 410 4 arid"rua gather respectingthe.Proceedings they have Le, tatel,,,,_ Political Parties, I (lc! not think if H ikl 'or ci f ''''' °Pen to tZI4. tih r ,,, au,. „...,, , _ e i .argeo.f the want Of Se -I, PP . 6 t , 1T 4 \ lrk A j ; e l l !! ° 1 public sirit on_.esotcycaeshieount. three i tie 43:_feres,, VTE/Sinned by her Ms tt4 4l Y it r ') ,Aia r o mustration, and he b d as h b a e s e b n e s e n a co g e r s a s - - 't N sttellrov e 1 e Is t which ho submitted h r ) With 4' ' , L k , t he p r :' 1 ? ) ' her Majesty- (Hear' e t have very te'neevatis,„;llt:llPles of that Administration h,4; whi e h s , ° . i r e, site; and I may 01 ~. qt al Ai Li govern the Ad, in respect Administration ~ t ik 64ii 444, • briefly state that the k ht ill i e i ' I V the ia l t: v c i a l b l i b a e at i , de a n n t d isa w ll,y hi the h, kfl A ii,. Pert,,., 4 (If the country. . t k i e 1 vrobmio any mat as those Whene . ver etir ch generall met inter- Sirks,•„ll,,vve Will cif nes for improvement 1 Ili ti," ' e ( 1 1 " inoBb assuiedly not neglect - l object to , 4 tli k ,, r , e 64t 0 feel that the one paramount of •t -r--(hear, th tl 'iir c i"Ot ahtg.Y.4 the Coverament and the wisdom ri ,lss, 4'ekti I.{.(ll'„C. pd is the active and vigo . 41 t i li 4 1 t ( t e°ll 'ar' i i ll° bee t a svar e in which ee t t h a e n c ie e e n t n i t e r v y er i s s ka!St fi ''at th o : I believe that the m Ili- 'fiat NCI i nt ' Who thought the war most unneees e`e. 'l'elaki °' a NI who most anxiously desire i re ts_i a m i: 1 4 la4t aho °l-qu'ist count that itabsolutely_ war tllatbrlse'elt.,,/,helliZrtOf this ry that, while the ' l ,, s Wll l ll 1. - , l ti. or carried on with all the energy . and tiesll-4v;41,,,'-itetlifAPajst,s-sers•We dotfryeelgtmovaecewratayintedesgermeee, .°4k? t ,,,, ve - st : , ri this country we are : ) ' • 44 c c 'l'Ar)tir of exultation at one moment, iet,,tni th at (ii ii e deege r of giving ws, le ''' ..4g 1,, ,i "4, hear •) In saying this I assure your 4 4 e(l o Net Ise' • wishes to 4 ~, -t Cr oat eslsene.tolier of the Government to too much army has been ea rs -eet Cheer ose mties to which the ar---. that army 1, illatase , !apla ,° * t for , Ilk I, fortitude with w e h a i t c u h ratly 4' 4 t ti ca t1a0173 thin e gear .) It would be out ' l l e slis e ,, o,ealttec,v,ning to them al the slightest degree attributable either to na ot tti se 4 0 r t e tc/es inay be a- r which h as be vtte e N it /It in ti" r ustiness of a system No 'le it a . 'tee of peace ; but there is no doubt I t iQ t r 'o i t i ', P l. e (jot t'terne;o:flgetnhT,aranyd ti death the have t m a . prevailed H ew e t v o renr a ., / 4 i p l tl e t , i le i1,,,,,', t h at it i ni s not becoming in the Gove a„.:'' th '"Oc-'" this country to indulge in feelings , th kt th a t' srl l i it • i n the best au ho 111 4 , ci b e , I am informet o .. aslei ii () B NA • ta re 41111 Y in the midst of sickne . s . s . e and k t iAt 6 . I.ltie, ts?il share! (Cheers.) We do not . litK to N 401'. I,l•o4Pktieti t i to any event • for the futere is in ee t re he . tylts - tlrekt, enee, but we derive some hope . and er e 4444 gt,,iii,s°Whadge that the resources of this country r b (' t ‘f tit'9lted• (Rear.) We are now at the vet ti -mit_eiii gae resources and the spirit evinced by ttNls'Y 1 li s t 4 le us t d ' long as the h t c , 4, atia 0 raw upon them %, t NI !liitiatere,.Bo long as they are properly and effi /al, I t ls e i Zt that , in'., ( Rear.) We also derive confidence the disasters to which I /l ls ls ili l reCi l n have Y se t l a a h .of ved more ore than this country I %i ki laes. " fe te in any c gr i e e at continental war during tit, 1 4, 4 of I°ll* to rely with confidence that, with the li, h, t4 *i lb tt fti°ol4ar f°treig.,„l affairs remaining in the hnds of tt„4 11 ,t t,,,, k tie rsarl of Clarendon), Franco will . con- te 4 (e h ' c,h I, a : t i nt ry those intimate weld cordial rela : li:ltilei;as.,lti,stiPctiu:sti maintained so much to the advan sh 'tiP to the present moment t e t . (W:rt of iest he same friendly feeling will exist —(hear)— Sibi, s ! ar `lnstils same on account of our relations with . tll kt .c.4 f ' f ' loase - Ti t.) It was with these views, and c..ht ebse,neetintd ts, L ep ten et la s which experience has tau, /l iii ti 4 Nis,' experience alone could has taught us, (kis ostire -er ,,ton and his colleagues mean to take ~1 44 ki f k 'Uit,i tt '.`mit Power to carry on the p r esent war , p,.. ipt, Mei , ,2,`11,70ur and energy until that day,and not ern/11)1T- Vtt ' 0 41% 1 70 a just and honourable peace, -- ' f• slip, l 4 tit s , ""., e interaete of Europe and the honour o q?litl, 4tti';,,BU4ll be attained. (Cheers.) With th t ese NNb4e-r'tlitl ' 4l l • -tthal'Peal to your lordships and the coun a ry q ',ti,;;_it is with these sentiments that we andcr! 0 se, l or d csultfulnees such support as the noble tls ow l'Posite has offered. us to night. ( Cheers.) f t 7 n _ , 1 ' till 1 -1 . 'P o rte by meting, that the house should NI ' t os 'll 'ia' Of I ‘ o l , _aY, the lfith of . February, observing that lat .r 'noon% Would, he understood, adjourn i tl k e klri. :el; till t he Berne day. h, q ~,„ ~ EallY.--The motion with which the no -I,l°Litell: !il-s'ae,b3One°ol,llcl,evd..fforda me the opportunity,. while Lott. gas.et, _ s itis which he has accompanied that Irj, l ehs)ti S rte rit ri g rilae:: (l i nty, of taking the earliest op ii all • the, noble n explanation of those transactions k t 1,4 kx,, lied.. a alluded, asfar an. - as Iwasper- S Isibl e is , 41 t hem. I think it right that at the e es m'oraent nsist t with public duty, your ..., N s , 0 . f CO en vet -. Wn N litiOlSl friends, and the country at AL PARLIANI EN• ' which I felt it my d u ty t o pursue, an d o f th e mo tives and T , large, should have the opport un ity o f j u d g i ng o f the conies I —(hear, hear) an d f u ll o f mu t ua l persona l es t eem 'regard for each o th er . Wh en we l oo k e d a t th e num , 1 which actuated me in t a ki ng th a t course . (Hear, hear.) ers of that pa r ty a t th e c l ose o f th e l as t genera l elec tion, the Government then existing found that it had tho I think that such au ex pl ana ti on i s d ue f rom every man avowed support of about 300 members of the House of who aspires, or whom circumstances may have enabled to Commons. I state it to the credit of that great party, and hold, a high place in the councils of the nation. (Hear, ias a proof of the fidelity which they have exhibited in their engagements, that at the present moment, after the ex hears) The country has a right to know that the duties of piry of two the number who were prepared to sup government have not been lightly assumed ; or lightly or port me in the Government is hardly at all diminished, from slight causes shrunk f ro m. (H ear , hoar.) The and that we can reckon on the support of about 280 memo country has a right to know, and it is good that it should leers of the other house. (Hear, hear.) But at the same know, what are the motives which ac t ua t e p u bli c men time, though I had a right to rely on the assistance and whose characters are public property—(hear)—and the support of about 300 members of the House of Commons, the Govern men t wou ld s till b e expose d t o f a ll b y a_com country, which alone can remove those embarrassments bination of parties such as has taken place before, and which often occur in the formation of a Government, should might occur again at any moment. (Hear, hear.) What know what are those embarrassments and what is the na- reason h a d I o suppose that the same combination would tuns of the difficulties which frequently prevent the consti- not arise ? It i s th e same H ouse o f C ommons ; there iution of an Administr a tion. (Hear, hear.) For myself, I are the same persons; and there are the same parties, so far as I can jud g e f rom th e cons t ruc ti on o f th e l a t e Govern have nothing whatever to coneeal with respect tothe cour se went, and so far as I can assume f rom th e cons t ruc ti on o f I took, and, without further preface, I will lay before your lordships as short a statement as I can, not only of the the pres e nt G overnmen t ; so th a t th ere m i g ht h ave b een eoureo which I felt it my duty to pursue, but, in order to the same combinati o n o f p ar ti es by w hi c h I was f or merl• y m assa hh , u . (Hear.) I do not mean to s ay that I saw as i rusks that course understood, of my view generally of the certain the combination of these parties for the same ob position in which 'affairs stood on the resignation of the jest, but I had no security for a day or for an hour that late Government. At the commencement of the present . that combination would not take place. (Hear.) I know session, and in the face of the difficulties and disc tern that it has been said that, in the present circumstances, any wero'taking place, and which the noble earl opposite has Government accept ing the responsibilities of office and, pre not sought to conceal, I and those in whom the confidence of the the great Conservative party has been placed, felt it • pared to carry onthe war in which we are engaged with vigour would have received the snpport, or at all events our bounden duty to abstain from bringing forward any the neutrality, of all parties in the House of Commons. I motion which should imply censure or blame upon the think in some circumstances that might have been the case; Government, and which, by imp o si ng censure on th em , but I have great reason to doubt whether, if I had at the either in this or the other House of Parliament, might first moment accepted the responsibility sought to be placed possibly tend to increase the disasters which were known on me, I should have found in tne House of Commons that to exist. (Hear.) Here I must be permitted to say, that those who on principle are opposed to. the Government general acquiescence under the influence of which there have, in such circumst a n ces , no ver y eas y t as k t o per f orm would have been an abstinence from opposition. (Hear.) —for, if they bring forw ar d a mo ti on th a t may by impli- It is no secret th a t th e mom ent the Administrationof the noble earl opposite was dissolved a cry was raised cation be regarded as' a censure with reference to some by a portion of the 'press, exercising no signant in matter ou whch they feel strongly the Government is to blame, they are immediately eatie :on to move for a vote fluence over the public mind, that one thing at last was of want of confidence, with a view t o th e remova l o f the clear, viz. th a t w h a t w a s called a Darby Administration was out of the question, and that Lord Palmerston was the Government from office ; and, if a vote of direct censure be moved by the party in oppositio n , th en th e answer man called upon by the voice of the country to take the always is that the motion is brought f or w ar d f or p ar t y o b- managetnent of affairs. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I speak not only of the press, but of the language held by members jests, and not for the benefit of th e coun t r y. (Hear) , o f P ar li ament. I k now th ere was a s t rong i mpress i on If neither of these courses is t a k en , if th ose w h o , I may with regard to the noble viscount— who somehow or other say, by the constitution of Parliament, are intrusted with the duty 'of watching over th e con d uc t o f a ' appears to have enjoyed a peculiar exemption from the censure passed on the whole of hia colleagues—(laughter)e-• Government in whom they cannot place confidence remain altogether silent, then they arer charged, with somejustice, that in the conduct of th e war , one o f the grea te s t defects as being indifferent to the enf orcemen t o f p u bli c opinion, 'that appears to have e x i s t e d was a d e f ec t in the office of u 'the noble ' vi s c oun t hi mse lf— v i z . i n th e organ i sa ti on an d and' being accesso r i e s a ft er th e f ac t t o the felts of the laugh- Government. (H ea r.) Yet, n o t w ith s t an di ng these drill-, 'embodiment of the militi a . (" H ear , hear," and culties, it ,has been the poli c y, a s we h ave f e lt it to be the ter.) But, be that as it m a y, in the, public mind the - noble viscount was excepted from the censure imposed on duty, of the great s Conservative party to bring forw a rd-no his colleagues ; and the. hon. and learned gentleman who motion of censure againit the Government. But immedi- brought forward •the motion by which the Government ately after Parliament reassembled, after the recess, notice was given of a moti on by an h on . an d l earne d gentleman was defeated, if I mistake not, declared his o pi n i on th a t Lord Palmerston was the only person who was fit to sue in the other house, who I suppose was desirous to be con sidered-a supporter of the G overnmen t an d a mem b er of ceed. and to gove rn th e coun t ry . (H ear, h ear. ) B u t a higher authority still was one of the noble viscount's col the Government—party who can hardly call it—but of leagues, who considered the case of the late Government that great body split into various ramifications of parties, indefensible, and their conduct to be such as to compel and who pass by the name of Liberals in this country- him, prematurely, to send for them.' That noble lord (Hear, hear.) My lords, I confess Ido not understand generously sacrificed himself to a, colleague, and de the distinction whi c h seems t o h ave b een d rawn b y the dared that in his opinion the only person to conduct noble lord the late President of the Council, in which he stated the military 'affairs of the country w a s his late c oll eague , that, looking at the cou rse w hi c h, i n th e even t o f 'Lord Palmerston. (Hear, hear.) Now, I put it to your such a' motion being brought forward, he ought to pursue, lordships and the country whether, with that feeling pre he had to consider not only what the nature of the motion veiling in Parliament —with a general declaration in favour was, but what was the quarter from which it came. °fa, very distinguished member of that house —a declare (Hear, hear.) It appears to me that this is a distinction tion made by a large portion of the press, and by a con founded on no just, or sound principle. (Hear.) If the siderable amount of the members of the House of Commons, conduct of the Government was defensible, then, whether and sustained by the high authority of Lord John Russell, the attack was made by friend or foe, it appears to me to —I ask what prospect of immunity from attack, or what have been the duty of the Government to vindicate its prospect of a - sustained majority, a Government could is own policy. If, on the other hand, the conduct of the Government was wholly indefensible, th en , my: lords, I such circumstances expect? (Hear, hear.) I would not b e misunderstood as saying that these considerations were cannot conceive that it would be a ri g ht and justifiable course for one who could notelefend the conduct of the Go. those alone which prompted me to be anxious to obtain the co-operation - of the noble viscount. I readily acknowledge vernment on its merits to resist the motion because that the great abilities, the great Parliamentary experience, the motion proceeded from a particular political quarter. great official experience, of not less than 37 years of office, (Hear.) But, from whatever quarter that motion pro- of the noble viscount. I readily admit the advantage of ceeded, the result was such as, I must say, is wholly un- his personal popularity. I readily admit also—though yet paralleled in the history of this country. (Hear.) Such is the circumstances of this case ale so peculiar that I may the extent to which the party habitually in opposition to state it,—though the jealousy of this country—the reason the Government carried their resolution not unnecessarily able and well-founded jealousy— is against qualification for to interfere with the Government, that I believe even ou office, arising out of connexion with foreign States or fo that motion ' if the division, instead of being postponed till reign Governments, yet I must bo permitted to add that, Monday, had taken place on the Friday, little more than in the present circumstances, it was a great and legitimate one-half of the party would have been in their places to qualification on the part of Lord Palmerston, and should pass the vote of censure. (Hear.) But when a motion was not be omitted, that ho was generally supposed to exercise brought forward, from whatever quarter, which implied a want of confidence in the G o ve rnmen t, an d w hi c h th e Go- no inconsiderable influence over the councils of that noble nation with whom wo are now on terms happily of the vernment - themselves took care to explain was a vote in the confidence o r th e a b sence o f con fid ence o f the strictest' and closest alliance—(hear, hear)—that he en whichjoyed to a great extent the confidence of that great man House of Commons was to be testa; the circum- who by his auperior abilities and power, not less than the stances were changed. It was impossible tho limits of name he bears, was enabled to grasp and hold firmly and moderation and prudence could be carried to Bush an ex- vigorously the imperial sceptre of that country. (Hear, tent that, being invit e d by the Government to exp ress an hear.), I say, in times like these, and at a time when we opinion on the question of confidence or no confidence, are engaged in a formidable and perilous war,—when we this party should not give expression to the views which have France—though I hope it will not be long so—as our they entertained. My lords, the result of that motion, as only ally—it is a 'peculiar qualificati o n for h o ldi ng o ffi c e I said before, i s one w ith ou t a p ara ll e l ; — no t on l y that ou in this country that the Minister in question should pos e vote involving a want of confidence in the Government, seas the confidence of those with whom we are in that and in the Government as a whole—not a censure given to One or two individ ua l Mi n i s t ers , w h o m i g ht h ave become Strict alliance ; and I will acid that no party could be in sensible to the great advantage —or rather, I should say, particularly obnoxious to the public—there should have to the disadvantage—of a Cabinet being formed at the been in the House of Commons a majority exceeding two hresent moment unacquainted with all the details and din thirds, but that on a question involving confidence or no ficulties of the diplomacy that has run over the' last two confidence in the Government as a whole that Government years, or that the noble viscount would not be of peculiar was unable to muster as a minority in its favour a greater advantage to' any Government of which he might be a number than 148 out of 650 members of the House of Com- member, having an intimate knowledge of all the trans mons. My lords, I believe that such an event is wholly actions of the last two years, of the difficulties and embar without a parallel, More especially when we recollect that rassments that have occurred, and, at the same time, a by the confession of many w h o vo t e d f or th e mo ti on it was correct knowledge of the feelings and views of those fo one against which there were valid and well-founded objec- reign connexions with whom for that time we have been tious with reference to its technical terms, and that it was were or leas engaged. (Hear, hear.) Untior all these cir disapproved of by many. who supported it, on the ground cutnstances—from all these considerations—l came to the that it was accepted by the Government as a test of the con- conclusion that with the unassisted numerical etreugth of tidence or no confidence of Parliament in the Admistration. thole who' placed their confidence in me it was impossible The majority on that occasion, singularly enough, happens that I could feel any assurance of forming that which I to be, in point of numbers, to a unit, the same with the concurred with the noble earl opposite iu deeming most majority by which, two years ago, the Government I was desirable and necessary for this country at the present period connected with was also ejected from olliee- . -viz., a ma- —3 strong Government. It was impossible for me, with jority of 303—though on the former occasion it was 303 out - sou l() extraneous aid, to Hatter myself with the expec to 286, while on the present it is 305 to 148. (Hoar, hear.) tatton that It' ould:secure a strong Government for this Of these 3410,4 believe tinkt . the great Conservative party, who have acted together for a consideßible peiliodlirittrpr- country. Mlords, it was impressed with this" idea and corniciion that, on the following morning, I obeyed her feet and uninterrupt e d un i on , cons tit u t e d some thi ng tik e Majesty's command. L laid before her Majesty without 200. (Hear.) With regard to thedifferent liberal sections' reserve my views with regard to the steteset parties, with of the House of Commons, I believe that they were pretty regard to the composition of the House of Commons, and equally divided in this way—that 100 of these gentlemen with regard to the balance of parties in that _house, and the voted on one side and 100 on the other, and that another psobable mode in which those parties might apply their 100 altogether abstaine from voting on theoccasion. Such powers. I did not conceal from her Ma j. sty that there being the result of the division, and such the composition of might be circumstances under which the House of Com the vote, and looking at the usual course of Parliamentary mons would give to such a Government as I was enabled to proceedings apd the doctrine of the constitution, I was cot forum, even Without extraneous aid, a generous assistance surprised, my lords, when, on the t Rowing evening, I re- And a generous and liberal support ; but I think such cir ceived—though I aeknowledge I did so with deep anxiety — curnstetnces could only be those in which there would be her Majesty's gracious commandslo wait upon her on the no alternative between the existence of the Government 4 following morning, perfectly well kuowiug and understand- hick I was about t o f orm an d no Government at a ll, an d pos in g for what par elhad received such a communication• that there could be security whatever for the formation— It became then my duty carefully and anxiously and ma - nay, not only that, but no prospect of the formation—of a turely to consider the position of the country. In ordi nary Government commandi ng a major ity in the other ho use , circumstances and in ordinary times I should at once have as ion as there was a large party united in their opinions, felt it my duty to accept the reopen ibility thrown upon some of whose members were e xc l u ded from that Govern me—for, though 'the gentlemen who . honoured me with merit, who, if they were i nc l u d e d i n it, wou ld b r i ng th