The Sun. — London, England, 1849-02-17 00:00:00

i 1. i I i , ‘ r -61. ch 13- vs, is her ;;ci ,01 'wha , ever.—(llear, hear.) Now, upon that subject • eof the waste lands, I think it may be fairly and truly contended that all the experience of the last three years goes against the system of employing the People in that way by means of the public money. We have heard much of the wasteful expenditure of money caused by the employment of peo, le on the relief works; and I le lieve it will be generally admitted that the ad vances of public money were directed to another are? better channel when it was determined to lend sums to the proprietors of the land, and so enable them to im peve their estates, and in so doing employ the labouring classes around them. A sum of 1,500,0001. has been voted for the latter purpose, and the consequence has been that employment has been given in a manner not open to the objection that lay against the expenditure of the public money on the relief works, while the me tional tendency has been to draw together the relations that ought to exist between the landlords and the la hohring poor.—(Hear.) I must be permitted to say a word or two on the propriety of the grant of 50,000/., because I find that almost all the arguments employed to-night have been with reference to that grant, though I had hopes that, seeing it was decided two nights ago, We should not have been called upon to re-argue the question again to-night.—(Hear, hear.) It has not been disputed by any one that some assistance is neces sary to the western unions of Ireland; yet it has been contended by the Hon. Gentlemen opposite that this assistance should not be taken from the Consolidated Fund, that it should not be taken from the other parts of Ireland, and that neither should it be taken from the local districts for the support of local destitution.— (Hear.) Now, if this aid is not to be taken from the United Kingdom, nor from any part of Ireland, how are the means to be 'obtained of saving life in reland (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman the A/lember for Radnorshire spoke of throwing the onus on her Ma jesty's Government ; but I beg to remvoitnidngthaeyeliorounsoe that, in considering this vote, they are a subject of life and death.—(Hear, hear.) I will not enter upon the question of a diminished area of taxation. It may be right or wrong to change the area of taxation. It may be desirable to make the amendments which have been suggested in this resreet, or it may not; but, in such unions as Ballina and Westport will any dimi • mete= of the area o f taxation enable those unions by eater exertions they can make to support the poor with whom they are now burdened ?—(Hear, hear.) If that be so, I do not think the warmest advocate for the diminution•ot the arca of taxation would be prepared to take up on hi mself the fearful responsibility of withhold ing all aid to the suffering and dying people of those unions. —(Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Limerick says that he looks to an extended system of emigration as being calculated to benefit Ireland, but he asks not for any vote, but that the people of Ireland may be allowed to tax themselves for that purpose. That enay be a right view of the question. Ido cot wish to enter upon its discussion now, but I again ask Whether the re exist any local means in Ireland for ob_ tatnine the necessary iunds to effect an extended mi. gration? Ur. MONSELL said, that he did not refer to the toeel resources of Ireland, but to the national resources. ne objected that there should be a general rate in aid . towards the poor-law, but not to a rate for the purpose of assisting emigration. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—The e xplanation of the Hon. Gentleman I admit removes the force of my objection. But I still ask, does the Hon. Gentleman. believe that it is possible to raise by a rate f rom the whole of Ireland a sum sufficient to support the people in those distressed unions? Does he believe that from from any source whate%er, except that proposed by h er Majesty's G overnmen t, i t i s p ossi bl e t o p reserve life in that p art o f I re l an d?—(H ear , h ear .) If t h e H on . v entlemen, and those who take similar views with him, do believe that there is some other source, then they can, with a sa fe consc i ence , o pp ose this grant ; but if tu ey do not, th en on th e ground of humanity they are bound to support it.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentle- Mao the Member for Radnorshire (Sir J. Walsh) says there is nothing extraordinary in the state of society in th e Western districts of Ireland, and has declared it to be his belief that the sole object of the Government in Pro posing this grant is to uphold the administration of the Irish Poor law. That appears to me to be the most ext raordinary assertion that has ever been made in this Rouse.—(Hear, hear.) My conviction is that in no p ar t of the civilized world has such a state of society e. :er existed bef o re as at the present moment exist s i u th ose western dist r ict s of Ireland.—(H e ar, he a r.) I ":note enough of Ireland to be aware that what is true as .0 the state of one part of that country is untrue as to . a nother. I con fi ne myse lf , t h ere f ore , to t h e western di stricts, and I sa y th a t suc h a disproportion bet ween t , 1 1- 0 quantity of f oo d an d the popul a tion as exists in those district s I never heard of ever having been known to exist in any other part of the world. I admit, if you w ill, that the proposal of Government is against princi le, and that it is a mere exceptional case. Why, brought it befo re th e H ouse —l did not say that t` e grant to support th e p oo r-l a w, or that it had anything to by withe means s at law, except that it would be administered the poor-law machinery. But I brcought it foorfward believing it to be the sole means of supp ort . . I not belie :7 life in those western districts. Had posing e e so I should not have been justified in pro- The Hon. Member for Middlesex (Mr. Os . teernh!ef)ehoafsthdeistinctly said that he is against preserving People in those districts; that he knows , not what use these grants have been or will be. Why, Sir, it has been shown that no less than 200,000 people 1 2 4, 0 already been preserved from death by means of th ese grants.--[M r- OSBORNE—Where are they now?] The lion. Gentleman says that it would have been much better for them if their protracted misery had been put all end to, and they had been allowed to die on the road Or hill-side. That is what the Hon. Gentleman calls a statesmanlike view of the question. Let those who agree with him refuse the vote. We have heard a great deal to-night of what ought to be the comprehensive • and statesmanlike views of Ministers with regard to Ire- • land, and my Noble Friend has been reproached for not having taken a comprehensive and statesmanlike view of the question. Sir, I thank God that at least we have not taken that view of the question.—(Cheers.) ' Let my Hon. Friend refer to the documents laid , before the House last year. Let him read the reports of the Poor-law Inspector, of the Vice-Guardian, and of the . Chairman of the BoArd of Directors of the Clifden Union, I n which they state the numerous cases that were brought before them from day to day ot people dying by the • r° adside from starvation, and of the poverty, destitution, • r d crime which was continually on the increase. Let read the report of Mr. Phelan, the medical inspec tor/ Which contains the most horrible accounts that it has !ver b een my fate to rea d o f t h e s t a t e o f di sease an d suf . i s er l ie g to which the people of that union were exposed • .° ele' from want of food. Such was the state of things ' In the Clifden Union; and such would have been the g e neral state of the whole of that district of Ireland if it bad not been prevented by the benevolence of the British e' n- sociation, and the grants made by Parliament. It we wish not to see that state of things repeated—if we are . Shocked .by the details contained in those reports, and . 'would avoid devastation and death again spreading among • that afflicted people, then 1 call upon the House to adopt t hose means which were f oun d e ff ec tual lastyear to arrest t . he march of pestilence and famine in the land. That !e the ground upon which 1 ask you for this vote. I beli eve i t i s a shame and a sin to which a Christian as , setnbly will not expose itself, that it should be respell.. Bible for having condemned to death, as my Hon. Friend is willing to do, the population of a whole district in a portion of this United Kingdom. This I am happy to !ay—that her Majesty's Government will not take upon Itself that responsibility.—(Cheers.) We have proposed this vote, b e li ev i ng that no other means can be devised to we feel il off the ev il we apprehend, and i n propos i ng i t that l we h ave d one our duty before God and the world. you should refuse your assent to it, then, at least, not upon us will tall the responsibility of that fear ' ful calamity, which I fbelieve will be the inevitabl e result . such ,a re usae___.(c hee „ .) Mr. OSBORNE explained. He did not say that he wished to see the people die. What he did say was, that he thought it would be much better for them to die to day, than to be reprieved from to. day and suffered to die next Saturday fortnight. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would • be sorry to misrepresent his Hoe. Friend, but he . took down his words, and his Hon. Friend said, that . the grants had been of no earthly use to the people, and that h e would prefer that their protracted misery should be put an end to, and that they should be at once swept away, rather than be dependent upon Parliamentary grants." Mr. DISRAELI—I concur with the Right Hon. Gen tleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer in thinking it desirable that the attention of the House should be re called to the question before them. The proposition of t he Hon. Member for Stroud is, that this vote should be made in the shape of a loan, and not in the shape of a grant. Now, lam opposed to it, whether as a grant : r as a loan, and therefore I shall vote against the hiendment. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, who 48 compl a i ne d of any discuss ion of this grant bt in g - "hied necessary, has himself so fully entered into the e . pardon me if : expedient of the grant that he will a r d o not pass his observations altogether unnoticed.— : zitt,:ametkare.