The Sun. — London, England, 1842-10-18 00:00:00

ALTERATION in 'C RA N GE - HOURS; A. most numerous and- highly infl uen ti a l meeting 'of the metvhants of the City of . London took place yesterday at the London Tavern, for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of holding the Xthange at an earlier hour in the afternoon. Among 2 11..._ _hose present we noticed Lionel Rothschild, Esq., It/ tr. Bates, Esq., J. Doxet, Esq., James Cook, Esq., le.- Lad several other influential merchants and members Tr i• otthe Stock Exchange. 511! THOMAS IhTES, Esq., of the firm of Baring Bro lativrs- , the absence of John Heath, Esq., the Gover ar 41 9 t the Bank of England, took the Chair shortly -V '` -It two o'clock ; and after reading the advertiseettnt tailing the meeting, he stated that he believed in con sequence of hi mse lf an d ot h ers h av i ng ag i tate d the eo2.iestion with respect to the alteration in the hours of 'Change, the present meeting had been called. H e had conversed with several most influential persons, and he believed from those conversations there would .err llttle, if any, opposition to the plan intended ll' he submitted to the meeting, which had been %lied solely for the - purpose of knowing whether Ilutl ong the merchants of London there was any ob _ jection to that plan ; if, therefore, any gentleman ' ;present had any objection to urge, he should be happy 421; to..hear it. LIONEL ROTHSCHILD, Esq., moved the first reso trr.lution, which was to the following effect :—" That in • con, e • quence of much inconven ience h av in g ar i sen fr omthe late hour of m ee ti ng an d remaining - on i !`i ; bange, it i s d es i ra bl e th a t h ence f ort h t h e E xc h ange be holde n from three to four o'clock, p m., to close pre , isel,y at the la s t na m e d h our ." H e h a d muc h plea , 13 ure in proposing this resolution; because he believed It would facilitate business, and would meet with the aPprobation of all parties. GEORGE MOFFAT, Esq., seconded the resolution, no doubt that its adoption would be attended 'with great conven i ence to t h e commerc i a l wor ld . H e ruelieved th a t th e a l tera ti on propose d was essent i a ll y r e lieved as he found upon inquiry that the 'Change j • 'APridon was later than any other commercial mart 45 Ole wo r ld . • SIMPSON wished to say a few words with re liPee zward of 23 tt° 'the reoltitin. Be had been a broker for years,a o nd from the experience he had rn ri ved during that period, he thought there would be t h' ln Y disadvantages attending the closing of th e Ex to if an at so early a n h our as f our o'clock. He thought iad,, 4 2las kept open to half-past four, e v er y necessary h a ,i7'etage would be secured. With respect to what ..,'"4? It o t) ,"een stated by the seconder of the resolution, as e 'Change in London being later than any other Q O - 7; it should be remembered that the p or t o f itilh e n "on was more extensive than any other po r t i n ve World, and the business of it was conducted upon different principles. He was connected with the - Itt Cher trad e , an d f rom hi s k now l e d ge o f the traffic in c ommodity, he was convinced that it•would be injured by 'Ch ange h ours b e i ng s h or t ene d t o 14 ' o'clock. Persons engaged in that business fre •;:iiLllently could no t see th e Custom-house officers till : I) 4z:o'clo c k at t h e D ocks, and it was, therefore, im ible they could he prepared by four o'clock. He ~..41d, therefore, submit to the meeting whether half -, etc ,. 5t four o'clock would not he a better hour. Ha 3n . ;''.7. 41 (1 also add, that he did not think the-y could carry out the present proposition till the new Exchange was 1 3 7 1 t Pleted. He would not move any amendment, ° llly stated w h a t h e had done for the consideration °I the meeting. The CHAIRMAN observed that, with respect to the timber trade, which had been adverted to by Mr. Simp son • 't must be remembered that it was but one ain o „ I , es "g many trades, and that, by commencing buAi a.e s a little earlier, the evils complained of might be offi cers As A s to the faults of the Custom-house w ee ,r s , that was an evil that ought, and no doubt ~:( 1" d1 be remedied. The worthy Chairman having o v . the resolution, declared it-to be carried, with '7 o ne dissentient. „.,11r. DALLA S th en move d th e f o ll ow i ng reso l ut i on : khat a Committee be; appointed to. carry the fore c' going resolution and other matters connected there • 4 ^, int o effect." He believed, if an efficient. Co m. nu ttee was appointed, well acquainted with 'Change, the best results might be expected. Among the old retiees h e s h ould wish to see kept up, was ringing 4 , and. effectu a lly c l os i ng th e d oor s a t 4 o ' c l oc k. • e '"" 4l '• POWELL seconded the resolution. He depre 4ted the old plan of ringing the bell, considering it a n e rsl 2t annoy ance . H e h a d spo k en t o M r . Tit e , th e - t „,. r ‘ 44 tect, on the subject, and that gentleman lead , that the evil might be remedied by placing the a belfry, above the Exchange. was agreed to unanimously. folloWing gentlemen were then appointed to z 4 Committee Heath, Esq., J. Bates, Esq., —4 °Rel p thsehild, Esq., F. Huth, Esq., H. Salem, 4 Doxet, Esq., and J. Cook, Esq. •. , Stiursorr wished to know. whether the Chair -143 w as aware that there was a Treasury minute in sh uu De,e, to the effect that the doors of the Exchange "q ~, , I .l;;uef , kept open till five o'clock. Hi 44 - t 'lk l ßsiAN was fully aware of that fact, but ,i'‘ or t xlight be easily got over. net ag a i n r i _Art was sure that Sir R. Peel would not Mr, D r , s " t he wish of the merchants of London. l ate hou ) :: I T thought that the great vice was the Thanks at which foreign bills were delivered. ine e ti n s were then voted to the Chairman, and the It ‘~'as broke arr up. At the conclusion of the meeting a ppoint ed a nged by those gentlemen who had been this d a , °I - 1 th e Committee that they should meet - the best at Course lo ck to red • , , ....._________ -- "II RAMBURGH .MAIL. • II! thetv•LlN, OCT. 11.