The Sun. — London, England, 1815-04-28 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ITOUSE Or LORDS, THunstmt, APRIL 27. Some proceedings at the bar. in roference to Counsel, Wit nesses. &c. took place, relative to the Helston Election Bill. The further consideration of which was postponed. The Scots Commissary Conrts Bill and the Seots Records nill were. brou g ht up from the Commons by the Lord Advo cat,.- and other Members, and read a first time ; as were seve ral private Wits, presented by Mr. Lygon, Mr. Duudale, Mr. Dickeot,on, and other Gentlemen. TREATY OF VIENNA, SAXONY, &c. The Marquis - WELLESLEY rose for the purpose, Itc said, of moving to discharge the Order for sum itto.iting their Lordships to-morrow, upon his in tended motion respecting the affair of Saxony.— "There %vete some passages, however, in a paper bis Majesty's Ministers had thought proper lately to lay before the House, he meant the substance of the Treaty recently concluded at Vienna, whiCh see.r.ed to involve points and considerations of such intmediatst and superlative importance, as to rail for full and'explicit information on the part of the Noble Lords oppesite; previous to the discus sion of the subject of which he had given notice ; 'however impOrtant that - topic may lie separately in itself. The document to which he referred was .of tirtat nature, that for a full discussion of its me - tits, he thought a' proceeding originating at the , other side of the House would be preferable ; but `on Trading" which he did with the utmost at tention, h; found it, (independent of the magni tude and importance of the consideration to which it referred) the language and the tenor of it to he so obscure, nay so unintelligible, that it seemed to him to-be essentially necessary; with reference to the precise objects-.of a war, in which we may even then be actually involved, to call for some clear and distinct explanation on the part of his Majesty's Ministers, and especially as to the prin ciple upon which the transaction rested. And this he felt it his duty to require before he called the attention of their,Lordshipsto any other snb leet-. When the Address was moved on the ith of -April, he considered from its tenor, and front all that transpired then in discussion, they were eon sideving only these questions :—First, Whether in the state in which this country and our Allies were then placed, by the return of the present Ruler of France to power, it was necessary, both for the interest of this country and the tranquility of Europe, .that we should army sea and land ? And, 2dly,to consult with our Allies upon such Measures - as may be necessary for the tranquility and independence of Europe tinder such cir cumstances. The great point of whether we . 'sluiald engage in a war Was a question expressly reserved at the time. Upon these considerations alone, did the derision of that d ly take place. — It since appeared, however, 'that on the very day the House was called upon for such a decision, the derision for going to war bad ac t ually been formed by his Majesty's Government ; and not only that decision, bat the objects of it,(however loosely and indefinitely stated) were settled, and consequent arrangements made, at the very mo ment their Lordships understood that the title-- tion of due . preparation and due ednstiltation only were determined. There existed no reason krr concealment at the time, for no circumstances had occurred since the conclusion of the treaty, which might produce any important alteration in the minds of the Allies, and he must therefore re gard it as most extraordinary that no statement of the transaction had been made on that day. Oa- this very questionat,le preleedure he trusted some distinct explanation would be called for, and on an early day; With respect to - the Treaty it was that he had then to call for some ne cessary elucidation. 'I here were two distinct lines of principles nt policy Which he might have acted upon with reference to the important transaction which gave rise to the Treaty, neither of -which the Noble Marquis, after adverting to these, had been acted upon by his Majesty's, Government. A middle course was preferred, and one unfortd nately which incurred. all the disadvantages of both the alternatives, without presenting one single kilvantage of either, and not only these, but which might eventually prOduce those very dan gers they were so anxious to avoid. Let it be seen what the Treaty itself .expressed. The first Article was avowedly formed ia the spirit of the Declaration of the 13th of March, and directed against Napoleon Iluorinparte, and all those who . bad joined, or .should hereafter join him, in order to force him to