The Sun. — London, England, 1855-06-05 00:00:00

6IPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The LOUD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. The Earl of HARROWEY presented several petitions in favour of closing public-houses on Sundays. The Earl of HARDWICKE moved for certain re turns respecting the transport service, and also for re turns in respect to the means of education afforded in the naval service. The Earl of EGLINTON gave notice that on Monday he should ask a question relative to the Ordnance sur vey in Scotland. LOSS OF HORSES ON BOARD THE MEDWAY. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH wished to ask whe ther Government had received any information with re spect to the loss of 65 horses off Gibraltar, while on the passage to Balaklava. He had been speaking to a gentleman who had seen the horses shipped on board the Medway, and he expressed his apprehensions at the time that unless there was very fair weather during the whole of the passage to Balaklava, there would be great difficulty attending the safety of the horses that were placed upon deck. It appeared that the weather turned out very stormy, and the consequence was the loss of thehorses to the extent he had stated. Hs thought that the system of placing horses on deck should never be sanctioned except in cases of the greatest necessity. Lord PANMURE said he was sorry to say that he had received a letter from Admiral Grant, from Gibraltar, confirming the report of the loss of those horses p!aeed on board the Medway. The vessel had, it appeared, met with a most violent hurricane on the 13th and 14th nit., which had occasioned the accident referred to. THE BALTIC BLOCKADE. The Earl of ALBEMARLE wished to ask whether the Russian Government were justified in asserting that this country had departed from the principle originally laid down for conducting the blockade, viz., that a neu tral flag should cover the cargo. This fact had arisen out of the proclamation of the blockade of Port Baltic, and other ports in the Gulf of Finland, on the 28th of April last, by Captain Watson. Earl GRANVILLE replied that there was foundation whatever for the statement so put forward. The Earl of HARROWBY further explained that nei ther Captain Watson nor his lieutenant had given any cause whatever for such an assertion. THE IRISH PEERAGE. The Earl of DERBY gave notice, that on Monday next he would call their lordships' attention to the cir cumstance attending the creation of the title of Baron of Fermoy, a subject which was of the greatest importance, as it would raise the whole question of the Irish Peerage. SECOND READINGS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE the following bills were read a second time :—Bray's Estate, Levegay's Estate, Marshall's Charity Estate ; Banff , Macdnif , and Mind Railway ; Commercial Road, Swansea Docks, Cornwall Railway, South Wales Railway Consolidation, Birmingham Canal Navigation, Leominster and Ledbnry Road, Ashton-ender-Lyrae Water, and Renfrew Police and Improvement. , THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time and passed: —Bristol and Exeter Railway, Kingston-upon-Thames Improvement, Plymouth Great Western Docks, Old ham Gas and Water, and Inverury and Old Meldrum Railway Amendment. LEASES AND SALES OF SETTLED ESTATES BILL. This bill passed through committee. RELIGIOUS WORSHIP BILL. The further consideration of this bill was postponed till Monday next. ROMAN CATHOLIC CHARITIES BILL. This bill was read a second time. The LORD CHANCELLOR stated that the object of this bill was to place Roman Catholic charities on the same footing as those of Dissenters. WEIGHTS AND MEASURES BILL. Oa the motion of the Duke of ARGYLL, this bill was read a second time. NEWSPAPER STAMP DUTIES BILL. This bill passed through committee. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY Mr. FITZROY, Chairman of Ways and Means, took the chair at four o'clock. The Clerk read a letter from the Speaker, enclosing a medical certificate, stating that the right hon. gentleman was suffering considerable indisposition, owing to a fall from his horse. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Staines, Wokingham, and Woking Railway (Altera tions, &c.) ; West Somerset Mineral Railway ; Wey mouth Water ; Wolverhampton New Water. The following kills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Ahoyne, Ballater, Braemar, and Cairowell Road ; Basingstoke, Stockbridge, and Lobcomb Corner Road ; Bridport Roads; Gomersal and Dewsbury Road ; Great Northern London Cemetery ; Gun-Barrel Proof Houses (Birmingham and London) ; Honiton Road ; North Yorkshire and C:eveland Railway ; Rlivniney Railway ; &lode Railway ; Sever❑ Valley Railway ; Somerset Central Railway ; Stokes B►y and Isle of Wight Railway, Pier, anC Telegraph ; Stroud Cains oroAs, and Minehinhamptou Road ; Stroud and Ciildford Road ; Portsmouth Railway ; Lightpill and Birdlip Road. The East Kent Railway (Extension to Dover) Bill was read a second time. PUBLIC BUSINESS. Petitions were presented by Mr. H. Berkeley (several of them from Gloucestershire) in favour of a repeal of the Sunday Beer Bill ; by Mr. T. Duncombe, petitions in favour of the Marriage Bill ; by Mr. Pellatt, everal petitions from tnetropoli'an parishes for the abolition of church rates ; by Mr. Watson, from Hull, a petition praying the house to adopt means for preventing future wars ; also a petition from the same place againt the Maynooth grant ; by Lord Eicho, from a place io Scot land, against the Lord Advocate's Education Bill ; by Sir W. Molesworth, two petitions for the repeal of th Sunday Beer Bill. INCOME TAX. Major REID gave notice that, on the 2Gth of June, he should move for leave to bring in a bill, to b.: enti tled the Income Tax Enfranchisement Bill. THE VIENNA. NEGOTIATIONS. In reply to Mr. T. DUNCOIIBE, Lord PALMERSTON said it was true, as reported in to•day's papers, that the Vienna 'negotiations would be closed this day. The result could not be known that evening ; but his expectation was that intelligence would be received that evening or to-morrow to that effect. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BRIGHT wished to know when the papers would be produced to show the effect of any further negotiations, so that the country might know with what prospect they were entering upon a protracted war. Lord PALMER TON said he could not now reply to the question, but would do so to-morrow. ' SWIPED LETTER PAPER. In reply to Mr. MAGUIRE, Mr. WILSON said that a stamped paper f,r tran- mission through the poq would very;oon he in operation, THE SPEA.K.ER'S ILLNESS. Lord PALMERSTON said he was concerned to say that this morning he saw the professional gentleman nt tentiin,s the Speaker, who advised the right hon. gentle man to have a few days' rest, and he should move that in the event of Mr. Speaker's absence f)r mare than one day, the suspendsion of the standing order that the Speaker should write a letter every day to that effect, and that Mr. Fitzroy should take the chair on every subsequent day during the Speaker's absence. After a few remarks from Lord R. Cecil, Sir F. The siger, Sir W. Heathcote, and Mr. Disraeli, Lord PALMERSTON said he should restrict the motion to be in force during the present week only. The motion was then agreed to. NEUTRAL VESSELS. In reply to Mr. J. G. Pastustouz, Sir C. WOOD said it was stated that the 'Russian Government had issued a notice that Captain Watson of the Imperieuse had published a notification that goods contraband of war found in, neutral vessels would be seized by the Allied fleets. He had seen Captain Watson, and the civil governor had visited every vessel in Port Baltic Harbour, and found only two ves sels with goods of the sort alluded to, and as they were not considered to come within the terms of the order in council, Captain Watson allowed those vessels to leave the harbour. EDUCATION BILL. On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, the above bill was postponed till Monday next. CONDUCT OF THE WAR. —ADJOURNED. On the order of the day on this subject being road, Mr. MILNER GIBSON rose for the purpose of resuming the debate. He observed that, from a question which had just been fput by the honour able member for Finsbury, an inference had been sought to be raised that it was inconvenient to discuss the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster, seeing that the Vienna Conference was closed. For one, he (Mr. Gibson) was not responsible for the amend ment ; of th e h on . gen tl eman and, if he pressed it upon the house, h e t h ought, for various reasons, the house ought not to agree to it. After the lengthened discussion that took placeon the motion of the right hon. member for Bucks, and the amendment of the right hon. member for Portsmouth, it was no t, s i ncerely speaking, without some regret that in consequen ce of the alteration rt s ed t o int winchrodu t c l l e e , hon. member for Kidderminstuerrli h proposed he felt it to b e his dut y to adjourn did, neatsent further considera tion, asas he to that believed it of his amen dme nt. He which the ho n . g entlemen p ro p o sed thought t involved consi derations of great ma g nit ude, and hu it. moreove r, most undesirable that the house should asked precipitately either to adopt or reject. The be pre vious debate was a party debate. The right bon. naem her for Bucks had asked the house to pass a vote of -cen sure virtually on the Government, in consequence of its mbiguous language and uncertain conduct on the great question of peace o r war. The member for Portsmouth undertook the defence of Ministers and moved w h a t he must say, considering the occasion, L,„ wan a very feeble amendment. (Hear, hear.) But he ~-.1; listened to ;,-;,' ~:+' :.: , .4 and the G o ~ he found them 4t - the speechess., gAtion of the wax, I t li both of the leader of the Opposition Government party, and he must say, although agree on the subject of the prolon e had great difficulty in discovering ITlciVt i ' - that either was in possession of any definite views as to th e i ultimate objects of the war. It appeared to him that the objects of both parties was analogous to what was cleverly said of two celebrated literary Reviews, that they were "two opposition conveyancei, both raising a great dust, but both travelling the same road and to wards the same destination." (Rear, hear.) lint he should not be doing justice to his own opinions if he did not say that there were views enun ciated in the speech of the right hon. member for Bucks I which did not entirely exalude all hope of au early and . _ we were not prepared to carry on the war for mere empty military success and glory, he called upon the House of Commons to deliberate well before it gave its deliberate sanction