e their confidence were not those who had incurred the first weight of their counsel and ass i s t ance t o us. Aft er my by bringing forward the motion, yet, as it responsibility statement, to which her Majesty listened with-most gra was mainly carried - by -their instrumentality, I felt that it • mous attention, I concluded the humbl e recommen d a ti on it would have been my duty to accept the proposal ; but, was -my duty to submit to her Majesty with the request under existing circumstances, I felt that I was bound to that I might be enabled to communicate with Viscount consider carefully and deeply, without thinking of pessn• nalmerstornfor thepurpese of obtaining, if possible,his con nal considerations, and without reference to party objects, currence and assistance in the duty which I was about, what course it was for the interests of the country that in with her Majesty's permission, to undertake to perform. such circumstances I shOuld take. (Hear.) My lords, I can I stated also to her Majesty that I could not expect to ob- conceive MO object of higher or nobler ambition, no object .lain that concurrence on the part of the noble viscount more worthy of anxiety by a true p a triot end lover of his ' unless he were.pertnitted. to bring with him one Or two of country, than to stand in the high and honourable post- those with whom he had recently acted. I felt, notwith thou of the Chief Minister of the Crown and leader of the standing some personal and political differences, that ,the councils of this great empire, assisted and supported by abilities of some of those gentlemen might have added colleagues combined with him by mutual sentiments materially to the strength and power of debate in the and mutual and personal respect, and with the knees- House of Commons, and that their concurrence might ledge that this and the other House of Parliament would be desirable, not only on account of the support and give to such a minister the assurance that, except on most extraordinary and unusual occasions, he would b e enabled c ountenance which they would give to the noble vis count in joining the Administration, but also On account with life and energy to carry out his plans and to mature of their own individual and personal merit and ex and accomplish his objects practically as well as nominally, rience. I stated to her Majesty that, in my humble and to control and govern the legislation and internal judgment, without such assistance—without some extra economy of this great country. (Hear, hoar.) Oa the neous assistance—l did hot feel myself. in a condition other hand, to hold that highly responsible situation de to promise to her Majesty that strong Government, pendent for support from day to day on precarious and assured of a mnjority in both Houses of Parliament, which uncertain majorities, compelled to cut down this measure, I thought at the present moment it was most desirable, if and to pare off that, and to consider with regard to each possible that her Majesty should have. (Hear.) I was measure not what was for the real welfare of the country, bound tis consider, not -personal or party feelings, but that but what would conciliate some half-dozen men here, or some half-dozen there—(lau g ht er )—t o regar d as a great which was for the interest of the Crown and the welfare of triumph of Parliamentary skill and Ministerial strength to the country— (hear)—and first and prominently for the scramble through the session of P ar li amen t, an d t o boast welfare of the coun t r y an d the honour of the Crown I pced the necessity of having, if possible a strong and of having met with few and insignificant defeats—l say united Government. I therefore submitted ' to her Majesty this is a state of things which cannot be satisfactory to •my huinble advice that, failing my endeavours to form such any Minister, and which cannot be of advantage to the a Government as could hold a promise of strength as well Crown - , or the people of this country. Bust, my lords, as of unity, her Majesty should consider whether it was to enter on the duties of office, not with a precarious ma possible to form any other combination of public men by jority, but with "a sure minority of the other house of Par- whore that object was more likely to be achieved. Where liament —to be aware that from day today you were liable to defeats at any moment by th combination of parties,amount- these men were to be sou g ht for, what that combination e pre to be, was a subject upon which, of course, I did not ing to a sure majority, and only waiting for the moment when psume to offer an opinion to her Majesty. In venturing it would be most convenient to introduce motions for to offer that suggestion, as one which I believed to be for the attainment of such an end ; to be a Minster of suf- the good of the country, I concluded by assuring her Ma ferance ; to hold such a position without 'any security for enforcing your own views ;with the fear of exposing your jesty, strongly as I felt the difficulties of the position, if such a combination—giving greater strength than any own friends and the country—your friends to perpetual mortification, and the country to constant disappointment which I could bring to her Majesty's support—wore found to be impracticable, then, at all hazards and under all cir -(hear)—to undertake the responsibilities and the duties of cumstances, h er Majesty should not be left without a Go office in such a state of things would be such an intolerable vernment—(cheers)—but that when such other combine and gallir g servitude as no man of honour or character tion should have been tried and found to be unsuccessful, could expose himself to, and such as no man voluntarily then with better hopes of parliament: of support—but would submit to, except from motives of the purest patriot- whether with or without better hopes—l would answer for ism and from absolute hecessity. My lords, I considered myself and for those noble lords and hon. gentlemen with _whom I have the happiness of acting, that, at all eveets, it then my duty deliberately to consider, before I assumed the responsibility which I understood it to be the wish of the country should not be without a Governumet, and that her Majesty I should discharge, in what position I should at all hazards, at all risks, and at all sacrifices our humble be with regard to Parliamentary support—how I should tity services should b e pl ace d unreserved at her Majesty's stand in this and the other House of Parliament, more ' command. (Cheers.) M y l or d s, I may take this opportunity especially in the other house. It is true, my lords, that I of making a statement which lam sure, so far as your could halve filled several of the offices of the Government lordships are concerned, is quite unnecessary, in con in a manner that would have commanded the approba occasion her Majesty sought to fetter my discretion by some sequence of rumours which have gone forth, that upon that tion and the support of all parties. I had reason to be assured that in one of the offices which, above all others, , restriction. Those who k now th e respect w hi ch her Ma is at present the object of pro-eutinent irdportaace, and eathas for the Constituti on and the stri c t an d rigid man on the proper settlement of which rests the greatest norm which she walks in the light and in the paths g of that responsibility, I should have had the support of a noble constitution, will be well aware that such a report is un friend of mine, not himself a military man, but possessed founded ; but I feel myself bound in duty to state, for the of a mind eminently military—a noble lord of vast expo- information of those who have not the same means of be rience, practically versed and conversant-with the co ming acquainted with the f a ct s , th a t no t on l y no o b stacle tious of war in distant countries upon a largo scalopera- e, and whatever—that not only no restriction was placed in my who bar proved himself to be au able anti successful Mini- way, but that not the slightest difficulty was made as to titer of War on an extended scale—(hear, hear)— a noble any ono subject or recommendation, either with regard to earl whose energy, whose ability, and whose eloquence, wen or measures, which I felt it my duty to submit to her would have given ample assurance to the country of the m a j es ty. (Hear.) In consequence of this interview, which efficiency of the manner in which ho would have performed lasted from half-past 11 until nearly one o'clock, I called his duties—(hear, hear)—and who, if he has one charac- uoon the noble viscount (Palmerston), whom I found at teristic that is mere universally recognised than another, - his house. I immediately communicated to him the invi it is that in him*the country would have a guarantee that t:ttion with o Lich I was charged upon her Majesty' s p ar t. in no possible circumstan ces would they bear of j o bb er y I found, as I an ti c i pa t e d, th a t th e no bl e v i scount would or corruption. ' (Cheers.) It is true that, in the other have been exceedingly unwilling — nay, indeed, that h e house of Parliament aa well as in this house I m i g ht h ave felt it would have b een i mposs ibl e, without the concur luidi recourse to a class who m , w h en excluded Irons rence and co-operation of some of his friends, to give me office, it is usual to characteriSo as a necessary infusion of that assistance and supper t which otherwise he did not new blood, but who, when in office, are called an enlist- x r ress himself disinclined to efford. I stated at once ment of raw recruits. m (Laughter.) And, wh en I spea k of i tha l t I anticipated that feeling on his part, and that it was new bleed, lam sure not ono of my friends in this or the perfectly natural,' amid I named to him the two a mong hi s other helve will deem it invidious H i me t o say t h at, in colleagues with whom I thought he would most readily con office, I should have received the support and assistance, sent and desire to act, and who might have the least diffi- the unrivalled eloquence and commanding talents, of Sir cultY , from their previous connection with the great . Con- E. Bulwer Lytton. (Cheers.) At the same time I , was ry seative party, in joining the Administration, although compelled to look not to men alone , not to the capacity o f between them and that party there had been, a n d th ere thos° who might have filled important offiees, but I was might still be, p tomepoints of difference. I named to th o bound to look to that more vulgai if not more important noble viscount the two men with whom I conceived he circumstance, the numerical strength of ithe Government. would be most desirous of acting, and who might have the (Hear.) I have been toolhonoured—nd one of the least difficulty from their antecedents, in connecting them proudest recollections of my life ook back to that p e . selves again with the Conservative party. I fouud—for the riod—l have been honoured, and am still honoured, with noble viscount was good enough to state to me — that, with the confidence of a body of the most respectable and highly qualified gentlemen of this countryregard to any personal considerations he could have no co b. amounting to from 270 to 280 members of a Parliament,bin ly I jectio n t o ac t i n a G ov ernment with which I was connected, and he accompanied these obliging expressions towards me bound together by that which is the only sure bond , with an allusion to the long acquaintance and friendship of all political ties ---: namely, mutual _ confidence .. in. Which had subsisted between us. We went so far as to dits. Mil other, and perfect identity a nd unity of principle. cuss the particularp seition in the government in which the noble viscount should be placed, and I stated to him then, with perfect frankness, that which I am about to state to your lordships. I stated to him that I did not think it was possible for any Miniater to combine with the lead of the ' HOuse of Commons the duties of extensive aid laborious &pertinent, and I obtained from him his concurrence in that opinion —that, with the hied of the. House of Com 'ons, the arduous and important duties of Minister for War were wholly incompatible. 