(l)iy questions n l o n te of this kind gentlemen should that distinction which peculiarly applies utters partaking partly of feeling and partly ot po thers There is a sentimental view of the questioe, and an re i s a political view of it. It . no ?' Member of this •House, and tell him that if he does you make an appeal to ee e "eent to some general act of humanity he will be themer r esponsible for the lives of his fellow - country men, eau be no d oubt to as what would be the course he . bee`"cl enstantly take. The Hon. Gentleman, the Mem r for c k h who has .addressed us tonight vei t e v ec ermeut .a • measure er great ability, says that he looks upon this her' u as an appell of a dying beggar in the streets. en i r ,"' sTgument of the Hon. Gentleman is irresistible if • . th e - I' Peal be made to himself. I can easily conceive Memb er a dyin g beggar in the streets might induce the lion. to pawn his coat to give him succour. But it appeal be made to the Hon. Gentleman as the repro ntative of the constituency of Cuckermouth it then as isaces a very different aspect. Every Gentleman no doubt frequently receiving appeals to his feelings which he 'ends it very difficult to resist. But what enables him to resist those appeals? It is the stern and practical con ', e .„l l ,;ion hat if ho relieves all those who appeal to him he " aeon be under the necessity himself of appealing to ° tilers. • And so it is in the present case. He must not consider the present exigency of those who are sut ,ernr. in Ireland, but he must consider whether he, as a representative of the people of England, is pursuing a 'yurse,•by- agreeing to the vote this night, which will i ll o ve fresh vigour to a career that may ultimately bring rent only distress but perhaps ruin upon those whom he e tt v res eate,—because, Sir, this, is net a new vote proposed a partic u l ar occas i on. The Chance ll or o f the Ex. Chequer4_ ha s j ust to ld us that if, twelve months ego , some tuting like what is proposed had not been done, you could ew. of death, eu. no conceptio n o f t h e scenes of suffer i ng an d misery, vice, and crime, which must have occurred. Won, but, Sir, the Ministry have allowed twelve TIIE SUN, months after that stern experience to pass, a and they are not yet prepared with any measure which will insure u from this result—that twelve months hence this apoeat should not be again made to us.—(Hear, hear.) I say. for I am not ashamed to say, that comprehensive mete ' ures are needed. I caught the epithet from one second to no one in this House for his administrative abilities. I shall not forget that the measures which h tve been suggested to her Majesty's Ministers by so high an authority have been described as comprehensive; and I for one declare that any measures which are less than comprehensive will not satisfy me. But, Sir, if for a moment, leaving the sentimental view of the question, we look at the political view of it,—if we feel it to be our duty on this occasion to endeavour to consider the case of this almost unprecedented state of affairs with a view to find out the remedy it requires, it is possible we may be led to a conclusion very different from that which the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his impassioned harangue, has endeavoured to impress upon the House. The Hon. Gentleman who spoke a short time ago—l believe my Hon. Friend the Member for the University of Dublin—has well reminded you of the ample informa tion which this House has long possessed of the state of Ireland, and of th e f requent attempts made to draw its attention to remedial measures for that condition. He told you that in the year 1835 you had a Committee upon that subject, and measures of great importance were recommend e d b y t h at C omm i ttee—a C omm i ttee which consisted of Irish gentlemen of the highest character and of all parties, besides English Members of great standing, and he asked why were not thos e recommen d at i ons f o ll owe d ? Why, Sir, in the year 1835 the Ministers of the Sovereign were pursuing measures for Ireland of a very different tone and of a very different character. I need. not allude again to the appropriation clause, for after the discussion the other day that subject is perhaps ex hausted ; but the year to which my Hon. Friend re ferred happened to be the year of that celebrated mea sure. Well, in the years 1835 and 1836 you had a crusade raised against the House of Lords because they were not doing justice to Ireland, and a repeal of the union was recommended in consequence of their con duct. To-night I am told by the Hon. Member. for Middlesex that our neglect of these recommendations of the numerous commissions and of Parliamentary Com mittees is a strong argument for a repeal of the union; yet it is those who uttered the cry for repeal of the union who are the very persons who have prevented that remedial policy being carried out which we are united in now recommending. Well, you went on year after year recommending mere political expedients for the state of Ireland. Year after year you were called upon by a powerful individual to do justice to Ireland; and the definition of " justice to Ireland" was assimilating the institutions of the two countries. Well, you did assimilate the institutions—(Cries of " No, no"—atal you got a poor-law, of which you now corn plain.—(Hear, hear.) Year after year the Government of the country renewed the tenure of their power by chuing that cry—(Cheers)—and every attempt to look the social and material evils of the country in the face . was decried and neelected in pursuance of a policy of a totally different character. Even now the lees o f that pelicy still appear at a moment when the nation is in a state of suffering and starvation by the introduction of a measure for increasing the franchise and improving the registration of the country—as if it were possible by factitious measures of reform—as if it were possible by artificial means to make men sensible of the dignity of exercising the political franchise.—(Hear, hear.) A nation that cannot produce men entitled to vote is unworthy of exercising the suffrage.—(?tear, hear.) Everyone must feel that at this moment the situation of Ireland is pressing with respect to circumstances of a mach more material character than the enjoyment and exercise of political privileges; but you want the politi cal tact to introduce such measures. The consequences of your policy with respect to Ireland were aggravated and accelerated, no doubt, by the famine of which we have heard so much, but it only precipitated a conclusion which it was impossible to avoid—the universally ac knowledged misery of the people. The system of political agitation by which you attempted to govern that country, and which you adopted to propitiate a political party in England, has entirely failed. True, you may say, that bad it not been for the failure of the potato crop for more than one year it would not have failed; but the fact is, that that system had taught the people to rely on other energies than than their own, and to look for extraordinary means to support them, to believe that the Government of the country, relying as they did upon the power of their leaders, must come forward and maintain them in the moment of their suffering and de pression. That system has failed; and it is in vain to come forward now with a mock reform policy of in creased franchise with any idea of convincing the people of England, whatever be the political party, that these are the means to secure the good government of Ire land.—(Hear, hear.) Well, what is your next measure? Do you take a lesson from the dire experience of the past ; and do you at last attempt to grapple with the great evils which you no longer refuse to acknowledge ? That is not the course of Governments. The course of Government is to come forward to acknowledge the existence of those evils—to virtually acknowledge that they cannot remedy them ; and to ask the people of England to supply them with temporary exceptional means by which they may bolster up a system which has already broken down under them.—(Hear, hear.) My first objection to this exceptional vote is, that it re lieves the Government from a responsibility which ought to devolve on them. I feel that this is not an occa sion in which we ought to give time to the Government. They have had sufficient warning in the distress of the last three years. The very case alluded to by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer of the distress twelve years back ought to have made the Cabinet feel that they ought never to meet Parliament again without a measure cal culated to control the evils which exist, and to prevent their recurrence. I say that it was the duty of the Go vernment to have brought forward comprehensive mea sures.—(Hear.) I use the felicitous epithet of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Ripon (Sir J. Graham.) I hope he will not desert it.—(Hear, hear.) I say it was the duty of the Government to have matured mea sures respecting the subject of the area of taxation.- -(Hear, hear,) I say they ought to have been able to meet the question of arrears of rates, and to have intro duced some measure with reference to the land that has been thrown up. These are what I call statesmanlike and comprehensive measures.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But what shall we say to the measure before us as an al ternative in lieu of the measure we might have expected? You acknowledge that it is exceptional. How tempo rary it is the Hon. Member for Middlesex (Nlr. Osborne), who calculated that it would last only a fort night, has already informed the House. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Stroud (Mr. P. Scrope) has told the House that a less sum than 500,0001 sterling will not suffice fur the present year to keep life among the suf tering peasantry of the unions. No member of Govern ment has denied that calculation; and it would be diffi cult for any member of Government to deny the correct ness of the estimate, since we have a paper on the table of the House which shows that a still larger sum is neces sary. The other night, when an Honourable Friend of mine with great ability impressed upon the House that an estimate of the expenditure ought to be laid upon the table, we seemed hardly to be aware—the Go vernment did not seem to be aware themselves—that the fatal estimate had already been furnished to us. How ever, gentlemen can have no difficulty in finding it in one of the papers before us, which shows that no less a sum than 592,0001. is the calculated expense of main taining the population in the twenty-one suffering unions. When the Minister, therefore, came forward and argued the whole case upon a single vote of 50,000/., he was, unintentionally of course, palming a delusion on the House and the country—(Hear, hear)—for it would appear that the discussion will have to be commenced again in a fortnight, and another vote called for.