to a motion which might commit the country to an indefinite war, and bring upon it the most formidable disastdrs. (Hear, hear.) Sir W. MOLESWORTH, after adverting to the terms of the amendments before the house, said it would appear from those amendments that the real question for its con sideration was whether we ought or ought not to have made peace on the Russian proposals on the third point? The opinion of the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down was that we ought to have been satisfied with the Russian proposals, and that, in fact, they were better than our own- The right hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford said that Russia had conceded all that was asked for before the commencement of hostilities, and that we ought to be satisfied, for that a nation once having engaged in hostilities ought not to enlarge its demands. Were each a principle to be generally adopted it might lead to the most pernicious consequences, for what greater inducement could be held out to the wrong-doer to persevere in doing wrong than the assurance that he would not by doing so be placed in a worse position ? (Hear, hear.) In order to maintain the peace of the world ii e had lowered our de mands to the utmost ; but having been forced to draw the sword, we had a right to stand upon our rights, to require that they should be fully secured, and even to enlarge our demands in proportion to the success of our arms. (Cheers.) The right to increase our demands had been distinctly as serted by Lord Aberdeen's Government in its communica tions with foreign Governments. In his opinion we engaged in this war to prevent the dangerous aggrandisement of Russia at the expense of the Ottoman empire—an aggran disement which menaced the stability of the system of European States--to enforce the obligation of the Euro pean law of nations, and to inflict punishment upon Rus sia for her wanton violation of the law by the unjust invasion of the Danubian Principalities. In order to avenge that invasion—to avenge the closing of the Danube and the outrage at Sinope—in order also to take security against future danger from Russia, we declared that it was indispensable to put an end to the Russian preponder ance in the Black Sea, which was a standing menace to Turkey. These were the objects to attain which we went to war with Russia, sent an expedition to the Crimea, and consented to negotiate upon the four points at Vienna. Two of these points had been granted, but whyhad Russia come to terms upon them so readily ? Simply, if possible, to de tach Austria from the Western alliance, and to secure the neutrality of Germany. With regard to the third point, which contained the security for all the others, and with out which their concession would be perfectly useless, Rus sia used every art of diplomacy to avoid the honest fulfil ment of her engagement to put an end to her preponderance in the Black Sea. She rejected our most moderate terms, and proposed others, the adoption of which would, in his opinion, be worse than the abandonment of the third point altogether. He was quite at issue with his right hon. friend the member for Manchester, who said that there was no substantial difference between the propositions made by the Western Powers and those of Russia. The dif ference was a very substantial one. It was all the difference between a war establishment and a peace establishment, between a state of ever and a state of peace. According to our terms Ruesia would be bound by treaty not to maintain in the Black Sea more than a certain moderate number of ships, not exceeding the number which we ordinarily main tain in the Mediterranean ; and if she exceeded that num ber we should be entitled to call upon our Allies to assist us in compelling her to observe the treaty. The Russian proposals, on the other hand, would compel us to run a never-ending race of war expenditure with Russia in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Her first proposal was the opening of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. This was universally condemned by the allied powers—by France, England, Turkey, and Austria. The effect of such an arrangement would have been to extend the preponderance of Russia to the Mediterranean and the Neapolitan waters, and would have been at once an abandonment of the object of the war and a sur render of important Turkish rights which we were bound to do our utmost to maintain. The second proposal of Russia was that the straits should remain closed. but that Turkey should have the right of calling up the fleets of her allies at any time when she thought herself threatened with ag gression. According to these terms , Turkey would be e ntitled to summon the fleets of England and France whenever she thought herself menaced by Rus sia, and the fleet of Russia whenever she thought herself menaced by England or France. England and France would therefore be morally bound to maintain in the Me diterranean fleets capable of coping with that of Russia in the Black Sea ; while the latter power would have a right to re-establish, and a plausible reason for extending to any extent she pleased, her fleet in the Euxine, in order that it might be able to cope with •the fleets of England and France if it should be summoned to protect Turkey. Peace on such terms would, in fact, be founded upon pro visions for the immediate renewal of the war. It would impose upon us the chief burden of war by requiring till maintenance of a police in the Black Sea, and would leavens existence the Russian fleet and Sebastopol, which we had so often declared to be a " standing menace to Turkey." Such a . peace would be worse than the present state of things, because we had for the present put down the prepon derance of Russia in the Black Sea, and it would be better to keep it down, than to allow it to rise again. His right hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford (Mr . Gladstone) had defended the expedition to the Crimea, and then had arrived at the conclusion that we ought to abandon . the chief object for which it was undertaken. He said that we had got, or might get, three points, and half of the fourth, and asked what we were quarrelling about? We were quarrelling about that without which there would be no security for any of the points, about that for which the expedition to the Crimea was undertaken, viz., the de struction of the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea. He had never for a moment regretted the expedition, but ho had never concealed from hinvelf that it irretrievably engaged us in a contest with Russia, from which there was no possible honourable issue for the allied powers, except by putting down the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea. Without such a success, the expedition to Sebastopol would be an inglorious failure. Without such a success, the lives of those who had fallen in the contest would have been uselessly sacrificed ; we should have no security fur th, first or second points, or the first half of the third ; and al the concessions of Russia would be valueless. The conces sions of Russia ought therefore to induce us to persevere at least in the demands which the Government of Lord Aber deen conceived it to be just and reasonable to make. Whet had induced Russia to make these concessions? Was it repentance ? She was incapable of the feeling ? Was it shame? She was ignorant of the messing of the word. Was it the public opinion of Europe? That opinion was expressed against her long ago, and she remained unmoved, and defied it. What, then, had induced her to yield I Fear. Fear founded upon the conviction that her resources were being exhausted and her armies were perishing, while those of the allies were rapidly increasing. Fear founded upon the conviction that if we persevered we must be suc cessful. For this reason sbe had had recourse to diploma tic wiles and intrigues, and had endeavoured by a show of moderation, combined with deceit, to sow dissension amongst us, to cajole the weak, to frighten the timid, to strengthen the peace party, to create a Russian party in the house and in the country, and to trick us as she did the diplomatists of Europe in 1829. Let the his tory of the campaign be a warning to us, and let us not by timid councils enale future historians to toll a similar tale of this war, and to record that the Parliament and the statesmen of England ended a war of success by an ignomi nious and dangerous peace. Peace on the terms advocated by the member for Manchester (Mr. Gibson) would be dan gerous, becauseit would be a confession of defeat on thepart of England and France, and would elevate Russia to a pre ponderance alike menacing to Europe and to Asia. Such a peace would embolden Russia to fresh aggressions and teach her to despise the threats and menaces of the Western powers. It would make Austria less ill-disposed, Prussia more attached, and all the petty potentates of Gertnan y more servile than they are now. It would lessen the repute oiboth England and France. It would cover with disgrace our brave armies and navies, and would produce feelings of recrimination between the commanders, the officers, and the men. It would weaken the alliance between France and England—would be a groat discouragement to western civi lisation, and a great triumph to the barbarian of the north —and would render it necessary for France and England, ere long, to seek new battle-fields on which to avenge their loss of honour and renown. Such a recreant peace would, in his opinion, be dangerous to England. It would shake our Indian empire—an empire founded upon the opinion of our irresistible might entertained by a feeble and excitable oriental people, easily moved from the extreme of fear to the extreme of audacity—an empire encircled by bitter ene mies, who were watching with intense anxiety this contest, ready to attack us if it should prove adverse. It would make every man of British descent throughout the wcrld—it would make all the colonies of Great Britain—ashamed of the humiliation and pusillanimity of the mother ccuntry, and would convert those feelings of affection which were displayed towards us at the commenceme, t of the struggle into sentiments of contempt, dangerous to our colonial do minion. (Hear, hear.) The strength of the British empire depended upon the absolute belief in our undaunted vigour, our ceaseless energy, our invincible courage ; but if we consented to an ignominious and inglorious peace, we should have but our reputation for these qualities ; we should have become the degenerate sons of those yeomanry, gentry, and aristocracy who half a century ago bid defiance to Europe in arms. If we showed that, by the long con tinuance of peace, we had become craven