'I Was enabled, by an act of self-abnegation and forbearance for which I think my right hon. Friend deserves the highest credit, to state upon the part of 'my right hon. friend Mr. Disraeli, that; with regard to the lead of the House of Commons, with which he had been honoured upon a former occasion, in the pre sence of the noble viscount lie would waive all claim and pretension to that position, .and would willingly and rea dily act under the direction of a statesman of the noble viscount's • ability and experience —(hear, and cheers)— and my right hon. ' friend added, what I think hardly less to his credit, that, not only was he willing and ready to waive a right to which—considering his relation ship with the Conservative party—he was fairly entitled in favour of the noble viscount, but that ho hoped that such a surrender might render more easy the accession of two of the friends of the noble viscount, who might be willing to met under the noble viscount, -though they might be less willing to act under my right hon. friend. 'quitted the noble viscount after about half au horn's interview. Her Majesty, waiting the result of that interview, made her return to Windsor, and I informed the noble viscount that her Majesty.would leave a messenger in waiting to re= ceive, at the earliest possible time, the result of the cone inun:cation which he undertook to make to Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Sidney Herbert. I certainly returned from the interview with a very strong impression upon my mind that the noble viscount was ready and willing, if he should obtain the cell etrience of his late colleagues, to join, in unison with them, the Administration which I was endea vouring to fc,rm, and the statement he made to me was, that of course ho could give no definitive answer till lie had had the opportunity of communicating with them, but that he hoped in a very short time, probably before the post went out, "Jut at all events in a very fewhoars to convey to me the final decision at which he arrived. Idid not hear from the noble viscount until half-past 9 o'clock at night. [A. noble lord inquired at what time the noble earl left atfl h l al le t f p t wi th: 9 n , ()p u ll viscount ad shortly written bteo fLoorer d ‘ i P o, a e l l i o n e e k r t a o n n a 's the noble viscount that it. was impossible for me longer to detain the messenger if he 'Vies to arrive at Windsor that night, I received with considerable surprise a note from the noble viscount. lam not going to trouble your lord ships with the precise terms of that note, but it certainly did surprise are to receive from the noble viscount, after a delay of so long a time, a note 'merely stating that, upon full and complete reflection, he had come to the conclusion that if he were to join my Gs:recent/tent, he could not give to it that support which 1 was good enough to think his presence would insure,—that he hail communicated with Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Sidney Herbert, according to my desire, but that they would write answers to me, and he thought it better that they should do so. At half-past 12 that night I received a note from Mr. Gladstone, and kind after and stating be tween 7 and 8 the- following repelling I re ce i ve d one f rom Mr. Sidney Herbert, both written urte th o a u t Lord s rerms—terms of which I certainly co u ld h ave no reason note, whatever to complain ; but I certainly was struck with this exprimesosirostnoin hats nMr communicated .Gladstoneto hi m th e w i s hl h ad 'sin expressed that he should form part of Alm Administration, —" also learned from him (Lord Pah aers t on) that he is not of opinion that he can himself render you us l ef c ti o l uf s e e s r ; I some orbdleuse I had r vic e e c i e n i v t e h d a t t A h a d t m n i n o i te strati wit o h n o s w u , r pier lords, reason to suppose that when, at. two o'clock, I left the noble viscount, hie, consent depended in a great measure upon the concurrence of his late colleagues ; but at half past 12 the same night I received a letter from Mr. Glad stone, stating that the noble viscount, in communicating my message to him had stated at the same time that he could not concur in being a member of the Government. My lords, in that state of things—having received from the noble viscount and his two friends the answers to which I have referred, declining to form any part of my Administration—the noble viscount having made no ob jections upon any political grounds; or ou account of any contemplated measures, or on account of the position which it was intended he himself should hold, or with re ference to any of the colleagues with whom he was about to be connected—l was then in a position to state to her Majesty that, the first contingency to which I had ad verted having taken plane, I thought it was for the interest of the country and for her Majesty's convenience that she should adopt the subsequent course which I had advised, namely, that of aseeitainieg whether it was possible to form any other stronger or more effective Administration. My lords, further than that I hate no personal k now l e d ge. I quitted her Majesty with deep and very sincere expres sions of regret on my part that, under existing circum stances, it was not possible for me to do her that service which I- would gladly have rendered—that I could not as sure to her Majesty that - strong Government which it was s absolutely essential for the interests of the country that should have; but that, in the event of ne further com bination being able to be made, I was then, as I had stated, ready to offer to her Majesty my humble _ and devoted ser - vices. My lords, I may be asked why, having referred had been designated merely to the noble viscount, who • gnated by public opinion as the person entitled to the first considera tion• lerable influence in the Hou se o f Commons, I did n o t see k for possible assistance and co-ope ration in some ether qu a rter. In the presence of the late, considerable and, as I understand, the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (the E ar l o f Clarendon), I will state to your lordships precisely what I took the liberty of addressing to her Majesty' upon that subject. I stated to her 'Majesty that I conceived it would have been aa immense 'advan tage to any Government to have among its members ene who is perfectly conversant with the whole diplomacy of the'last tens years, and with the feelings and proceedings of the various Courts of Europe. I stated that, with that view among others, I had' suggested to her Ma jesty th:q I should apply for the co-operation of Viscount Palmerston. I took the liberty to add, with regard to joy nob'e friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Lord Cla rendon), that - 1 entertained the highest opinion of the abi lity, the industry, and the zeal with which he discharges the duties of his orrice. I eddcd also a hope, which I be lieve the noble earl will say I was justified in adding, that there was no par. .° tal feeling which might upon any occa sion offer the slightest impediment to the possibility of our acting together irethe same Government, but that, on the contrary, I believed there existed between us a sincere detail by the noble earl opposite 'in the speech he has just delivered, ashaving influenced his judement and con duct throughout. ([Tear, hear.) Nothing court be fur ther from, my intention than to desire to analyse the motive of the noble earl, or to impute to him motives which did not actuate him. lam confident that his pro ceedings had their origin in the most patriotic sentiments when he resolved to decline the task which her Majesty, as he most properly and truly said, invited him to under take, unaccompanied with anything like restrictions. My lords, still less'do I think myself competent to examine or analyse the motives which induced a most extraordinary majority in the other house of Parliament to combine in. ,support of what I must be permitted to call an extraor dinary vote, but whichhad the effect of compelling her Ma= jeaty's late Government to tender their resignations to her Majesty. My lords, that that majority should have existed may be a matter of surprise to the noble earl, and may be a matter of surprise to others ; but it was undoubtedly a majority composed of a large number of those whom the liable earl boast., and not unnaturally boasts, constitute his permanent strength in tke House of COMMOIV, and which permanent strength was exerted without exception to make up that majority. It was aided undoubtedly by a strong feeling in the country, of which I do not complain,, operating up on it s representatives, and which was preinced . by the amo un t o f di s t ress that had' unantanately befallen the army in the Crimea. All of 'these motives operating together has produced that vote in the other house ; but I shall b 3 disappointed if et some future period that house does not regret the vote it has passed. (Hear, hear.) The time, my lords, will come for reviewing that transaction and its motives, and fur dissecting the principles, the animosities, and the views by which, combined, that large number of _.gentlemen were brought on that nierht only to act together. (Hear, hear.) I now come, asiy lords, to address a few words to the house on the transac tions that have taken place. The noble earl has given a full, and I am persuaded, and I have no reason to doubt it, an exact narrative of the part he took in those transactions; but that which I have to state to your lord alsipi commences whore the noble earl's statement ends. (Hear.) My - lords, it was not until after the noble earl hed been understood distinctly by her Majesty to have declined the task of forming a Government at this moment, without holding out to her Majesty the hope that he saw the means of forming a strong Government—it was net until after that information was laid before her Majesty that it was her Majesty's pleasure to invite me to Windsor for the purpose of conversing with her on the state in which the country was placed, and of ascertaining whether it was in my power to do that which, if it werein my power to do, lehould not have thoUght myself at liberty to decline—namely, to undertake the task of endeavouring to ascertain, from the views and opinions and conversations of others, what the prospects • were of her Majesty being extricated from a situation not only painful to herself, but directly and immediately injurious to the best interests of the country. (Hear.) My lords, I had, in the course of the proceedings, to ask the question of myself—Of what use can I be to-her Majesty? and I had an answer from myself, and that an swer