—(Hear, hear.) What will be your position at the end of the year? Will the habits of self-reliance, which you wish to encourage, be cherished and fostered in that short time by your systematic doles? Who can flatter him self that when the next House of Commons meet at this time next year the first recommendation of her Ma jesty, the first act of the Ministry, will not be another appeal to the charity of his constituents, unless in the interim those comprehensive measures recommended by the Rignt H on . G ent l eman the M ember for Ri pon are introduced? And what chance have you of obtaining the introduction of those measures if you yield to the feelings which the Hon. Member fur Cockermouth (Mr. Horsinan) dilated upon—if - you acknowledge that Ire land is to be looked upon as a dying beggar in the street, and you propose to keep Ireland for a fortnight? What is your charity to the peopl e o f I re l an d , an d what is your justice to the people of England?—(Hear, hear.) There is another point of view in which we ought to consider this case. We ought to take some moral from the past. Having entirely failed in the Government of Ireland by a system of organized political agitation in alliance with a political party in England we ought to come forward and tell the people of England that we are at last alive to our errors, and that we feel that a new system ought to be established, and a new course of con duct pursued —that it is not enoug h to come f orwar d an d say in the phrases of loose rhetoric that Ireland has un fortunately been hitherto the battle-field of party, but that we shall resolve henceforth that those feuds shall cease—that those feuds shall not be loitered for the ag grandisement of parties in this country—that at this moment, when the people of Ireland are softened by affliction, we think that a happy opportunity is afforded for reconstructing society in that coun t r y, an d t h at by acting in that spirit and on that system we may produce different results from those which we have hitherto ex perienced. But I ask you what chance there is of ob taining those results if you foll ow t h e po li cy which her 2:ajesty's Ministers now recommend to you—a policy which is described as exceptional, when we want a policy systematic and permanent?—(Cheers.) It ever there was an occasion when men who rule a great country should come forward and lead public opinion to thetruct the public mind, and to lay . down a broad firm bests for a great national policy, it is this occa sion. —(Hear, hear.) I protest against the whole spirit of the speech of the Chancellor of the . Exchequer.— (Hear, hear.) I felt, that when he was indulging in an impassioned appeal to our feelings,. there was some thing unstatesmanlike and little in the appeal.—(Cheers.) An embarrassed poor-law guardian might, pt rhaps, have come forward and used such language, and indulged in such a vein; but, after the Cabinet Councils which were field in autumn, I had an idea that at least the subject of Ireland had bet n well considered, that when we had heard so much of their good iortune in possessing . a Lord-Lieutenant of such remarkable talent and experi ence, at least his counsels had reached Downing-street, and that they would have matured and laid on the table a measure—aye, a series of measures—(Hear, hear) — that would at last have raised the condition of Ireland to a position in whi c h s h e wou ld no l onger b e t h e s h ame of Europe and the embarrassment of England.—(Loud cheers). .1 hope that the House, notwithstanding all that has been said, and all that has been urged by the The Government , N ob Noble w r d i l haslpLulsleedhietfaonreexthtreayoridetitni af beati fy y t m h i e s a s v u o r t e e but my objection to this vote of 50,0001, is that it is- not an extraordinary but an ordinary measure, a vulgar measure, a low, mean expedient of a Government who are unable to cope with the difficulties which they are obliged to encounter.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord, however, has said that it is an extraordinary measure, and that when a house is on fire you must have recourse to extraordinary measures. Why, Sir, we don't have recourse to extraordinary measures when our houses are on fire. We send for the parish engine ;we don't pro pose a Committee of inquiry. —(Cheers and laughter.) - But when the Noble Lord's house is on fire he proposes a Committee of inquiry.—(Renewed laughter.) That is not the course which in my opinion ought to be pursued. Let the responsibility, therefore, rest upon the Cabinet which proposes such a course. But what I wish to im press upon the House of Commons is, that they also have a responsibility. There hitie been many measures—like the repeal of the Corn laws, for instance, or the laws , affecting the Roman Catholics—respecting which men may concur in the opinions of those who propose them, and at the same time feel little of the responsibility of the case. They may feel that years must elapse before they can be called to account for the policy they had supported and sanctioned by their votes, that perhaps they may have ceased to be Members of the House before the fruits of the measure had excited any demonstration in the country. But let not Hon. Gen tlemen lay the flattering unction to their souls that such will be the case in the present instance.—(Hear, hear.) This is a measure the effects of which they must feel and that speedily. In a very few days, or at most a few weeks, we may have a fresh appeal made to Parliament, and Members will have to make a fresh appeal to their constituents. They may in the present instance allow the vote to pass in silence, thinking that it is only 50,0001., and that it is to save the lives of 200,000 per sons. This delusion may influence them, as it has in fluenced the Hon. Gentleman the Member for Cocker mouth, but when they find that it has saved the lives of the 200,000 persons tor a fortnight only, and that in the course of a month a fresh appeal has. been made to their feelings and their pockets when they see that at every fresh sacrifice they are only increasing the evil and getting deeper into the mire, and that ultimately, after spending half a million, you will be obliged to face the difficulty which you now wish to avoid, you may depend upon it that the position of Members of this House with respect to their con stituents will be anything but a comfortable one, and that they will not be able to vindicate their vote by say ing that they were actuated by sympathy for the Chan cellor of the Exchequer.—(Hear, hear.) I hope the House, therefore, will hesitate before they sanction this vote. I rejoice that it has not been allowed to pass in a cursory manner. The subject is now fairly before the country, and slight as the sum appears, the whole ques tion of Ireland is bound up with it, and, unless the House, supported by the country, makes a stand on this occasion, I see nothing but a future of aggravated misery for Ireland, and of impending distress even for England herself.—(Cheers.) Mr. RICE said, he should not vote for the amend ment of the Hon. Member for Stroud, because he thought things should be called by their right names. There was already a strong feeling among the people of this country against the vote, which was most distasteful to them, and if anything could make it more so, it was to be told that it was a loan instead of a grant, when they well knew not one penny of it would they ever get hack .—(Hear, hear.) Instead of being the first of a series of similar propositions, ho thought, after the feel ing which existed in the country, it would be the last. Lord C. HAMILTON declared thas he was quite ready to defend the Irish poor-law if it were under dis cussion, but he would not join in the irrelevant observa tions which had prevailed during the debate. The Hon. Member for Buckinghamshire, whose eloquence touched nothing that it did not adorn, making use of a domestic simile, said that when a house was on fire we sent for the fire-engine. Such a course might become the sena torial dignity of the Hon. Member, who might wish to imitate the conduct of the Roman Senate when the Gauls entered the forum, but he (Lord C. Hamilton) believed, in such a casualty, the most usual step was to send for the fire-escape, by which you went down head foremost from the fourth story.—(A laugh.) He looked upon this measure as a fire-escape, and much as he disliked the attitude it compelled him to take, he would adopt it now as the best suited to the case.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. MOORE remembered that the Hon. Member for Middlesex, relying on his own assertions in perfect con - tentment, declared it would be better for the unfortunate people to starve and die of famine at once than for them to depend on the charity of this country. It was quite possible the Hon. Member had dined so well he could not conceived what death by starvation was ; but he knew nothing of the Hon. Mmber which could induce iaim to think if he (Mr. Osborne) were in the same position his views would not be greatly modified. Mr. OSBORNE—I said for a fortnight. Mr. MOORE—WeII that made no difference ; the pauper was supported day by day. The question for the House was not whether it would be better for those people to live or die, but whether it would be creditable for this great and civilized country to allow thousands of human beings to die of famine at their very thresh hold. The Hon. Member for Buckingham made it a party question ; he did not care so much as to whether 100,000 Irishmen should die or live if he could but attack the Government. Were these men to be starved because the Government was not prepared with what the Hon. Member thought a comprehensive measure ; or would he vote a grant which was bad in principle on the faith of their promises and protestations as to future mea sures? For his own part he could not think that a squabble over the rations of starving men afforded an auspicious opening of the Parliamentary campaign, or was a very favourable omen of its success.—(Hear.) Mr. P. WOOD said, he believed that small as was the amount of the grant, it might be pregnant with most. fatal consequences to Ireland. England and Scotland had not acquired their social position by such grants as these ; but by the exercise of honest, si,renuous indus try. 'There were a number of unions in Ireland where the landlords had most nobly performed their duty, but if this grant once passed they would at once destroy their energy, and, instead of having 100,000 men, they would have 400,000 men to feed next month.