desist from his projects. This was distinctly expressed by the Article. And who •Wel c they who had already joined Burma part e % Among the rest, several of those_who were called, the Constitu'ional Party—Mr. Constant, for instance. The Declaration, in spirit, was di rected against all Nvho should join him—" joined faction" were the words ; and that would necessarily refer to the framers of the new Constitution, the principal article of which. would he the voting of the Empire to Burma . pirte. These persons were, it) the spirit of the Dedication, considered as outlaws. They all remembered the dreadful words of the _Declaration, and it was most essential their Lnr,lships should know the construction put upon it by his Majesty•s Goveroment. Could any titan the Dealaration and have the least doubt that it did not pledge us to use every effort for the re storation'of the King of France ? , With reference to the prominent consideration and tinparent' jects of the Ts emy, it was important to -consider -the tenor and import of the subsequent DedaraL tion issued on the part of the Prince Rege nt.-- That mstrunurat referred principally to the 3d Article of the Treaty, and the principles a r e ad vested, upon which it says the British Govern ment had invariably regulated its conduct. Upon this a plain explanation was most desirable. Did it wean to state, that. the mere destruction of Iltionaparte's person was the object of the war, or * k ei ne(' .s.irlicient to secure the tranquillity of Eu rooe % Su pprne the contingency 1: P. —uonaparte Tieing eing set by France , and the Supre me p ower vested io such *men as Lucien Buonaparte, Mass he understood th a t th e sena, or Carnot—would it Was it even in their danger was then at an end ? contemplation that such a contingency may prove one of still greater danger instead of security ? lion , did these considerations 'e'er to the views of not impo;ing upon France any particular Govern- . meat % On these detailed consnlerattona he would have to request the Noble Lord, either titmJ or on some Future nay, for distinct e/planatilms.- , d• His principal wish now was to know, what - the principal object of , entering into the war wAs.— I Did it merely. extend -to Buonaparte,_ or to all who Were connected with biro Much did he wish tbe conduct of the European Princes had been such as not to excite wishes in .seVeral parts of the Continent favourable to that man; the state of SaxOny Was particularly to be deplored; and it was now known that the Russian Government were obliged to have recourse to force, in order to repress actual insurrections at Dresden in favour of Buonaparte. At least, he trusted the hope might stilt be entertained, that the Allies, upon their view of the actual state of things, would be led to reconsider these resolutions they 'had too hastily formed in theirintoxication. The Eat] of LIVEIIPOOL observed, that with re stiect to the proposed motion of the Noble Lord,. it would be for him :to. detormine .-whether he should bring it' forward or not. With respect to any proceeding on the part of his Majesty's Go vernment on the subject to which the Noble Lord alluded, he had only to repeat his answer oti a former occasion, that, until the negotiations at Vienna were reduced into a shape, in which the result could he regularly brought before Parlia ment, of : course no communication thereon would be made. The Noble Lord stared his intention to put some questions on the subject of the Treaty, but had taken the oppovtunity•to accompany these questions with a speech of considerable length against the principle and provision of that Treaty.. lie knew not, howeVer; whether he (Lord L.) could regularly enter into any thing like-a distins sion lino') these points metil the instrumen: itself should be brought forward in a regular shape ; but there were sonic points which fell from the Noble Lord which he could not allow to p ass without observation. First, he ‘vouldobset:ve upou the implied charge of a breach of good faith in not having broughtlorward the Treaty at the time the Address was proposed. The first remark be had to make on this was, that there was nothing in the transaction , : of that Message, or - that Ad dress, which could call for the production of the Treaty, even if it could have,been regularly pro duced at the time, which, from the nature of the transaction, was Ohvious that it could not. If his Majesty's GovernMent had sought to entrap Parliament into an Opinion upon the question of IVar, the case; would have been different. But what was the whole scope of the proceeding ? A Message was communicated to Parliament, im poming, that in consequence of an eveut which afforded 'a justifiable cause Of war, the Prince Regent tild deenied it adviscable to order an in crease of his forces both by tva' and land ; and, that he was in a course of communication and nu a gociation with his Allies. 