was,.that ; situated as I was, I should u n d er t a k e no thing, but should give to her ajesty that which it was duo to her to give —the best advice in my .power, and to have recourse to the best channels of communication for the purpose of enabling her to form a Government. (Hear, - hear.) 1 did, my lords, in consequence, communicate with many eminent persons, all of whom were essential, in my opinion; to the formation of an efficient Government., some of them being the very persons to whom the noble earl himself looked at once, and in the first instance, as essential to the formation of such a Government as the country ought to possess—and to her Majesty I com municated the result of the conversations I had with those various persons. (Hear.) My lords, her Majesty took into consideration the state of parties, and above all the composition of that majority by which the crisis was pro duced which had put a termination to the late Govern ment. (Hear.) She had already looked to the composi tion of that majority, and perceiving that that majority was composed not merely in groat part, but that actually the majority of that majority was composed of the politi cal friends of the noble earl, she pursued that constitutional course to which the noble earl has borne such - just testi mony, and which in every crisis has characterised her Majesty's proceedings. (Hear.) My lords, she already had had recourse to the noble earl, and had satisfied herself that he, as the representative of that majority, was not prepared at that moment to tender her such a Govern ment as would bo capable of carrying on public affairs. My lords, her Majesty, seeing the state of feeling that pre vailed, naturally looked to the next person 'who might have been considered as combining, though in a very differ ent manner, and by a v ar y different course of conduct, to contribute to the crisis that had occurred by the part he had taken in withdrawing from her Majesty's service pre vious to the date of Mr. Roebuck's Motion. (Hear, hear.) I am now alluding to a noble lord with whom I have been long politically connected, and with wh- m I have been connected by habits of honest—(from the low tone in which the conclusion of the sentence was uttered it was perfectly inaudible). My lords, though that noble lard, when be withdrew from the Government, did not endea vour to carry with him any of its supporters;, or seek to exert his influence to diminish the majority by which the Government with which he was associated was supported, still the mere withdrawal from the Government of one so honoured and so justly di stineuiehed in the counc il s o f h er Majesty, did cer t a i n ly point atention to him as a person to.whom her Majesty should have recourse in the difficulty in which she was placed for the purpose of- ascertaining if he could form a Government, and extricate her Majesty from the difficulty in which she was placed. ' (Hear, hear.) My noble friend took time for reflection on the subject, and, whatever his first impression wad, I say he was right in- taking time to consider such a proposal. (Hear, hear.) I also think that my noble friend, now at the head of the GOvernment, was right in taking time before he de clined .the proposition of the noble earl, because in the state the country now is I think there is no public 'man who should rashly and hastily decline such an offer to provide for the exigencies of tha country. (Hear, hear.) My lords,aeafter taking time for consideration; ity noble friend also declined the task, and I certainly felt that her Majesty exercised a wise discretion when she sent my noble friend the noble viscount at the head of the Government, and charged him to undertake the forma tion of a Government. (Ilear, hear.) By making such a communication to my nob!o it seemed to use that her Majesty was likely to obt tiro Government which not only she wanted, but whiCh the country also wanted. (Rear.) My lords, my noble friend the noble viscount Un dertook the task, and ha has undertakt-n it sua_.essfully. (Hear. hear.) Ido not mean 'with any certainty of that success at home and abroad which a, man would be a bold man in these times to prediet of any• Government what ever. (Hear, hear.) I would not'say that, even if we had a Government conducted by a person of the great talents and the great experience of the noble earl oenosite ,him self; but I say, my lords, that my noble friend the noble viscount hes undertaken the task with that degree of con fidence in 'success which he felt justified him in making the attempt, and thus ende avour i ng t o remove t h e great ' chasm in the Government which has been canted by the circumstances of the last few days. (Hear.) My lords, the noble viscount did me the honour, and did others the honour, to ask our advice as to the course he was justified in pursuing; and whether, with the peresons that were prepared to act with him and for the country, he and they ought or ought not to undertake the task. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I am bound to state to your lordships that, so far as I am concerned, I gave that advice without hesita tion ; because, my lords, the question that presented itself to me was not what Government the country was - to have, but whether the country was to have any Government at all. (Hear, hear.) I felt that the st a te o f p u bli c a ff a i rs, the state of ? all the public departments, the state of all the pablio relations of thecountry, required not only a- Go vernment, but that that should be formed instantly and effectively., (Hear, hear.) My lords, I gave that advice, and having given it I undoubtedly feel that the Govern ment of the noble viscount is entitled to any humble as sistance and feeble support in my power to give it—(hear, hear)—and , that . support and that assistance I undeubtedly shall give.. (Hear, hear.) Consulting my own tastes,, my own inclinations, and my own years, I did think that such support could be as effectively given by me from one bench as from another, and that 1 could give it witkont myself continuing to form part of the Government; but my noble friendsj edged otherwise—(hear, hear)—whe ther rightly or wrongly, .and I have bowed to their deci sion. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it remains for me e there fore, only to state en their behalf, and on my own that they have undertak en thi s t as k a t t hi s moment with no undue confidence in themselves—with no undue hopes as to the support they will receive from the country—but they have undertaken it with a firm reliance upon the as sistance of the country at large, and of the two houses of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) What has already occurred has from teearty 'manifested more and more the evils of a long delay,- added to that which has already taken place ; lam now not speaking in -reference to persons, but with respect to -the delay that has happenel, which oinder any circumstances, would have materially interfered with our prospects if it had blasted the confidence of Europe in this country. (Hear, hear.) For what . could, be a more shame ful spectacle to present to the eyes of the world, at a time when there is a greater unanimity of opinion in this coun try than ever there had been before on any great question, with respect to the prosecution of the war, if there could not be found the means in England of carrying on the Government by which that war, was to be conducted. (Hear, hear.) It was, therefore, due to the position of the country that, .if a Government should be formed at all, it should be formed as speedily and effectively as the mate rials would admit.. (Hear, hear.) I feel, my lords, that itlis scarcely necessary for me, after what the noble earl has said, to add that her Majesty's Government will rely not only on. their own exertions, not only on the support they derive from partiSans, but they will likeciise rely upon the feeling and patriotism of - those who aro their nominal op ponents. (Hear.) My lords, there will be no difficulty in giving to her Majesty's Government that support which is necessary for carrying on the war, without abandoning that right which noble lords in this house and .the members of the other house have to express their opinions upon parti cular subjects in connection with the mode in which the war should, be ,conducted. (Hear, hear.) But, m y l or d s , it is not in the field of politics alone—it is not in this house—it is not in the other Honee of Parliament only— that this great duty has to be performed. My lords,_ every person in this country has a duty to perform at this mo ment. (Hear.) For the issue of this great contest in which we are engaged with one of the greatest and most power ful empires in the world, we must depend upon the cou rage-of our soldiers and of our seamen, and the ability of our- commanders. (Hear, hoar.) But let it be remem bered that.itas not they alone who are actively engaged in this contest -- that the contest is one of representative Government against despotism ; and that if we are not enabled to oppose to the energy of that despotism those peculiar poavers which a representative Government con tains, or ought to contain, we, shall fail in that contest. (Hoar, hear.) If too do not procure that un animitybz patriotism, by argument, and agreement of opinion,whi despotism is able at all times- ausl at all periods h com mand, despotism will be too powerful for libert to i the moral to be learned from these transaction s will be feebleness and the weakness of A free r epresentative Go• vornment. (Hoar, hoar.) 'With tae character of the con- i stitution of the country thus at stake,obers of this house— it is the duty of every man in it—not only not only of the ruombere t o l f ie h o7th n e i r m Heusi) of Parliament, but also of persons exercising influence out of thotn—it is the duty of-those very eminent and distinguished preens who by their talents are connected with one of the noblest institutions of the country—the free press of this country (hoar, peer)—it is the duty of those persons—it is the duty of all persons who by any accident of position (Jr by their talents command the confidence and the approba= tion of the different circles, great and smell, in which they live—it is the duty of all those, by every act, wool, and deed of their lives at this _moment to take care that they say nothing, do 'nothing, write. nothing, that can have the effect of impairing the national strength or in terrupting the action of the national cause. (Hear.) My lords, if this country shall succeed in the great contest in which it is engaged., I trust no men on reflection will be compelled to forego his share in the national triumph— when that triumph is established —by now-doing anything to impede it—(hear, hear)—or, if unhappily there shall be failure, will do anything that could sadden his conscience and mind with the reproach, never to be effaced, of having, and mutual regard ; but I felt it my duty to say further, that, desirous as I might have been of obtaining the co operation and assistance of one so experienced and able as the noble earl, the political connexions of that noble 'earl —the political relation its which he stood towards most of those with whom I was in the habit of acting, and his po litical connexion with others with whom I was not acting, or about to act—did not justify me in making any- direct application or overtures to him, even.if I had reason to