—(Hear, hear.) He would not think so ill of the Irish gentry, many of whom had great wealth, or the people of England, as to believe that extreme cases, where there was danger of starvation, would not be provided for. A re port had been laid on the table of the House from Cap tain Hamilton, on the state of the Ballina union, to in duce them to vote this grant. It had had upon him a precisely opposite effect. Captain Hamilton stated that before next harvest time there would be 27,000 re quiring relief in tht‘t union, of whom 4,300 were able bodied men, whose families amounted to 14,000; and of these able-bodied poor he declared that, with some ex ceptions, they were lazily inclined, and would do nothing for themselves as long as they could get others to do it for them.—(Hear.) Now, he would ask the House, was it to serve those able-bodied men, who would "do as little as possible," that they were to vote this grant?— (Hear.) The curse of Ireland was reliance on England. It was more than a century ago since Bishop Berkeley had published his " Queries," among which there were three especially significant at the present day—" When shall we be able to teach our people of Ireland to live on their own industry?" "To whom does the fable of Her cules and the waggoner apply as it does to the people of Ireland ?" and, " Whose fault, then, is it if the poor of Ireland remain poor?"—(Hear.) Colonel DUNNE deprecated the use of such expres sions as had fallen from the Hon. Member for Cocker mouth (Mr. Horsman), that he would give this grant as ho would alms to a beggar in the street. It was a case of absolute necessity ; the people must die if no interpo sition took place. The whole question was, whether the means of relief should come from the Imperial treasury, or from Ireland alone. Supposing a tax were proposed on the rateable property of Ireland alone, why should Ireland support the impoverished districts more than England? " Are we one country," exclaimed the Hon. and Gallant Member, " or are we not?"—(Hear, hear.) Everything depended on the radius which was taken. If he went beyond his own estate, was it with the province, the anion, the country, they were to stop? He said the empire.—(Hear, hear.) Colonel SIBTHORI' expressed his intention of voting against the grant. Mr. HUME thought the question bad been well put— " What was the want of Ireland?" It was employment. Would this small grant give employment and promote the healthy action required to restore that country? Would the Government be able to state, when this money was exhausted, what was to stimulate the industry of Ireland in order to produce that employment which the Hon. Member for the University of Dublin had properly allowed to be the great want of Ireland? Lord J. RUSSELL—The Hon. Member for Oxford has objected to this vote, and places his decision very much on the ground of the report of Captain Hamilton, the inspector of Ballina. The Hon. Member who has just spoken has also objected because ho thinks that em ployment ought to be given, and that refusing this vote would induce employment. On the contrary, Captain Hamilton said, in the first place, that the landlords are generally unable to give employment, and in the second place, that the labourers are scarcely able to work; and he puts to the Commissioners what would be the conse quence of immediately striking a rate. He says:— " The striking of another rate under present circum stances would have the effect of extinguishing the little hope that is still to be found in the union. The few landlords who are giving employment would come to a stand-still. In the next place, a rate could only be col lected by tedious legal proceedings, and by the time it had become available the poor would have ceased to exist." It there be any Hon. Members who expect that refusing this vote will be the means to give employ. ment, they have at least the authority of Captain Hamil ton against such a supposition.—(Cheers,) Mr. P. SCROPE stated that he would not trouble the House to divide on his amendment. Sir W. BARRON muved the adjournment of the debate. The House divided, and the numbere were— For the adjournment Against it ... Majority —l67 Lord DUDLEY STUART then proceeded to ad dress the House. He had never approached a subject on which he found it so difficult to come to a conclu sion as the present; involving, as it did, the lives of a great body of the Irish people, and the interests of man y important constituencies in this country. He felt, however, that he could not object to the present advance of the sum proposed by Government, only he would propose to advance it in a very different manner from that advocated by her Majesty's Ministers. He thought the House should endeavour to combine jus tice with economy. He thought the proposal of the lion. Member for Stroud illusory, but that his own would be found to have a practical effect. He did not expect the return of a farthing from the unions of Ire land to which these•sums were advanced ; but, consider ing how the poor-rates of this country had been increased by the influx of Irish pauperism, he thought that the local distress of Ireland should be borne by the . proverty of Ireland, He was the '-more disposed to assist the people of Ireland, because they had been mis governed for centuries. He admitted that public feeling in this country was opposed to the making of grants to Ireland. England was exasperated, and justly so, at the manner in which our assistance had been received. Such language as " Take back your dirty money" could not fail to sink deeply into the hearts of the people of this country. He did not make his proposal for the purpose of relieving the Irish landlords from the per formance of their just duties ; and no doubt Ireland, as a whole, could repay our advances. A remarkable circular had recently been issued by the Archbishop of Tuam to the people of Ireland, in which he called upon them in the midst of their distress to sub scribe money—for what (lid the House suppose ? Why, to relieve the Pope from his present pecuniary difficul ties.—(A laugh). Now, he thought it might be all very right for Irishmen so to act, but then England ought not to be made to pay for it. He thought his pro posal deserved the support of the House. He thought that her Majesty's Government would ac cede to it ; as, from the speech of the Noble Lord, he gathered that he had some measure in contemplation by which the property of 'lreland at large should be made to provide for the local distress of Ireland. He trusted that Ireland would have the benefit of such a measure, and that she would be placed in all respects upon an equal footing with England. He hoped to see the time when Ireland should enjoy every privilege which we enjoyed ourselves. They were our fellow countrymen, and we ought to relieve them. He believed that his proposal was one which combined humanity with the requirements of the case, and in that conviction he bad brought it forward. The Noble Lord concluded by moving, " That the 50,000/. to be issued out of the Consolidated Fund, for th e p urpose of afford i ng relief to certain distressed poor-law unions in Ireland, be ad vanced by way of loan, to be paid by means of a rate to be levied on the whole of the unions in Ireland, except the unions receiving such relief." The Earl of ARUNDEL and SURREY would re mind the Noble Lord (Lord Dudley Stuart) when be urged an objection to the Archbishop of Tuam's letter, that the Pope had contributed money for the relief of Ireland, and he would further remind the Noble Lord , that his own advances for the benefit of Poland had not escaped censure.—(A laugh.) Lord DUDLEY STUART—I wish I could get that money back again.—(Laughter.) Mr. BANKES wished briefly to state his reasons for the vote he intended to give, because he had heard an ac cusation made by the Hon. Member for Limerick of murder against those who voted in the same way, and be cause he bad also heard something from the Chancellor of the Exchequer that seemed to justify that accusation. He and those Hon. Members who acted with him were perfectly ready to accede to this vote if the Government had acceded to their amendment, stating that it was given under peculiar circumstances, and binding the House to that being the last vote of the kind. He could not, however, vote for the !amendment now proposed by his Noble Friend, because he considered it a false pretence to speak of this as a loan, and that it was, in fact, a grant which could never be repaid. He could not agree with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he said, that if the people of Ireland died be cause this grant was refused, the Government had done their duty. He must deny that they had done their duty. They had laid before the House state ments of the distressed state of some parts of Ireland which were known to them in October last, and in De cember was made that communication of Captain Ha milton, which stated that the people were starving ; and yet Parliament was not called together, nor did the Speech from the Throne commence with any notification of an exigency of this nature. Lord J. RUSSELL saidaithe resolution to which the Hen. Member had just referred had contained a censure on the Government for not doing that which no other Government had done, the present Government having done what previous Governments had done under simi lar circumstances, and no censure having ever been cast upon those Governments. Of course, it was impossible for them to consent to a vote of censure under such cir cumstances. Ho could not agree to the amendment of his Noble Friend (Lord Dudley Stuart), because the Government were of opinion that the present 50,0001. ought to be given as a grant. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Bankes) said that Parliament ought to have been called together in November, but both himself and his Right Honourable Friend (the Chancellor of the Ex chequer) had stated at the end of last August ,that if any circumstances of an extraordinary nature should arise during the recess, they would grant relief in those cases. The letter of Captain Hamilton was dated on the 22d of January, and it did not reach the Government until the month of February. While he could not agree with his Noble Friend that the 50,0001. ought to be the subject of a special rate in Ireland, still at a future time it would be for the consideration of the Government and of that House whether such sums of money ought not to be charged upon some Irish fund.—(Hear.) Sir W. BARRON warned the House that out of 130 unions in Ireland they would not have ten in a state to support their poor if they persisted in the taxation of districts which had nothing to do with the poor for whom the money was destined. Mr. REYNOLDS felt that his country had been gra tuitously insulted by Hon. Members who had opposed this grant. He had heard the frigid and frczen political economy of the Hon. Member for Montrose—a political economy so frozen that it required a West Indian climate to thaw it.