1.-low in such a case could it be said, their Lordships were called . upon to give an opinion upon the question of peace or war ; a question which wouLf necessarily as well a s a vowedly depend upon the determination the Allies might make upon the topics in negociation ? They were only called upon by that Address approve the precautionary measures of arming that had been taken, and . the proposition of an arrameemeut in concert with oar Allies. T he shades of difference of opinion which then ob tained, were upon _different points from those which arose out of the Address ; but all were una nimous in agreeing that jt was adviseable to arm, and to enter',' into arrangements in concert with our Allies. Parliament was not pledged to an iota beyond those two views. The Address had been cautiously .confined to points that did not depend' upon the Treaty. There ek isted, therefore, not tie least necessity to bring forward that ipstrliment at 'the time, even if it could regularly have bren brought forward, though it would have been the - beiht of criminality in AFnisters, not to have put the country into some state of - preparation. Bia, in addition, there were some very essential circumstances that ren dered it the imperious-duty of his Majesty's Go vernment not to communicate the Treaty. lie wished,liowever, to state generally, that the principle held by the Pt ince Regent was, it was an European question as well as a British ques tion ; and that a great deal must necessarily de- Rend upon" the conduct of the Allies. They were therefore bound to consider what were the gene ral dispositions Of the Allies upon the subject ; and time ciretimstances under which - the Treaty was signed, were very different from those which existed at the time ti;e Treaty was received in this country by the Executive Government. At the time of its signaturc!, little was 'known cif the state of things, r a rticularly of the art ival of Buonaparte at Paris ; hut it certainly was believed at the tinge that the King. was still in France, - and had a *considerable party apparently attached to him at the time. All he would say, therefore, ori that point was, that it would not be fair in the view of the Allies to have laid truth an engagement of that kind before Parlia ment and time public, when it might well be said by them, that circumstances were thouitht to have been very different at the ,tinie they siglied the Treaty, and that they had altered much more at tlic time when you (the British Government) re ceived the treaty that you should have given us an opportunity of reconsidering it while it was in an unratified state. The principlebf such a proceed ing under the special circumstances of the case, would be a most unfair one with respect to the Allies, (whom every one agreed iii stating we were bound to act in concert with), if they hail laid that engagement upon the table of Parlia ment. He trusted therefore he had said enough to absolve his Majesty's. Government froni the . charge of any breach of faith on the oceasion— (l-lear, hear I)—but there were some distant con siderations referable to the Treaty in question, which rendered a peculiar line of conduct neces sary. It happened•tbar by sonic: means a' copy of the instrument in question had been pablished• in the Gazettes of 'Vienna and Berlin, and after , its wards a copy found way Into the newspapers here, with some material inaccuracies. Under these ciremnstances, and the fact known, that the Treaty was published in an inaccurate shape iti the newspapers here, it was thought right to do that which they ought' nor to have done, except tinder the special circumstances of the case. He did not intend to 'enter at present into any de tailed question as to the merits' of time Treaty ; but diAnued, however, a fvl7 words, in answer to a qtiestion tespecting one of tie articles of that Treaty (that in which a reference was said to have been made to the a..claration of the 13th of March), that the , engagement was not only against Buonaparte As an ontlaW, but to consider all those whn' had, or may hereafter join him as the same. On this he4begged to be permitted to state-on the part of tireat Britain and the Allied Powers, that they never bad considered the-words as bearing such an interpretation as that put upon them by the Noble. Lord. The Declaration Of the . Allies meant to apply to the circumstances` under which Napoleon Buonaparte entered into France, in violation of the faith of Treaties he bail so- . lemly entered into ; and much of what