and faint-hearted, our mighty empire would speedily crumble into pieces, our external dominions would be torn from us, and we should sink to a second-rate state, and lose our position among the stations of Europe. Such a peace as that advocated by the right hon. member for Manchester would, in fact, give a triumph to Russia—would be to make the British soldiers and sailors abandon their colours, though they had suffered no single reverse. We had endured no defeats. In the Baltic we had swept the mercantile marine of Russia from the sea, and compelled her fleet to skulk ing o- Tic:m*sly behind fortifications. In the Black .Sea we had compelled her to commit naval suicide, and to destroy a fleet which she could never re-establish without our sanction. We could, without detriment to the resources of the country, repeat the naval, military, and financial efforts which we made last year, and are making this, for half a dozen years to come ; and he believed that, if we were bold and courageous, if we were not feint-hearted and timid, long ere that period expired we should bring this war to a satisfactory termination, and conclude a peace alike honourable, satisfactory, and worthy of the allied powers of France and England. (Cheers.) Mr. JOHN M'GREGOR said that the war had been com menced by the Government in ignorance of the power of Russia, and the difficulties and necessities of the campaign. He denied that its object was merely to defend Turkey. There was a much greater question involved in it, and that was the checking of the aggressive policy which had been pursued by Russia for several centuries. From the treaty of the Pruth, the first that was made with Russia, down to the present time, he found nothing but perfidy on her part. It was matter of notoriety that she had n a l e w v e e r y l i le s e e n o r g r e g e a e r t d l e e s d s o e lo f s i her on t i n r e t a h t i e e s. world H e believed a sth en ot i t o h o e r o e f 11: to t y a i n w g i i t d h the chimera,. m Russian ere , a d o o d m w i n e i had d i the n hehte t e r Black k eepr real an en h( It p t we w io a see s the stocks till they were wante d . T only titl e elated by its recent think the country ought to beg rea y wasthe etpiroltev7royn nation making i the o th e ß w l a o c r k l d Sea d i perfectly d n ot free courseto city which the Governmen . a want of forecast those sag . achieved all along shown, successes might have been succe sses in the Sea of A zoff, for, but for the lamenta bleh ' p eace that we should thing like an honourable or lasting p eight ago. f rther. Considering the destroy Sebastopol. He went i thatW We had a e h n e t o e i r e e t d el i y nt n o e l e i s i e s er w y a Lz v . , . epioslti,tii in j l ti c e ri ti 11 He trusted. that the whole of the expenses of this war. the French the Government would endeavour to preserv . e . m ce e t s o o t f h ß em u s s e s l ia ve themselves, Eamonupanitcal f e e l d i F rance dli fioetio shouldii forin - 1 d not conclude of the present war • and that tie) , won n alliance intact, since it was the most dt 'Mid Main' a pew upon any to ' rmA except Woo Tbi gratifying feature satisfactory peace as compared with the announcements contained in the speeches of the Government, which indicated a policy that would lead them to a war of thirty years' duration. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman then proceeded to read the amend ment of the hon. member for Kidderminster, who, he said, professed to be the mouthpiece of the so-called war party, contending that, after all, the hon. gentleman scarcely represented the expressed sentiments of that party in the terms of his amendment. Bat, he continued, was the house prepared to agree to the proposition of the hon. gentleman which pledged the house to the principle of the limitation of the maritime force of Russia as the only sine qua non of peace. Lord Palmerston said that he would agree to the first part of the hon. gentle man's amendment, but that he should object to the latter portion as interfering with the prerogative of the Crown. Now he (Mr. Gibson) thought a doctrine of that sort ought to be received with great caution, as the preroga- tive of the Crown was exercised under the advice of its Ministers. He could not agree to this doctrine himself, and he would advise the house not to give way to it. He brought forward a motion converse to that of the hon. member for Kidderminster during the existence of the Conferences, the withdrawal of which bad subjected him to the charge of having entered into some intrigue for party . purposes to avoid a discussion on the subject ; but he begged to state that the responsibility of withdrawing that motion rested with himself, never having had any communica tion with the Government respecting it, and because he thought that by so doing there would be some risk of his injuring that cause he was t professing to support, and therefore his sole object in not going on with it was that he conscientiously believed he would be injuring the cause of peace. He viewed this war to be a war in support of a political theory, which he took to be that the rule of the Sultan in that particular part of Europe where he now exercises his power as a political neces city, and that this country was bound to de fend him against his enemies, and which was totally apart from the consideration of the question whether Russia was right or wrong in the commence ment of hostilities, and which, if they adopted, they came to the conclusion the Turk could do no wrong. (Hear.) He was not strongly impressed with the faith of that necessity, 'and without de parting from the soundness of that theory, on which the war was undoubtedly placed, he would say that he thought the theory of always supporting Turkey against all enemies, and that they meant from all time to support the rule of the Sultan in those dominions, would have the effect of alienating from them the sympathy of the whole of the Greek Christian population of that country, and drive them into the arms of Russia and the allies, and of enervating the Turkish Government, and removing it from the obligation of attending to those duties of good government, and the necessity of producing contentment amongst the people, which was the only way, in fact, of forming a peace upon which the strength and independence of Turkey would permanently . rest. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) The honourable gentleman then referred to the statements male in that house by the honourable member for Aylesbury and other members, that the war was caused by hon. members sitting on that side of the house pro ducing an impression that the people of England were averse to the war, which he said was not the fact, and adverted to the statements which had appeared in the public prints as being the mast likely cause, and asked the noble lord at the head of the Go vernment if he bad not himself advocated peace notions, which he found on a correspondence bearing the name of Mr. Addington, which had emanated from the Foreign office, from which it would appear an engagement bad been entered into by the noble lord with 111. Wikoff to represent to the world that the policy of the British Government was liberal, but especially pacific—thereby producing an impression throughout Europe that Eng. land was disinclined to engage in war, and would not defend Turkey. The noble lord the member for London, in order to distract their attention, stated in his speech before the recess that when Turkey was secure we ought to have no hesitation in making peace with Rus sia, so that he would have us believe the war was carried . on for Turkey alone. He was surprised to have read what passe I in another place, uttered by the Foreign Secretary, upon the sub ject, - tbat while Europe was really standing upon a mine the influence of Russia was extending, her railroals were increasing, and her interests progressing. Now he be lieved that this country was interested is Russia carry ing out her railways, as the brotherhood bf nations re quired it. Why then were they to be frightened by the statement that Russia a‘ as able to overbear all Europe? He believed that Russia had no such intention, because he had invariably noticed that when Russia came to the west and interfered with that part of Europe it had always been in consequence of an invitation that she had done so. Had not this country requested Russia to bring her arms here to pre s ient French invasion, and hal not France upon several occasions sought her assistance also ? The truth was; and it must be told, that Russia had never forced her alliance upon unwilling Governments, but had been drawn into all she had done by the solicitations of the Western Powers. No man had praised the pulley of the late Emperor of Russia more than the noble lord at the 1 head of the Government ; and was it to be permitted now that he should come down and discard all he had said before ? The noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had adopted a similar course. It was clear that neither party believed the rumours that had been spread far and wide, that it was the interest of Russia to extend her territory to Turkey, and it was too bad to frighten the country with such idle notions as bad been put forth as to the intentions of Russia. Then, with respect to Poland, be thought the noble for 1 at the head of the Government ought not to hold out any hope to the Poles, or to allow misunderstandings to be circulated, be cause it was clear that this country could do nothing for her at the present moment at least, because if the Western Powers were to reconstruct Poland, they would be bound to preserve her inviola bility, which they could not do. A. celebrated Pole had said, that the reconstruction of Poland and the regene ration of Turkey were events far distant. He believed them to be so ; but Russia, in his opinion, was not to be blamed for thee, but Turkey herself. The noble lord said he did not wish to diminish the claa• ratter of Russia, and it had been repeatedly said that they were proposing no jurisdiction for Russia. But how did they reconcile that with the demand that Russia should only keep a certain number of ships in her ports. The noble lord said we should still leave Russia a great power ; but he (Mr. Gibson) could not understand the doctrine of two great countries not pro posing to disarm themselves going to a third great power and saying that it was consistent with its honour that the two countries in question should decide what should be the amount of her maritime force. He thought the proposition was puerile, but insisting upon it as a sane qua non was placing a great war upon a foundation as narrow and unworthy as it was unheard of in history. But the noble lord