—It is reported that his Majesty `-' so\ —mi)emr of - Russia will go to Berlin fromlyar birtvlin..the 15th of this month, which is the Ring's by th:ll' No notic e of this event has been received proba—b'lZu.ssian Lega tion, but it is th ought to be very t,„ take . B it being the custom of his Imperial Majesty Sr,ls udden resolutions. ( ETgRABUNGII, OCT. 4.—On the 4th of August .t 6 : 114 14 the 1 6th) there was a dreadful fire in t h e 141;: n °f roitslc, in the Government of Orenburg. ,Is t 0 k, is .. commercial . fire w , i• rse with neighbouring Asiatic nations. The the as "used by the long continued drought and With!rue,at. heat, .- during which a dry west wind blew h ous ' In terruption. The barracks, the Custom „,, ) the school, the prison, .and 246 private houses, . 4 , : , -er e ,-; 1,,,, two m;ehstroyed. The principal . Greek church and The - h i g h . otnetan mosques were much injured. Ni , - 1"" ' w hich filled the air with clouds of sand, 4% c: animals, it impossible to save any e ff ects or domesti c ~,„ 7nais, which fi ll, a prey. to the flames. b -r° separate subscri tions are set sufferers at r te o on foot for the 4 , , the other on 'Chan nee.P the Philanthropic Society, by rhe Philanthropic Society in ; . .headed the first subscription with 8,000 silver rubles. lo :. The subscription on Change amounted yesterday to, 1,,,, 94,000 rubles. il'ot •... . The dreadful storm which raged on the 3d of An . Rust, in almost the whole of the South Bast of 41 '' 41.. 41° 1 3 e, the destr uctive effects of which were felt at -ti, 444 e some tim e in several parts of Southern Russia and tt , . Cons • , . tantmople,; in Galicia and Warsaw especially,did ' il l- b ilt i li neuse damag e to the corn4fields_, meadows, and ha-, ,4;. tations in the Governments of Cherson and Ekateri ':!,'::. li,,,°a)af The. Joul of Odessa gives a melancholy J-4 , : -`47.eount of its ravages. r :, BELGIAN FUNDS.—BevasELs, Ocr. 15. 52i Actual Debt, 2% per Cent , A 'i„ Rothschild's Loan, Five per Cent lO2 s , 1( ,L0atz........2.1_f Th . Thirty Millions, Four per Ce nt , Three per Lent...... .... sc ,-, . `-s---- Thirty•seven Milli ns, ch_t , t4L , 1131 i • ~ --...........—_-...---......-- flri-n9 ' f l:44k nof City, 1832, b_.ociet of Commerce F 3'e r u P t 7 an C d en a t Half per Cent 86 92 ' l4 Y ' Five per Cent ~ ;(4 .iif nk of Belgium, '4 'll,, = = Notional Society '• *11 .5.4xeh,,,, g , on London (short)l_ .„ ~ 4 ilci,. —Brussels Papers, Oct. 4.. s, '• '-' 11 Via NA Ocr. 7 ,• 'IIII , N I 11S--S*— --N ' 1 19% . _. s Nil ', ' '' 4l - I, : v l ',ilrlf per Cents. Metalliques 1004 ill ii,.,.. 4 r0Ur per Cents. 17 4 , 1 ~ _',4riree per Cents • .••• 16n I ''l'li7lLt+lAlc Shar^s• ........ •••••••••. •• •• 14\ U A`i .• 4)i g _n e_t: . 5"ii . 5 . i ... r . g . ~, 0 Cr. I 1 . - - 14' ' ' ti :Di u n u RU ' il . 16ORSEN HALLE, 021.1.5, Money. '4 i4 A • 1104, .._. urtcrian 5 per Cents. 133 .14'14i' A,..11A10-Sigire Loan i t ,D ICB4 103% `'CI V., 14lian 5 7 , e 1a r n Cent., let series, Certificate inserint: 103 Russi an ten, Ist series .. ;14 v , s _. -. .ss!an 3 per Cent. Hope and Co., 3d and 4th 97 ••• , ~,, Series. • Ditto in Certificates 974 E 9 s' if Aeve Per cent. (1840) butch Actual Debt, le% per Cent. ......... Ditto - Polish Bond s 5 Per Cent. New Tickets ............ . ".... ..... Anglo-D anish Loran , 3 per Cent ICS 8, S Fi i Stm nish, N ew 5 p r Cents. EX CHANGES ON LONDOS . IS lissisuonn Oor. 15,-13 10, Two months I i 8% SToc[Hol3l, OCT . . 7 - Severite days, 1.: 6. PtTtassuoG, Ocr..7.—Three months 37% pence. R NA, Oc - r 6. -Three Months, 3, 7 ' PRUSSIAN FUN DS.-I.ix RLIN, OCT. 13. Bills. Money )'t. Schuld Sch., 4 per cent.... ...... ... _ .... 103c1, 1 i331, Prussian English Bond, 1030, • per cent. 12% 11 , 2 iz,,,,. Exchange on o n d , ... 6 l'iii 0 23" e k., I'ruserian State Gazette Oct. 14. , --- , .... 7 ------„ , '4i11),; D OVER TERMINUS OF THE S OUTH- EASTERN RAIL ht 17,i 1 • •r, i, • * -- -1. he Directors of the South-Eastern Railway if xtere 1 1 ' - P a ".Y, attended by their engineer, Mr. Cubitt, Pa 4 , I.Ve arrived in Dover for the purpose of fi xing the l',',-.9,Ver terminus. They have had some interviews with ° f -e=t• Hardwick. the surveyor to the Dover harbour ..0.. ,cst at , es ; and from what has transpired, it is conjec -I'. "llred the station will occupy the site of Beech street - :1- Itsul Pish e,rman's-r ow , being -- the line from Archcliff bett er to Cfieesman's Head ; and it appears to us a eyer situation for the terminus could not have been , . sueniteleX,:, a lt t will b e very convenient to the harbour gul perhap s t h e least expensive of any that e T ,et hare ni been f ound suitable, for the purp ose .