The Sun. — London, England, 1855-05-15 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. SOITSE OF LORDS--(YESTERDAY.) The lobbies leading to the House of Lords this even ing presented a scene of the greatest excitement. In the interior of the house the excitement rivalled that from without. The space round the throne was crowded to excess, and the galleries round the house were filled with elegantly-dressed ladies. The gallery appropriated to the members of the Rouse of Commons was also crowded with members of the other house. The LORD CHANCILLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY. The LORD CHANCELLOR, upon an appeal being made to him by Lord LYNDHURST, consented to postpone the re committal of the Cambridge University Bill from to morrow till that day week. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from Scot land against the sale of intoxicating drinks. SECOND READINGS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE, the Surbiton Improvement, the Newport Corporation, Stourbridge Gas, East India Railway, and Madras Railway Bills were read a second time. THIRD READINGS. On the motion of the same noble lord, the Medical Invalid and General Life Assurance 1111 and the Lands Improvement Company Bill , were real a third time and passed. The Newspaper Stamp sill and other bills we re rea d a first time. MAYNDOTH. The Earl of HARRONVEY; in reply to the Earl of Winchelsea, stated that he had received a complaint from the professors of Maynooth; stating that their evi dence had been privately used by Dr. Cullen to show the propaganda at Rome that their opinions differed from the high Roman authorities. He (Lord Harrowby), in reply, had told them, that the evidence having ulti mately become a public document, and known to the world, its early communication to Rome by Dr. Cullen merely anticipated its knowledge there ; so that it was erroneous to linpUte the private connection to the effect that had,,been imputed. donucT or THE WAR. The Earl - of ELLENBOROI7GII, who had the following resolutions on the paper,— . "That a hurnble address be presented to her Majesty, "To assure her Majesty of our continued support in the prosecution of the just and necessary war in which her Ma jesty is engage d ; " To declare the sincere gratification with which we have regarded the perfect community of counsels between her Ma jesty and the Emperor of the French, and have seen friendli ness established and increasing between the French people and our own—events full of hope for the future to other na tions as well as to ourselves ; "To express our admiration of the many deeds of valour by which the allied forces in the East have illustrated their brotherhood in arms, and our satisfaction that the brave army of Piedmont is now called to participate in their actions and in their fame ; "To declare our persuasion that, amid all their disap pointments, the people of this country still retain the gene rous feelings which led therniat the commencement of the war willingly to place- all the means required from them at her Majesty's disposal—that they' will still protect the weak against thtaggression of the strong—and that they are not prepared to-consent that Russia shall, by her increasing pre ponderance, so control the Turkish Government as actually to hold Constantinople within her grasp ; " To acquaint her Majesty that, while we admit and lament the privations to, which war necessarily subjects all classes of the people, we yet venture to assure her Majesty that they would in so just a cause bear those privations without com plaint if they could feel that the war had been well conducted —that the troops- had not been exposed to any hardships which could have been avoided by forethought—and that everything had been done to enable them to achieve decisive success ; " Humbly to represent to her Majesty that her people, suffering privations on account of. this war, have as yet had no such consolation ; that, on the contrary, we can lot withhold from her Majesty the avowal of our conviction that the conduct of the war has occasioned general dissatis faction and given rise to just complaints ; and that we must humbly lay before her Majesty our deliberate opinion that it is only through the selection of men for public employmeLt without regard to anything but the public service that the country can hope to prosecute the war successfully, and to obtain its only legitimate object—a secure and honourable peace , rose and said,—My lords, it is now more than a year that we have been at war,--a period somewhat longer, I be lieve, than the war itself was expected to last by the Mi istry that entered into it,—and during that period we have brought forward the whole military force of the country, such as it is, and also the whole of its naval force. We have had no reason to be dissatisfied with the conduct of our soldiers and seamen (hear, hear); but, on the contrary, they have rivalled the great actions of those who have pre ceded them in former wars, and have been led on all occa sions by English gentlemen with their accustomed spirit and devotion. (Hear, hear.) We have been allied with the greatest military Power in Europe—a Power, too, almost our own equal in naval strength. There has existed the moat cordial union between the forces of the two rowers; and yet, my lords, obtaining, as we have of - tained, so much glory, by the side of that glory we have seen unusual suffering, and, notwithstanding all our strength, united to that of France, notwithstanding all the devotion of our troops, we have not as yet obtained any decisive success, nor can any man say that, at the present moment, there is any expectation of so doing. This alone, my lords, would justify me in calling your lordships' at tention to the subject, and in asking you to consider what may be the causes from which this failure has originated, and what are the remedies which it may be expedient to apply. Very recently, too, another event has taken place which gives a still graver character to the war. The ne gotiations at Vienna have failed, and they have failed in such a manner—that is, by the production on the part of Russia of proposals-which were perfectly inadmissible — (hear, bear)—as to afford the apprehension of a protracted war as well as of a great contest. My lords, under these circumstances I feel that if any apology be necessary for now calling yourlordships' attention to the subject, it is an apology for not - having brought forward this question at an earlier period. But, my lords, since the accession of Lord Palmerston to office there has been a sort of torpor in public affairs, and theta has been nothing to induce any man to bring forward a great public question. If it hai rested with that noble lord the torpor which has existed i parliament would have been extended to the public mind, for the very first measure which he attempted to carry was a measure for the purpose of stifling the Committee of In- quiry into the state of the army before Sebastopol, a com mittee voted by the great majority of the House of Corn mons, and supported almost unanimously by the people o this country. (Hear.) Strange and singular was the course adopted by the noble lord for the purpose of inducing the House of Commons to rescind the resolution at which it bad arrived. He desired to bepermitted to appear in the world" masquerade in the historical character of Richard 11., who fell, as history points out, because he exercised undue private partiality, instead of a desire for the public good, in the appointments of persons to office, and because he utterly disregarded the opinions of the public. But, my lords, it was represented that Lord Palmerston was the fittest person to conduct the affairs of the country in time of war on account of his military experience. Now, cer tainly, that noble lord has during his political life, now extended over a considerable period, for a long time held the office of Secretary at War. Now, that office is not by any means connected with the direction of war, but has only to deal with the financial affairs of the army, but, nevertheless, be has been represented, because he so long held that office, as possessing great military experienen . We have reoently found that Mr. Sidney Herbert, who lately occupied the position of Secretary at War, very properly, as I think, in the discharge of duties of a pub lic nature, assisted the noble duke who was then at the head of the War Department, but that was by no means done by him in the character of Secretary at War, nor had the Secretary at War, as such, anything to do with the direction of a war. If Lord Palmerston, holding that office, acquired great, military experience and established a great military repu tation, that circumstance must have been known to the late Duke Wellington, and would have certainly t en d e d of to make him desire to retain him in the Administration of which he was the head. Ido not mean to say that the Duke of Wellington did not entertain a high opinion of Lord Palmerston's military capacity, but I recollect one circumstance which leads me rather to doubt that he did so. I recollect sitting by the side of the Duke of Welling. ton in this house during the unfortunate difficulty between himself and Mr. Hnskisson, which led to the resignation of a portion of the gentlemen who then formed the Coali tion Government. The Duke of Wellington was called out of the house on the occasion to which I refer, and on his returnhe said to me, "That was Lord Palmerston who wanted to see me, in order to tell me that if Huekisson went out he would go to. I made no reply, for it is not for me to fire great guns at small birds." (Loud laughter.) Such, at the time, was the opinion of the Duke of Welling. ton. Now, I will not pretend to say that the small bird r io a7 not in subsequent times have attained to the dimen .....Ziand, perhaps, the character of the eagle--(laughter) the period referred to such as I have stated ap pe4red to be the opinion 'h urt e of the Duke of Wellington. But for me & th 7 1 10 the public instructors of the country ir n„mary to Pe?ple that the man of all others whom it we,- Palmee s t on .lieo in the position of Minister vogue,wa or man of the situ ;to use the phrase in "the that unfortun a t e 'lotions will sometimes indulge hi dividuals ; th e y w i n nen which occasionally afflicts in indulged in by the ben, gr rY fancy. This weakness we , - pened to the people - eitiX f this country, and that hep viduals who indulge in " .41 " all Y happens to inch - elle° soon followed on the 7:fal'euels—narnely, repent- I believe that there is hard]; ge .,, lie° o f the weakness. s e the people of this country — t People so ready up to the admiration of an . Pre themselves individual period. Fo . r . a short Period_ dual for for a short short period— not hing can . exceed th e r a very which the • warmth affection and admi ration y maintain for °' change soon comes over t Rome individual, but a . them and th at n followed b warmth of affection is soo y a f r i g i d d.ff ual to the intensity of the ad • '4 7- once, more than eq aura , 101, before entertai ned . I fear that at the present mosaent the is in that cold state, and that they have of the people disappointed at their adoption e have become gradually to t i of the desired see a the h ea d c e man whom they shortly ago While Parliament has been iii the Government. (Hear.) which appear to be j ust üb p a stat e o f t orpor th e public has been th inking, and the • pub lic has come to certain conclusions , as to the conduct of the war, and as to the mz m aii i i l i a t r o d l i i s e """u 14411 in future for the purpose of avoiding "}iarTxttiitoth h have experienced. The people oir-A sw a n ai ey is necessary, vu the seienikaa, this conclusion—that it . regar d th,1 1 2 , 1 ' t rilt:iduale for public employments, to am ea° and not t o act by favour. Dot- a "ltvlort. 