—(Laughter.) That Hon. Member had great compassion for the blacks, but none at all for the Irish, to whom he talked of self-reliance. What he (Mr. Reynolds) complained of was, that the present grant was too small.—(A laugh.) It was a drop in the ocean, and was only the forerunner of other grants.—(A laugh-) Mr. PIGOTT rose to support the amendment of the Noble Lord the Member for Marylebone, because he believed, that while it relieved the starving people of those unions in Ireland, it did justice to the people of England. The people of this country were daily be coming more impatient of taxation, impatient of the state of government in Ireland; there you had the sus pension of the Habeas Corpus, the large army, and an immense police force, and were now trying an experi ment of feeding the people by grants from the Consoli dated Fund, or in other words, from the pockets of the industrious people of England. Mr. Pigott was opposed to these continued grants as unjust towards this country. At the same time, he would not be a party to with holding 50,0001. as a loan, and on that account he should support the amendment of the Noble Lord, hoping that her Majesty's Government would not long allow Ire land to remain in such a deplorable state. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the amendment ... 9 Against it ••• ••• ,•• 157 Majority ••• ..• ••• —l4B Another division then took place on the main question the numbers were— For the resolution ... 128 Against it ... 39 Majority ••• ••• —B9 The Inland Revenue Bill was read a third time and passed. The Elections and Polling (Ireland) Bill and the Elee • tive Franchise (Ireland) Bill were brought in and read a first time. IRISH DEBT. On the motion of Mr. MACGREGOR, the following returns were ordered:— Of the number and amount of loans contracted on account of Ireland from the period of the union until the Exchequer of Ireland was united with that of Great Britain in the year 1817 : _ . Of the amount (if any) which has been paid off, out of the Irish revenue of the Irish d e b t d ue at t h e u nion, and of the Irish debt which accrued afterwards, down to the union of the Irish and British Exchequers: Of the amount (if any) of the said debts which has been paid from the Consolidated Fund since the union until the year 1817 : _ . Of the total amount of funded and unfunded Irish debt, including floating Exchequer-bills, which was funded in England from the date of the union until the union of the wo Exchequers in 1817 : Of the amount of loans contracted on account of Ireland from the union of the two Exchequers in 1817 to the sth day of January, 1849 Of the amount (if any) of such loans as has been repaid, distinguishing the amounts paid (if any) out of the Consoli dated revenue, and (if any) out of the revenue levied in Ireland: Of the gross revenue levied in Ireland each year, from the sth day of January, 1818, to the sth ,day of January, 1849, distinguishing the expense of collection, and the other pay ments out of the Irish revenue in its way to the Exchequer : Of the total gross expenditure of Ireland for each year, from the sth day of January, 1818, to the sth day of January, 1849, distinguishin g the amounts (if any) of repay ments of loans, of reducing the Irish debt Lfunded in Eng land or transferred to Ireland, th e civil, military, naval, and constabulary expenditures and interest paid on Irish debt funded in England or transferred to Ireland, and which have been each year paid out of the Consolidated revenue, and out of the revenues collected in Ireland : Of the amount (if any) which has been redeemed of the Irish debt from the date of the union to the sth day of January, 1849, distinguishing payments out of the Consoli dated Fund and out of the revenue levied in Ireland : Of the total amount which remains unredeemed of the Irish debt funded in England from the union to the sth day of January, 1849: Of the amount of Irish debt funded In England on the sth day of January, 1849, and amount of interest payable thereon out of the Consolidated Fund: And, of the amount of Irish debt funded in Ireland on the sth day of January, 1819, and the sources from which the interest due thereon is paid. The House adjourned at 20 minutes after Two o'clock to Monday. MR. BURKE'S " ANECDOTES OF THE ARISTO CRACY."—Among the many noble and distinguished families whose archives have furnished materials for this interesting work are the following:—Percy , Vere, Hamilton, Russell, Audley, Berkeley, Manners, Maxwell, Howard, Pelham, Campbell, Pierrepoint, Norton, Musgrave, Primrose, Chandos, Shirley, Hastings, Thynne, Hay, Cecil, King, Byron, Fraser, Cheney, Butler, Churchill, Lennox, Stanley, Gunning, Rad elYfre, St. Leger, Gordon, Ponsonby, Cameron, Keith, Sey mour, Fox, D oug l as, Cliff o rd, Brandon, Ly n d say, K nollys, Mohun, De Courcy, Ashworth, Bowes, Welby, Home, Wal pole, Wellesley, Poer, Fitzroy, Bolle, Montgomery, Lyster, Lvttelton, Egerton, Scott, Thellusson, Hutchinson, Digby, Ward, Astley, ,Stuart, Crawford, Bruce, Rokeby, Sackville, Annesley, Lynch, Elwes, Parkyns, Cavendish, Boughton, Compton, Mathew, Villiers, Darrell, Bathurst, Honywood, Mure, Brandon, Fitzgerald, Dudley, Baird, Drake, Mac kensie, &c. &c. . - [ADVERTISEMENT.]—None need be Sick.—Read the following case of cure by Holloway's Pills.—Mrs. Jessie Anderson, living near the Fountain Bridge, Edinburgh, suf fered from lowness of spirits, sick headache, dimness of sight, together with a want of strength and appetite. These symp tons were accompanied with a cough and spitting of phlegm, and likewise much windy spasms. No medicine had been of any service to her, until a lady advised her to try Holloway's Pills which gave her immediate relief, and in a fortnight made her as well as ever she, was in her life.—Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at the 1 2stablishment of Professor Holloway, 244, Strand, and by a!anost all respectable Vendors of Medicine throughout the 'zivilised world. Hall is actually sold to the Rev. Dr. Meyler, aro a chapel of ease to Westland-row.—Evening -Packet, The half-yearly meeting of this company was held on Thursday at the station at Derby; Mr. George Hudson, M.P., presiding. The Secretary, Mr. BELL, having read the advertise , ment convening the meeting, the seal of the company was affixed to the register of shareholders. The SECRETARY then read the following report : " The receipts from the various sources of revenue on the Midland Railway during the half-year ending the 31st December last, have exceeded those of the corre sponding half-year of 1847, by 29,5771.; and will, atter deducting the ordinary expenses of working the line, paying the whole of the interest upon the loan capital of the company, the dividends upon the guaranteed stock and shares, interest at the rate of 51. per cent, per annum, upon a half million of the amount paid up on the 501. shares, and laying aside 10,0001. for the purpose of relaying the permanent way, leave a balance of 202,3221. From this sum the directors recommend the proprietors to declare a dividend of 21. 10s. upon each 1001. of Midland consolidated stock, 3/. upon each 1001. consolidated preferential stock, after the rate of 6L per cent. per annum upon the Erewash Valley shares, and of 1/. 16s. 3d. upon each 1001. of the conslidated Bir mingham and Derby stock. This will leave a balance for the ensuing half-year of about 16,0002 After the dis astrous changes which have occurred during the eventful year just ended, and which have been felt by all classes of society, but particulary by those engaged in trade and commerce, the proprietors will not be surprised to learn that there has been a decrease in the receipts from the passengers traffic during the half-year, as compared with the corresponding half of 1847, to the extent of 18,6284; but it is satisfactory to observe that in the merchandise traffic there has been during the same period an increase of 24,6001., and in minerals an in crease of 14,622 Z The lines in course of construction are the Mansfield and Pinxton, the Erewash Valley, and the Leicester and Svvannington Extensions, all of which it is expected will be ready for traffic in the course of the present year, and from which the directors expect a considerable addition to the revenue of the company. The directors are aware of the attempts which are making to persuade the shareholders that the coal traffic upon this railway is being conducted at a loss; they are, however, satisfied that it produces a con siderable profit, and that with the present state of com petition in the coal trade, it would be very unwise to disturb the rates. The directors have taken 10,0001. from the revenue to form a fund for the renewal of per maneist way, and they propose to set aside a like sum every succeeding half-year. With respect to the re newal of engines, carriages, and other working stock, having now obtained what they believe to be an adequate supply for the working of the main line and branches (the lines in course of construction, as well as those open for traffic), no further sums under this head will be placed to capital account. The engines, carriages, waggons, &c. will be kept in repair as they have hitherto been at the cost of revenue, so long as they are worth repairing, and when worn out will be replaced with new ones from the saline source. 