— .3,•; 4•lober Chronicle. trt?-• La ekifish and haddocks are so abundant in Ilythe :.,, ]n a i l present, that the boats are enabled to catch a ..,, chew . a v ery brief space of time. Cod is remarkably -2.1• 1_,_" 4 1), and haddocks have heen sold at Folkestone so lo w- as 1 8(1. per 100.—Dover Chronicle. j „, ft LONGEVITY IN " IVAN AND 13EAsT."—Mr. Hill, ' l nner, of Cheddar, aged 90, attended the late Dray cot fair, r'cl. of t , e I Ing a mare 36 years old; the united ages Lai n_ . man and horse amounted to 126 years ! ltartan. TILE ARMY. GENERAL ORDERS. Ilons'E-GUARDS, OCT. B.—The corps of Yeomanry which, during the late disturbances in the northern districts, were employed under the orders of the Commander-in-Chief, in co operation with the regular forces, and in aid of the civil authorities, having been relieved from permanent duty, Field-Marshal the Duke of IVellington has discharged a duty the most gratifying. to himself, by reporting to the Queen, I through her Majesty's Secretary of State for the home Department, his Grace's sense of the prompti tude and alacrity with which these corps assembled for the preservation of the public peace, regardless of the inconvenience to which a separation from their private avocations and pursuits, at that season of the year, must have exposed them. The Duke of Wellington did not fail to report to the Secretary of State, for the information of the Queen, at the time, his Grace's deep sense of the gal lantry, discipline, activity, and forbearance evinced by the Yeomanry in the performance of the delicate and important duties with which it became, necessary to entrust them, for the support of the Magistracy in the restoration and maintenance of the public . peace, the protection of private property, and the preserva tion to every individual of the community of the right to work as he might himself be inclined, according to the terms of his agreement with his employer. The Commander-in-Chief has great satisfaction in publishing the expression conveyed to him by the Se 7 cretary of State, of her Majesty's most gracious ap probation of the services performed, as well by the Yeomanry as by her Majesty's troops. " Whitehall, Sept. 23 f 1842. " MY LORD DUKE—I hare the honour to inform your Grace that I have received the Queen's com mands to express her Majesty's high approval of the good conduct, exemplary forbearance, and steadiness of the military force employed in support of the civil authorities during the disturbances which have un happily prevailed in many of the northern and mid- I land counties. " I am further commanded to request your Grace to communicate to Lieut.-Gen. Sir Thomas Arbuth not, Commanding-in-Chief in those counties ; to Major-Gen. Sir Wm. Warre, Major-Gen.Brotk.rton, and Col. Thorn; to the officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, the expression of her Majesty's approval.—l have, &c.Z (Signed) "J. H. GRAHAM. " His Grace the Commander-in-Chief." " Whitehall, Sept. 26, 1842. " MY LORD DUKR,—I have had the honour of laying before the Queen your Grace's letter of the 23d inst., and I have received • her Majesty's corn. mands to communicate to your Grace her Majesty's approval of the readiness with which the several corps of Yeomanry cavalry, acting under the General Offi cers of the districts where the public peace has been disturbed, have assembled for the service of their coun try, at a period of the year which must have been productive , of great inconvenience to them. " I am further commanded to express to your Grace her Majesty's high approval of the gallantry, discipline, and forbearance with which these several corps of Yeomanry cavalry have, performed the duty which was entrusted.to, them, of supporting the civil authorities, and of enabling them, by their active and successful .assistance, to restore and to maintain the public peace, to protect property, and to preserve to all the right of pursuing their lawful occupations without molestation. " I am, therefore, to communicate to your Grace her Majesty's commands, that your Grace, at whose disposal the Yeomanry cavalry on active service was placed during the late disturbances, will communi cate to them her Majesty's approval of their conduct, and her confident reliance on their zeal, loyalty, and devotion whenever it may be necessary to call upon them lor their assistance.--I have, &c. (Signed) " J. R. GRAHAM. " His Grace the ComMander-in-Chief." The Field-Marshal desires that a copy of this order may be sent by the Adjutant-General to the com manding officer of each of the corps of Yeomanry lately called out and employed under his Grace's corn • mand ; to the commanding officers of the several corps of Cavalry, Artillery, and Intantry, employed in the northern district on the service to which it relates, as well as to the Lieutenant-General commanding the northern district.—By command of his Grace the Commander-in-Chief, , JOHN MACDONALD, Adjutant-General. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL'S-YESTERDAY. THE CAMBRIDGESHIRE STAKES. In the early part of the afternoon Ralph was backed at 7 to 1, and had by a point the call of the Busk mare, Florence, and the Knight of the Whistle, their prices being Bto 1 each, taken. His decline was early and rapid, and the Busk mare took the lead at the same figure ; her reign was of equally short duration, as the Knight of the Whistle's friends came out in force, took 7 to 1 freely, 13 to 2, and in,some few instances 6 to 1, and established him first favourite by at least three point,:. The layers against Florence and Ralph were all powerful at last, nor would the Busk party close with any offer under 10 to 1. Cabrera was in some demand, and improved a couple of points on the odds (15 to 1) first taken. Nothing of consequence was done about the other favourites. Master Thomas was struck out. Clos ing prices :- 6 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Knight of Whistle, 4 yrs 9 to 1 agst Mr. Day's m by Nimrod, out of Busk, 5 yrs 10 to 1 agst Lord Albemarle 's Ralph, 4 yrs 10 to 1 agst Duke of Grafton's Florence, 4 yrs 13 to 1 agst Mr. Ramsay's Cabrera, 3 yrs—take 14 to 1 14 to 1 agst Sir W. Stanley's Forester, 4 yrs—t & aft off 10 to 1 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Topsail, 3 yrs—t & aft off 17 to 1 agst Lord Jersey's Lady Adala, 3 yrs—t & aft off 20 to 1 agst Mr. Holmes' Vulcan, 5 yrs—t & aft off 20 to 1 agst Mr. Ramsay's Whistle Binkie, 3 yrs—t. THE DERBY. 1000 to 60, and 400 to 25 agst Murat, and 18 to 1 afterwards offered ; 20 to 1 each against him and Cother stone, laid in one bet. SCOTT'S LOT.—The discussion on the question started last week at Newmarket was not resumed, but two gen tlemen who have laid against the lot, intimated their determination to act up to the spirit of their bets, and concede all the horses belonging to Scott's regular masters. NORT HALLE 11TONRACES—TuuRSDAY. The Two-yrs.old Stttkes of 20 sovs., h ft, with 10 added. Mr. Bayston's Sands (Templeman) 1 Mr. Jaques's Semiseria 2 Sir W. Milner's f by Sheet Anchor 3 The TON% n Plate of 501. Heats, two miles. Colonel Cradock's The Prior, 3 yrs 1 1 Mr. Carton's Candidate, 4 yrs 6 2 Mi. Lancaster's Simon Pure, 3 yrs 5 3 Mr. Powlett's Bobadil, aged 4 4 Mr. Loy's Pulmerio, 3 yrs 2 , 5 Mr. Stchbing's Portion, 3 yrs FRIDAY. The Gold Cup Stakes of 10 sovs. each. Two miles. Mr. Fowles's b f Alice Hawthorn, 4 yrs Col. Cradock's b f Sally, 3 yrs . Mr. Wormald's Millepede, 4 yrs Mr. Milhank'sSkunpson, 6 yrs Mr. 11. Beres6rd's Disclosure, 6 yrs Plate of 501., for all ages ; heats, two miles. Mr. Cuthbert's Queen of the Tyne, 3 yrs Mr. Bell's Eboraeuro, 3 yrs Mr. Gitscoigne's Jack Sheppard, 4 yri 2 3 DUMFRIES RACES—THURSDAY. ' The Gold Cup Stakes of 10 guineas each ; two miles. Mr. Johnstone 's Charles XII., 6 yrs (parson) 1 Mr. W. R. Ramsay's Foxberry, 3 yrs ' 2 Won by a neck. • The County Members' Plate of 50/. Heats, once round and a distance ; winner to be sold for 2001. ,Mr. Smith's The Maid, 5 yrs ....... (Joy) 2 1 1 Mr. Ramsay's Martyrdom, 4 yrs 1 2 3 Captain Erskine's br in, awed 3 2 2 The Dumfries Whip Stakes l were won by Mr.-I-Eddie ston's Fair Helen, beathig two others. FRIDAY. The Stewards' Plate of 50L, added to a Sweepstakes of 101. Heats, two miles. Mr. Ramsay's Foxberry,3 yrs - (Robertson) : 1 Mr. Ranishity's Moss Trooper, 3 yrs . 2 The Southern Plate of 50/. Heats, once round and a dis. Mr. Johnston's William le GroS, 3 yrs Mr. Maitland's Clem o' the Cleugh, 6 yrs 3 .2 Mr. A. Johnstone's f by Voltaire—Proserpine, • 4 yrs , 2 dr Handicai, of 5 sovs. each, and 25 added, for the beaten horses. Once round and a dis. Mr. Maitland's Clem o' the Cleugh, 63 rs (Noble) 0 1 Mr. itaulshlty'sl&s- Trooper, 3 yrs - BUNTING APPOITMENTs. AI. H., Tues., at Chesselburn Mill ; Fri., Gochnan stone Down-11. Mr. Dennett's (the Lymington) Harrs., Wed., at Buck lard Kennel ; Fri., burley Firs=-10' 1 . Mr. Long's Harrs., Wed., at Garrett's Barn ; Fri , Bolesbury Knoll-11. Hursley lids., Fri., at Sandy Gate. H. 11., Thurs., at Chawton Park ; Sat., Greyhill—lpi. Tytherley Harrs., Wed., at West Dean ; Fri., Newton Stacey, Thanet Harr., Wed., Minster Mill ; Fri., Northburn Mile-10. The total length of railroads'at present open in Prance is 748 kilometres (19,6 leagues), which . are thus divided :—From Lyons to St. Etienne, by Givors and Rive-de-Gier, 58 kil.; St. Etienne to AnCirezieux 22, Andrezieux to Roanna 67, branch line from Mon trond and Montbrison 18, Paris to St. Germain 19, Paris to Versailles (right bank) 19, ditto (left bank), 17, Mulhause to Than 10, Strasburgh to•Ba.sle 140, the Grand Combe Mines to Nimes 64, Nimes to Beaucaire 24, Cette 'to Montpellier 27, Bordeaux to Teste 51, Paris to Orleans - 26, Nimes to Montpellier 50, Lille and Valenciennes to the Belgian•frontier Epinay to the Burgundy canal 28, 'Epinay to the centre canal . 