'that .opinionit has been at & U times the princi p l e ; for whenever ' for' ii sh ort . en which I have acted tim e I have been in poises eau of power; and I can speiik from experience of its ad- vantages and its dangers. (Hear, hear.) Its advantages are all for the public, and its dangers are for the indivi dual who adopts that as his principle of government. (Hear.) I have myself seen diiaster converted into victory, and discouragement into enthusiasm. I have seen public confidence re-established • I have seen public prosperity carried to an unexampled of increase, beyond what, at any previous period, it has been known to attain to ; and ' I have been able, in a very great measure, to trace all these advantages in the condition of the State to the adoption of the pr inciple of regarding solely the fitness of individuals in their selection for public employments. (Hear.) lam enabled, at the same time, to inform your lordships that there is this danger to the individual who acts on that prin ciple—that he is surrounded by persons, by disappointed jobbers, and by little-minded men, depending for their promotion on patronage and favour, who will, animated by the most unscrupulous animosity, join together for the purpose of overwhelmi ng hi s G overnmen t . (H ear, h ear .) And if, in consequen ce o f th e present feeling of the people, any Government should be established in this country de termined to act on the principle I have mentioned, I feel assured that it would be in danger from the same hostility, unless it received the constant, uniform, and vigilant sup port of the peopl e , on w h om it a l one cou ld d e pend for sup port. (Hear.) I have been not unobservant of the events which have taken place in this country during a very con siderable period of time ; and I have conversed with many who have equally regarded those events with vigilant ob servation ; and it is certainly in accordance with my obser vation, and with that of others, that a very great, and, as I think, very dangerous change has come over the practice of the constitution. The time was when speeches in Par liament directed public opinion —(hear)--when, whatever might have been the feeling during the recess, whatever might have been the snccess of agitators during the period while Parliament was not sitting, the meeting of Parlia ment, and the announcement of the opinions of those who were in the habit of leading parties in Parliament, at once gave a direction to public opinion and brought it into a right and safe course. I fear there has bren growing up a very material change in this respe t. Public opinion now is, I fear, more generally formed out of doors, and, being there formed, acts on the conduct of Parliament. I look with great apprehension to a state of things in which persons, however unable, yet wholly irresponsible, possess power treater perhaps than that of Parliament. I look with apprehension to a state of things in which those whom I may call " the gentlemen of the platform" have more influence by their speeches than " the gentlemen of the House of Commons." That state of things has been grow ing up in this country. It fills me with considerable alarm. I know the importance of watching public opinion. I know the importance of endeavouring to direct it. It appears to me that public opinion, if I may so express myself, in a manner resembles a great river between two dikes. The waters rise gradually, slowly, imper ceptibly, and without danger, apparently, in the eyes of those unaccustomed to their progress ' but at last they in crease to such a height that they overtop and destroy the dike, and, pouring down on the plain, desolate everything before them. The same waters, however, if distributed by prudent and judicious management into streawlets run ning the fields, would fertilise and beautify the land. (Hear.) It is with the conviction, then, that it is essential to the good working of the constitution that Par liament should direct, as far as possible, public opinion that I make this motion. (Hear.) I make it for the pur pose of enabling your lordships to place this house in the front of the people. (Cheers.) I make it for the purpose of inducing you to go to the foot of the Throne as the faith ful interpreters of public opinion, to state respectfully to her Majesty the extent of public dissatisfaction and the ex tent of public complaint ; to state your determination and that of the people to assist her Majesty with all the re sources of the country in the prosecution cf a just and ne cessary war ; but at the same time to state your opinion that the Government must be conducted on the true public principle of selecting men for employment in consideration of their means of serving the State. (Hear, hear.) Before I enter upon the conduct of the war, to which it will be necessary for me to direct your lordships' attention, allow me to draw distinctly the line which appears to me to se parate the functions of the Government from the functions of the general. It is the duty of the Government to form a plan for the campaign, and it is the duty of the Govern ment to place in the hands of the general to whom they confide the conduct of the campaign the most perfect in strument they can prepare for the purpose of obtaining success—a perfectly well equipped army. It is for the general to carry into execution the plans of the Govern ment ' • and we, as Parliament, it appears to me, h aveon ly t deal with the conduct of the Government. (Hear, bear.) Your lordships will probably ,recollect that at the very commencement of this war I, in the most earnest manner, cautioned the house and the public against looking too closely into the conduct of the officers in the cora _ mand of . the fleets and armies. I reminded your lordships of the extreme sensitiveness of military men, and of the necessity of leaving their minds on all occasions per fectly free to exert all their energies for the public service. I alsured your lordships that the hope of public approba tion and the apprehension of public displeasure would al ways be sufficient to animate those officers to the utmost extent of their exertions for their public service. I pro pose to adhere to the reserve I recommended to others, and I wish it to be understood in all I say I deal only with the Government by whom this war has been conducted. (Hear.) For the purpose of conducting the war I appre hend it will ba admitted that is necessary we should have men and animals—that is, men aided by animals. Unfor tunately the war has not been conducted in that way ; and very little exertion appears to have been made for the pur pose of providing the army with sufficient strength, and with the means of moving. It was not in the first in stance that the standard was reduced, nor was it at an early period that the bounty was increased, but it was by lowering the standard and by increasing the bounty that the army must be augmented. On a recent occasion the Minister of War very properly issued a circu lar respecting the militia, which relieved from service those men who had not entered thatforce with the understanding that they were to be embodied ; but he accompanied that measure by the offer of a bounty so extremely small as not only to endanger the success of the measure, but almost to secure its failure—(hear, hear)—and I believe that we have lost the services of from 16,000 to 20,000 men for the pur pose of saving some 50,0001. or 60,0001. (Hear, hear.) There has been no real economy except in that in which parsimony was most to be rejected, and in which liberality was most to be invited—namely, in the obtaining of men for the army and navy, and in providing the army with the means of moving. I ventured at a very early period to represent to this house the absolute necessity of taking the most extensive measures for the purpose of providing the army with the means of moving, but it is only within the last three months that any effectual measures have been taken for that purpose—(hear, hear)—and at this moment the army cannot move, and never has been able to move. This immoveability, in consequence of the want of animals, has been the cause of many of the errors which have pervaded the campaign. My lords, early in the last year it was decided, I think most properly, to separate the Colonial Department from the Department of War; but, when that division took place, no measures were adopted—as should have been the case—for the purpose of strengthening the hands of the Minister of War. I en tirely object to the principle of pulling to pieces great de partments in the midst of a war. Imu sure that such a measure was totally unnecessary. The only thing abso lutely necessary waste give the Minister of War full powers over all the subordinate departments, to make his orders run through them, and to give him the power of compel ling the execution of any measures he might direct. Hail that power been distinctly given to my noble friend (the Duke of Newcastle), had he surroun led himself, as I think he should have clone, with a military staff, instead of de pending upon civil clerks—had it been thoroughly under stood in the Government that the noble duke's orders were at once to be executed in all departments, I firmly believe that many of the disasters which have occurred would nave been prevented. But I fear the noble duke has had to fight a battle here as well as in the Crimea—l fear that he has had to wrest the Commissariat from Sir C. Trevel yan—that he has had to wrest the Laud Transport Corps from the Commissariat —that there have been difficulties here as well as in the Crimea—and that those difficulties eave to a very great extent led to the failures we have experienced. My lords, at the commencement of the war he manner in which our forces should act was a matter of the most careful and anxious consideration on the part er her .lajesty's Government—whether the army should act as a separate body, or whether it should unite in operation with the army of France. The objection to the union of the armies was obvious —the existence of divided commands, an inconvenience which no extent of cordiality and good sense on the part of the generals could by possibility alto gether obviate. (Hear.) It is almost impossible for any two men, however able they may be, to conduct difficult military operations with success under the principle of a divided command. (Hear.) Napoleon said, with perfect truth, that it was better to appoint one general of ordinary abilities to the command of an army than two men of supe rior abilities having a divided command ; and, depend upon it, unity of command is that which most contributes to success. We had the opportunity of employing our troops to a certain extent, perhaps, in the Black Se a , on a separate expedition ; but we had before us the Baltic, the true sphere of our operations. Joan, however, quite under stand that her Majesty's Government might have been desir ous that the armies and navies of the two countries should ap pear together wherever operations were carried on, and I do not deny that there wasconsiderable advantage in that unity of operations, but it was an advantage deeply purchased by the want of unity of command. It was decided that the war should be carried on in the Baltic, and also in the Black Sea. Now, my lords, any one who takes the trouble of looking carefully through the charts of the Baltic will have seen that, while the Russians had taken every precau tion, by the erection of defences, to prevent ships of large draught of water from entering their porta and from coming near their dockyards, the same precautio ns h a d no t b een taken against the attacks of vessels of a smaller class, and that both at Sweaborg and at Cronstadt there were oppor tunities of turning the dockyards and of attacking them by vessels of small draught of water. It was obvious that, in the case of such an operation, it would be most advi, able to have at hand a body of troops, because if the marines were landed from the ships for employment on shore the strength of the fleet would of course be materially dimi nished, and its efficiency foraction would be considerably ine. paired. Neither of these considerations appear, however, to have occurred to her