eappose those overtures would have been likely to be fa vourably entertained ; and that I did not • feel myself jus tified in - making such overtures in such a quarter—what ever might be my personal esteem fur the'noble earl—un less I could do sa under her Majesty's express injunction, sanction, and command. Whatever might have been the coasequonce of such an application, I must say that the on ly part of the course I have pursued to which look back bl e from earl peeking an y suc h commu nication or t o th e no ble with the least doubt or incertitude is w ith respec t t o th e marquis . (Lansdowne) near him, wh o I sin quite certain, under the circumstances of the cou n t r y, . wou ld h ave afforded me the advantage of his frank and frieadly opin eiotfhemryto abstainingth e noble propriety opin ion. My, lords, I have now explained to you the circum stances under which I felt myself compelled to resign un dertaking the responsibility of forming a Government, for the strength and unity of which I could see no security. I haVa nothing to do with subsequent transactions. The noble viscount, it appears, has found himselfjustified, and has thought himself enabled, to submit to her Majesty the names of a Cabinet which he thinks is more likely to secure and to command the .confidence and support of a majority of the two Houses of ParliaMent. It is not for roe to express an opinion how far . the noble viscount has judged correctly in that inference or not. I will not for a moment suppoxe he has not believed that he was able to recommend to her Majesty a Government possessing that strength and entitled tdthat confidence, because any other supposition Would lay the noble viscount open to an im putation which I am sure ili, .' most unfounded-that in declining to join the Administration I had formed he was rather influenced by personal considerations a ff ec ti ng the position he might hold than by an earnest and anxious desire to form, a strong Government. Of such motives I wholly and absolutely acquit the noble vis count, and I cannot doubt that he has full confidence in the degree of public support and approval which the Govern ment, as now formed, is likely to obtain. I have now of fered to your lordships—perhaps at' too great length— (cheers) —but I thought it' de e i rahl omit which mighte throw e not t o the s li g ht e st details light upon my motives —an explanation of tne circumstances under which I aban doned to form an . . , cloned my endeavours AdnunistratiOn. I en deavoured before I carne to e that concl us i on, an d i n ac ti ng Upon it, strictly and impartially to exam i ne—as in t h e pre sence and with the aid of _ the Searcher of all Hearts—the motives which iii!luenced my eehoie l• . conduet—to satisfy myself that I was influenced by no desire of unduly grasp ing at office, and to satisfy myself, on the other hand, that I was not timidly shrinking from the responsibility which fairly ought to rest upon me. _ My lerd e , T s h ou ld s h r i n k from no responsibility except from that which I felt to be a responsibility I was likely to incur —that of having of fered to her Majesty's Government which had not in itself sufficient elements of strength and firmness, thereby sub jecting my friends and the country . to. mortification and at this critical moment disappointment, and adding . .. . to the embarrassment of the country. • My lords, I may have erred. If I have so erred I bow . to the decision of my friends, my party, and my..9"1 - qrY• 1 reay have ex_ hibitea too great tineiditylit _taking , upon Myself respon sibility, though I think thattelie 'whatever errors may have to me in political life, they have been been imputed 'on. (A. rather in the opposite direct' . may lave disappointed the over-sanguine and oeer-zealous expec tations of those over whose interestsl am hound to watch, with whom I am connected b y every ti e of polia cal and personal friend, but whom—much 11 em—nmee as I desir e to please and to gratify-desire still more effectively, and , conclusively to serve. (Cheers.) It ,was my opinicin that, under the circumstances , the great Conserv a ti ve pally should not piematurely and rashly undertake the respon sibility of administering the affairs. .Secountry at the th t hel• present portentous crisis. Upon a let I acted. honestly, judgment. t to the best of my gment. conscientiously, an. My justi fication or my condemnation must rest in the mines of those among my friends and among my country men whom ratify, at least I have alike desired, if not to g . . , to serve ; and all I have to add now, after thanking your lordships for the have listened tome is rn 1 tha t to with which youh my hope at moment ' to whatever hands at the present the destinies of thiS greatempire maybe intrusted, they ayee such as w ill deliberately, efficiently, and with the full justified con fidence of the country carry on the great and awful war i n which we are new engaged, 1 enbring it at no distant may be alike Ito period to a conclusion which , nourahle to the arms of the allied forces, foil may, at the seine time, permanently secure and effectualy e guerantee the mainte nante of the independenceethe integrity, and the tranquil lity of Europe. I will only add further, with reference to what has fallen from the noble earl at the head ee the pre sent Government in this house, that there will boa deep 'responsibility attaching to any Minister who shall conclude i ailed fur, which doe' t a peace, however earnest.y c • .. great Is no secure `to this country and to Europe these resulte. - A re sponsibility at least as sleep, if not still deeper, will attach to him who, after such remelts s . hall have boon Obt a i ne d , shall continue for a single moment the miseries and horrors of an unnecessary war. (Loud cheers.) • The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Rehietant as I am to intrude myself on the house, I feel called upon to address 'a few words to your lordships, having been connected in ,some degree with the transactions of the last few day s , in obedience to an intimation emanating from the highest authority, which obliged me to take a part in them I should otherwise have been glad to deiline. I shall not attempt to review the matters brought before - us in full i by any act, word, or deed of his, contributed to that fail ure. ( Hear, hear.) I hope, my lords, we have more prospect of success than of failure, and I agree with my noble friend in the excellent statement ho has made, that we may be at this moment-going too fa r i n despondency, as undoubtedly we have already gone too far in the antici pation of success. (Hear.) Composed, as the Government now is, after the loss of some individuals, for whom I feel both respect and affection, and of whom I must say that, whatever may be the public objection to the inquiry pro posed to be instituted personally, they would have gained by those inquiries, because it would be found that faults that have been falsely, rashly, unjustly, and harshly attri buted to them, have had their origin in other causes ; but without those individuals, and constituted as the Govern ment now is, and relying upon the assistance of this and of the other house of Parliament, I do conceive that they have established the means of prosecuting the war with vigour. (Hear, hear.) I believe, my lords, that even if they were not able to carry on this war to a conclusion, they would only have done their duty to their country at this moment by stepping into the gap and presenting to the enemy on the one hand, and to the allies of this country on the other, a patriotic front, thus relieving the coup try from the posi tion in which the absence of power to form an Administra .tion would have exhibited it to the world. (Hear.) I shall .mention another circumstance which also governed me in thr advice I gave to her Majesty. I hope we shall secure, by the arrangement which has been now completed, the unin terrupted continuation and maintenance of these negotia tions with our allies which have been for the last two years conducted with increasing success from mouth to month. under the auspices of my noble friend near me, unimpeached and unattacked, and which tend in every way, I believe on my conscience, more and more to unite the whole of Europe in that cause which is the cause of the whole of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I hope it will lead to the union of all those powers for one purpose, and" that whatever di.:astars we may experience we shall ultimately effect the great object for which we entered upon a war which has been under taken with the unanimous consent of us all. (Hear, hear.) I believe we have the assent of the noble earl opposite to the principle on which this war has been entered into. (Hear ' hear.) It was en t ere d i n t o so l ely for a great national object, and it is pursued solely for the purpose of obtain ing an honourable peace. (Hear, hear.) lam ready to do full justice to the views that have actuated the noble oarl, and to the conciliatory terms in which he has expressed himself with regard to individuals, and I trust he will have reason to continue to show the spirit of forbearance to wards the Government which he has hitherto exhibited. (Hear, hear.) (The noble marquis was very imperfectly heard during agreat portion of his address.) The Earl of MALMESBI7RY could not assent to the motion for adjournment without congratulatin g their lord ships that the interregnum in the Government was over, because it could not last much longer without i n fli c ti ng great injury upon the country. (Hear, hear.) H e mus t congratulate their lordships that the time had passed away when they presented to the nations of Europe such un seemly scones as had recently been displayed in thi s coup - t .. . .• 1 ./ ... s.