15, Vill ers -C otteretS to P or t- aux -Perches - 8, Dena n to St. West 9, Denain to Abscon 5, Montet aux-Moines to the Allier 25, and from Creuzbt to the centre canal 10. WAKEFIELD. - - CHURCH-RATES. - The Church wardens of Wakefield have issued a placard, 'calling a meeting of the friends of the . ChUrchlO adopt means for meeting thecurrent expenses, a Church-rate having been refused. The :neeting was announced for last evening at the vestry, minate the Church -rate stir'thigisg, e in s a r efi e e , j A d v . o — u would e t e e as Mercury. TIM SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, OCTOBVR 18, 1842. SPEECH-OF MR. WEBSTER AT BOSTON. (From the Boston Courier, Oct. 1.) _ Long liefore the time arranged' for opening the doors of Faneail-hall, yesterday morning, even while the constables and others were cleaning it and ar ranging the platl'orm, many people came in anti took their stand, and at ten o'clock the hall was nearly full. People from the south as far as Baltimore were here for the purpose of hearing Mr. Webster. At about half-past ten o'clock the Mayor came in, ac companied by a number of friends of Mr. Webster, and some of our most distinguished citizens. Before eleven o'clock the hall was filled in every corner, and it seemed as if there would ' hardly be room for the entrance of the committee and their guest. ' The MAYOR (Mr. Chapman) announced that a number of the gentlemen had invited Mr. Webster to meQt them at a social entertainment, but that that gentleman had preferred a more public and quite as social mode of meeting them, and that•this place had heen appointed for the purpose. After only a mi nute or two had elapsed Mr. Webster and his friends arrived, and he was formally introduced to the Mayor by Mr. T. B. Curtis, the chairman. 'l'be MAYOR then addressed him, and coneluded as follows :—I have only to say, that Daniel Webster, the faithful representative, the manly and able states man, your fellow-citizen and friend, is before you, and I leave his name to do the rest. Mr. WEBSTER replied in a speech of which the fol lowing report is given :—I know not how it is, Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, but there is something in the echoes of these walls, or in this sea of up-turned faces I behold before me, or in the genius which always hovers over this place—a place which has so often reverberated to the tones of ardent and patriotic feeling—there is, I say, something which excites me deeply, too deeply, before I can even begin to address you. It cannot be doubted that this salutation from my fellow-citizens is dear to my heart. ' Boston is indeed my home—my cherished home. It is now more than 25 years since I came here with my family to pursue in this enlightened metropolis those objects in lire for which my private and professional studies and education had alike designed me; It is more than 20 years since I was invited by my fellow-citi zens of 'Boston to clothe myself with a public. trust. It gives me infinite pleasure to see here to-day, in the seats appropriated to gentlemen of more advanced life, many of those who were the most influential agents in inducing me - to enter upon. that course, mind to devote myself to the service of the people. When at different times my public duties have withdrawn me from the attractions of home, I have felt this to be the spot to which all my most cherished local affec tions tended ' • . and when the progress of time shall bring a period (if that period -is. not hastened by the course of events) to my public career, I cherish no hope with more pleasure than to pass among you, my friends, what may remain to me of life—and to leave in the midst of you, partaking of your fortunes, whether they may be good or evil, those who bear my name. , The Mayor has spoken very kindly of my conduct on various public occasions, and especially of the results of the late negotiation. I hope something has been done permanently useful for the good of the country. I do not claim for myself any particular merit. I simply endeavoured to do my duty. I have had some hard work, indeed ; but I am not altogether unused to it. I have passed, during the last summer, many anxious days and sleepless nights, but if my fellow citizens should be satisfied with the results of my labour and anxiety, my other days will be happier, and my other nights blessed with sweeter sleep. It was an object of the highest national importance to disperse the clouds which hung over the relations be tween England and America. A large class of ques tions were to be decided, which did not perhaps threaten immediate war, but which prevented any as surance of permanent peace. At the inauguration of President Harrison, in 1841, I was called to the place which I now occupy; and, although it is generally in bad taste to speak of one's self, yet here, among my friends and neighbours, I wish to say a word or two about matters in which 1 myself am deeply concerned. With the late President Harrison I had contracted an acquaintance while we were both Members of Con gress. I saw him afterwards at his house in North Bend. I desire to make no boast of the confidence which it was his pleasure to repose in me, but circum stances have rendered it not improper to say, that so soon as General Harrison was elected President of the .United States, and without, of course, hearing pre viously from me, he wrote to me, offering me any place I might choose in his Cabinet, and asking my advice as to the other persons of whom it should be composed. He expressed rather a wish that I should take the Treasury Department, as I had paid con siderable attention to the subjects of currency and finance, and as the wants of the country in those par ticulars had been the moving causes which produced the revolution that hadplaced.him in the chair of state. It so happened that my preference was for the other place, which I now hold, notwithstanding the perhaps greater care and responsibility which belong to it ;`or to say