7 1 . he directors are of opinion that this will be a much better mode of maintaining the capital stock of the company, than by forming a depreciation fund. It may be asked • Why then form a fund for the renewal of the permanent way?' The an swer is that the wear and tear is comparatively unseen and difficult to appreciate, and if maintained out of the ordinary revenue might in some half-years form a very large and difficult item to deal with, whilst in others it would be very light, and so produce a fluctuation in the dividends very much to be deprecated, whilst in the case of the engines, &c., the wear and tear is perceptible and more readily dealt with each half-year. The directors are most anxious to reduce the expenses of working the railway to as low a sum as may be compatible with the safety of the public, and the efficiency of the service. They have therefore discontinued several of the pas sengers trains, but as some of them only ceased running in November last, and others only in December, the re duction will be more apparent in the present than in the last half-year. The following extract from the engi neer's report will show the saving which has been effected in the item of maintenance of way The maintenance accounts for the half-year include 31} miles more railway than the corresponding period of the last year. The saving in maintenance which was expected to arise from taking the north branch into the company's hands has been fully realised. The full advantage of the saving does not appear in this half- year's accounts, because the con tracts did not fall due until the middle of August. Never theless the expenditure under the head of maintenance is greatly reduced as compared with the year when the amalgamation took place. At that time the cost averaged 2301. per mile per annum, and it is now reduced to 140/. per mile, and I anticipate that, when more of the line is taken into the company's hands, a further and very con siderable reduction may be accomplished.' The directors are happy to state that they have no Bill before Parlia ment this session. They have for some months past been engaged in obtaining and liquidating the bills out standing against the company for Parliamentary pro ceedings in past sessions; hence the large item under this head in capital account. They regret to state that, in many instances the charges have been most exorbitant. The subject of the rating of railways has also engaged the attention of the directors. The fact that railway com panies are rated upon a portion of their profits as carriers, and that they are rated excessively, has long been known and complained of, but no adequate remedy has been ap plied. The pressure of the grievance has now become so intolerable that an effort will be made in Parliament during the present session to obtain some relief, and it behoves the shareholders to render what assistance they can, by signing the petitions which may be presented to them, and by making the grievance known to their Members. The following directors go out by rotation, viz., Sir Isaac Morley, Mr. Taylor, and Mr. Wadding ham, but are all eligible for re-election. Undtat the pro visions of the Act of last session, the proprietors have the option of increasing the number of directors from fifteen to twenty; the directors have appointed Mr. Paxton, of Chatsworth, and Mr. Barwell, of Northamp ton, and recommend the proprietors to confirm that ap pointment. Mr. Jackson, one of the auditors, also re tires at this meeting, but is eligible for re-election." The report having been read, The CHAIRMAN said he believed the proprietors had already received a copy of the statement of accounts, and it would not, therefore, be necessary to have them read. The report which they had just heard went more fully into details than was usual with the documents which the directors generally presented to the proprie tors of that company, and he should be spared the ne cessity of entering into many points of interest at that moment; he should, therefore, in the first place, confine himself to moving the first resolution, " That the report be adopted, printed, and circulated amongst the share holders." In doing so he trusted that if any proprie tors should be anxious for more explicit or further in formation, they would be good enough to put any questions they might please to the directors, who he hoped would be enabled to give a full and satisfactory reply. There could be no doubt that the time had now arrived when it was necessary that there should be no doubt or suspicions as to the honour or integrity of railway directors. The board of directors of the Midland Company had had the honour of making the lines, and had been entrusted with the care of the property of the company, and if in the course of their guardianship they had committed any errors, those errors were of the judgment, not of the in tention. As he had before said, the directors were there ready to answer any questions and to offer any explana tions, and they wished the proprietors to make all doubts they might entertain clear by explanations; be cause the directors felt that, as railway directors, they de rived their authority and strength from the confidence reposed in them by the shareholders.—(Hear, hear.) Whilst they enjoyed that confidence they were glad to serve the interests of the common property, but if they did not enjoy it they were quite ready to resign. lie should reserve any further observations he might have occasion to make until a later period of the meeting, and in the meantime content himself with moving the first resolution. Mr. DAKIN, who stood at the back of the chairman, but with other gentlemen occupied an elevated position upon a platform, proceeded to put a few questions to the chairman, but from the low tone of voice in which he spoke, and from the continual interruptions on the part of the general body of proprietors, who were anxious that Mr. Dakin should descend into the body of the meeting, he was very imperfectly heard. He was, how ever, understood to object to the items for stock being placed to the capital account. He further objected that the coal traffic was, it was to be feared, carried on at a considerable loss t) the company. He objected also to the several items in the published statements of accounts, especially to the sum of 36,0001. set down as Parliamen tary expenses. The CHAIRMAN, amidst considerable noise and in terruption, defended the propriety of the item above named being placed to the capital account. He said he was also prepared to prove that the mineral traffic of the line belonged to the most profitable of the work ings of the company. As to the item of 36,0001. for Parliamentary expenses, he should not object to that being placed to revenue, if that was the wish of the proprietors. Mr. WYLIE, of Liverpool, rose and said he enter tained no doubt that the inquiries which had been made by the Hon. Proprietor (Mr. Dakin) had ;reference to other and more complete inquiries on the same and similar subjects, to which the anxieties and solicitude of the general body of the shareholders responded.—(Hear, hear.) Without entering into the details of minute questions, such as those which were thus forced upon the considerationtof the shareholders, they felt that, although all might have been done by the directors for the best, still the best results had evidently not followed their exertions.—(Hear, hear.) They had but to look to the present position of the company for a proof of the truth of what he said, and, moreover, that the shareholders had a right to know by what means it was that the present position of the company was so far beneath its original promise. He wished the meeting to believe that he had every desire not improperly to disturb the unanimity of any body of proprietors; indeed, he should consider himself criminal were he to attempt to trifle with the large interests of the proprietors of the Midland Company; and it was, therefore, with no factious motive that he rose to move the appointment of a committee of inquiry, composed of s hareholders not ready being directors of the company. He was quite s believe that the directors had done their duty. towards the shareholders honestly and fearless l y , and if, efforts, as he before said, the results had not been e q ual to thet of such a board to accede to the appointment _ made, he thought, so far from its being derogatory to the of the directors to com mittee, it should ,be the anxious . proprietary.—(Hestr. 111 come forward and ask the_ e adevsictwe:sahln'edwecvoeurn,seslayo,f their whilst he thus paid of the directors, there were grity and honesty of purpose o n f o a th ec in o g un e t o s u vi ld h b ic e h m h o a r d e ) the highest testimony to the inte• bmeaennyt hc)abtiecdatiyonssahtotetibt.teertieemteacntt, imago and u nsatisfactory. — ( ll car, hear.) Iu that ~~ The CHAIRMAN decided that Mr. Ellis was perfectly in order; whereupon Mr. ELLIS resumed his observations upon the letter to which he had previously referred, and at considerable length entered into details connected with the manage ment of the Swannington line. He entered also into several statistical calculations, to show that the coal traffic of such a line as their own was in fact actually more valuable than the passenger traffic. It had also been made a charge against the directors that the rates of their mineral traffic were too low. Why be (Mr. Ellis) would tell them, that if they were to try to raise the rate one farthing per ton, they would be driving their mineral traffic entirely from them. Adverting to the guarantee of the Erowash Valley line, with the pur chase of which the directors had been taunted, it should be remembered that they did not make the line, but they were forced to acquire it. In reference to all these matters, he (Mr. Ellis) was content to rest his character upon the knowledge which his col. leagues had of his transactions in connexion with railway matters. Turning to the consideration of the general question, he took occasion to notice that obser vations had been made in reference to the reduction in the dividend of that company, and a comparison had been invidiously made between the reduced dividend and the financial condition of the London and North- Western Company.—(Hear, hear.) The comparison, however, of a dividend reduced from 7 to 5 per cent. with one reduced from JO to 7 per cent. did not, in his mind, present any very extraordinary preference in fa vour of the latter. Mr. Ellis maintained also, in refe rence to the very large item which appeared under the head of Parliamentary expenses, that such an outlay, although excessive and much to be deplored, had been called for by the extraordinary emergency of the times. He could not but consider also the heavy expenditure in curred in reference to the gauge question before Parlia ment as such, that, possibly, if the same course were to be gone over once more, might, in like manner, be again incurred even by careful and prudent men. That expen diture, he ventured to say, would have been final and conclusive if the Government had been but honest and kept faith with the report of the Commissioners ; but even as it was, they might be sure that, but for that opposition, there might even now be a broad gauge line in the Midland district.