Majesty's Government. They sent a fleet to the Baltic without gun-boats and witnout troops. They rendered it impossible to obtain success with the means which they placed in the hands of the admiral. The admiral did as much as he could do with the means which were in trusted to him. I deeply regret that the public expecta tions were so highly raised at the commencement of the war; that the people were led to suppose that some extra ordinary service would at once be performed by the fleet. For those exaggerated expectations two members of the Government were particuarly responsible. (Hear, hear.) in nl thing expec tation t my lords, a matter s o er f i t o h u i s s t k h i i n n d g , to disappoint isa n public rn a to wards the officer in command. I Rill venture to say that, while I do not question the right of a First Lord of the Admiralty—whether he thinks tit to state the grounds of the proceeding or not—to direct an officer to haul down his flag I do think it is proper that the feelings of an offi cer so directed to give up his command should be to the last extent carefully considered and consulted --(hear, hear)—and Ido deeply regret that Sir C. Napier is not the only officer employed in the fleet who has had reason to complain of the manner in which he has been treated by the Admiralty. (Hear, hear.) I con sider it to be a public duty, my lords, to consult the either to the: o fficer feelings of ever Well, s o muwho is employed under the Crown. to Gallipoli :h for, the Baltic. But it was determined to send an to the Mediterranean—first to Malta, then to the last two ind then to Constantinople. I do not object oar from of the army to Malta, or from Malta trench at Gr°a7ll jaGr.allipoli to Constantinople. I think cunistances then exi; cumstancee of thre i t; were correct under the then cir . I think the formation of the in at 'Constantinople irava g was requisite under the circum when these troops arrived e m a e r n ri t t4 to o t n ake a uponthe w ar which was then general orali:ov7 ea : let of rlif her Majest y 's Govern. well as upon the banks a the the Black Sea, in Asia, as moment the war in Asia, -whi c h it, ti be- At the present that upon the banks of' the D aim - a r a°st as important as been altogether THE SUN, LONDON; TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 15, 1855. neglected. I can recollect the apprehensions which were from ent Erzeroum in 1829 at of PrinceTh e d danger e t to itsch erounato h Constantinople. o t ns e advance tantinop le. Con stantinople was almost as great on the Asiatic as on the European shore. Any blow struck against Turkey in Asia paralyses the Turkish empire. More than that — the whole commerce between Turkey and Persia is carried on by Trebizond and Erzeroum, and the occupation of those places by Russia puts an end to that trade, insulates Persia, and most materially affects her policy. But, notwithstanding these circumstanes, we did not carry on war in Asia as we did in Europe, with army against army. We had in Asia nations at our disposal. We had nations con quered, but yet disposed to throw off the yoke. We had still more—a gallant nation whieh has been for years in arms, successfully defending its independence. We should make war with theirarmy as well as by the troops wecould detach for any operation of this kind ; but this mode of action has been altogether neglected, and, as far as I can collect, the appointment of Colonel Williams, who was sent out as a commissioner, appeared about the same time that news was received of the defeat of the Turks at liars, which appeared to threaten Erzeroum. The Turks were only saved by the advance of Schamyl Buc for that -advance the Russians would have been in Erzeroum. I say then, it being the duty of the Government to look to the whale war, it is a most material and serious defect in the conduct of the war that nothing should have been done for the pur pose of acting in Asia. But it was determined to send the troops to Varna. I entirely approve that movement, and I thank my noble friend the noble earl late at the head of her Majesty's Government for having pressed that course upon his colleagues. I think he did rightly, and for the reasons which he assigned. Not only was it an excellent military position—the best which could be selected at the time—but it " gave the hand" to Austria. That was the expression of the noble earl, and the view which he enter tained was perfectly just and correct. That army, placed at Varna and at Shumla, threatened Odessa, threatened Sebastopol, threatened Anapa, threatened every Russian station upon the Black Sea. It was an excellent po sition in itself ; but no sooner was the army placed there, and about to give the hand to Austria—no sooner was Austria about to rest upon that hand — than we withdrew it, and sent the army to the Cri mea. I think that sending the expedition to the Crimea after Austria had invited our co operation in the Princi palities was as great an error in diplomacy asit was in war fare. I ventured to caution the Government at the time as to the effect which it must have uponthepolicy of Austria. We have never to this day been in the same position with respect to Austria in which we were when that offer of co operation was made. What Austria say when she was informed of the intention of sending the expedition to the Crimea? "That alters my position. I cannot venture to fight Russia by myself, and you have withdrawn the force which might have assisted me." And, my lords, what is it that we have done very recently? Almost at the moment when we were entering upon negotiations, and it wasof the utmost importance that we should have the cordial assist ance of Austria, you withdrew the Turkish army and sent it from the Principalities to Eupatoria. The best possible assistance which the Austrian army could have you with drew at the very moment when i t was most necessary that it should have somethiug to rely upon. You denuded her alto gether of any extraneous assistance, and you left the Aus trian army with its line extended from the Pruth to the north of Galicia—you exposed her whole line to the attack of the Russian army, with Germany uncertain behind her. How, then, can you complain of the conduct of Austria? If you say that Austria has acted with undue timidity, im pute it rather to your own mistakes—the mistake of the ex pedition to Sebastopol, and the mistake of the expedition to Eupatoria. Those two mistakes have paralysed Austria, and until your army is in a position in which it can assist the Austrian army you may depend upon it that Austria never can venture to give you the assistance which you re quire. (Hear, hear.) The treaty between Austria and Tur key is dated the 14th of June. That treaty was the real cause of the raising of the siege of Silistria. Had your army at Varna had the means of movement, can it be doubted that you would have attempted, before raising the siege of Silistria, to march to support the Turks? Was it consis tent with your honour to allow a place which was the great safeguard of your army to be taken under your very eyes ? But the negligence of the Government had left the army motionless. You could not 'advance to the relief of Silistria; and when the Russians, compelled by the advance of Austria, retired from the Principalities—when any gene ral in command of an army that could move would have pressed upon their rear and have prevented them taking away the plunder of the Principalities, and retiring by easy marches into Bessarabia—your army was 'unable to move. Why was it unable to move ? Because tie Government had not provided it with the means. (Hear.) It was no fault of the general; it was the fault of the Government. No thing sufficient was done for the purpose of making those troops really an army ; for troops are not an army unless they can ufove into the field. Consider only for a moment what would have been our position had the proper means been taken to make that army moveable, and had it ad vanced. You would have had united more than 120,000 men of allies and Turks, in conjunction with, and supported by, an Austrian army. You would have had Bessarabia, and would have commenced the campaign from the Dniester; and the first victory would have placed Odessa, Nicolai, and the Crimea itself at your feet. It was determined, how ever, to send the expedition to Sebastopol. That expedition involved two conditions, both fatal to the efficiency of an army. It was quite impossible to send a sufficient force of cavalry, and it was impossible to send a sufficient number of animals to move the army. It could, therefore, never gain a decisive victory, or move in the field so as to destroy the enemy. Had it had cavalry, the victory of the Alma would have destroyed the Russian army ; had it had the means of movement when Prince Menschikoff passed the Belbek, he never would have been allowed to retreat. That army has since been placed between Sebastopol and the sea. It is now beleagured, and it cannot move in any di rection. It has the sea open to it, but it cannot advance. It is placed in a position in which it cannot obtain d-- cisive success, and it is placed there by the act of the Go vernment. It is the Government, therefore, that I accuse of the position in which that army is placed. (Hear, , hear.) I say nothing of the discretion of sending an army across the sea at the time of the equinox, in 400 vessels, . without having sufficiently reconnoitred the place, or hav ing ascertained by information from any quarter what the amount of the defeuces might be, or what force the enemy might be able to bring into the town. If any general had ventured to do, of his own authority on the field, that which you compelled our general to do—that is, had he ventured to attack a place, and hail he failed in the attack in consequence of his not having had information, and not having reconnoitred the place, he would have been taken before a court-martial, and would have been dismissed the service. You, the Government, are answerable for having effected an operation under the-e circumstances. I will not go into the military impolicy of it. If you had taken the place, and had come away, and had destroyed it, you would have had no security in peace, because it might have again been placed in the same condition of defence as before; but, if you remained during the war to occupy it, you would be throwing away a great army, and would be detaining it in a most inconvenient position for the purpose of protecting the town, whereas a blockade would have effected all your purpose. Upon these grounds I say that the Government has not conducted the war well, and that it has placed the army in a position in which it cannot obtain decisive suc cesses. And now, my lords, as reg ads the third point — the exposure of the troops to sufferings which forethought might have avoided. Is there one man in this house or in the country who does not believe that that was the case ? Hear Dr. Andrew Smith, the gentletnan who very pro perly advised the Government at a very early period of the war. He tells you that the lives of hundreds and the miseries of thousands have been the consequence of not doing that which might have been done by forethought for the purpose of preventing the disasters which have occurred. Ask your admiral, and he will tell you that he received no instructions for the preparation of transports. That is a new mode of carrying on a great expedition. I recollect, when I was engaged with the Duke of Wellington and Sir G. Cockburn on a small expedition to China, that we did not forget the sick and wounded. A 74-gun ship was sent from this country fitted for the reception of the wounded, al though we were making war at a distance of 25,000 miles, instead of 3,000 miles, as is the case in the present instance. My lords, I will not go into the melancholy details of all the confusion which we have heard of in the transport service, the Ordnance department, the despatch of stores, and the lateness of their arrival—three month. being the usual period before they were supplied after the