• ... try. They did not present to the nations of Europe a Government that was united in carrying on a groat war with a powerful ally against a colossalstate, but on the con trary they presented to them a Government that was di- Tided amongst itself, and was carrying on a civil war in its own Cabinet. (Hear, hear, hear.) Ho hoped those days were pas se d awa y, and that he might congratulate their lordships and the noble marquis upon that circum stance. (Hear, hear.) There was one expression in the speech of the noble marquis which was open to some doubt, but which possibly was understood, as ha intended that it should be understood, at that side of the house. The noble marquis had made use of the expression that the present war was a war of representative Government against despotism. He supposed he used the observation in reference to the unseemly and unfortunate position in which their Government—a constitutional Government— stood in comparison with a despotic Government while those unfortunate scenes were taking place. That was what he understood the noble marquis to mean ; and be thought they were not to presume from what he said that this was a war on the part of a constitutional Government against despotism— • - The Marquis of LANSDOWNE--Certainly not. What I meant to state was, that a representative Government was now exposed to an ordeal which would show what the merits were of a representative Government as contrasted with a despotic Government. (Hear.) The Earl of MALMESBURY considered that the obser vation was certainly open to misapprehension, and he thought it but fair to give the noble marquis an opportu . uity of explaining. He was glad to see that her Ma jesty had been able to obtain the services of the noble mar quis, and that he had agreed to take part in carrying ou the affairs of the country. With respect to the new mem ber of the Government in that hous3, the noble baron op posite (Lord Pantnure), he must say that, whatever bis qualifications might be, he could not have taken the office without the firm conviction that the eyes of the entire country and of all Europe were fixed, and would be fixed almost exclusively, upon him. (Hear, hear). The office to which the noble baron had been appointed would attract the attention of the nations of Europe to him, and upon ' his very first deeds they would fix their eyes with great anxiety. He trusted the noble lord who bad the courage to accept at such a moment such an office would carry out his duties with vigour, for otherwise that office would be productive of ruin instead of benefit to the nation. Enter taining those views of the important duties of the noble lord opposite, he would excuse him so soon after his acces sion to power for making seine observations with respect to what he thought, perhaps erroneously, might take place. On the other night a noble earl opposite (Earl Grey) had referred to the faults in the present constitution of the army, and pointed out how those faults might be reme died. He believed he was not wrong in saying that it had been zi long tradition of the party to which the noble earl belonged, that the constitution of the army was not only faulty in many of its minor details, but that. the very principle on which it was governed should be reformed. If he did not aniatake the noble earl it was his impression that they should more assimilate the government of the army to that of the.navy, and he (the Esrl of Mahneslaury) thought that would be the most lamentable reform the country had ever entered uiion. (Hear, hear.) He thought that every Conservative in the country should oppose such a reform, because if the army were put in the same posi tion as the navy it would become; the same hotbed of job bery and trickery—(hear, hear) —which had been unfor tunately a reproach to the Admiralty of the country for many years. Ho had himself, on his enti :ince into publiu life, obtaiaod an insight into the corruption that took place under the system by whi c h th e navy was governed. He and Sir George - Cockburn, in the year 1837, when her. Majesty came to the throne, the Whigs being then in office, were candidates for the representaticn of a borough which was under the influence of the Admiralty. It was impossible to find a person more respected, more adored, he might say, by the navy and all the persons connected with it than Sir George Cockburn. If there was to be a candidate chosen throughout all England to represent the great arsenals of the country, it was impossible to find a man more fitted for the purpose than Sir George Cockburn. But what happened ? At the very first house they visited in their canvass, the proprietor, with more sincerity than civility, laughed in their faces at the idea of their going there on behalf of the Tory party to oppose the Governiaient, and said the Government influence was so great that it was impossible for them to succeed. (Hear.) His experience was, that whatever were the other advantages of constitu tional government, an election for an arsenal town was certainly a good exemplification of its disadvantages as could possibly be found. He trusted that if the noble lord the Secretary at War should initiate any proposal such as that,to which ho had alluded, that their lordships an the public would express their decided opposition. The Government of which the noble earl was now a mem• ber had hitherto expressed a great deference for ono por tion of the fourth estate—the Times newspaper. He be lieved that it was that journal which was the first promoter of the expedition to the Crimea at that most improper season when it was made, and before the army was pro perly provided with transport and other necessaries. It was that journal which urged a weak and feeble Govern ment to that expedition. He feared greatly that the in fluence of that journal would still continue to be exercised upon what he must still consider as the same Government. Now, what was the language used by that journal during the past week with respect to the organisation of the army? It had been one unvarying torrent of abuse of ' every part and parcel of the army, excepting always that great part which nobody could calumniate—the gallant soldiers who had fought in its ranks. (Hoar.) He cer tainly could not understand how any man could find fault with the regimental officers of the army, for in every way they had nobly done their duty. (Hear.) The song of the journal to Which he had alluded for the last week had been that the constitution of our regiments was too aristo cratic, that aristocracy swarmed in the army, and that this was ono of the principal causes of the misfortunes which wo had to deplore. It was diffieult for him to un derstand what was really' meant by this term "aristo cracy." At the beginning of the French revolution every man who wore breeohes was considered as an aristocrat, and later the term was made to apply to every who was decently dressed. One definition of the term appeared to be the sons and brothers of peers, members of their lord ships' house ; and the Times had said that any lord might enter a regiment and buy his way up to any station in the army in a very short period. On referring to the Army List what, however, was the state of the facts ? In the regiment of Grenadier Guards, of three battalions, there were 100, officers, and of these not more than sixteen were connected by blood with members of their lordship's house. This was surely not a very largo proportion of members of the aristocracy to be attached to a regiment always in at tendance upon the head if an old-established monarchy. Then, again, in the first ten regiments of the line there were altogether only seven sons and brothers of peers ; in the seven regiments of heavy dragoons there were but three officers connected with members of that house; -and in the last ten regiments of the line only connected with the peerage. At the head of the Ist Royals, at the time of the departure of the expedition from thi five who were who one of the most distinguished officers in e army; country, stood the name of Sir James Grant, now deceased, th bad sprung from the humblest orders ofthe people. bo ards, and medical and departments which required reform connected.with The the army were those ofcommissariat and connected with them there were certainly not many members connected with the peerage. (Hear t ) He trusted that when the noble lord intended to make these necessary reforms in the army, he would above all things respect that main principle of keeping the army and its patronage in the hands of t he Crown, a nd would not auff er hi mse lf to may be see misled duri ng th e past year. (Hear ) L or d PANMURE — After what h as f a ll en from the no bl e have d oe b o y any popular cry, h owever his colleagues ear l, I feel my lords that it will be impossible to avoid addressing a few observations to the house before the mo tion now before it is agreed to. I fully concur in the ob servation which f e ll f rom the noble earl, that no man should undertake an office of high responsibility under the Crown without endeavouring to satisfy the public of the grounds upon which he has undertaken that office. I con= foss that, aware of the great responsibility which attached to that position, that the eyes of the country were turned perhaps more to that office than to almost any other, I shrunk from taking upon myself the responsibilitioe of the office I now hold, until informed that it was considered that the experience which I had had in the administratiun of military affairs might be made conducive to the advantage of my Sovereign and u f the country. I thiNk that the eyes of the people, not only of this country, but of many others, are tan ned most attentively to that department which 1 have now the honour to represent. I am, however, but the representative of a department to which is intrusted the administration of the army, and I shall look to the Prime Minister of this country for support in the adminis tration of that department, and I trust that he will bear with me the responsibility of the administration of those military affairs which I kayo taken upon myself to direst. I am quit e aware that much is required in this depart ment, that many reforms must take place, and that at as early an opportunity as p oss ibl e. I am ne t pre pared at present to enter with the n o ld e _ ear l w h o preceded me into those discussions to w hi c h he has alluded, nor a m I pre pared to state to what ex t en t, or w ith what rap or in what order or preceden ce , I can t a ke upono addressing your myself to enter upon the carrying out of those reforms. I lordships, I willingly yield the palm of eloquence to the noble earl opposite, than whom none eau address your `_-, lordships with more commanding eloquence. Another noble earl has the advantage over me in having had to do with great military combinations in the plains of India; but there is one qualification which I trust to bring to the administration of the military affairs of this country, for which I hope at least to establish a character, and that is purity of intention in all that concerns the administration of military affairs. I shall endeavour, if I can do nothing else, at least to give the country this assurance—that no person shall be employed in the administration of the army whom I do not consider the fittest for the employment to which I shall recommend hires to my Sovereign, or employ upon my own responsibility. If in any transaction I should be called upon to do acts which are painful to m - self, but still necessary to the public service, I trust I may be enabled to perform those duties in a manner which will show that when the necessities of my country call for it, that I can even sacrifice my own feelings in the performance of the duty which I think incumbent upon me. shall endeavour to do that which I think ne cessary for placing the administration of military affairs upon the best footing as rapidly as I can , an d I t rus t that too much may not b e expected of me. I succeed to office without any antagonism to my noble friend who has left it, and I do not know that I can bring to it more zeal, more industry, or more honesty of purpose, than that with which his whole political career has been marked. I may, perhaps bring to it several years of administration of mili tary affairs under a former Government, and I may also bring to it the circumstance of which I shall never cease to be proud—that for twelve years of my life I served in the ranks of the regimental service of the army, and having so served I can give my fullest testimony to the high en comium which the noble earl has bestowed upon the regi in o m p e p n o tl o system oi ty of s o t f a t t i h n e g nr h i t a i B t ritish a h r a m t e y v e ; r an din a ly w b o e ul t d h e t a d k e e f e t ot h of mo t o h ta i B lsy ri s t t i e s m h a to rm b y e a in s p o o t rf h e e e r t a r o e d sp a e s et s s a , t l isf b a e o l t i o e ry ve aosutrharetgoif any army in the world. W e may fail in the higher branches of our service through the want of proper schools, and be deficient in what is