did not go to Vienna to negotiate—he went to decline an ultimatum. To negotiate implied to treat on both sides, to give and take, in order to settle some common ground. (Hear, hear.) But the noble lord's instructions were to do nothing of the kind ; he went there with something to be agreed to or rejected ; or that when Russia refused to accede, he said his instructions were exhausted, and he did not stop to consider the plans proposed by the Russian plenipotentiary. He trusted the Government would give the house some clear and defi nite statement as to their intentions. (Hear.) The house had a right to know what England was fighting for, and what object the Government contemplated ef fecting by the carrying on of this new war. (Hear.) If the Government could penetrate into the mist ahead, they ought to point out what was not clear to the vision of others who had as deep an interest as themselves in the fortunes of their country. It appeared to him that we were embarking in a war which could only end by what was called a state of exhaustion. Unless a definite object could be pointed out, we must go on crippling and humbling as long as there was anything left to cripple or humble. If we should take the Crimea there would al ways be something left to do, until, by the conquest of Russia, we could entirely reduce that Government to sub mission. If the four points were abandoned the noble lord and his Government ought to state the advantages they proposed to confer on the people of this country as an equivalent for the large sacrifices it was called upon to make. The noble lord, in reply to a deputation which waited on him with a memorial in, favour of negotiation, raid that the Government would not make war for glary ; they would only make it for the interest of England. If Turkey was now considered safe, let the noble lord show 9 , 1 e count r y h ow it s i n t eres t s w er e consulted by the pro ' e:igation of these hostilities. The noble lord has justly =that thos e w h o f oug ht th e b a ttl es o f Alma, Inker we w , e a r n e B not al c a, a k r l r a s v in a d: on this waridnotneed for fre g lory, lo sh ry, was glory. Then, from r 0 if T fe n ar rk o e f y of the original What disgrace had been incurred was as as we could make her. The whole a ul t is u m.tde had been conceded by Russia. There was not tort', and Russia wo, Aan bin so d ldier on the Turkish terri tegrity of Turkey. If there wa h s e u r her self li e ar t o of respect the ainna- THE SUN, LON DON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 5, 1855. tain the dignity of the country and give satisfaction to the ; editor of Hobbes. (Laughter.) - The right hon. gentleman people at large. (Hear.) I said the object was to punish Russia for her insolence. Mr. G. VERNON said the chief fault he had to find I Neither in war nor in legislation could punishment ever be with the late proceedings was, that the course pursued by I an object—(hear) — though it was sometimes the only means the Government did not appear to him to be one which he I of preventing theropetition of crime. He took it foe gran ted could really understand. He could understand that mat- ! that the right hon. gentleman the member for the Iniver tors might have been either ripe or not ripe for negotiation. I sity of Oxford would say that the object of the war was to It was for the Ministers to decide that. If they were not I ma intain the independence and integrity of the Ottoman ripe, then, no matter how delicate our relations with Aus- empire. We'll, but if that were the object, how in Septem trio might be, nor how complicated th e position of our her, 853, when addressing an audience at Manchester just alliance, it would have been our duty and our policy to before the commencement of the war, did the right hon. have declared distinctly the only t erms on which we were gentleman speak on that subject ? He said, " Remember prepared to negotiate a peace. (Hear.) We should have that the independence and integrity of the Ottoman em made known our intentions to Russia in a mariner 'which piro are not like the independence and integrity of Eng she could neither misunderstand nor misinterpret. If, on land and France. The government of Turkey is a govern the other hand, we thought the time was come 'when we ment full of anomaly, full of difficulty and distress. ' Was might enter upon negotiations for a peace not dishonour- it likely that one who at the commencement of the war able to ourselees—if we were r ea dy t o a c ce pt conditions took that chilling view of all the great human interests infinitely more favourable to us than those for which that were involved in the struggle would now give unpre ,at the commencement of the w ar we professed to asle judiced counsels with a view to the attainment of the then he said thase negotiations ought not to have been object? The right hon. gentleman complained that the broken off. So long as Governments as well as men terms of peace had been unwisely extended. Who was were influenced by human pa ss i ons and human in- it that taught them to extend the terms? (Hear, hear.) terests, so long, would armaments be necessary ; Was it not the head of the Government which the right but he was of opinion that this war was both just and ne- hon. gentleman adorned? (Hear.) When Lord Aber cessary, for it was undertaken for the protection of an op- dam was repeatedly urged to say to what terms of peace pressed ally, in defence of violated t rea tie s , and in the he would attach his favourite epithet—" safe and honour vindication of personal good faith and international law. able"—he said it was impossible to state them, as In warring with Russia we w arre d more w ith a dynasty they must vary with the fortunes of war, and it would than with a nation ; and the more he was convinced that make a great difference whether theywere accepted at Con this war was just and necessary, the more was he appre- stantinople or imposed at St. Petersburg. Now he (Sir B. hensive that we might take any false step which might Lytton) never approved of that answer. He had always lead to any misinterpretation of the motives with which held the doctrine that if they made war it should be for no - we were carrying it on. If in th e origi n of the war we thing less and nothing more than justice—(cheers)—and if had no definite object, we were committing a great crime; the right hon. gentleman held it when out of office, why, and if we had a definite object, so soon as that object was when in office, did he sanction Lord Aberdeen's making adequately attained; peace ought to have been sought for. the terms of peace dependent on military success ? How Ile did not go the length of saying that we ought not, in could he continue to sit in &cabinet whichchanged thecha the course of the war, as ou r m ilit ar y suc cesses became raeter of the war, and made it one of aggression ? He did great, to increase our demands. He simply said that we not say whether the strategy of the invasion of the Crimea ought not to go the length of asking for greater conquests was right or wrong, but the moment the army landed, the because we had gained greater successes ; though he ad- conditions of peace were necessarily altered. The right hon. milted we ought to ask for greater securities for the at- gentleman was a party to the campaign in the Crimea, how tenement of the objects we had in view. He trusted thb then, could he shrink fromitslogical consequences ? (Hear.) time was not come when we were going to set " nation Why was Sebastopol besieged ? Was it not because it was against nation," or to fight for th e p ar titi on of Europe. He the fortress which secured to Russia exclusive preponder hoped what we wanted was simply the settlement of the mice in the Black Sea, and because itscapture was the ma matter of the Black Sea between Turkey and Russia, on a terial guarantee by which they had pledged themselves 'air and solid footing. Ho believed there was no problem to maintain the independence of Turkey and the safety of so difficult of solution as this balance of power that was Europe? (Hear, hear.) It seemed to him very strange talked of in the Black Sea. The mode in which the Russian to what double uses the right hon. gentleman could put proposition was treated reminded him of the hackneyed an ally. When the house desired to inquire into the expression so often quoted in that house by the gallant causes of the calamities of the army, the right hon. gen member for Lincoln : tleman said, " Take care what you are about ; to inquire " Tinaeo Deflates et done ferentes." on such a subject may offend and alienate your ally, He believed the course we were adopting was the one least Franco ;" now, when the question was how a peace could. likely to disappoint Russia and to serve Turkey. We be patched upehe seemed to forget that they had an ally might go on from victory to victory, but when we had la- on the face of the globe—(hear)—and recommended them vished our treasure and our blood we might perhaps find to creep out of the quarrel in a manner which would ex that we had destroyed the finances of Turkey and the bone pose them equally to the charge of desertion by Turkey and sinew of the country, and that when we expected an and of perfidy by France. (Hear.) He would put it to ovation, we would receive the curses of a beggared and de- any advocate of peace in that house whether a peace which solated people. He thought the time would come when would have excited the indignation even of a commercial reflecting men would feel that we were fighting more for people like our own would not have mortified the pride success than for any definite object. of that gallant nation of soldiers with which the name LordDUNGAßVANthoughtthatthetoneofthespeeches of Napoleon was associated, and shaken the stability of recently made by statesmen who had lately been high in a throne which seemed essential to the safety of social office must have a pernicious effect both on the people at order throughout the whole civilised world? (Hear.) home and upon our brave allies abroad. (Hear, hear.) He The right hon. gentleman had reminded the house how much regretted that those statesmen who had been in Russia had come down in her own terms. Buthow was this office when war was declared, and who had taken an a c tive change effected ?By diplomacy and negotiations, by notes part in the prosecution or that war, should now advocate and protocols? No, it was effected by-the sword—it was on such slight grounds as they did a departure from a effected on those fields of Alma and Inkerman, to which policy they had been concerned in originating. (Hear, the right hon.gentleman hadso touchingly referred. Should hear.) For himself, he was inclined to rejoice that the all this blood have been spilt in vain ? With the soil of the Russian plenipotentiaries did not accept the proposed Crimea filled with the bones of our soldiers, were we to limitation of their fleet in the Black Sea, for that would leave the fortress of Sebastopol untouched, and the Black have been a condition for England or France to carry out. Sea to the Russian navy, iu order that they might cons That condition couldhaveibeen no guarantee againstßussia tinually threaten the independence of that ally for whom having a number of ships on the stocks in every port in that so many of our countrymen had already perished ? If we sea. Russia proposed that the straits should be open a t a ll permitted this blood to be shed in vain, it would be mere times to the ships of war of all the nations, and that the quibbling to talk of effecting our object by negotiation. Let Porte should have the power at any time to call in the them for a, moment examine the question. What was the fleets of France and England to its assistance. The noble object for which the affair had been undertaken ? Was it not lord at the head of the Government had ably pointed out the to put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black danger attaching to the first of these propositions, and the Sea? And that involvedanotherquestion, whichwas the best latter was no concession at all, for ever since the treaty of means of preventing the outbreak of a new war that might 1841 the Porte had been in full possession of the power o f arise from the future position of Russia. (Hear.) 