the Noble Lord seemed to refer to, as respecting the 'cause of-Louis XVIII. appeared to arise from what was stated in the, inaccurate copy priuted in the news papers, and w hich was certainly not in the Article itself ; and no such objects were. in the contem plation of the Allied Powers. In fact, he was astomished at the construction pia by the Noble_ Lord upon that part of the real Treaty, as he thought no words could more clearly express their genuine meaning. Three leading propositions May be deduced from the Treaty. The first was, the _consideration of the . existiag Government of Frauce as an evil that should he got rid ; se- - eondly, that it wits held desirable to restore the ancient legitimate Monarchy of France if practi cable ; _and thirdly, .that the littler should not be considered as a sine (Ina non,. These were prin ciples upon which the Noble 'Lord had long acted, as well as .himself, and another Lord, not then it) his'place, under the auspices of a Right ildnour able Gentleman now no more. They were not wished even by Louis XVIII. to enter France up on any other principle, who desired no other but legitimate means to be exerted iii his support. — He must pointedly deny either the tenor or the words would bear the construction, that if the Government of Boonaparte wer4.! destroyed, They were not to make peace : with any other that might succeed to him. What ietcreeoing circumstances might take place, most be judged according to the nature of these circumstances, they would act ac, cording to all the' circumstances, and were not pledged as to any particular point in these respects. The article did not appear to theM as pledging us to the support of Louis the Eighteenth in , the I . way - that seemed to be supposed ; but 'it bound theta not to make peace but by common con sent.. It was thought advisable to invite Louis XVIII. Co accede to the Treaty in the way specified, and it was thought proper that the Treaty should not he ratified, unaccompanied by smite explana tion, or they might be involved in this dilemma, that they could make peace no other way, except with the consent of Louis XVIII. They Were desirous of acting with goOd faith towards him, as, to all the Allies; and therefore they deemed it fair and just that the ratifications should be accom panied by some 'explanation on our part; that we may not be precluded _front the consideration of whether we should not make peace on other terms. With respect to other circumstances, it was the wish to leave the arrangement open.— The fairest inferenee he thought could be drawn from a view and connection of the different arti cles together. He thought these explanations amply sufficient, tinder the circumstances of the case, and was averse to entering into any discus sion upon points not before the House, and es peciAlly at a time when no discussion whatever was expected. _ Earl Gnat was of opinion that an 'arrangement of such iMportance • should be communicated to Parliament in the usual form of a Message; ac companied by a statement of the views upon which the Prince Regent's Government acted, and not to leave it with Ministers to give more or less ex- planation as suited their convenience. He must agree, however, with the Noble Lord, that the present was not a convenieut opportunity for dis cussing the subject mica red to ; but one or two observations he deemed it necessary to make. He certainly felt part of what fell front the Noble Earl to be of a satisfactory nature ; but he wished that such explanations should rest upon something more stable and secure than the passing words of a Minister. At the same time he agreed with what fell from his Noble Friend as to the effect of the engagement formed on the spirit of the declaration of the 13th of March, as implying the personal extermination of Buonaparte; though the denial of his Noble Friends in refutation, so far gave him satisfaction. There were, however, some proposi tions which he heard with alarm, as avowed for the first time by a Minister : lie meant what the Noble Lord had said of a principle which he leged Lad long been - supported by his Noble Friend, and another Noble Friend then absent, as well as by himself (the Earl of L.) .the principle of putting an end to the existing Government of France, and which must so far 17e regarded as an unsurmountable obstacle to peace, understanding the Noble Lard to regard it as a sine : qua non, if made applicable in the present case. If that principle had been acted upon in a former war, he must say that such a priocipl4 was never avowed. %liac a Member of the other House, he had, during that war, brought forward a proposition which brdtight that question to an: issue : he meant that of