--(Applause.) He thanked them for the patience with which they had listened to him, and sat down amidst applause and confusion, in the midst of which several gentlemen appeared to be desirous of addressing the meeting at once, and some personal explanations having been exchanged, Mr. SIDNEY trusted the meeting would not suffer itself to be led away by personal disputes from the considera tion of the real interests of the company. Mr. BRANCKER was undertood to renew the expres• sion of his opinion as to the unprofitable nature of the coal traffic at the present low rates. Mr. IlincarNsom (one of the managing committee of the directors) replied at considerable length, and de monstrated the value of the mineral traffic, illustrating the various arguments which he adduced by facts and figures derived from actual traffic on the Bristol and Birmingham line. The discussion which arose upon the question of the coal traffic occupied considerable time, but we have not space to insert the useful figures laid before the meeting. They were, however, entirely confirmatory of the view of the value of the coal traffic, as expressed by Captain Huish, in his recently published pamphlet, which was referred to more than once in the course of the discus sion in deservedly high terms. After a good deal of diffuse discussion, in the course of which several shareholders expressed their fear lest the appointment of such a committee as was sought might injuriously affect the value of the property which it was the common object to promote, The CHAIRMAN said he was exceedingly anxious to make a few remarks.—(Hear.) In the very few words with which he had opened the business of the day he had carefully abstained from making any unnecessary remarks, reserving himself until he should hear some thing from the gentlemen present in the shape of rea sonable ground why the committee should be appointed; but he must confess that he had listened to nothing which invited him to look upon the proposition with any favour. On the other hand, the very mover and sup porter of the measure expressed their entire confidence in all that the directors had done. He could not refrain from noticing the comparison which had been invidiously put between the reduced dividend of the Midland and the reduced dividend of the London and North- Western Company. But upon a survey of the price of their stock, there was nothing surprising or wonderful in such a comparison. The price of the London and Birmingham was 1371., at a reduced dividend of 7 per cent., whilst the price of the Midland stock was 9.1/., at a reduced dividend of 5 per cent. He (the Chairman) could not, therefore, see any remarkable disproportion between the comparative divi dends of the two companies. He was happy to hear the high opinion of Mr. Glyn which had been expressed by the Hon. Proprietor. He could scarcely believe that anything could be said too highly in commendation of that gentleman, but he (the Chairman) could not per mit the praise which that gentleman received to be made the means of attempting to lower the character of the directors of the Midland Company. He telt it, how ever, to be his duty to put the shareholder s their guard against falling into the hands tef w h ich who might possibly induce them to follow t a s y vn this would affect the value of their p_which point he referred to a letter which he P h r aT . was made distinct mention , receivedr. from Liverpool, in which very of the object which certain of tof the benefit en t e h fi e t ir of own the private ends. The Chai said to have in view when theeyi s h are holders were he in made se h general proprietary the r p m re a tx n dwelt at some length, and with much warmth , upon th e conduct of certain gentle • m en amongst the shareholders, whom he mentioned as baring taken a prominent part in proceedings such as he briefly had described; an d after appealing to t h e meet • ing whether he was n ot at all times ready and willi ng to n eglect his own private comforts to promote their in terests (which was responded to with considerable ap plause), proceeded to remark that when the shareholders took into consideration the fact, that they had passed through a year of unexampled commercial depression, that they had suffered a diminution in their receipts to the extent of 20,0001. was, therefore, not at all surprising. They were a commercial company, and dependent on the prosperity of commerce for their own; and, therefore, he looked with confidence to the improvement of their receipts -and the activity of their line with the impulse to be gained from the revival of trade. In reference to the guaranteed lines of the com pany be remarked that it was made a subject of com plaint that they had guaranteed interest. Why, they had no capital, like the ,London and Birmingham Com pany, or they would not have given guarantees, but the y wanted the lines, without the capital; and they had con,. sequently paid u somewhat hi g h interest for it. die re- LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 17, 1849. RAILWAY IN TELLIGEN CE. MIDLAND. _ respect it afforded a striking contrast to the published statement of the London and North-Western Company, fur in that document every inquiry appeared to be anticipated, whilst in the statement of this com pany every inquiry was provoked. The state ment of the London and North Western Company, in his opinion, reflected infinite credit on the management of that company, which was due to the position its property held in the opinion of the pui lie, no less than to the high character, talent, and integrity of their chairman, Mr. Glyn, whose reputation had never been tarnished even by the breath of suspicion.—(Hear.) Reference Lad been made to the profitable working of the mineral traffic, and he thought it very desirable that the share holders should be informed of the amount of that class of traffic on the Birmingham and Gloucester line. He thought the directors might have been more explicit on this as on some other points, which, however, he consi dered it better not to discuss ui,`..on that occasion. He thought there were sufficient grounds of support to the amendment to be found in the fact that they were now proposing to declare a dividend of only five per cent. — (Hear, hear)—at the same time that they were paying guaranteed interest of a much higher rate.—(Hear, hear.) Then, again, their accounts showed a gross amount of income of 600,0001., out of which they had only 200,000/. to divide. After enlarging upon the evidence which such facts afforded of the necessity of in vestigation, the Honourable Proprietor concluded by moving the amendment he had proposed. Dr. O'BRIEN seconded the motion, and, at the same time, took the opportunity of expressing the great cons deuce he entertained in the directors, particularly in their worthy chairman. He could not, however, avoid de claring his concurrence in the disappointment expressed by the mover, that no satisfactory explanation had been yet afforded on several matters with which it was highly important for the shareholders to be acquainted, and he particularly complained that questions he had himself put respecting the Birmingham and Bristol and Glou cester traffic, had not been fully or fairly replied to. Mr. Eras, the deputy chairman of the board of direc • tors, desired to make a few remarks on the somewhat singular proceeding of the gentlemen who had epoken in support of the appointment of a committee of inquiry, particularly the seconder, who, whilst he declared he had the most implicit confidence in the directors, was actually concurring in a vote of censure upon their conduct.—(A laugh, and cries of " No, no.") He would also make a few observations upon a most un founded attack upon some of the directors in the Midland Company, made in the shape of a letter, which appeared in Herapath's Jots nal, under the signature of Mr. Brancker, and imputed improper motives to the di rectors in the purchase of the Leicester and Swanning ton Railway. 'The simple facts of the case.were, that the Leicester and Swannington Railway was sold to that company, for which a preference was given at ;the time when the Leicester and Swannington directors had various offers before them for the purchase of their line, which offers were equally good with the terms proposed by the Midland Company. The directors of that com pany, in fact, thought it their duty to give the prefer ence of that purchase to the Midland Company as the natural ally of the line. He (Mr. Ellis) was a director of the company at the time, and it was insinuated in the letter to which he referred, that it was the predomi nating influence of the mineral interest of that board that bad led to that purchase, which it was argued was against the pockets of the Midland proprietors, to the advantage of the shareholders in the Leicester and Swan nington line. He (Mr. Ellis) could say that the only direc tors of the Midland Company who possessed any interest in coal working were himself and his colleague, the chairman of the company, and therefore there could be no doubt to whom the insinuations referred. He en tirely and absolutely repudiated such an attack.—(Hear, hear.) He had derived no interest from the purchase, which he considered advantageous under the circum stances, both to the seller and the purchaser. and he defied Mr. Brancker, or any other man, or set of men, from Liverpool or elsewhere, to prove that he had ever " dirtied his hands" in connexion with the Leicester and Swannington Railway or any other railway with which he had ever been connected.—(Applause and great con fusion.) Mr. BRANCKER here claimed to be heard in 'explana tion. Ho called Mr. Ellis to order for the personal at tack thus made upon him, and appealed to the chairman to enforce the call. '~:'.. ferred with no pleasure to his connexion wi..th the coal trade, which, unfortunately, had brought him no profit; and, in reference to a personal remark which had etcare...d a gentleman present on another oceqs;on, to the effect that he (the Chairman) had bct listla interest in the line, he begged to say •ho h e h e ld from 16 0001. to 17,0001. stock in the line, which was about the same a_,,o - ant which be held when first he joined them. He referred with much animation to the unhandsome imputation which had been thrown out of improper motives in r the directors•—for himself he could only say that he had no other or higher motive but to servo the proprietary faithfully and zealously, and the consciousness of having done so was the satisfaction of his labour. What mo tive but to serve them could he have in leaving his home, filled with friends, to travel all night in order to wait upon them that day?