requisi tion was sent in. I will not attempt to harrow your lord ships' minds by tracing the passage of the wounded and sick from the camp at Balaklava, carried by the humanity of our Allies, nor will I dwell upon the state of destitu tion on the shore, or the horrors of the middle passage, or the abominations of Scutari. All these things wilt be chronicled by the faithful pen of history. They are now in the minds of every one, and it is unnecessary for me, fortu nately, further to allude to them; but, my lords, we have read that which has been stated with respect to those calamities with which the army has been afflicted, and I think that the opinion of all men is this, that however de fective may have been the system, it is not the system alone which is to be impu gne d, b u t conduct of the men by whom the system has been carried on. (Hear.) My lords, to attribute anything to the defects of system is the subter fuge of convicted mediocrity. (Hear, and a laugh.) Medio crity succumbs to system ; ability dominates over it, and forces men to a better course. Public zeal, seconded by public ability, will drive almost any system into the right course. But that has not been the case here ; and one of the most distressing circumstances, in contemplation of all that has been produced before the committee, is not so much the defect of the system, which may be remedied, but the extent of mediocrity which pervades the departments. (Hear.) It is that feeling, I apprehend, which has led very generally the people of this country to the belief that it is absolutely necessary, for the future, to adopt a new prin ciple in the selection of officers for the public employment. My lords, I entirely agree in that view. It is my belief that the best of all Governments is the Govern ment which afforda s the greatest facilities for obtain ing the assistance of the ablest men in the public service. (Hear.) It was upon that principle that I opposed the Reform Bill. I said it was not calculated to produce in the House of Commons the ablest men. Was I right? (Cheers.) Is the House of Commons more distinguished by ability than it was in former times ? Have we not been compelled to use up all the old men in the House of Commons because the regenerated House of Commons has not been able to produce young men of equal ability? (Laughter.) I am in favour of administrative reforms precisely on the same principle. I desire to see the ablest men iu the public service. (Cheers.) I can recollect well, many years ago. being much struck by the observation of a great philosophical historian who treated of the success and grandeur of the Roman Republic. He compared the whole circumstances of that republic with the circum stances of other States which appeared to have greater chances of progress, and he said, " The cause of the suc cess of the Roman Republic has been this :—the great vir tue and the great ability of a few great men." (Cheers.) It is, therefore, as far as I can further the object of bring ing able men into the public service, that I altOgether adopt the principle which is generally received at the pre sent time. My lords, I recollect having beard that Mr. Pitt once said that in the whole course of his life he had hardly been able to give more than three or four situations to the persons he wished. Yet be was a most powerful Minister, a man of a very bold, a man of a very proud mind. One of the best securities for the proper discharge of pub lic duties is to have a man of very proud mind ; yet so I his strength, such was the result Government that, with al result And what was the of his enc ompassed was Mr. Pitt by the tramme ls of Parliameii reeolt of his experience. sacrifices of the country and all the courage of the t roo p s, (Hear.) Notwithstanding all the the general character of policy. Failure in war was the result of all his ability. failure, and thit to the action of that failure very greatly to be attributed to look abroad for the necessity which did not permit him . the military operations of Mr. Pitt was t were the cha ablest men. He disdained those racter and conduct of his great father ? lected the trammels; he acted independently of them; he se (Hear s hear.) How different he restored con fittest, tna-n wherever he was to ,be. fomvi • 1 . 1 ,4 who admire his fidence to the people ;he restored victory to our a , and are we, who eulogise his character, genius, who glory in his success—ire we to shrink from great a saarifim,to the weakness of modern government , applying to ou r o wn times bis principles, as involving too_ (Loud cheers.) How much more powerful would be the I believe that the Reform Bill is still capable of furnish position of a Minister able to select men best fitted for the ing the country with men well qualified to administer public service? How much more agr eea ble would be the its Government, and I am afraid that, so far at least pcssession of office if he bad the boldness so to act ? He as this argument goes, the noble earl will find but would then feel, whatever might happen, whatever might little sympathy from those who are otherwise asso be the success of his Government, he had at least performed seated with him upon those questions. But, if I mis the moral obligation he incurred. (He a r, hear.) But, take not, the noble earl went even further, and talked of my lords, bow can we, sitting here by the hereditary right the contrast which now exists between public meet in Par conferred, for the most part, upon our ancestors, for liament and public men on the platform in this country. their services to the State, for their fitness for public The noble earl seems to think that Parliament formerly employment, how can we refuse to adopt that prin- led public opinion in this country, and that now public ciple ? It is the princple of our own origin. (Cheers.) It opinion too much leads Parliament. My lords, lam one of was because my father was a great lawyer, not because he those who think that public opinion is right in leading was a party man, that he was selected on account of fitness both Parliaments and Governments. To a certain extent, for a great office, that ;of Chief Justice of the Pleas. He ', no doubt, Governments and Parliaments ought so far to had no family, no connections; he rose altogether by his understand public opinion as in some cases to forerun it, fitness. (Cheers.) It was not favour; it was fitness that lent, according to the constitution of this country, I hold made Mr. Yorke chancellor and earl. (Cheers.) It was that wholesome public opinion, which is formed neither not favour, it was fitness, that male Sir James Harris, the too rapidly nor too precipitately , ought to lead both Go great diplomatist, Earl of Malmesbury.• (Cheers.) It was vernments and Parliaments, and I for one should be sorry not favour which raised the father of the noble lord oppo- to see public opinion in this country taking its cue from the site (Viscount Canning) to that office the reward for which Government of the day, or even from the dictation of Par was the peerage which the noble viscount now holds, liament itself. (Hear.) And now I come to consider another (Cheers.) It was not favour which raised the brothers point—namely, that the resolutions of the noble earl seem Cecil to be Ministers of Elizabeth and of James, and the intended to cast censure on her Majesty's Government. founders of two great families. We are here for the services The effect of that censure upon the Government, if your of our ancestors. Is it for us, then, who sit here by that lordships should think fit to pass it, cannot be but too appa great right, and enjoy dignity and honour by reason of their j rent. My lords, I think it is worthy of your serious consi services and their fitness for public employment—is it for deration that three months have scarcely elapsed since we us to turn round and say, "It is true our ancestors rose by h ad a political crisis of perhaps the most extraordinary de fitness, but our relatives shall enjoy advantages from con- seription which ever occurred in this country. During that nectioa with us, and from favour?" (Cheers.) No ! I trust drisis the opportunity of forming a Government was offered, your lordships will adopt a different view of the interest I think, to no less than four distinct individuals. It was and honour of this house. I trust you will agree on this dffered, among others, to the noble earl opposite, (Lord occasion to place yourselves in the front of the people and Derby) of whose party the noble earl who moves thisaddress at the foot of the throne to state their complaints anti their tlhenformed a distinguished member. Three months ago the dissatisfaction. (Hear, hear.) I trust you are fully im- policy of the preceding Government with regard to the pressed with the greatness of the crisis in which we stem], +hole management and conduct of the war stood exactly as and that you feel all the danger s of the contest in which it, does now. Their neglect to follow out the views of the we are engaged. I feel myself that during this contest, Noble earl in the Baltic, and in the expedition to Gallipoli, protracted as it will be, we shall often have need of the to Constantinople, to Varna, and subsequently to Sebasto support of the people. I desire to secure that support 00l itself, then occupied precisely the same position as it does by identifying this house with public opinion. I desire to it this moment; anti so, too, the same remark holds good place the country on our side. I desire that we should with regard to their omission to carry the war into Asia. present to the enemy we have to encounter the aspect of a et at that time, when the Government was offered to the united people, and that we should obtain a secure and oble earl opposite, and when the noble earl who brings honourable peace by acting together—Parliament supported wwa,rd this resolution was to have filled a post in the iby the general affection and co-operation of the country. linistry which would have enabled him to correct those (The noble earl, having moved the address, resumed his rrors, or, at all events, to try and remedy them, the task seat amid general applause.) f forming an Administration was, nevertheless, delibe- Lord PANMURE said,—My lords, after the very consi. ately declined by the noble earl's leader • and, therefore, hardly think it is fair now for the noble earl to pass a derable notice which has been given of the address which is ensure upon the present Ministry for that position of now in your lordships hands, I certainly did expect that ffairs which he himself had the opportunity to gra nple we should have heard that address recommended to u s in ith and to rectify, by being called upon to assist the a speech of much more power and ability than that just oble earl near him, who received auth( rity from the delivered by the noble earl. I have studied this address, rown to form a Government. But, my lords, is it, I ask, or the good of this country is it for the advantage of the and I must confess that seldom has it fallen to my lot to onduct of the war—is it safe, even in a constitutional point read such a concoction of assurances as those which are f view, to be recurring within the space of three short proposed for your lordships' adoption. They commence onths to fresh changes in the Government, and to agitate with truisms which no man can contradict; they continue he country from the one eud of it to the other? This, my with congratulations in which every man must unite ; they lords, is a serious question, on which, I say, you will do Well to deliberate before you determine to adopt the address proceed to accusations of misconduct in which those who of the noble earl. I may here just observe that, so far as are accused are most indistinctly portrayed ; and they con. this is a matter of mere personal consideration for my elude with representations which, I think, the noble earl, Fell and my colleagues, we would be ready to put it en according to his own admission, has gathered from public tirely out of sight. The public must, I think, by this time know that it is no bed of roses to undertake the adm meetings lately held—that until the proper men are placed t ea ti on o f th e a ff a i rs of this country at any in the proper places the hopes of the country for an ho-snore especially during the present most responsible any and nonrable peace will never be effectually realised. Or, my eventful crisis. So far, therefore, as personal consider lords, to use the quaint expression of my friend, M ations are concerned in our r. retention of office, ,inbitsit. they are Drummond, until the square men shall be put into the entirely of secondarya nature. But I must take leave to against these frequent changes of the square holes and the round men into the round holes ; an your government.r lordships (Hear.) I must warn you that it is not upon or, as may be still further gathered from the tenour of this any slight or mere party grounds that these changes ought address, until that party with which the noble earl has at such a time to take place; it is not because one party now permanently associated himself shall turn out this would wish to +urn out . another; otherwise the public may Speedily be led to say, " A plague on all your parties !" anti Government and occupy their places, that nothing will b e ' constitutional s put an end to government altogether.