the object of the. war being for the destruction of the existing Government of France, and which ,proposition, Mr. Pitt, %vial all. his power, did not tindert;;lte to negative. ,He re gretted heating any such proposition now ad vanced, that no peace W:!3 to be made with ,the present Government of France, as involving a principle every way unjustifiable to commit- the interests of the 'country to a war. -:Upon the whole, he deemed the present state of affairs to be such as to render .it imperative upon the Prince "Zegent's Ministers, to make a different and re conhounication thereon speedily to Parlia ment. 1114rpi1s 11 7 E1,1.F:31.El - spoke shortly in ex plzviatian, and expressed himself satisfied with a part of what hid fallen, from the Noble Earl, especially as it was not in tended to act againtit tLc present Ruler of !France or his ad herents, in the s pi r it o f th e D e ela rat ion of the 13t h of Maids. With respect to the alleged, principle upon which he and a Note Friend then absent was alleged by the Nohle Earl to hare long act e d u p on i n a f o rmer war with France, be must Publicly disclaith it; and it was agreed, as welf as upon that tot the principle which was nviw said to he acted upon with re spect to France; upon which he would readify meet the Nohle Earl in discussion at any time: The Earl of DARNLEY, in the course of a few observati=s uroa the "subject, eNpressed op:hiou, that th: ~~~~ • .. . - ir . ' principle referred to Was one that well merited 3 . i 'istlaa d • 0 cussion on the part of tlie.flouse. worroo,o, The Order for 'summoning their Lordships toy'f 05 the Marquis Wellesley'A motiotf respecting SO' -. • o u , Co lli charged. ni the . The Miens' Regulation Bill was brought up fro— mous, 'and read a - first tune.—Adjourned. • • ------ 1 - -. . • , HOUSE OF C 2 MNIONS. nh e : (It ( Mr. BENSON presented an account of the ,e,,Diot Bankrupt Petitions that had been received and (W 4,l ' , 1 the o objeC to from D 1810 Dlto 1814. Mr. AN6TON postponed his motion o n 10 ° -the-Militia Laws till to-morrow (ibis day.) lee° Leave was given to bring in a Bill to dx the E Glamorgaushire in a central part of the county. 1 GRAND - JURIES. • i e ct • It Mr. COOPER moved for the appointment of a S d e jorit S 1 . mittee to enquire into the presentments of Go" O' Iretmid. - -la - r ,ll Sir JOHN NEWPORT' expressed a wish that a —ritall portion of the Members of the Counni4tee s hould he « blo 'Members. • - . • • " ,„ r i 00 0 " Mr. FITZGERALD concurred with the Riga - - ° o f Baronet as to the formation of the Committ ee. 1 0—.e r ' 0; The names of the different Members, to the o,eostlto; twenty-une, were then read; but, after .some e',l till. the nomination of the Members was pos t p One morrow. - t SO The Alien Bill was read a third time and pass ed ' iv Dilo itg li The Iligl.ray Amendment Bill, the Coppe r D u. ' i t th tt " the Scotch Ilawkors and Pedlars Bill, severally ,vl: COM mittees. RepOrt to-Morrow. • • •- . PROPERTY TAX. «Of 1 ' 15 4" Gen.. GASCKNE rose to give notiee, that i' ‘,,,-- .if A li tention to-mortow, in -the Committee On . the l'IN: L oy - to - move an exemption in favour of Officers of th a nd Navy, when eaiNoyed on actual or foreign sery i ice re ' c erli " • The Report of the Exchequer Bills Bill •was‘ii Q pla.l'' ordered to betaken into further consideration on iI ll - FALSE MEASURES BILL. ~e o o,bt The SPEAKER informed the House, thit an , a r to illi'ir fa,* by the Lords on the False Mexa .res Bill, l i k`,! . . - the et' mode of levying the rates, was an infringement oi. fort-v , leges of that House; but as the amendment wa s ) 4 ! . r haP s 'oC ante of the object of the Bill, the House might , V,'„ a oce of opinion it ought to be received, if a special oh" ~o• .made; which was accordingly ordered. • j-,14 5 ite A message from the Lords announced - their Lor 0,1/ sent to the Treasury Bills of Ireland Bill, and striation Bill ; as also a requeSt on the part ochet".o-elotu ships for the communication of the evidence on :i . Ill' i Election Bill. . A °ta t to; On the motion of Mr. -SWAN, it was order e d ra tion . Lordships' Message should- be taken into cOos iu e - - A lsi morrow. , e 01 055 OP Sir .1. NEWPORT moved for an Account of to . r, fo r net Resenueof England and Scotland fur the la s " . t n' years.—Ordered. ton ,t , to I. ll t eir 1,01 . 