'One calling for the assistance of the fleets of the Western means proposed was to overawe Russia by the presence of Powers whenever it judged that assistance necessary. The an Allied fleet in the Dardanelles, and the right hon. mero - desire of Russia was in the eyes of the German Courts to ber for Manchester a pp roved of that course. He (Sir E. throw upon the Western Powers the onus of carrying on B. Lytton) should be induced to agree with him, but for the war. That was a challenge which he hoped those one thing, and that was, that while the Allies had only powers would accept, for he believed that England and three ships in the Dardanelles, Russia would have the France united could fail in nothing, and the more so when whole coast of the Black Sea bristling with her fortresses, right and justice were upon their side. No doubt many and could thus unceasingly increase her maritime force be misfortunes had befallen us—no doubt many faces formerly hind the shelter of these strongholds, while England and well known on the benches of the house would never more France would have to keep up a constant system of surveil be seen there • yet nothing, he felt sure, would abate the) lance on a sea where they would find neither ports of refuge , resolution that England had taken in this case. Forbid it nor arsenals in which to refit. (Hear.) This plan thee that England should rush into war for the sake of prestige would not put an end to the preponderance of Russia. alone ; still it could not be denilti that prestige tinter- All that it would do would be to guard at a great cost nishod and unbroken was one of the mainstays of akingdom, against Russia abusing that preponderance, and so far and, careful as this country should be of her commercial from putting an end to the possibility of a new war, you interests, if she wished to continue in her present proud pre would keep Russia perpetually threatening Turkey, and sition, she must not refrain from putting forth her strength England and France perpetually threatening Russia. to support the cause of liberty against force and injustice. Ha could fancy nothing so bad for the independence of He could have wished to have been able to give his whole Turkey as such a v -stem of chronic protection established vote in favour of the amendment of the - non. member for within her own waters. The second proposition was that Kidderminster ; but he should be acting better if he only of the mare clausum, with power to the Sultan to call supported the first part of it, for it was, he thought, highly in the aid of the allies when necessary. But there would improper in any way to fetter the hands of her Majesty's be this difference, that Russia would constantly maintain Government in the present important struggle. her strength, whereas the others might be unprepared, and Mr. BAXTER objectel to any vote that would hamper whereas now there was not a Russian flag tieing in those the Executive Government, and this objection, he thougnt, water.s, and her ships had been even chased from the Sea of applied to both amendments now before the house. They Azoff, you would find, on the arrival of your contingent, were both instructions to the Government— the ono to her flee flying on tho walls of Constantinople. The hon. ba make peace on Russian terms ; the other, to refuse all fur- ronet having quoted the opinion of Marshal Marmont as to Cher negotiations. He could not agree to either of them, the facilitywith which Russia might at any time make ade and especially he could not agree to the amendment of the scent from Sebastopol on Constantinople, while at the same hon. member for Kidderminster, that they would accept time she marched an army against the Balkan fortresses, of nothing but the diminution of the Russian fleet in proceeded to say that, under such circumstances and with the Black Sea. He could imagine many other pro- such dangers, the proposition 'of the mare clausum would positions which would he even more acceptable, as ; be untenable. The right honourable member for for instance, the destruction of Seba.stopoi it se lf. Manchester complained that the conduct of the While he gave full praise to the eloquent and logical Western Powers with respect to the third point had been speech of the right hon. member for the University of Ox- very unsatisfactory. He did not dispute that proposition, ford made a few nights since, he thought the ri g ht h on . and all he could say was, that it only proved how fortunate gentleman, in his laudable and Christian desire to stay the it was that the negotiations had been broken off. He effusion of blood, overlooked the fact that, if the allied lamented to hear these praises of Russian moderation ermies now retired from the Crimea without having ef- from some of the most conspicuous members of the popu fected its object, Russia would be more feared than ever lar party in that house. Would not such expressions (sn eer prestige would he greater—her invincibility confirmed, courage Russia to hold on, and persevere in the war, in He individually, and all his constituents, had a direct in- the hope that the opinio ns o f such influential p ersons terest in the establishment Of peace ; but , he had come to would have their weight with the English people ? (Hear.) E the conclusion that any peace made now would not con- Every speech made in such a strain might be read by a tinuo long. Under these circumstances, he was willing to Russian general to his troops ; and Russian ministers leave the question in the hands of Government, having might translate it for the benefit of trembling merchants full confidence in them that they would conclude, not a and discontented nobles, if they desired to animate them Matched-up peace, but a peace that was not likely to be to resistance against this country. Hehonoured their bold broken during the present century. ness in taking so unpopular a view of the question, bul l he Mr. HENRY BAILLIE condemned the conduct of the implored them to reflect whether they rightly exercised Government in not havin g kept our army up to an their powers, when in a war undertaken to protect weakness efficient point, and in not drawing upon the resources against aggression they took the part of the enemies of their of our Indian empire. He was against making peace on country. (Cheers.) He now came to the amendments, Russian terms, as he considered the terms proposed by th e and it was with great regret he found there was not one allies wholly inadequate to the exigency. with whom he could cordially agree. He could not agree Mr. M. MILNES thought the best solution of the diffi. to 'the amendment of the hon. baronet the member for °a cuity would be to prohibit any vessels navigating the Black ford, much less to that a the hon. member for Kidder- Sea except for commercial purposes and purposes of naval minster, and as to that with which the right hon. baronet police. the member for Portsmouth had supplied hire, it would Sir E. DERING had supported the motion of the right have been much more complimentary to the quarter from hon. member for Backs the other evening; but after the which he had stolen it had not the right hon. baronet explicit declarations of the Government, he was satisfied added the crime of murder to that of theft. Taking the of their sincerity ; and ho now hoped that Ministers would bantling out of the cradle the right hon. baronet cut it in insist upon higher terms than they had yet demanded. two, and the part which he presented to the house had not Lord ELCHO was anxious to mark his dissent from the a leg to stand on. (A. laugh.) Now the motion of his right sentiments expressed in the eloquent speech of his right hon. friend the member for Bucks, by implying a censure hon. friend the member for the University of Oxford—a on the Government for ambiguous language, offered a sub speech which he deeply regretted, as ho belieVed the country stantial reason why they, the House of Commons, should would accept it as a sufficient explanation of the blunders volunteer to her Majesty the assurance of their co-operation that had occurred, and would consider " lukewarm" as in the war, or iu the negotiation of a peace which they the reason of " too late,' but w hi c h h e regretted still more should consider honest. Bnt the moment you omitted because he believed it would tend indefinitely to postpone the censure, you implied that you found no fault what the prospects of peace, which the right hon. gentleman ever with the conduct of the war, or with the language was so anxious to attain. He maintained that there wa s that had been hold by the responsible advisers of the Crown, great danger in Russian po wer unless it was checked in and the resolution became an unnecessary platitude. time ; and the propositions commended by the right hon. (Cheers.) It was with great satisfaction he found that the member for Manchester were i n t en ded not to check Rue- motion of his right hon. friend had effected an objectwhich s ian power, but to leave it 0.3 it was. He was in favour of amply compensated for its defeat. It had not changed the the Government propositions, which, he believed, con- Government, but it had changed the tone of its members, tained the principle of limiting Russian