(Hear.) right in the conduct of the war and that no honourable I warn your lordships seriously against consequences of this peace can be obtained. It is quite impossible for me to kind, and I think it is a sufficient argument to point to meet the noble earl's motion with a direct negative. To a the recent changes which have taken place, and to indicate great many parts of the noble earl's motion I can give my the dangers o your repeating those changes, with, perhaps, results.begyour worse I therefore lordships cordial assent. (Cheers.) But the noble earl must know • pause before you commit yourselves to the adoption of this that from the whole design and object of that address the address ; and I entreat you rather to seek by rejecting it Government must dissent, and they cannot hut recognise in to calm down the minds of the people on the subject of it a censure to which they cannot submit. It will therefore change ; to enable the executive Government to carry out be my duty,mylords, to move that this question be not put 's t i h u e d ) o l a f n t e h e w w h i a c r h . itt to has h in ow view with commanders a r n e d f e e r r s e n c f e to the con- —not to give a direct negative to it, but to prove to your that they may trust with confidence in the e your instructionsarile armies lordships that her Majesty's Government appreciate the which they may receive from a Government which has had character it is intended to bear, and to give it their most , time to mature those plans ; and, above all, I implore you upon no trivial grounds, es pecially at uncture as this, strenuous opposition. Now, I beg to draw your lordships' to give effect to a vote the result of such a j which can only be to attention to the character of this address. Who will van- settle nothing, for the noble earl proposes no settlement of cure to deny the justice of the phrases used by the noble anything—but to disturb the existing state of things, to un earl with regard to the gallant heroes belonging to our settle public affairs, and to jeopardise the result of the great naval and military services who have distinguished them- war in which we are now engaged. (Hear.) The noble lord selves in their count r y' s cause during this war ? (Cheers.) concluded by moving the previous question. Who will undervalue the patience with which our army have undergone the sufferings to which they have been ex- The Earl of HARD WICKE Said that, in rising at that posed? Who will venture to underrate the gallantry with early stage of the debate, he felt his own incompetence to which both officers and men have performed every duty to deal with the question before their lordships in a manner which they have been called ? There is no one who regrets befitting its gravity and importance, but at the same time more deeply than I the sufferings that have attended the army of the East. But, my lords, I cannot admit that all . having from the beginning been impressed with strong these sufferings have arisen from the misconduct of the opinions, which he had never concealed, as to the manner Government at home—l cannot admit that these sufferings in which the war had been have pressed upon the army from the neglect of proper !availing himself of that opportunity of laying before the means having been taken by the Government at home, House his views somewhat more ,in succession and detail We must all recollect that when out army took the field England had been at peace for 40 years. W e may r emem . than he hid yet been able to do. Omitting from the reso ber that during that 40 years Government after Govern- lotions now under discussion that portion which touched went have vied with each other, not in extending the 'uponagitation, out-door or any topic of that description, military education of the army, but in economisingeconomisingthe • he was disposed distinctly to agree with the noble earl who finances devoted to that purpose. We may remember that it was only yesterday that the Commander-in-Chief of this had just sat down that the latter part of the motion ex army stated in evidence before the House of Commons that pressed disapproval of the conduct of the war. With that during the Government of the noble earl opposite (the Earl expression of disapproval he entirely len y concurred. Everything of Derby) the artillery had been reduced by that false he thought had not been done to enable the country to economy—(" No, no !" from the Earl of HARDWICICE and achieve success in the war in which it was now engaged. other peers.) If the noble earl will be pleased t o li s t en be In the first lace, he felt convinced that if a different will probably find that to what I am saying he ought to s a y p "Yes, yes," rather than " No, no." I was not proceeding to course of policy had been adopted by the Government be fix a charge against the Government of the noble earl oppo- fore Russia had crossed the Pruth ' if they had announced site. I said, what was stated by the noble viscount (Lordto the Emperor of Russia that a cordial understanding Hardinge), that during the noble earl's Government, from existed betwen France and this country, and that the false economy previously practised, the artillery bad been reduced to a state from which the Commander-in- we were determined to form an alliance offensive and defen- Chief and the Master-General of the Ordnance, during the sive with ranee for the purpose of preventing the over period of the noble earl's Government, erected it into the throw of the Ottoman Porte, and if our fleets had then en condition in which it was found upon the opening of the tared the sea which the Emperor of Russia considered his war. (Cheers ) And so it was with all our military esta blishments. What little we had was regimentally perfect own, the war might altogether have been avoided. If, too, in its way, but it was not calculated to undertake great after the war had begun a more vigorous line of action had operations, and I am sure that the people of this been taken, and if, instead of indulging in bravado anti country will make the allowanceeelece,.sary for an army in braggadocio, and unduly exciting public expectation, the the field under the circumstances in which they were placed. The noble earl has attached great blame to the Govern ment because our force was sent into the field incapable of of our fleets, a greater measure of success might have been movement. Now, it is quite true that there was no land obtained. If the Government had conducted the war upon transport attached at that time to the army. The old the • • principles upon which they professed to enter into it — waggon train had been abandoned—nothing had been set for the defence of the integrity of the Turkish empire —if, up in its place by the Government, and when the army was called upon to take the field it was natural to suppose remembering that we were a great maritime and not a that the means of transport would be sufficient. But, my great military Power, they had determined to exhibit lords, lam bound to say that every means were taken to the might of Englsnd in that manner in which it could make that transport as complete as possible, and I cannot be exhibited with the greatest effect, if they had de believe that it was from the want of the means of moving spatched a combined force of 10,000 British and 20,000 our army from Varna that they did not advance to the re- French soidiers to assist the Turkish army on the Danube, lief of Silistria. I must say that in these resolutions I re- and had completely blockaded the Baltic and Black cognise not, as the noble earl would hsve us to suppose, the seas, equipping our fleets in such a way as would enable them to carry on a flotilla warfare on the coasts, the Con mere desire that the Government should be carried on gross of Vienna would have had a better chance of arriv by the best men without any re f erence t o th e i r con ing at a successful termination, and our army would not dition or party connexions, but I recognise in them a have been placed in the position in which it now was. Our general censure of the Government for the conduct, fleets would have been really more useful, and there would of the war. (Hear, hear, hear.) I recognise the resolu have been a better prospect of bringing the war to a success tions of the noble earl as putting upon the Government a ful conclusion than could possibly be the case from running full and entire responsibility for the whole sufferings of the our heads, as we had Bond, against one of the strongest army, for the position in which our army has been placed, and fortresses in the world. To institute a blockade of the for the state in which, according to the noble earl, it lies at enemy's ports was one of the most successful modes of present. Now, my lords, there has been much said as to the waging warfare which a maritime country like this could state and condition of our army. I have already stated that adopt, and vet, with great naval resources at their coin it is quite true that that piny during the winter season mend, the Government had failed to do this in a coin suffered extremely in its position before Sebastopol. I have plete and efficient manner. In the case of the White already stated that, from circumstances over which the Go- Sea the Government certainly had a very good answer vernment of that time had little or no control, there e as a in the manner in which the trade was carried on be deficiency of housing and of supplies of clothing and food, tween this country and that part of the Russian do which, however, during the last four months has been en minions. It appeared that remittances were sent tirely remedied, and at this moment I am entitled to say out from this country one year, and the cargoes that our army is in as good a eonditL .n as when it left this sent thence in return the in the following year, and country, and that it is as prepared to take the field and carry there was every reason why no blockade should on any operations which may be assigned to it as it has ever be instituted until those cargoes had been despatched for been from the commencement of the war. I see the noble earl c the money had been paid. In the Baltic a thorough doubts that statement. He knows the strength of his position blockade hadc , i•tainl been established, though the It anti the weakness of mine. He knows that he may with of it had been to throw Y the whole commerce of Russia a su in safety make statements about the strength and power of our that quarter into the hands of Prussia, just as the manage army ; but he also knows, on the other hand, that I am went of our armies in the seat of war ad resulted in throw unable, by document, to give that detailed contradiction ins two of the finest provinces