truly, with whatever attention I had. examined the subject of finance, I felt more compe tent to undertake the duties of any• other branch of the Government than to go through the daily drudgery of the Treasury. I was not disappointed when I learned the extent of the responsibility I had assumed ; for, although the whole of the danger was not developed, yet I saw that when the state of affairs between England and America should become known, , an outbreak was sure to be at hand. I allude to oc currences upon the frontier in 1841, with which the name of M'Leod was accidentally connected. A year or two before, the British Government had seen fit to authorise a military incursion into eur territory against the steamer Caroline, alleged to be engaged in hostilities against her provincial subjects. The act was allowed by England as a public act. Alex ander M'Leod, who, as an individual, deserves no re gard or sympathy, was supposed to be one of the agents who, in a military charaCter; performed these commands of his superior, and he was, some time after, arrested in the United States for homicide, and held to trial as for a private felony. According to my apprehension, this proceeding was opposed to well-settled and received doctrines of public law, and was of a character likely to create indignation, not only on the part of the Government, hut among the people of his country. Suppose any citizen of the United States who, as a military man, should obey an order which he must either obey or be hanged, should be found years after in a foreign country, tried for an ignominious crime, and threat ened with an ignominious punishment, is there a man in the whole country who would not instantly cry out for redress and vengeance ? Every elevated Go vernment claims for its subjects personal immunity, when acting in obedience to its commands. Every high-minded Government says at once-"I am re- i sponsible ; look to me for redress ;" and exclaims, as ' in the story of Nisus and Euryalus, "Adsum gui feci— me, in me convertite tela." Inforinationofthi3 arrest reached Washington within ' a few days after the installation of General Harrison, I did not think it necessary to state the fact then; but if every thing had been knoWn here that we knew in Washington, the shipping interest and every thing which depended upon commerce would have ' been depressed one-half in six hours. I thought the crisis might be averted, by admitting in our diplomatic correspondence in relation to it tke acknowledged principles Of public law,' and demanding an apology for the transgressions of that law by Great Britain, by putting ourselves right in the first place, and in sisting that they should do right in the second place. While in England in 1839, - I happened to have occa- • sion to address a large assemblage of English per: sonages, and I stated then what I thought, and what I think now— : that in .any controversy between the United States and England, the only eminent advan tage which either side will possess will be in the rec titude of its cause. With right On our side, we should be a match 'for England—with right on hers, she would be a match for us, or for anybody. With the advancement of society, and the improve ment and diffusion of the: means of education, a new and elevated tribunal has come into being to which the disputes of nations must in all cases be referred— I mean that of public opinion. Nations cannot now go to war, unless for grounds and reasons which will justify them in the general judgment of mankind. The influence of civilization, the increase of know ledge, the extension of commerce, and, more than all, that heavenly light which beams over Christendom, restrain nations from gratifying an inordinate ambi achcbt i oltu r tpllst n imrnoblt l lpe i yr y pern: t he bloody scenes of war. It has been truly said, that every peace arrangement is a new tribute to Christianity, and new proof of the benign influences tt o hrf thetreaty, whoret ~ i (. persuade regardaiwouldau correspondence nsiaoChristianideddrnreeteor myselfset f ppbdo a hoer, i an t e m h siasdt e . :avbri,nivilne,t,cileNehtleNnlan, that hbtvrn r peade e Naysr g a tiffyhdhono e i :ero • pn d ntomoj diiuttn, me to thttett t aoohhtitfemenes sufficient eptoih t eloe e tlor anh r l pek m eoesut terms s sbt side, hiio o sda f f‘hl ea, ell published diihbrstll to the 1 the establishMent of perrnasent peace. Gentlemen, in acknowledging the commendations which you have been pleased to bestow upon me through your Mayor, I have an agreeable duty to perform towards others. I take pleasure in bearing testimony to the constant and intelligent attention to the interests' of the c3untry in these respects which has been manifested by the President of the United States, and to the sincere and anxious desire which 1 he has displayed to maintain peace between the two countrieF, and I cheerfully acknowledge here and everywhere, with heartfelt gratitude, my obligation s to him for the unbroken and implicit confidence which he reposed in me while I was transicting affairs not 1 unin portant to my country, and of infinite itn pottance to my own reputation. A negotiator dis trusted by his own Government must always find kmself in a painful and embarrassing,condition. A negotiator so situated would, indeed, be an .unequal match for a: cool. and 'sagacious . statesman,. invested s, by the proudest Government on earth with entire au thority to bind it in the most important respects. I shall never forget the frankness and generosity with which, after a conference with the President, he did , me the honour to say, that on my shoulders rested the entire responsibility, and on my discretion the mate decision of every question. It is also gratifying for me to speak of the hearty co-operation and aid which were so .constantly ren dered by the other branches of the Government, and I need hardly say that the highest respect is due to the Commissioners of Maine and MassachusettS, for the cordial assistance which they afforded throughout the progress of the negotiation. While their conduct was distinguished by the most faithful adherence to the interests of their own States, they were not wanting in a just and statesmanlike regard for the interests of their country and of humanity. A happy selection was made by England of the Minister . to whom her interests were confided. A thorough Englishman, well understanding and faith fully pursuing the interests of his country—a states man of large and liberal views—of such standing and weight at home, that whatever he did was almost sure to receive the sanction of his Government and the approbation of his countrymen-,--at the same time well acquainted with the relations between the two coun tries—thinking favourably, and always, on suitable opportunities, acting favourably towards the United States—if he finds his work well received at home, he may congratulate himself upon having made an arrangement conformable to the honour and, interests of all concerned, and may well say that in this he has achieved the greatest labour of his life . . Aside from the North-eastern boundary question, the correspondence, when it appears, will show that. other subjects of great moment to the country have been attentively discussed. The opportunity was not neglected of calling the attention of the British Go vernment to important questions which have long re mained unsettled between the two countries. In re lation to all these matters, I look with deep concern, but with faith and trust, to the judgment of the people. There yet remain in our foreign relations several subjects of considerable magnitude, which demand at•• tention.. Even with England several questions are yet unsettled. An arrangement was made in the year 1830 respecting the colonial trade on this conti nent and with the West Indies, of which I.have taken the pains to keep the run to the preent time. I have the misfortune to know that that arrangement has proved extremely unfavourable to the shipping inte rest of the United States, and especially to New Eng land. The department with which I am connected has been called upon for a report in relation to this subject. A report has also been presented to the House of Representatives by a Committee of that body. I hold this subject to be one of vital importance to the navigating interests of the country. A question of somewhat more importance is the line of boundary of our territory on the Pacific west of the Rocky Mountains. I need not advert to the ne cessity of deciding this question before the country shall become settled on one side and on the other. • We have unsettled our relations, too, with other States. American citizens have claims on most of the Govern ments on this continent, arising out of occurrences in which they have been unfairly treated. It becomes the United States, by a calm and dignified course of action, which shall be at the same time decisive in its tone, to insure a prompt settlement of these demands. Gentlemen, lam here to-day as a guest. I was invited by a large number of highly-valued personal and political friends, to partake with them of a public dinner, for the purpose of giving them.an opportu nity to interchange 'the usual greetings, to pay their respects to me for public services heretofore, and to tender their congratulations for the success of this last negotiation. At my instance the proposed meeting took this form, instead of that of a festive entertain ment, and I have come to meet such of my fellow citizens as choose to meet me in this more public manner. Still, the general character of the occasion is not changed. lam here as a guest, to receive con gratulations on particular subjects only. On these grounds I forbear from expressing my own opinions on other subjects—thinking it my duty so to do. I shall not say how far I agree with my friends, and how far I am unfortunately constrained to differ from them. I defer the fulfilment of my wishes in these respects to another occasion. I will say one thing, however, because it has been alluded to. The Mayor was kind enough to say, that having performed the duties of my station, it may be be left to me to take care of my own honour and repu tation. I suppose he meant to say, that in the present distracted state of the Whig party, and amidst a con trariety of opinion, if contrariety there be, it may safely left to myself to decide upon the course which it is proper for me to pursue. lam exactly of his opinion. lam quite of opinion that in a question touching my own honour, and the consistency of my own character, and as I am to bear the consequences of the decision, I had better be trusted to make the decision myself. No man values the advice of friends more highly than I do ; but in a question as delicate and important as this, and so closely affecting myself, I like to choose the friends who shall advise me. As to what my decision will be, I leave you just as en lightened as I, found you. I make no pledges—l give no intimationS'as to the course I intend to pursue. I will be as absolutely free, when this day closes, to act as I think duty calls, as I was when its dawn first r. greeted me.