0 Lord NUGENT Moved for a return of the col”P ci 0 01 men on board of all ships that had sailed from th i3 i 9 ) l4. , a. America, from the Ist of April to the 6th of JOY , uel ., Sit ...After some conversation on the part of Mr. Cr ° . Hope, and Lord Nugent, the motivu was a4recdt`z of . SAXONY. subje4l,lx Mr. PONSONBY postponed his motion on . th e t id 1 " the proceedings of the Congress respecting Saxolly day se'nuight. , GENOA PAPERS. Of , 'O O , Sir J. Ali - no NTOSII rose to make the 01-ti o f It t ie which he had given notice. lie said, e : l i'f task most arduous and important, and h n ri e • o 4 o ° A ' t questmn he had to submit to the conskier3-„loper, he House, - for the roduction of c ertai" ' fl oe' relative ‘ to the transactions of this Goverdiecii by tbe ir jogO, with the people of Genoa, would, sr], he brought to a final conelusiott• e 5-07 fo oowell- known to the House to make ito ee a ' pe l hits tó say more on the subject having been inure than onaerefjused, tha n " I ,. e Ali' to state the fact ; and he hoped his Nial estY ;, ' il' il nisters would this day disclose to the-14°s"; tte, o f the P ' r elf injury "!.°lO or could, by passibility, Ll ° V, elated to the public service at the dol e viz. th t pti been 'novel for on a former occasion, Of the Noble do, from his After the return o bject vr 5 . 0 ,1 4 his mission to Vienna, the brought before the House, for the PrlY itic a ll to 'll i i : theY e oit these papers, and the Noble Lord objee, ie- fg q t .' motion ; nor were they produced at all"' till Noble Lord thou rht proper to take the ri n ", s f ie d surprise, l and to bring forward these paP er _, s i cop his gen erv iet oe he entered upon the defence of duct during his mission to the Congress a t i 0 . loc He, therefore, thought it his duty t°, b i r ; l i l i oP e 7 ' ward the, subject in a regular form; an u j- hi i t ' ll that On this night every Hon. Member vv et : ;ill the exercise of his solemn judicial Inbeti,.°.;:,ch t , into his most serious consideration, the u t le ts the faith and honoin of the country, 5°,51,15°171( pledged by his Majesty's Ministers, arid' ill ihill' se a , jealous of iniurionslysaerificed. He coore sse c` •ocli' l. jealous of the slightest act or appearance '',`, l oc t l tion towards a breach of the faith of t`ti o ce 4 try ? and thought that he best shoved 1 ' 1 : s o 5 6 ; that country by such jealousy; for the '„ a f orl' i° l , spicion called forth all the indignation - 01 0 h 0 e his mind was capable, and be should' h e _,, r ,. c a n eel to have it imputed to him as the 1 0- ",.,; rife , :if racier of his short and insignificant pol ) ,''i' o f ' o f excess of indignation wherever the fa i t h of country was'violated. As to the haterP`' e j O l cef Parliament in cases of this sort, be -ng r • e r ,stA ll e the Noble Lord (Castlereagh) that the I- 0 0 01 d in which it had been called for ii;er nw re rc oll tc k rens than formerly ; but it . roust be ll ' " C s . tO it that Parliament advised the Sovereig : thl i j o i terference in war much more after l l° - - {der ',"11 used to do. The House would also eoa s ow e,',l lifrerent'the CongreSs in question was'friltri€sll3,4 former diplomatic association': all e cni ,.; Ite h l 'ing disposed of by the Treaty of Paris, `fe'reilelll7i' the disposal of the Congress, e° lll 'd iO l 9 twelve millions of the most. eiviiiic-etst, 00 tants of the globe. He should proVe o f f'o' o e Ministers bad been guilty of a breac h o f_sit b it. secondly, that they had been guil t Y l , of i t ,t o of substartial injustice, indepeuden("alii 13'10' breach of faith ; and thirdly, be s rtlie ( 1 .,0 1 ' 1 some observations on the colic ( ""f die f i e sure, _and on the general principles %VI ) 0 9 gress at Vienna. lie enonired first, o f ee l pd N W. Bentinek had promised to the Pe 4i ,, c ritY lie, ii °ll or Ili.-; m ie',„fp 7 ithc/Itt ' COOS idering under ‘vleat . i test 1 -0" n so promised ; and t his was t he soo: - • co' 'O - (11 5 00 i in the world., antfincapable of seri nll l - ,,.0eh 1 n - fic a f He quoted the last paragraph of the i '' 0 io 7 4 t c j i of the l•lth March, as it was refer re " I Oc t. /it° the dispatches, as the ke- , to the `se re, ' to t° that proelaniatioo, and the j word s " fc , l o ; o; ra c e e d shall periods, s e , c a or I s N i , • i l i t i a it t s sl i t ) e a i4 w l -a n s o i . : . ! l i ) s e . r nl , l , s tr 's i v s ,' e a s o , t e: o i l r i : sae to understand this in any nt `, L l- Ith e , ll , 6 > t " before the usurpations of Frars ee -I' . ( plo r ' A' ' and as to the Genoese, it Ilitrit t lel' .gSt °l' i r that the Rep.ibliC of Genoh s houb r" :t oP OII O 1 1 If .any other construction could he l' il l ' i, tb c o tt' e words thin the. status quo ante be ll° i r A P 01 1.119 should give !Hunan ingeottity Crealitii:cdt %I)lC',/, Ql. COuvtirt ing, the nte..ining of the l' i ' i c cie l oo of iciness he had uot-befo'r.e believe ( j ) ; l l Oct, It the words did not mean this, ul d f i ll its' T trite. tc) be zitbject ti; the 4iug of s'`tr t , i _ . 1 1 i I r ~.. tk ■ rt I