of the Turkish Empire into which which I say, on my character as a Minister and a gentle- the hands of Austria. These two German Powers therefore, man, lam quite prepared to give to it. (Hear.) But, my instead of assisting to bring lords, with reference to that army, from the beginning of ruination, US 'luon, were far more likely to d es i re the continuance of February, in a great measure owing to the precautions a state of things from which they were so greatgainers. previously taken by my noble friend (the Duke of New- But the • •policy ofthe Government•the maritime castle), and owing to the steps taken by the Government Sea was calculated to excite the greatest dissatisfaction who were in power previously to the present , t hat arm y oovernment, . The Government, indeed, never seemed to have made up began gradually to resume its condition, and to gain in what eys oudo reference to the blockade their minds ti. hld in made up ereased efficiency. From the early part of February that . in that quarter, fo on the Ist of Juno 18 )4, the First Lord army began to shake itself clear from the effects of sickness, and the supplier to the army were improeed, both in the of the Admiralty stated in the other house, in answer to time of delivery and the quantity supplied. And , my Mr. Horsfall, that orders had been given to the admirals, lords, it will hardly be believed, when the noble earl talks both in the Baltic and the Black Sea, to institute and en of the state and condition of our army , that it h as not force strict blockades, and that there was every reason to believe that those blockades had been instituted ; and yet only been increasing in efficiency, but that regularly nearly a year after in that house his noble friend opposite since the beginning of March that army has been deriv (Earl Granville), in answer to a question from the Earl of ing reinforcements from this country and the Mediter- Airlie, gave their lordships to understand that a blockade ranean, which have put it in as vigorous a condition as it has ever been. But, my lords, the noble earl has given had not been enforced in the Black Sea, but that the atten us a speech on the question of the selection for the proper lion of the admiral had been directed to the subject, and there was every reason to believe that his measures for that places of the fittest men who can be found in the public Purpose wouldbe successful. Such conflicting statements service, but during the whole of that speech, anti at its these were calculated to ntislead the mercantile commu conclusion, I have not gathered that the noble earl has put .I n . laity, to induce them to take steps which hand upon a single instance —(cheers)—either in which fit _,._ lees did the actual circum menof the case not warrant, and finally to throw are found in unfit places, or that he has convicted the B" ' • to a state of doubt an d uncer t a i n ty w hi c h them in Government of making any selection of unfit men , which the noble earl has thought it worth his while to adduce. entirely put an end to all commercial operations. The (Hear.) Whether the noble earl at first intended to charge consequence was, that the trade of the foreigner had been the Government with having selected unfit men for their conducted with facility, while it was impossible for our places in the military direction of this war, and has since own countrymen to carry on their mercantile transactions. changed his mind, lam unable to say. (Cheers.) But Ido Now, the trade of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azoff most heartily congratulate the noble earl, and Ido most together was of very considerable magnitude, consisting, heartily congratulate your lordships' house, that you are as it did, of articles which peculiarly belonged to the not called up on t o l oo k at this question in this light—. trade of this country—of wool, linseed, and corn. In 1854 (hear)—for I know that no more unpatriotic course could there arrived at Constantinople, from Russian ports in the be taken, or one more dangerous to a successful issue of Black Sea, 453 vessels with linseed, containing 770,000 the war, than that your lordships should by any vote and quarters, exclusive of ships containing other cargoes. It act of yours lead the commanders of our armies, or was a singular fact that this trade was continually increas even its lowest heads, to suppose that Parliament is dis. ing, for in 1352 only 415,000 quarters arrived at Constan posed in any way to do them an injustice, or to reflect tiuople, and in 1853 640,000, while in 1854, as he had upon their acts, while they were devoting their best ener- stated, there arrived 770,000. Out of the 453 vessels which gies and mind to the service of the country- (Hear, hear.) conveyed these cargoes no less than 333 passed the Straits Well, my lords, is it in civil employment that the noble of Kertch, coming from the Sea of Azoff. Now, he was r earl finds that improper men have been selected. I think sure that if the navy of England in the Black Sea had not ' that if he advanced such a charge as that, it was his duty at been made subservient to the use of the army, it would ' least to point out some instances in support of it, that we have been enabled to perform the grekt and important might know the direction in which the noble earl's coin. duty not only of carrying out au effective blockade, but of plaint tends. But, however, he has chosen to lay hishand conducting upon the shores of the Euxine and of the Sea [ upon no particular instance. It is sufficient for him to dis- of Azoff a system of guerilla warfare which would have ! parage all public men—(hear, hear)—by a vague and uni- tended to harass the enemy and to create an important versal assertion, leaving everybody to select for himself th e diversion. There was, however , one important point instances which' the noble earl might have pointed out tons, connected with the transport service to which he but which he has to-night utterly failed to do. But tl a hoped he might be permitted to refer. It was found noble earl went on to express some opinions in connexion essential, from the progress of science, to conduct operations with this subject to which I, at least , cannot give my as- with steam power, and a large expenditure was incurred in sent. He says that he opposed the Reform Bill be- that respect. It was of the utmost importance that the &r -ealise he thought it limited the choice of the boat men rangements for coaling ships should be as complete as pos for the public service. (" No, no !" from the Bible, but at Constantinople, Malta, and Gibraltar, he be- Earl of Elleuborough.) He said that, under the old con- lieved that the arrangements were very defective. He stitution of this country, you had men in Parliament who would ask their lordships to consider how defective arrange were fit to carry on the business of the State, but that as meat s in that res p ect entailed a heavy expenditure o n the soon as the reformed Parliament was established those men country. He would take the case of a ship of 2,500 tons, of ability were succeeded by men who were not equal to ' eng a g ed at a rate of 50 s . a month per ton ; that was about those who preceded them; that, in f ac t, the publicx e pec- 2001. a-day. When the ship arr i ve d a t C o nstantinople tations had been disappointed, and th a t that reform which and required to be coaled, th e arrangemen t s were so bad in its origin was a measure that was obnoxi ous t o , had, that only 30 tons of coals could be put on board in a when tried by experience, proved a fail ure i n it s results. day, whereas, in a good coaling yard, the same quantity Now, mYlords, I cannot admit that the-Reform Bill has could be shipped in an hour ; and taking th e p rice proved any such failure. I think that th ere h ave been I -of -coal at Constanti nop l e at 3/ a-ton, the ship would many men returned to Parliament since the passing of that ,be costing the country 2901. a-day, while she was urine measure who have taken a part in the conduct of public I cessarily detained doing cothing. It was of the utmost Affairs which has dohs them great credit, (Hear, hoar.) . importance, not only that the arrangements for puttilsg coals on board the ships should be as efficient as possible, but that there should always be a sufficient supply of coals, and that that supply should not be dependent upon the direction of the wind.. There wag at Plymouth and in the Medway a number of hulks, which might very easily-be fitted up with steam power and employed in carrying coals from this country, and then there would be no necessity to rely upon sailing vessels for a supply of coals from Malta or Gibraltar. He would also endeavour to facilitate the means of coaling in those districts. He trusted that he should be excused for entering into those details, for they formed part of the subject under consideration, and, if not attended to, the cost of the war would be enhanced to an enormous extent. Vessels were now in a great measure dependent on, for their motive power, a most expensive fuel, which, if rendered scarce in those districts, might rise to 10/. a ton. Though the noble lord opposite (Lord Panmure) was not responsible for all that had taken place, still some blunders had occurred since he had accepted office. A noble lord had already pointed out that a vessel which received a body of troops on board was obliged to 'unship them, owing to some misun derstanding, and he (Lord Hardwicke) was inforines. that some curious blunders had lately been made, showing that these departments were still in a state of " higgledy piggledy," and required watching with the greatest care, or the country would be put to the greatest expense, and the army involved in the greatest difficulty. The other day it was desired to erect, at the seat of war before Sebas topol, some hospital huts for convalescents, and the engi neer whose duty it was to erect them found that the Go vernment had sent over the huts in three ships, of which only one had arrived iu the harbour at Balaklava. That ship, however, had only brought the -roofs and floors ; the ship that was next coming had the walls on board, and the ship behind carried the windows and doors. Under ethese circumstances the engineer was completely paralaysed, for he could not put up the huts until the second and third ships arrived. (Hear.) He would repeat another anec dote he had heard. A quantity of harness was sent to the Crimea, and, when the cases were opened, it was found that they contained no back traces, so that the harness was of uo use at all. A noble lord had described the army as an army with a head and a body, but no legs, so that it could not move. However, to facilitate that operation, a number of American lumber waggons were sent to the Crimea. Those waggons were fitted with poles, but not shafts • and, though there was harness ready, it appeared that it made for shafts, and poles ; and there was no harness for leaders. These blunders, when all put to gether, were fatal to Um progress of the war and to the success of our arms, and, as he intended to give his vote ' for the resolutions, he only performed his duty in showing that everything had not been done to enable our forces to achieve success. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of ELGIN said it was with very great reluctance that he was about to trespass for a few moments upon the attention of their lordships, more especially as the noble earl who had given way to him had much greater claims on their notice ; but as he (the Earl of Elgin) had been absent from this country for some time, he feared that a silent vote on the subject before their. lordships' house might be liable to misconstruction. He had intimated to the noble viscount at the head of the Government his desire to give him an independent support; but it had also ap peared to him that, in the critical circumstances of the country, it was the bounden duty of every public man to tender a hearty god generous support to the Government of the Queen ; and he had nosy to determine whether cir cumstances had occurred which should induce him to join in a vote condemnatory of the Government. Nothing had occurred in the interval to make him regret that the pledge of support be had tendered was not unqualified. Neither in the Crimea nor at Vienna had any successes which had attended the exertions of the Governruost been so complete as to cause the germ of hope he had reposed in the admi nistrative ability of the noble viscount (Palmerston) to ripen into perfect confidence. (Hear, hear.) But when asked to unite in a vote of condemnation on the Govern ment, he had to ask first, was the condemnation just; and next, would it contribute towards the redress of the evils the existence of , which all deplored ? Now, it was notorious that the condition of the army in the Crimea had of late very much improved, and that the Government were prepared with a scheme for the reorganisation of the military departments ; and to condemn the Government in the face of these things would be a violation of justice. The noble earl who proposed it kept out of sight the changes which had lately occurred in the Government, and charged all the blaLse supposed to attach to the conduct of the war upon the present Administration. The first part of the resolutions referred to the general conduct of the war, and was conceived in terms of exuberant exultation. Not word of national friendships of long standing broken ; desolation carried into many happy homes ; Europe in arms ; Asia agitated to its centre ; America sullenly ex pectant. The latter part of them was couched in terms of exuberant denunciation. But the departments impugned by the latter part of the resolutions had been changed, and the departments alluded to in the former part re mained in the same hands. And the doctrine of govern mental responsibility could not be carried so far as to make the present Administration responsible for the blame attached to the military departments of the former Govern ment. Even, however, if he could concur in the censure proposed to be cast upon the Government, he should be un willing to do so in favour of the noble earl opposite, and thus to bring about a change of Government at a time when it was most objectionable to have frequent changes of Admi nistration. He happened to be on the Continei tat the time when the last change of Government took place, and the most painful impressions were created in foreign coun tries as to the instability of our administrative system in consequence of these frequent changes of administration. And not the least of the calamities which the war had brought upon us was the tendency which it had in many quarters to throw discredit on our constitutional govern ment. (Hear.) The only loss which was really irrepar able was the loss of character. (Hear.) Still there was a large measure of consolation. As to the military depart ment, the character of the British soldier for moral quali ties and physical endurance had been raised to an extent it never had attained before. In spite of the unfavour able tone of a portion of the American press, he had seen in influential journals of the United States commentaries on the conduct of our army at Alma and Balaklava which no true-het rted Englishman could read withoneemetion. And he had heard tribute not less generous borne to them by our French allies. He had heard, also, from bigptted votaries of that branch of the Christian Church which prided itself on having re tained within its limits room for the exercise of the heroic virtues of Christiani y, a frank admission that the hospi tals at Scutari had shown that the fairest and choicest flowers of Christian charity would blo )m even in that which they were accustomed to call the arid soil of Pro testantism. (He,,ar.) He doubted if the character of states men, and public men, and of Parliamentary institutions, had proportionably risen. (Hear.) It was notorious that doubt had been created, in quarters where it never had existed before, as to the practical efficiency of our much vaunted constitution, and its fitness to carry us unscathed through periods of peril. (Hear.) There was only one way in which these doubts could be removed. Let public men evince the same indifference to personal motives, and the same generous patriotism, and the same disinterested de votion to duty, which had characterised our soldiers in the field and the women of England at the sick bed. (Cheers.) If--which God forbid--it should be otherwise, and if, un happily, in those whom fortune and rank or royal favour placed in the van these qualities were wanting, who should dare to blame the press and the people of kng land if they looked for those qualities elsewhere? (Cheers.) The Earl of WINCHILSEA said he was compelled solemnly to declare his conviction that this was an unjust war, which ought never to have been entered into ; and, therefore, he founded his support of the resolutions on this: that the Government bad shown a want of judgment in placing the army in a situation in which, humanly speak ing, success was impossible, and sacrifice inevitable, with out the special intervention of Almighty Providence. He did not attribute to the Government all the disasters that had occurred, which were partly owing to the impolitic course pursued by the other house—in obedience to the re publican faction in reducing our military establishments. The Victualling Office, the Commissariat Board, the Trans port Board, the Medical Board, all had been affected or destroyed by these reductions, and the result had been to render us, upon the outbreak of the war, unready for any great effort. The Baltic fleet had left England in a most disgraceful state as to its manning ; and it was well for us that the Russians had not met it. The object of the Se bastcpol committee was to blind the public as to the real causes of our disasters. He should vote for the resolu tions, although not perhaps approving of every part of them, because the substance of them was this, that the Government had shown a want of the judgment and ca pacity essential for the conduct of such a war. Earl GRANVILLE said he wondered that the noble lord could support resolutions, the first of which approved the justice and necessity of the war in which we were engaged. He disagreed with the noble earl in the opinion he had expressed, that if the Russian fleet had come out we should have suffered. (Earl Hardwicke—Hear, hear.) On the contrary, I regret that the opportunity was wanting to our gallant sailors of gaining a great victory. (Cheers.) The noble earls who had spoken in this debate had not agreed in their tactics, and the noble earl who had brought forward these resolutions had appeared to countenance, in supporting the last of them, the line taken by a leading opposition paper, in representing the families of the Cowers, the Howards, and the Cavendishes sitting in con clave, and dictating to the Premier the colleagues lie should choose. (A laugh.) Now, my lords (said the noble earl), I am a Gower —(a laugh)—but I am the only Gower who has any official employment. I am related to a Ca vendish, and the noble duke at the head of that house has not shown himself slow to discover and encourage genius, even when found among the very lowest classes of society. (Hear, hear.) I see near me the heir presumptive-to that house, who did not shrink at the university from success ful competition with the ablest and best-educated men of his day ; nor did he shrink in his private capacity from aiding the country in any undertaking. . And, as far as I remember, his only relation bearing the name of Caven dish is a geptleman who is fattening on the enormous emolu ments attached to the Foreign Office service. My lords, lam also, I am sorry to say, related to some of the Howards. (Loud laughter.) Not to " all the Howards ;" for since the time of Pope they have so wonderfully multiplied and increased (laughter)—that I believe Mr. Horace Mann would find them as numerous as the Smiths. (Lauihter.) But the member of the Howard family selected by the Queen to represent her in Ireland is certainly not, in the west riding of Yorkshire, or any where in the United Kingdom, considered inimical to the middle classes. My lords, I may as well make a clean breast of it—(laughter)—and I must admit that some of those who have gone before me had such quiversfull of daughters who did not die old maids—(laughter)—that I have relations on this side of the house ; I have relations on the crossbenches—(hear, and laughter)—and I have re lations on the opposition. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Nay, I have had the unparalleled misfortune of having no less than three cousins in the Protectionist Administration of the noble earl opposite. (Laughter, and hear, hear.) Notwithstanding all these hereditary infirmities--(l a ughter) —I have had occasion, in a career not so brilliant as that of the noble earl, to mix much with the middle classes, and to acquire greater sympathy, perhaps, with them than he possesses—and notwithstanding his adulation of them, I doubt if his admiration for their peculiar characteristics came quite as freely and frankly from his lips as the sneers in the former part of his speech. There has been on this subject great misapprehension in the public mind as to the appreciation by official men of rnen distinguished in private business, and the facility of obtaining such men to fill offi cial posts. I remember one of the departments abolished by the House of Com mons because it was "too expensive ;" before that happened it lost its secretary because a com mercial company offered him double the salary he was re ceiving from the Government. And a friend of mine, at the head of one of the departments, the expense of which was found fault with last year, was offered 2,000/. a year (double that whi c h h e rece ives from the Government) by a great 001521ilercig corapapy—an offer he declined to ae• . . . _ ---------„,,,,.., ..-.." cept. I m y se lf received an offer of the chairmanship of the greatest commercial company in the country.; and th „.... st office h a d b e en filled by two members of the aristocracy .. one o f . them a descendan with he Plantaenets-r--(laughter! -who d o es th e businesscredit to himself and advan tags to the company. Lord Palmerston offered a fa - 1 councillorship to Mr. Laing. That gentleman took ht . g , honours at Cambiidge and went to the bar. He aecentee a clerkship in the Board of Trade, and after a short time left it to practise in his own profession. In the first year he received ten times the amount he received as a civil„,. servant o f th e C r own. He was afterwards at the bead of two companies, one of which he saved from bankruli.tl.! Pril t; and he i s at the head of one of the most remarkable i enterprises in the country. No doubt, he is exactly . kind o o f m an to assist us in organising departments ; but . D,i' i there not accede to the offer of the Government. 3-00°11 are many-mercantile or professional men wh° sr not be so blind , ae to give up their business for the te porary occupation of political office. My lords, I hY,,. 11 13 ° t Means say that there are no men of business wlio_vl2i,co be made available for the public service, but I ' vi l't, c h Correct a misapprehension that it is want of offers ning keeps men of eminence in private business from enter ob the public service. The noble earl went on to be ject to the resolutions because tart implied ' rb f a ar could not concur in. Secrecy was part of the art o . J. and n ot more secresy, but especially the exaggeratio ~,,i_'; oneprosperity, and the concealment of our detects. 1,,,,/ Russians were such masters of this stratagem that theY,' extorted the treaty of Adrianople when they had 0n1y0291 fighting m en in the field. Napoleon told his generals t o t° the troth to him, but lie to all the world. Washingto srieo sorted to the same art. The Duke of Wellington follow a . b e con different system; he concealed all that ought to . -o u t cealed, but when obliged to speak be spoke the tint we had done that which no other country bad the v1...4 to do-we had laid ourselves on the operatingable , Yr.., had dissected ourselves in the face of clay. This was o:ryle7; to something interwoven in our institutions. 