power. But for (Hear.) He had no hope that this beneficial change would himself he believed that the road to a secure peace ley last, but he hoped the tide would not ebb as fast as the through Sebastopol. Th ere f ore , though it gave him the suddenly galvanised zeal of the noble lord the member for greatest pain to separate himself from his friends on this London, who expressed so much before the division, and question, yet he was prepared to leave the question in the ex p lained so much awa y immediatel y after. (Cheers) The hands of ? the Government, believing that they would not motion of his right hon. friend had been conceived in no continue the war a mome n t l onger tha n was necessary to party spirit. It had, on the contrary, cleared the ground secure a lasting peace. - from all party influences, and had allowed them to discuss Lord C. HAMILTON defended the Russian propositions the question, not as Englishmen against Englishmen, but as more effectual for th e ma i n t enanc e o f p ea ce, while it as citizens of the same State discussing the policy which would not needlesrly humiliate Russia. He could not ought to be adopted iu a case of common danger. therefore vote with the hon. member for Kidderminster, (Hear.) Much reference had been made to Austria — as he did not believe the rupture of the negotiations was ' that power which was al ways ready to negotiate while it attributable to Russia. hesitated to act. The time had now come for considering Sir B. LYTTON said the right hon. gentleman the what was the next position we could hold with reference) to that power ; and ho earnestly entreated the house to dis member for Manchester had summed up his objections to tinguish between the friendship of that country and its the continuance of the war by asking how it could subserve alliance. Meer, hear.) If they wished to limit the war the interests of England. He (Sir B. Lytton) would answer within narrow bounds, he thought they ought to maintain that question by reminding him how eloquently on a for- friendly relations with Austria so long as she remained mer occasion he declared that ho and the party with whom neutral, because they could not . injure that state without he acted were not anxious for any terms of peace which injuring tho balance of power in Europe. It was easy to say that Austria might be reduced to a fourth-rate power, were not consistent with the honour of the country. but her answer would be this—lf yon go to war to pre (Hear, hear.) On that point the right hon. gentleman serve the balance of power, remember that Austria is as should observe this distinction, that with individuals necessary as toa i eg i n s terpoi i r or tod e r s a e nc a e n ; d a , o e j' h u er rkg as i o s n a s s h a e jealousy of honour might be a mere sentiment, .whereas counterposewo would preserve friendly relations with Austria, but he with. nations it was something more—it was a condition doubted the wisdom of that policy which had so earnestly of greatness. (Hoar, hear.) If the position of an solicited her alliance. Suppose you had attained that individual were lo were d, he might still say, "My estate alliance, what would you have gained ? He said " Better is e tents impaired, person;" law but s i t f i l the honourmaintains my of arightsnat nation n d wper her,re a sas e a A n u d s t i r n i a e v a i l t o a n h e l , e b e i e e nytosu til bring here oon your rr s i i d t a e t . lowered hoo in urof a n the a t ieuyne like ef England,ot her whichstates, more ow ed i t a especially position t he 'munch kI thoughte too. a n p t p h l a i e t_ a o t i u n r g . (Hear.)attitudehhtowardsHe no w Austria ea t oh thead been hon,cur of a nation liko England, which owed its position 'much too su pplicating. (Hear.) He now came to the pro the e t ntournitesriteerralitaomryoubnuttoftoitsitsarchmaireasc, c haracter—(cheers) — not t(ochaeebresl);-fninotittos _bleifmwleaawd were e w t n o b eo y ;t. t i li n e u r e ig th t ia w on ar . , m of em w b h er at f a o h r a A p l e an w c a h e es t t h e e r , spirit and its indomitable will, the consequences would war to be ? . Was to be of a large and comprehensive affect its solid and vital interests. (Cheers.) Its credit character, ultimately involving changes in the governments would suffer—its commerce would indirectly be damaged ;of Europe ?He warned them against raising hopes which even in peaceful negotiations its claim would not be re- the y might not be able to satisfy. (Hear.) He would not cognised, and never - a gain would it interfere with effect admit that there was no ho p e of the restoration of Poland. against violence and - wrong, and on behalf of liberty and He would not prejudge what might be done with the righ:t. (Cheers.) These were some of the consequences Crimea when we got it; but he would not encourage which would affect, the interests of this country, if, other vague language which it might suit one minister to use, nations could say—whether justly or not—that England and his successor to repudiate. Woe and shame to the had grown unmindful of her honour. And he asked British statesman who should raise nations against his right honourable friend (Mr. M. Gibson) whether their rulers, not foreseeing that in those constitutionaj other countries would not say this with every appearance changes to which I their governments were subject, of truth, if after having got into a war with their they might promise to-day that which their' succes most powerful enemy, they accepted any terms sore would withdraw to-morrow. (Hear, hear.) Those of peace which Turkey herself would indignantly refuse nations who hoped for democracy must not look to to (indorse? (Hear, hear.) He did not mean to deny that foreign soldiers, or the votes of foreign popular assemblies. the right hon. gentleman was as anxious for the honour of They could not receive liberty as a boon or extort it as a the country as any one of them. But he asked, did anybody right, except it was signed at their own Runnymede and believe that a single subject of the Ottoman empire would under the shadow of their own oak. (Cheers.) Therefore, consider that they had fulfilled their engagement if they let them confine this war to the object for which it had consented to any terms of peace that would not take from been begun—the integrity and independence of Turkey, Ruseitt a single fortress or a single ship by means of which with such guarantees for the future as statesmen might de she :now held the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) The right hon. vise, and victory might enable us e t e o Tn o dh b ae t tf a h i t n oh . ues ( we H ac e ro a um r l . di ) g jh T litd h gb a ee t gentleman and the noble lord who spoke last were consis- conceded, he was not going to ask what new fortress was tha te hgo n aew t izw i ,as n ntayrt t —h h me e (eowmp c apo o br urse which they had pursued—they were to be attacked ; that was•no affair. of the House of Corn. r b ann u md t e h wn e th wo c h o w u o l e d lree n d ortethscpeomonnesieinibvtl into onlyemaob ni cabinets, a,resultsMattersand i;n and councils (ni nael strategytilhsooufg although. most ho settled by the allied opposition) whie h he i f a t n h d e y hi. his pushedeol for all that it hadefsrir war—(opposition from could now suddenly as- purely defensive, if they wa at n hr t . ed to drive Russia into sums the language of peace societies—(hear, hear)— terms they must grapple with her wherever they could. a to ndaho it that there wTahaennoothbilnegloarod i t in he po m li e t m ie b a e a r f h o u r m L i y a n tin h g ad said f leagues commenced with a military failure. (Renewed when you could not crush him, quoting Machiavelli cheers.) cheers.) He had listened to the speech of the right in support of his proposition. He warned his noble hon. gentleman the member for the University of Oxford friend against the attempt to reduce the grand science of with. profound respect for his intellect and his eloquence ; 1 statesmanship to scholastic maxims. We could not, it was but he could not reconcile the course which he hail sup' true, crush Russia, as Russia, but we could crushherat ported at the commencement of the war with that which ho tempt to be anything more than Russia. (Hoar, hear. had advocated recently. There could be no doubt as to ,It might be said that William of Orange could not have ieh H h e ad w what in the right hon. gentleman's eyes was the object of crushed Louis XIV., or that the burghers of the beenas sure givenhe twouldhate evening accept ng b y his the right bon. William Netherlands of could Orange Louisthe house in a o g f g re asiy Austria—but the of i tw war. h friend the memb er f or Southwark, and which he (Sir B. upon Holland, and the burghers resisted successfully. the Lytton) was astonished to hear, coming as it did from so ac- house of Austria. In the , same way, his noble friend compliehed a philosopher as the pupil of Bentham, and the might depend upon it, we. could mak Russia in her at" acti action military a crimes u success c iecnnsottshsthctheeht ehefimGeerrso wt)--v (thee; thou',r • tempts to injure our ancient ally. The right hon. gentle man the member for Manchester had asked when, if the policy indicated was followed out, would the war end ? He (Sir B. Lytton) believed that if we were only in earnest in carrying it on, and limited it to its le g itimate objects, it could not last long. In these days war was money, and it was impossible for any power to sustain a long war with a short Purse. The pecuniary resources of Rus sia were already becoming exhausted—therem trade .was almost annihilated — while her recruiting sys carried on in a way which, besid es draining the country of its adult male population, inflicted a heavy loss upon the lords of the soil, and incalculable misery and discontent upon the people. In conclusion, the hon. baronet expressed a hope that when it should be asked what service the pre sent generation had performed , histor y would reply that it drew the sword to protect the weak against the strong, and that it had not sheathed it until it had redeemed the `pledge given to humanity upon the faith of two Christian sovereigns, and vindicated the cause of justice and liberty. The LORD ADVOCATE thanked the hon. bart. not only for the clear exposition he had given of his own views, but also for having successfully disposed of the arguments of those who were the opponents of the Government in the present debate. It had been sai d that the country had drifted into war. He altogether disputed the aceuracy of that statement. Never had a war been entered into by the people of this country with so much deliberation. It was not a war of passion—it was a war of dynasties—it was a war of justice and of necessity ; and he did not believe