called the "staff" of the army; but, so far as the regimental system is concerned, I be lieve it to be placed upon a good foundation, to be carried on in a perfect manner, and I know of very little which is required to improve the army. Having made these expla nations, and craving that kind consideration the house is always disposed to give to those anxious to perform their duty, I hope I may not be out of place in craving from those out of doors that forbearance which is necessary to all who undertake a position so responsible as that which I have undertaken ; and I can only say that, should I find myself from any circumstances unequal to the task which I have undertaken, I will have the honesty at once to confess that inequality, and will be prepared at once to surrender to other and betterhands that important charge, which by withholding from the hands capable of discharging its duties would be most injurious to the public service and best interests of the country. (Hear.) Tho Earl of RODEN, in expressing his opinion that the Government, as at present constituted, would receive the support of their lordships, suggested the propriety of the appointment of a day of national humiliation and prayer that the Almighty would crown our exertions with suc cess. The Fisheries (North America) Bill then passed through committee, and their lordships adjourned until Friday week. HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY. The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock. • PETITIONS. Petitions were presented by Mr. Bouverie, from Kilmar. nock, against the distillation of spirits from grain ; by Mr, Hutt, from the Newcastle Chamber of Commerce, complain. ing of the manner in which the transport service is con. ducted ; from a body of Church leaseholders, against a clause in the bill of Lord Chandos; which they complain was cal culated to set aside ,a pledge given by the legislature for their protection ; and by Mr. Milligan, from the letter-press printers of Bradford, for the repeal of the stamp duty on newspapers. LOND - ON AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY BILL. Mr. CHAPLIN moved the second reading.of this bill. Mr. HILDYARD moved, as an amendment, that -the se cond rea ling of the bill be postponed till that day month, The question involved was one of material importance to the house. In the year 1853 the Great Western and Bristol and Exeter companies proposed to construct a line running out of the Wilts, Somerset, and Weymouth, and passing thrbugh Axminster to Exeter. That bill was opposed by, the South- Western Company, whose traffic it would have injured. They did not contend that there was no necessity- for such a rail way ; their plea was that the proposed line was not the proper one either as regarded the local or national requirements, and they promised that, if the Great Western Bill should be thrown out, they themselves would construct a railway in the district. The 'hon. member for Berwickshire, who was at that time . ch'airman of- the South-Western Company, went before the committee, being authorised by a general meeting of his share-. holders, and-distinctly pledged himself to introduce a bill in the next session for that purpose ; and the wituomes . exa mined by the committee, including several public officers; having stated that the line proposed .by the South-Western Co'inPany would be of greater advantage to the country than that 'projected by the Great Western and Bristol and Exeter Companies, e bill originated by the latter was rej ec t e d. But at a subsequent meeting of the South-Western Company. the shareholders determined, by a major;ty, not to redeem the pledge which 'had been solemnly given by their chairman to a committee of the House of Commons, and the come quence was that an important district of the country had up to the present time been deprived of that railway accommo dation which they would unquestionably have obtained but for the interposition of the South Westein Company upon false pretences. Unhappily, for a long time Parliament could not get at the wrongdoers, but the day of retribution had at last arrived, for the South-Western Company was now driven to apply to the Legislature for another object, and the,house would not do its duty if it did not take that opportunity of marking its sense of the conduct of the com pany in 1853. He had no wish to obstruct the bill now before the home ; ou the contrary, he believed it would further the object which he had in view, namely, an extension in the direction to, which the_South Western Company pledged themselves in 1653, but lie thought it right to move the post ponment of the second reading for a month, because in tho interim the company would have an opportunity, at their usual half-yearly meeting, of reconsidering their f)rmer con duct, and of saying that, if the bill proceeded, • they would introduce into it a clause so worded as to compel them to redeem the pledge they bad given through their chairman. If they consented to that, no member of that house would support the bill more readily than ho would do ; but, if they declined, he trusted the house would do what was becoming its own dignity and the great interests entrusted to Its keel ug. (Hear; hear.) Mr. CHAPLIN said he was not chairm an of the South-Western C ompany when the train aetions referred 'to took place in 1853. lie had no doubt that his predecessor was authorised to give a pledge to the committee ; hut when the time came for fulfilling it the shareholders thou,glit they would not be justified, under the adverse circumstances which then existed, in adhering to the promise which they had given, But he would like to know how an error or a wrong committed in 1853 was to be rectified in 1855, when the bill before the house referred to a different matter altogether Moreover, the feeling which prevailed among the shareholders in 1853 was five times stronger in 1855, and for his own part he despaired of. effecting any change in favour of the scheme proposed by 'the honourable member for Whitehaven. He should not give any promise ou the subject, because ho did not mean to commit himself; hut he thought it hard that a railway company should be censured at . one time for con structing new lines and branches, and at another for refusing to plunge headlong into works of the same description. Mr. BECKETT condemned the whole Parliamentary con. duct of the South-Western Company-, and called upon the house to assert its dignity by rejecting the bill. Mr. LABOUCHERE said lie was surprised that gentlemen of character should undertake to conduct the affitirs of a com pany who had repudiated their engagements, and acted con trary to the commonest -principles of commercial honour. (Hear, hear.) He thought that the house would read a very useful lesson to the South-Western Company, if they told them that they would not listen to any proposal they made, without giving them another opportunity of considering what deserved no other name than a breach of faitis ; and he should therefore give his vote for the amendment. Mr. DEEDES would vote for the' amendment -upon public grounds, and because every promise made by the South. Western Company had been violated, and the proceedings of that house entirely set at naught. Mr. HUTCHINS did not see what good the postponement of the bill would do. N o t one word had been said against it. He had always spoken in the strongest terms against the transaction of 1853 ; but the house ought to know that an ex-Chancellor and several of the judges sent their proxies in favour of the repudiation of the promise given to tho commit tee. He hoped, therefore, that the second reading of the present bill, which had nothing to do with the affair of 1 85 3 , would not be postponed. Mr. HENLEY said that if the house passed this bill with out taking notice of the gross breach of faith in 1853, they would open a dogr for all sorts of trick, chicanery, and dis honesty. (Hear, hear.) Mr. P. SCOTT said that when ho found the shareholders were not willing to redeem the pledge which they had autho rised him to give to the committee, he considered it his duty to resign the office of chairman. Ho was still, however, & in t p l i: c oi h n o l u etsoortopostpone ptohseconme thea com pany, in order that his brother shareholders might h ave an opportun i ty of P c a o nd d nthat reading this bill, he asked putting themselves in a Position to come clean-handed into court. (Hear, hear.) Mr. CHAPLIN, seeing that the feeling of the house was againt proceeding with the bill at the present moment, begged to withdraw his motion for the second reading. The for a month second reading o f t h e bill was accordingly postponed . place COLLIER,I billb S eeing LAW OF PARTNERSHIP. ' r eg esp t o o o as tii k ig w th h o ot l h a e w r oitf partnership,isstill on on, the President of the Board of Trade introducei in Mh irs.his intention to prin ciple of limited liability ; and, if so, whether ho can give me any information as to when he is likely to introduce it ? .Mr. CARDWELL—It is still my intention to move for leave to introduce the bill of which I have given notice ; but I cannot say whether I shall be able to do so on Monday or not ; at all events, I will lose no time in giving the requisite notice. (Hear, hear.) POOR LAW (IRELAND). On the motion of Mr. BLAND the following return was ordered ;—Retnrn of the names of the Poor-law board in Ireland, as also of the names of the Poor-law inspectors in Ireland, with the dates of their appointment's, as also the names of the several Poor-law inspectors removed within the last twelve months, or about to be removed, in Ireland, with the dates of their respective appointments, together with the correspondence had on the subject of such removals o ain tended removals. NAVY These estimates were brought ESTIMATES. in by Mr. COWPER, - AO ordered to lie on the table. Mr: WILSON brought up supplementary estimates military and civil serv i ces , w hi ch wore also the table. for the or dered to lie on INSPECTOR-GENERAL OF PRISONS IN IRELAND. Mr. MACARTNEY—S ee i ng th e Chi e f Secretary for Ireland in his place, I beg t o as k w h e th er any vacancy has occ urre d in the office of inspect or - gen eral of pr i s ons in Ireland, b y the death, rasiguation, or superannuation of either ' Messrs nellan or Galway • and i n 'case of such vacancy h av i ng oc. ae 17 boen filled ap pointupbyti.teCon c u r e d n , Sir J. YOUNG —I have no official infor mation on the sub ject ; but I have heard from hi s i ' t e t n t what of f a dates,, ss Exc ellency the Lord-Lieute nant that Mr. Galway ha s resigned his office of inspector general of prisons in Ireland, and in the same letter his Excellency states that he .has filled up the vacancy by appointing a gentleman named Mr. Paton Harvey. THE B RIBERY ACT. Colonel SIBTHORP was understood to ask whether there was an y prohibition in the act passed last session for the pre vention of bribery at elections, to a candidate diatributiug coals or other a r ti c l es to the poor ' residing in or near the place resent which he wish e d to repreaeut, the recipienta there might b e a few persons although among who either had voted or in tended to vote for, him ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that so fda• as he - understood the question of the gallant colonel, it seemed to be one of 4 legal character relating to the - con struction of an act of Parliament. In the absence (4 the law -4.--