13 .' l 0 01 deficiency had been exaggerated and published la, _O, newspaper and every speech. No doubt this was not news out advantage ; for a great country, proud of its e, l ' I T„ the and relying on its resources, might thus be rouses Ter,to correction of faults in its system. But were we _ r ile beer, get out of this eternal abuse of ourselves ? (Ji- e „ o ' u the from the Ministerialists ) The impression left er-ljeg mind from a perusal of 'these resolutions, vres, cesserird laud had shown none of the qualifications lle .. sin success in a great war, except valour. Nothing VI co w s to our mercantile marine, by whose aid We bad veyed iOO,OOO men, English and French, W th e - f 0 0 Nothing was said as to our landing there-little of victories. Nothing as to the application of the: A wl , . telegraph, or the construction of the railway, to d c oil* Aboie all, nothing was said as to the improve vot dition of our army at the present time. 14°vr'notioc• would be the effect on Russia and on Europe, 01 el l " s ole' that , r ing to all the world such a state of things so thes e to re oak e tions represented ? Would Russia be more readl bto oc peace ? Or, if she offered terms of peace, would ntitb,re' ceptance of them be liable to misconstruction? "_ „ os ite spect to the policy to be pursued the noble earls Ire -001 did not agree-especially as to Germany. Th e 11° 13alti ° ' (Ellenborough) was „in favour of operations in the. _ A 01$ in Bessarabia, and in Georgia. He had already strb7ooo - of this nature, proposed and sunnortedbovetli! servative members of their lordships' house, ,voul 00009, worst effect in Germany ; and, to judge from the sage with which speeches delivered in the English 1: : r f ooe weretranslated by Russian agents in Germany, waturlonis able to their views, he thouht be might 01° 1 "; a ot il "' effect would be produced. (Hear.) But there we, 000 ,1 ' more serious consideration -what effect would iles' there lutions have upon France ? He did not -wish t0.,1,10.h. was a numerous peace party in France, the r an.g. ' or e of had been swelled by the greater part of those wh. cl • ;s elf s ° posed to the present Government. Peace was le ~,1 0 i viv?; great a blessing, and war was so detestable, tha t "'l t tile! nt 1 tvie cates of peace had always a powerful argn6l3o3, par. , o 3 favour. But the prin.;ipal argument used bY o r, 0 1, wFieasnecnedatthprreeeseFntrewn-ach4,o2` e ` nWfeorareeveerybarked in e t hong; we have not the same interest in .- MO Bagili+shhollatTo. gt.libio England has." That argument was Oct/01110s el, to him. There was no doubt that Austria , og ise. ; interested in the question than either France or " 00 d a v ; but that France, with her continental positi°L'Ored, 11a stake in the Mediterranean, was not deep e ° i - ,1, 0 esr 1 „ 11 0 1- could not understand. In his opon the n o ; a Jo 4 . of from time to time uttered very great fallacies 0 ort oce_.4 tier', not the least of which was the vast lni t, P 00 h11;;; this war in an Indian point of view. But t lt ill °P.- se (Ellenborough) gave France another a rgute e- , 0 ca1 0 : 4 0. upon their 'lordships' house-an asseinblege;thesed,„ grave, so free from popular influence ---t° P i S e a - rlden 01 lutions. Well might they say, as the nohxe ~ ( jeO l o iii " These co-belligerents of ours are absolut;4 0010000 every qualification but one that can make t the P t ak war." The noble earl should remember that :tree tl„. 0 I undertaking great secrecy and ci,nfideace,werwe, iJibe and it might very naturally be asked 131 I i uns ti oes go on in close alliance with a countrY %gli de 'two °SIP as water, changes its administration everY__,bt to or months?" He thought that consideration ou c ei j i uole d on with their lordships, even if there wer,e, in.;114.0v r. ( g ot tainty about the resolutions than be coin° ' l i r the P r e c os' hear.) But there was historical I:decedent fir teem' motion. In one year after the bsttle of 11cu i ' p oi I , : e Pi o ri duct of the war was severely c tnia,saed V r i lje r ion s 03 0 and country, but that did not prevent the _.s o ° t toreocioe' of Ramillies. Their lordships wo ud ' u ty °f Ili g t°'!' arraigningafter the conduct of the Puke,,, t he ,i l nit, and speeches were made predicting IP.eosoblr 00001 army would be driven out o f the ,l' trio r esul ttiliceof 1,111. months; but that did not stay the illuegie , yro' ; rese undertaking career of victory. (Hear.) in the t ° , that etrAji/ descentssleuidb landingu t a i n t dwaiisnonk theot a i t ca o n o r i, r o r mu en u a c d_ hi er r : c f v o r p hy s e t oa t f i j i i:r o tcie i t i } ::, from the hardships and wmi N o 1 ,00,10 cii,froi (Hear.) waisngen i o H u s e l.y begged con tri t y h e e d i P r r t i l o v o a r:d b i sili a : i P g i s -great successes were - still in t°,"„o to "eO,--bether,;, standing anything that might h e - 0 consider esolutiei. A to t hese r t jeer , so . fair, or just, or patriotic, to agre- 0 but Ile bOO O O °trailer tb,ehuhrotrofi; v ote ,otioual lee ously contrived to promote any(' bene6t ° r a pIY 10 3 The Earl of DERBY-My lords, I ,1 11 ,„ :ele eeriln4g too this° with what has just fallen fro "" , io ,t fis e 2 ll l with the disappointment he has experienee-b cotlr.Pe`; speech of my noble friend (the Earl of 01e11-:tlirspel," " gradiloquent speech," as the noble 3lini'teri;ice e pee b°l it, but which I call the able and stategnall . t 0 011 1P . ,,i0 ,1, my noble friend-so entirely at variance ill tiedooirwell and tendency from that which be had fon3;,Y , ~Il° and against which he had prepared his r e ply' li ' too ,,il , aware that, if not by the noble lcrd, a t lenilated t , 110 136e' act with him, it has been industriously cirerasbips vi n ' town and through the members of your I°, tatlueVor el; that it was the intention of my noble friene„ of ° oss' vidious and unseemly attack upon the congas 1 0 0 S f og ipt , lant troops, as also upon the conduct of th e f ils 00 4/ officers - who command them. I knovi of °Prilife ll t , been made to private friends-appeals to t r ; ii ips'i l o „of professional feelings of members of you r 1° d e oll. Lb illi r) not to sanction by your assent an a ma de f wo n iel i manders of our forces here and at taese e ,,, : 10 , as so il' might have the effect of weakening their li e °, i o the Al 01, doing great injustice to men actively engaged /010140? of their country. Ido not know but d o t these opeollorpoli have had their effect ; for in the course of word,°l or f 4 noble friend there has not been a single ~ °be t Jae° Al I ,l ' sion, or gesture, which by the greates „,.„10 , - 4 o°,, e feeling could be distorted into an a ttack . made- by t .p icl , .l i, with regret the sneering imputation ), ia % % e l 1,. 0 lord the Minister for War (Lord his .„ 1 ,10 1 0 ( fs . , hit tnne ..,g c o , congratulated my, noble friend on his - feeliP lot ° 0 views, and adapted his resolutions to the ,, ,ti t sf m cos, a o ft" Ile country. Now, I say, the noble lord ha o 11 Os pi m eo w to throw out that' insinuation, because the_ oi do I ° „;0 1 „is altogether disprove the statement of th e °osier,' .), fa once, but over and over again in las t !. 0, DioP;roo3'.'d question of this war was under consideratl°osoo ojoiri, friend entreated and implored of Yo u t° to t b° 1 3° 00 0 tb ei , ; i0 criticism on the conduct of the war, e .ll rg iag ili fe'tbi which the officers of the army were isur'bi Of 00 0 so that they should not be embarrassfeso 00'001010 attacks emanating from that house. - 1 ,00000, o f n if ed first, there hasground for theseoltiooo ol eo , 0 . 0 have been thrown out as to the iete,,,tions,ttliel,6o' friend. (Hear, hear.) But these the PP g rou o iti have been objected to because for the „P" o ccr e _ o o lll ,f et' "truisms." These resolutions assert taferfect v ero r o icr , tion with which we have regarded the Pl o t l° c ol 4 i i of counsel between her Al:ijestv Ana soden, as vo of French." I believe, my lords, that is e e w ill it tio ,,s , d if , : o o every member of your lordships' b o os res olit,o 4 .l l, o ° ally as my noble friend whom oved the lo t s' jefoo°,o do not mincide with the) oble earl whpuoitoon6„,sed lordships (Earl Granville that the -?‘ . ioc erejoree ll es l ? , of this house, and its assent of the _isliog be t 0 , 0 11 0 40 v; it reels at the good understanding e% o v th e ce es, io g l d. and England-I repeat Ido not 0;10 yrootorio,,,glo9oo don of gratification will be regarcle.e_i ode r 0 01,V 1 ; 0 1 cant. When I speak of the cortll7/vance i0 0,,i 00 1 . 1 e: 1 0 -exists between the Governmentef ° b o th a, 1 , 113 0 it l:for t ' i li t `i as also between the commanders,Lt 1 belicifis'stit!",o cj omit the opportunity of saying tr . ; o f the 0 pol 00 1 " OS, tics to a noble lord, the conmaant.le. tea 9 i? r, 0 bili tl e say that nothing can have tinderscontriblloodq:oifsilitoooftiO the maintenance of that good _,, a iabl.. c te 3 je, 10 l''' counsel and harmony than the 1,1'..0 000c10K0ii o, kindness of manner with which helell, o v' t : o g o ' o c fo too ol ,l .I ..i t ii3 ts: v i ‘deli s °,1e.,1 I f A S t 0 , ,, his intercourse with all parties.au this because it has been said made by my noble friend on the .c°i boge; so li a i In' 0 If there had been such an intentio, ...,,,, s eli., 0 0 ;'," O of. I would be the last man to lend Ti i I fit ; P r e i w o oll v t,l 11 ; hardly remind your lordshins t ina strl ° oo l l o al ° l e( mendation on the death of the .., the°_oool,o te.,,,,, lington, that her Majesty calleaacTo t : 0 ,1 0 00 r(iiiiro site (Lord Hardinge) to succee. army. The high estimation whica _000:0,_ rec o .00.0.1 i b -I 'l also P O ,l ivt 00014 !Jo capacity of the noble lord now? _f a ~,,, tu o to ~,ti Pepin war (Lord Raglan) likewise incin"o w ell „to 00 0 0 4 to the control of the Ordnance, iet . atale,;;;firef oafiiiisv, signal merits by recoramendil ovviekiiialt ' - t bieg, le i pe a seat in this august assernblag ;, ioo , I l' .;0 039, 1 , el.l o y these noble frierds to h i g h P°"l. ld P i° ' " ti °11 1 111 " would be the last man that wou . tio nfb ia ,io ot t 3 , i , would stultify my ow ecoraei% our affovoesdillit.vl;,, the resolutions go on t o t' exle"ef',_, 0 0e' 0 0 pis 700 0 many deeds of valour by wheirc,h_pta jo ~ f ie 0 0 0 A/ have illustrated their lorotehwa" r in Will„°o'cl ill‘riolOf etas]( enter into the policy oft h war ", the. , 0 1 ; js„ e , as this is not the fitting epE..dea u s bJ os sioAt i ltoo 9 will have an opportunity all°' , o f '3ll,olol'v P,f,te 1 Gre9/ t but i i ta bi 'ol l ail noble lord opposite (Ear ar d to au' ire 0 0 1 0 -1 and determination with reg.._ 1,0 00, _ t ,o fe be much disappointed if tr_i% h „a o r iao s i , 0 0 ,1 0 ,,, Commons also-where the issue ote2o W 0r ,,,0r , Vi i, l o o'; hon. gentleman-will notyes".Yod to t? ibis 00g1t, o li o 00 f prove to foreign countries .. olicy of it 01,01.0,0 ,1.00,0 regard to the justice and P - ff t agedWl taer I°gtlifj 101) necessity of sparing no.:__lr 11 1300 s , ee oa., t e e+, o thwarted by delay o r di co made manifest by the. a wo oer s. 0 cl ue ° 04 1 ; l io I say I shall be disa House of Parliament in _ awl 00 tn_ i (old , 0 0 1 0 Pditlustreadtioillf lL o nf etrollillitoillc t it ;li ffri o ll ; i i: no doubt of our deter na !lth° Ohl(' °Bll4ooseie In;11lepo Greatly asthis: ffer wi t h nity to bo th pea bye 011 10 / 0 0 0 ?0,i i l ,,, for giving opportu nit y 9 „a .. by ~ .,B o i ,ri e ,, for expressing their opi 1 0 tbe stihie° Th e t 1 th ° ti e 11 01 3 if feeling of this house on ~,,i_ooro.) _aloop 0 of 00,it.0 come to a division. admittu an d s ;, 0 1 1 0 5 , 6 thel4 fl,so affirm that " whilst Nve,ubjects '', 0 0 0 e a ° o o ill l to which warn ecessarilY' ,__ lisajeisi_Joittl, ~4 0 4 1 we yet venture to assu:: iif_''.o,tio °`.oll,:rdaw so just a cause bear tli IP_ F.:,0,1 beioa:3o pr they could feel, that be e n If _O6l the troops had dot eyed