the country would stop in its course until the object for which the war had been commenced had been achieved. With regard to the origin of the war, when the right hon. member for Manchester said it was owing to the tone of the press and of the supposed impossibility of England and. France entering into an alliance to resist Russian aggres sion, the right hon. gentleman conceded the point that the Emperor of Russia was all along waiting for the opportunity to attack Turkey. The interest we had in defending Turkey 'was this :—That through the sides of Turkey our own liber ties were menaced. We had a plain and obvious danger to ward off, and the question now to consider was, how best we could place Turkey in such a position that the liberties of Europe should be secure for the future. It by no means followed, when the war was actually commenced, that the status quo should be the condition of peace. The right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford had said that we ought not to raise our terms as the war went on ; but the principle of altering the terms according to the altered state of circumstances consequent on the war was admitted by Lord Aberdeen himself, who increased, the terms upon which his Government wore nwhich prepared to treat for peace as the war went on. The terms u p o peace might be negotiated on the one side and on the other must always depend in a great measure upon the re sults of the war ; and the results of our military operation, even before the recent successes, were certainly not such as should induce us to accept lower terms than those origi nally proposed, but the contrary . (Hear, hear.) The main demand was the limitation of the Russian preponderance in the Black Sea, as embodied in the third point. The only effectual means of carrying out that object was by the meas ures proposed by th' allies, for it was clear that if the other proposition were adopted—viz., that Turkey should have the right to call in the fleets of France and England if she were menaced—in the event of France and England not being agreed, or either of those po seers not being agreed with Turkey, there would be no protection for Turkey. Lo.,king at the result of the debate, he did not think the Emperor of Russia, or any power in Europe, could now entertain a doubt that the opinion of the House of Commons and of the country was that we had entered upon a war upon just grounds, and were determined not to relinquish it until the and we had in view was attained. (He;.r.) Mr. COBDEN moved the adjournment of the debate. _ Lord PALMERSTON trusted that the house would allow this amendment to be disposed of. He considered that the amendment on which the hon. member would wish to state his sentiments was the amendment of the hon. member for the University of Oxford (Sir W. Heathcote). Mr. COBDEN begged the noble lord's pardon, but it was on this amendment that he wished to state his sentiments. Mr. DISRAELI hoped that there would be no difference of opinion on this important point. There were several amendments on the paper, but it appeared to him that this was the real question on which the opinion of the house was asked—whether the conferences were to proceed, or, as it was understood, to be closed immediately—was this, bad the best moans been em p lo y ed by Government to esta blish the equilibrium, and put an end to the preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea. A more important question, or one more deserving the consideration of the House of Commons could not wall be conceived. When the noble lord at the head of the Government announced, before the recess, that he intended to support the first part of the mo tion of the hon. member for Kidderminster, he (Mr. Dis raeli) told the noble lord that he must be prepared for con siderable debates in consequence of that declaration. Not only was the whole question of the policy of Government in volved in the discussion, but much more than that—the future means by which peace was to be maintained. He might also take that opportunity of answering the remarks of the Lord Advocate, and perhaps he might be able to show him that the subject *as of much wider character than he seemed to suppose. The learned lord imagined, acting under the instructions of the Government, that there were no other means by which the preponderance of Russia could be possibly checked and controlled. He (Mr. Disraeli) thought, however, that it was the duty of the House of Commons to enter falls , and completely ino this discussion; that the first part of the amendment of the hon. member for Kidderminster was the real business before them ; and that all the rest was " leather and prunella." (Laughter.) The noble lord, therefore m ust not suppose that they co uld proceed to an early division upon a subjecfr on which it appeared to him the discussion had only commenced. The debate was then adjourned till this day. The Mortmain Bill was read the scond time. TENANTS IMPROVEMENTS COMPENSATION (IRELAND) BI LL. On the order for going into committee on this bill, Colonel DUNNE hoped the Chief Secretary for Ireland and would give the house ample opportunity to consider discuss the amendments which he proposed to introduce into the bill. Mr. HORSMAN said his amendments would appear on the votes to-morrow, and he proposed to bring them under the consideration of the house on Thursday next. 31r. S. FITZGERALD said it was ludicrous to suppose that the house could discuss the amendments on so early a day as Thursday. Lord NAAS also thought that more time should be allowed. Lord PALMERSTON then said the discussion would be taken on Thursday week. The Grants of Land Bill was read a second time. ORDNANCE BOARD BILL. On the motion for the second reeding of this bill, Mr. STAFFORD hoped that a measure for the recon struction of an important public office would not be read the scond time without a full discussion. Col. DUNNE complained that no clear statement had yet been made in the changes in the Ordnance Denartment. Mr. MONSELL said he was anxious to make such a statement. He would postpone the second reading till Friday, EPISCOPAL CAPITULAR ESTATE: BILL. The Marquis of BLANDFORD hoped the lsouse would go into committee pro forma upon this bill, in order that he might introduce certain amendments and ant:rations. The bill then passed through committee pro fol-ma, and was ordered to be reported on Friday. NATIONAL GALLERY, 4c. (DUBLIN) BILL. This bill passed through committee. EDINBURGH LANDS BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. SEWERS (HOUSE DRAINAGE) BILL. The Lords' amendments to this bill were considered and agreed to. YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS BILL. Mr. ADDERLEY obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the Youthful Offenders Act. The house then adjourned at half-past twelv clock. ,„tom`' The departures from the port of London for the Aus tralian colonies during the past week have comprised nine vessels, of the aggregate capacity of 5,270 tons. The rates of freight exhibit a tendency to improvement. 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It is, moreover, 'the best food for infants and invalids generally, as it never turns acid on the weakest stomach, nor interferes with a good liberal diet, but imparts a healthy relish for lunch and dinner, and restores the faculty of digestion, and nervous and muscular. , energy to the most enfeebled. In whooping cough, measles, small pox, and chicken or wind pox it renders all medicine superfluous by romov'ng all inflammatory and feverish symptoms.— In canisters, 11b. 2s. 9d.; 21b. 4s. 6d.; 51b. lls. ; 121 b. 225. The 121 b., carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Barry Du Barry & Co., 77, Regent-street, London ; also at 182, Piccadilly ; 60, Gracechurch:street ; 330, and 451, Strand; 4, Cheapside ; 60 and 68, Cornhill ; 49, BishopSgate-street; 55, Charing-cross; 54, Upper Baker-street; 63 and 150, Oxford-street ; 89, High-street, Camden-town ; 18, Pall mall ; 7, Pall-mall-East ; 132, New Bond-street ; 24, Mot comb-street ; 13, King William-street, City 30, Conduit street; 21, Cockspur-street ; 95, Farringdon-street ; 67, St. Paul's Churchyard ; 6, Edward-street, Portman-square. [Aevnitrissmzsr.]— Pus WAR IN THE EAST. —POWERFUL PATENT RECONNOITRING GLASSES.— Messrs S. and B. Solo mons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe opposite the York Hotel. By her Majesty's Royal Letters Patent for valuable and extraordinary improvements in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Rac e " course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses, to know the distances of objects viewed through them—of great importance to the army, navy, and others. These telescopes possess such extra ordinary powers that some 3i inches, with an extra eye piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring, and the double stars ; with the same telescope can be seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant, and an object from 16 to 20 miles. They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers according l y ; while their vary hit from 4 to 6 inches enable us to discover more than the above and the Georgian, w ith his 6 satellites , & c . —The Ro y al Exhibition, 18.51.—Valuable, newly-invented, very small, Powerful waistcoat-Pocket glass,the size of uwalnut, by which a person can be seen and known 1 a miles distant ; they answer every purpose on the race-course, and at the opera houses, country scenery, and ships are clearly seen at 8 to 10 miles. They are invaluable for s hootin g , deer-stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, game k ee pers, and tourists. Opera, race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful power.—Newly-constructed Spectacle Lenses of the great est transparent power. The valuable advantage derived from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired is preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are enabled to employ their sight at the most minute omit pation—can see with these lenses of a much less magnify do not require the frequent changes ing power—and they to the dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Deaf ness—New Discovery.—The Organic Vibrator, an extraordi nary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument for deafness, entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the kind that has been, or probably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at church and at public assemblies ; the unpleasant sensation of singing noises in the ears is entirely removed; and it affords all the assist ance that possibly could be desired. 