—(Hear, hear, and applause.) The Chairman concluded amidst frequent interruptions of applause. The business of the day had by this time fallen greatly, into confusion, and, after a short discussion, in which the Chairman and Mr. Ellis both decla,redthat they held not a single share in the Bristol and Gloucester line, or any other lines at the time of their sale to the company, except in the Bradford line, in which the Chairman said he held a few shares, Mr. MALINS begged to know the actual position of their affairs? The CriAinHAN accordingly . . explained, that the mo tion for the adoption of the report was before the meeting, and to that an amendment had been moved; but be need scarcely again express the feeling of the directors, that they could not but regard the passing of that amendment in any other light than as a vote of censure. A renewed scene of considerable confusion arose, quite unusual at meetings of the Midland Railway Com pany, and after some discussion, Dr. O'Brien consented to withdraw his second to the amendment, whereupon it was hoped that Mr, Wylie would withdraw the amend ment altogether; but we believe, for we really cannot ac curately state whether such was the case, the amend ment was put and rejected unanimously, whereupon the motion for the adoption of the report was put and carried amidst a very energetic show of hands. The usual formal resolutions declaring the dividend for the half-year, in conformity with the statement made in the report, authorising the raising of moneys in ac cordance with the powers of the company's Act, and also authorising the payment of the sum of 15,0001. towards the completion of stations, &c., were then severally put and carried. A vote of confidence in the directors was then, upon the motion of Mr. STRUTT, the high sheriff of the county of Derby, put and carried with tumultuous applause, as was also a special vote of thanks to the Chairman him self for his conduct in the chair. The CHAIRMAN very briefly acknowledged the compli ment, and the meeting separated after a sitting of three hours. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, FEB. 16. STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The market for shares has been limited to day. The sales are—Aberdeen, Preference, 6 per cent. in perpet., % p.—East Anglian, W. 10s. Shares, guaranteed 6 per cent., 234 _ Lancashire and Yorkshire (late Manchester and Birmingham), Fifths, 2 dis.—Ditto, 321. Shares (late Extension), 5% dis.—Ditto, Halves (late Huddersfield and Sheffield), 8 dis.—Ditto, Halves (late Liverpool and Bury), 8% dis.—Ditto, Fiths (late West Riding Union), 3% dis.—London and North-Western, 141% —Ditto, Fifths, 8 p.—Ditto, New Quarters, 61. Is. 3d. p.—Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 101. Preference, 113—Ditto, Quarters, 71. Is. 3d. dis.— Midland Mock, 9330—Ditto, New Half Shares, 5% c. Staffordshire, 2% dis.—Scottish Central, 2314—Skrewsbnry, Os westr,y, and Chester, 3% dis.—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, Thirds, 71. 16s. 3d.—York, Newcastle, and Berwick (N. and B. Ex tension), No. 2,1% p.—Ditto (U. N. E. Purchase), 6 per cent. gua ranteed, 21s. 3d. p. MANCHESTER, FEB. 16. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—South-Eastern and Dover, No. 4, 731 dis.—Cheshire Junction, 11 dis.—North Staffordshire, 2 11-16 dis.—Leeds, Fifths, 2 dis.—Scottish Central, 224 —Great. _Northern, 9 dis. —Manchester and Birmingham, Qaarters (C), 4 4 P -Eastern Counties, 11%—Sheffield and Lincoln, 13tjz dis.—East Lancashire, New. 5--London and North-Western, 140—Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire, 2% dis.—West Biding Union, 3 5-16 dis. GLASGOW, FEB. 15. STocK EXCHANGE.—The following are to-day's transactions : Aberdeen, Preference, 535. 9d.—Dundee and Perth, 24%—Ditto, Quarters, 265. 6d.—Edinburgh and Perth, Halves, 53.—Glasgow, Kilmarnock, and Ayr, 54—Ditto, Halves, No. I, 71. 15.—Great Northern, Ii lA—North British, Thirds, 93s.—Scottish Central, 23 Wilsontown, Morningsido, and Coltness, New, 37—Wisloi.V aid Celtness, 45%. COURT CIRCULAR. His Royal Highness Prince Albert presided yesterday afternoon, at a meeting of the Commission for promoting and encouraging the Fine Arts in the rebuilding the Palace of Westminster. His Royal Highness arrived at a quarter before three o'clock, attended by Colonel Sey mour, Equerry in Waiting. The Commissioners present were the Right Hon. the Speaker of the House of Com mons, the Earl of Lincoln, Viscount Mahon, the Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel, the Right Hon. Sir James Gra ham, the Right Hon. T. B. Macaulay, Mr. Hallam, Mr. Rogers, and Mr. Wyse. The secretary, Mr. Eastlake, was in attendance. The Queen and Prince Albert walked yesterday in the garden of Buckingham Palace. Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales, Prince Alfred, the Princess Royal, the Princess Alice, and the Princess Helena, touk their usual exercise yesterday. Her Majesty's private band attended in the evening on Thursday, at Buckingham Palace, and playod the fol lowing pieces;— Overture—" Zanetta" Auber. Selection—" Marie" Sinfonia—(No. 4) Le Due de Melfort had interviews with Sir George Grey, yesterday, at the Home-office, and with Lord John Russell, at his official residence in Downing-street. • Mr. Higham, Secretary and Comptroller-General to the Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, and Mr. Tidd Pratt, had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official re sidence in Downing •street. A deputation from the Irish Waste Land Improvement Society and county of Galway, had an interview yester day with Sir George Grey, at the Home-office. The deputation consisted of Sir Thomas Burke, Mr. Ormsby Gore, Mr. St. George, Mr. O'Flogherty, Mr. Heathcote, Colonel Robinson, and Mr. Staples. Lord Ashley had an interview with Lord John Rus sell yesterday. Mr. French had also an interview yes terday with the Noble Lord. Viscount Hawarden had an interview yesterday with Sir George Grey. Lord Brooke had also an interview yesterday with the Right Hon. Baronet. The Judicial Committee of the Privy Council sat yesterday. The Lords present were the Master of the Rolls, Lord Brougham, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall, and the Judge of the Admiralty Court. An appeal from Bermuda, "Kennedy v. Trott," part heard at a former meeting was resumed, and concluded. By an advertisement in another column, it will be seen it is proposed to establish a chartered joint stock bank iu London, to be called the British Bank, the transactions of which are to be conducted on the Scotch system. -At her Majesty's Theatre the engagements still remain in an uncertain state, but Mr. Lumley returns from Paris to-night. and something definite will be known ere long. Jenny Lind, who, as the public well know, had promised to sing at the Opera concerts, has offered her aid to the manager, in case of necessity, in the opera itself. After a lengthened correspondence, she has agreed to go through all her characters of last season; but she will make her first appearance as Linda, in an Italian version of Der Freischutz.—Atlas. Rore.r. LYCEUM THEATRE.—The Queen and his Royal Highness Prince Albert honoured the performance with their presence on Wednesday evening. The Royal suite consisted of the Countess of Charlemoht, Hon. Miss Cavendish, the Earl Listowel, Lord A. Paget, and Colonel Seymour. The following distinguished personages have also visited the theatre during the week :—The Duke and Duchess of Norfolk, the Ladies Mary and Adeliza Howard, Earl Grosvenor, Sir Frederick and Lady Thesiger, Lord Suffield, Sir J. and Lady Domville, Lady Forbes, Lady Dillon Massey, the Right Hon. Sir William Lascelles, Sir C. Shockerly, Lady Cottenham, Colonel Berkeley Drummond, Hon. Colonel and Mrs. Phipps, Earl and Countess of Har rington, Earl of Chesterfield, Viscount Canterbury, Mar quis of Worcester, Lord Ward, Hon. Captain J. Macdonald, Marchioness of Conyngham, Lady and the Misses Trollope, Lady Marcus Hill, Lord Aylmer, Earl Fitzhardinge, Lord A. Churchill, Lord Carrington, Duke of St. Alban s, Earl Wilton, Marchioness of Aylesbury, Hon. Mr. L. Grant, Lord and Lady Newport, Sir William Barlowe, Sir R. King, Hon. E. J. Russell, Sir Augustus Clifford, Hon. Col. Lord and Lady Gordon, Earl of Lanesborough, Knox, Mr. Quintin Dick, ALP., Mr. Baring, Mrs. Arabin, Captain Ibbotson, &c., &c. g faShlolHibleS PRINCESS'S THEATRE:— following e k :—Her Royal have visited this theatre during the P a t u w ke e o f Brunswick, Highness the Princess of Parma, the Chesterfield, lu n r. e and Charlemont, Earls Fitzhardings, Cardigan, o f Stafford, Lords Verulam, and Munster, the Mail: , Bruce, Guernsey, Liverpool, T . en__t s e , r Countess of Essex, Ladies Rivers, Mr. Greville, Sir' George' the Mr. Ric ardo T h ,e grand Major I v , a , fd a %e, Murray, Seymour,the al still continues its Compton, and Murray, ()aced by a valentine, comic pantomime f n i l '," p o pularity of the clown, de- Wombwell, Sir Charlo_elt.stshaffSecihracfcciekwive airpt:Hn, Martin, and a numerous day,on boles,e evening of Valentine's Day „illustrating a portrait of c tr id iu e m di p y ha t tt e o b a e r s e t er o , f a th a e of the private t . h er in . his magnificent impersonations Cailotta Urisi, and errot, with the following himself o h mm i s e e h ol tn w e a a s s ( 3f thrown io wn to af Duvernay, ompfu: — -w ' r Oh, Flex! oh, Flex thou funny clown, you've ta'en by storm all London Town ; But dancing like Carlotta Grisi, Has won my heart most precious easy. FRENCH PLAYS, ST. JAMES'S THEATRE.—The following distinguished persons attended these performances last evening :—Her Serene Highness the Hereditary Princess of Parma, the Russian Minister and the Baroness Brunnow, the Marquis and Marchioness of Douglas, the Marquis and Marchioness of Ailesbury, the Marquis of Douro, Earl and Countess of Shelburne, the Earl Grenville, the Earl of Kil morey, the Countess of Tankerville, the Countess of Essex, Lady Charlotte Eg er t on , Lord Eiphinstone, Lord and th e Honourable Mi ss F o l e y, the Count and Countess (le Jarnac, the Earl of Besborugh, Lord William Paulet, Baron Nicolai, Count Rossi, Lord Cranborne, Sir Alexander and Lady Woodford, Sir John and the Misses Burgoyne, Major and Mrs. Mountjoy Marten, Ir. Milner Gibson, Sir Henry Webb, Sir Robert Throckmorton, Lady Quentin, Lady Wilson, Sir John and Lady Harrington,' Sir George and Miss Talbot, Mrs. Fremantle, lion. Frederick and Mrs. Byng, &c. _ _ DEATH OF MR. JEREMY, THE MAGISTRATE. — This amiable and highly esteemed gentleman expired at his residence, in the village of Chiselhurst, Kent, on Thursday THE FIR E AT b riTALF lELDl.—Yesterday morn ing Mr. Baker resumed and concluded the inquiry into the cause of the death of the five unfortunate individuals who perished in the late fatal, conflagration in Lamb-street, Spitalfields. After some additional evidence the d jury re turned a verdict—" That the deceased persons were originated by suffocation and burning, but how the fire this monument on was no satisfactory evidence to show. terminated. V. rNBURGH.-0,, NELSON'S MONUMENT AT —0- Tues day the town council decided on closing the Sunday, by a majority of 20,t0 8. - Tile number of passengers to and6 . °ll'll E n il a " nd , • 00. year 1848 123,553. • France, and Belgium, In ; WEIS i 111P1