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe—opposite the York Rote). COUNTRY AfA.RKETIS• CHELMSFORD—JiME 1. Great dullness' in the whea t trade ,an d whilst the better sa mples barely maintained last week's prices, a reduction of is per qr. on- second-rate qualities was necessary before B OW %l h e t s seaa c t o n, u cwi ld phei b ta e es, effected. Barley and beans Is per q fiolram;p:vritsh. olt alteration. s. 0 . qr.6l 84 Oats, per qr ....... .....29 ~8 new...Xl 84 peas, Partridge ....... 39 v, old 57 77 White ........ 39 'IA dearer. .... 42 48 new 57 77 Boiling ......... Barley 29 36 Chevalier 29 37 Beans, Tick ............ A,. Grinding 25 32 Barrow. tic • ticks 44 '''' Malt 3B 41 68 .72 Mazagan.. ..... 4 1 Dun ............. 379 Chevalier 70 74 Ditto, new... red, - COLCHESTER— JUNE 2. e ek's P r A small supply of wheat, taken a t fully last w f i ces ' Very little spring corn, and no C han g to Saturda ~,, 4. 0 SO `Prices to-daywere as follow :--Wheat, wbite , ' " ' hors red, 72s to 80s ; barley, 32s to 34s ; oats, 30s to 34 • ; ' , Alazagan, 40s to 428 ; middle and small, 44s to 480; Pe""' white, 46s to 48s ; grey, 42s to 445. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, ke. , in the port of London, f ro m the follow ing P°' the 28th May to the 2d June, both inclusive. • rece iced ;its, free 1, 43 cu , --;._, 4 1 -H .. 240 71 1 440 1 \ : 244 650 = ____3oo( = „ i 991 5 X 23 20 Colchester Harwich Leigh ... Maldon ......_ ---- SIRICCALDY—JurrE 2. full/ li t A good supply of wheat, which sold slowly" ttz....bot week's rates. Oats in fair supply; barley Veil were is ls per qr. higher than last week. 1 s3e l Data. a Wheat. I . i i os oa First Bos Od 1 39s Barley 0,1 i 36s Od ' Os oa Second 77s Od I 35s Od I 33s 6 d !Os Third 70s Od I 31s Od 1 30s Od i \ COAL MARK. Prices of Coal per ton at t' :ET.—JU 4 • ,he close of the niv'tet' a. Wal ffic.• s. 0 0 • ••*" e. 0 8. d., Holywell ... W y l am 16 6'Can's Xerthy r ••••'''' Wallsend, &e. Harton 2O 0 Ships at market... li LO I 'Sold . ......... SEABORNE MAILS. --.0.---- - (N signifies that the mails are sent from the GO re al 1 by the night—and Mby the morning--despa tch ' ) en 10 vitit d u e DaY When Male UP Froll ' „pd. COUNTRIES. in General Post- Fort, , Eel . .....• •ttcue-" ~......-, Office, London.* DIV. ___...--- , :AO --.--- ~.........- ow . America(byßrit.pack)N Every Friday • . • • LiverP °°l ' .1 6 Americp, (by United Sts. June packet) ..........N LiVerY °°l ''. America (by U. States • g o utlaseW t°° 9 4 packet) ..........N ........• ........ . • • :ouc d amp 1411: : : : 1111 Australia (via South ampton) .......... M Ditto (via Marseilles) N Ditto (via Cape of Goad • .. I • ' 1 011 " Hope) ............N utll Africa (West Coast) ..N 13 , 1 of the month .. fIY IIO- 1 Alexandria.... —.„ ..14'30 • Deve r !„..,10 . 1 1 1 Alexandria ........ „M 4th & 20th of mon.iSoutha,.too; _,,,, Bahamas ...........Ni 17th of th e montbiSotltharaP .IP I I J 6 Belgium ............N Dai1y............ Dover ..:04.0.1,14rje 16 Brazil ...............M 9th of tile month.. Southstua,to, jun_44 Buenos Ayres ........M 9th of the month.. Soutitfer.,r rt;llll°... v• A rioUs l''' Cape of Good Hope ..N Cape of Good Hope ..14 l'S' Cape de seeds ......N 9th of the mon t h Bouthe° Ceylon (see India) (10 641 Ceylon ....: •• • .......N „, • Wel l ~,, Channel Isles ........N Mon.,Wed.,&Frig• Suau ) ' -- fl i tcl , ...0 I" Chi1i........ „„„ „..,,m 2d Er 17th of moral; gettthatar .ro. China .... . Once a month .• • • Constantinople ......N 8,13,18,23,&28 of In D0c cr ,..,•• •• e1e ..0 1..4 1 ‘ 41141/ Constantinople ...„, „ 9th & uOth of mon. Soutl''' — • •. • r _AO Cont. of Europe M& N Twice daily ...• • • Do ver •• ' ii, „,- TO Egypt (see India) France ... ..... M & N rwice daily .• • • • • Dover oiptop 1 Gibraltar .. ........ M 4, 7, 17, 20, 27 of • o,,tSeuti's 001 Greece (see India) I V.III2WiI Greytown . - .... j . - 0 1 Elamburgh ..........N Tuesday & Friday ilavannah .. ' ... .....m 2nd of the month Sodiba:l4.. „te 1 M Daily, • • • • • • • " Dover ,;_,,,, fir, 4 Honduras ......... • •M 17th of the month. Suffiba,utr ss- India (viaSouthampt.)M 4th & 20th of anon. Fir n ,.'• ...'i _ A il India (via Marseilles)M 9th& 25th of ntonth Dave' '',...lfet, lonian Isles (see India) 7, 17, &21 of mon Du.e, r ,;:o .• i:olfr Ireland ........Ni. & N Twice daily .• •• .• 1:1013,,`.„0011', , Lisbon:. .... • • ......M 7,9, 17, & 27 of M.,Soull'au'notes ~,,,01. Madeira ............N 9th of the month iSonll lal ' a i „. 0 " - Louden_:_torj. 04 Madeira •• • • ~ „ ,„, „N 23d o f mo nth •• • • LiverP o 'Malta (see India) Malta ..............N 8, 18, St 28 of mon. Dov° l '..... 'M a 1 L Mauritius (see India) • • i • 0 1,.. , 4anritim ..........N 14th of the nierithi ar apte o ' / Mexico ............M 2nd of the month..l,,•'^e_tlir . ,•••1 1 10 Naples .............. N 15016th25thoftnon.IP0,0, v ;pto o ff p eer i New Granada ......M 2d & 17th of montbliSou_.:l'',4 poftE w New Zealand .......... By private ship ••1 1r31 '.„ ° ,. ...." Papal States ........N sthlhth2tholmen IlCov.' - „,toU Peninsula, ...........M Ithl7th27thofmon:lSeuth2nolrptoo trocat9 Pere • ..........•••m .(1 & 27th of mon.lSuu,l",3 porls Port Natal ..........1.1 By private ship. . Irer',°— ..• , Sicily ........ • .....N sthl3th2sthofnion, :0 0/ 7,,. ',.... ',', pee" Tuscany ............N sthlsth2sthofmon. 1)04,%:0;pio. , 10 Venezuela ..........M 2 d & 17th of month Soew , A I I Van Diemen's Land (see 1 Australia) ... e West Indies ~.::: :: if 2d& 17th of month ISOU ttsnWtni 4c ' 1 ddi • • CO IA : f ,. i,1 . c , o op , fir tO a cj When any of these dates fall on a §unday, th o 111 4 tO o telle !matched on the following day, with the except:en pt Southampton), and the Malta, both of which will Dd preceding day. , afor 3 13 ° , 0° DEATH THROI3GH Joy.—On Saturday „ c i i,'l, itt coroner for the city of, Westminster, inqu'r;gea4oo4 cause of the death of Mrs. Harriet gorris'6oo.l fi eo the Grange Tavern, Queen-street, Pimlic°tot thel,foer said he was the deceased's husband, an d w iocig °nt°. servants to her Majesty. About eight f rom thecooel day evening one of their daughters ca ,sit. 39,,epeor; try, and unexpectedly paid them 9 '"" sod e fle no received her daughter with great affect e ees de st ~ overjoyed, when suddenly she sank 0 0 b Yoh co as; passage, near the bannisters, exc laitci n i g;osist i e tli a i j, and never spoke afterwards. gecli°3,: prenrefre immediately sent 'for, and Mr. Neal:,[ e i s re h i : . Ss t l e ' ' attendance, but deceased had expire°. " ° e -plg' st s '; Mr. William Michael Neale, of Westbourlit the 01 0 0, pc! square, surgeon, described t hi s 5 .4 oneii e et acl, co sif e h li g gular cases he had ever witnessed. r t so °,. w e, 11.. / mortem examination, and found the he/i s 60g e t ' o pris,' ° ' diseased as positively to break unde r ,fit ri,. 5 5 ,,,0 cP',l,. disease bad been going on for yeara,!°llo ac': -etotil,°,,r ,she had lived so long, the heaft bell, ro dfrig h ecec l , P oe ordinary softened state. Any slOllOO it y 0 1 co t or excitement, might at any time, " t be ° 9 ',. / was o f or death. The rupture of the aorta 1 ° end 0 19 ec t to p e 1 heart was the distinct cause of deat, 00 04 0 , 0 6 probably occasioned by the sudden Pi t a tbii ~ c. an ~ ev ths l visit of her daughter. The P r J t i° e lor'J d too ceased died from disease of the he"V i iie sill, ge bbicr t io e , [AIiVERTISEMENTI-110110Wais 1 ..... gre. ' pa 0 0 1 canions in curing Liver Complaints; for , erl ho rt , o r •f Bark-htreet, Hulme, wassail ffllcte" o f the ' ba a I' o o4 with a liver complait, paitation.ddioessfer se1:006 pains of both shoulders, headache, ' g with °tl' 'O4 with tite, and restless sleep, symptoms, for which she took almost,js_ r ere, i v eter o" t o together ev er,' hot ~. generally recommended for such d ° E lie ° .r ivg 'pet unable to derive any bene fror:nathebn; p er a se l t : o rr e r r o , to give Holloway's pills a finial, restore to e „ le i them for a few weeks, she has beenon,inoes „ o r '; 5 0, state of health, which she still c , ; pofe; 0. Sold by all medicine vendorg. 0 1 ° 3 , , vecl ° ' way's establishments, 244, Straw' Maiden-lane, Nevv York. us e' . 33IRTfIS. P' ci , 1 S e o r A SON. . f ae°l. Ole' wife ° ~PCI K O On the Ist inst., at Wootton, the ~/eot o Os Luttrell, Esq. a r' sle' • , 1 1(, .roa , mil On the Ist inst., at St. Geore'Sgarsl „err London, the wife of Lieut. G. 0 - 0e" ell' Cavalry. ma d, P I" On the 4th inst. at 4, Glocester4, the wife of Robert'Phillips Esq. ~,ranr e tre' On the 3d inst., at 50, 'GreatriLcoo, 94. 0,, square, the wife of Joseph PercY ' I 9 f. w aft. Or A DOG.- - R ife o f 4 , the On the 12th March, at Shaughal, - of t be O P 00 .-/ ner, Esq., of the Oriental Bank: the w ife , 0 On the 31st ult., at Blandforcl, l'h ~ g (r if' Haste. 11_00°' liffP On the 2d inst., at 7, Cae ll g a 1 )0 14 Dettmar. rjr dr On the 3d inst., in Oxford -terrace' 'ofa i J. Jarvis. sal o to ~ v 1:), to o, t bs to MAI I I" T3roloP of si , 1,1 west o° t o f 0 On the 2d inst., at S. Maris', o,oeare'ristfa, Ingham Morley, Esq., of Thur.° ton ° ll, , j' ' George Morley, Esq., of Er O V,P flo,lsvre ,401°,39: Emilia, second daughter of P. b C W o nfr° Brompton. chnr° P°OlO On the 2d inst., at 11 01 1 T rini g ,A- 10 % 1 4 1' . , °I o sl r o b E. Probst, Esq. of Clap es C 0 1,4, „ only daughter of Esq., James ,` ,t,e fielPort%hole.s common. fin' -in'ite ° t " of t " fr, On the 2d inst., at St. 10 1. " -- ° o f ale '" re lic - 0 1 ; - L. Dennis, 94th Regt., eldest sejllo,_Aety:,_oo, .„, o Sir James Dennis, Lieut. John Elliot,x,cl3,, to _AT: segiqcolow 3 4 West 14:1' 0 ;00 11, al, daughter of Captain Robert ti. ' 49th Regiment. P ic pt rrie t 00/ P 1 P. L a dy .gobert: 1% 0 On the Ist inst., at Wokingll ueotifcri,stif -aeLlr,'oer daughter of Henry, sth Dlllsll°o_place, ,or, o f w On the 3d inst., at 27r°"gbert ss s ' fivi'' ..4,0 0 mour, relict of the late , Lord ,_ oit eoe , iiip y e , On the 3d inst., William P. , . 'oc° 3 ,ed Cl 6. tri 0 60 , square, Bloomsbury, ao . o tree , 15 ' On the Ist inst., at Bolton coblre' noctr Bartrum, Esq., aged 7 5 • t. eo lc, l' 111:1 of v , On the 31st ult., at Eller' , e, 9 4., itri * well, Esq., aged 76. John De° l/ uo re A O On the 31st nit.,Williant 1 ,10P ~,ift, commons, aged 68. aiding, 53ratle .r , c ll ' i 'l/O' On the 2d inst.,. at E. _, 37 , _ lied „.ist o f Esq., barrister -at-taw, agv_ory, the of 9veraif ,i, On the 2d inst., at the yea, Wilts, 13 " II tlo lv ' to # 4 :o, Gaisford, D.D., of Iferci,,,,reei, it , th . 0 ~o , and Regina Professor of ur pr. .11,71,1°T ________/ ford, aged 75. o:oth, oe etY ° On the 28th ult., at Tor for to ; Sur eon Royal Navy, J• l7. 4 0, aged 65. 0 1111 ;( _ g ay() rfo. e a bi "s" offe'go o A publish° e i, OS O. - LONDON': Fri' fed and , r , a t Aoe ' je of No. 11, Strand, Printfo t _ 0 doro p Strand, in the Precinct o a s u , iii - 0 , aidases, Tueadgbio JO 41,Z In, S4le la;