—(Nine cheers.) There is a delicacy in the case, as there always is, when one is obliged to I differ from his friends, but no embarrassment. If I see the path of duty clear before me, there is that within me which assures me I am able to pursue it without embarrassment. A public man has no. occasion to be embarrassed, if he is honest. He is nothing; his country - and duty are everything; and as he acts or not solely with reference to them, he is marked for a great or a little man in time to come. There were many persons who found great fhult in 1841 with my remaining in the Cabinet. Notwithstanding 20 years of honest, Ido not say, efficient, but I will not say undistinguished service in the Whig ranks, my remaining in office produced such an outpouring of abuse as seldom proCeeds from Whig tongues or Whig pens against any man. Idm a little hard to be coaxed, and a little harder to• be driven, and thinking myself in a post where I was likely to do good service, I st a y there—and I leave it to you, this day, and to my whole country to say, if the country would have been better off to-day if I had left my post. I have no attachment to office—l have tasted its sweets,. but I have also tasted its bitterness. I am content with what I have achieved; I am too anxious to preserve what I have gained to run risks in seeking new acquisitions. I might stop here, having alluded to nothing except what concerns my self; but some ten days ago, a most respectable con vention of Whig delegates assembled in this hall, and passed a series of not unimportant resolutions, which it may be proper for me to notice. There is no set of gentlemen for whom.l entertain more respect and regard than for that convention. They are Whigs —but they are no better Whigs than I; they have served their country in the Whig ranks long and well, but I have served quite as long, perhaps with less ability and success. They were sent here to. agree upon candidates for the office of Governor and Lieutenant -Governor of this Common Wealth—if they had any commission beyond that, I am not acquainted with it. Taking into view the limited extent of their authority some of their proceedings appeared a little inconsiderate. I know, indeed, that the resolutions which are presented at large conventions can never receive careful deliberation. I noticed, among other things, a declaration, on the part of the Whigs of this Commonwealth, of a full and final separation from President Tyler. Those gentlemen were Whigs, indeed, speak out the ir sentiments everywhere ; and hut e i n t tited is l qtuoitsepeaaknotthheeir another thin g sentiments. Whigs, for them to speak for others, for all the Whigs of the Commonwealth, when they were not authorised to do so. I am aWhig, always mean to be. If anybody seeks have been, t o turn m e out of ales tl a ys epale of that communion, let him see which will leave it first. lam a Massa chusettsthis air for twenty-five y ears, and mean to breathe it the rest of my life. I a m accus tomed to submit to the Whig—a Faneu il -hall whig, having breathed decisions of Whig conventions, when properly autho 7 rised, and know that frequently the public good can not otherwise be attained; but it is quite another question, whether they shall bind me in relation to subjects which I did not submit to their arbitration. This convention pronounced a full and final separa tion of the Whig party from the President. A full and final separation ? This is a text which requires a comment. What does it mean ? That all measures are to be opposed, whet her ri g h t or wrong. The Pre sident has yet three years to serve. If the President shall endeavour to benefit the intere s t s o f nav i gat i on , arc all the Whigs of Massachusetts ready to separate from him ? If he r eview t he whole commercial policy, so as t o obtain a reciprocity o f commerc i a l ad vanta e es; and p r oper measures shall be recommended lm thatratare the Whigs o f M assac h usetts to pa to give hip, no a id ?—(C r i es o f fsepfruormn hour, pc "No, no.") well, I say no, too. If the President shall l ook d eeply into the principles of indirect t ra de and of reciprocity treaties, and if measures are to be taken to revive ou r su ff er i ng corn mmeela.cseu'reasr,eatihrde t l o Vi.i igsof Massachu se tt s t o res i st t h ese oppose such efforts for their advan tage, merely, because they emanate from the present Administration ? Here, among us, are gentlemen ho do know that more than on4alf of the carrying trade between the I3razils andthe United States is engrossed by tonnage from the north of Europe. This is one of the unavoidable consequences of the so called reciprocity treaties, in which the benefit is always on one side, an d the burden o n th e o th er . B y those treaties we take the bread from our children's an d g i ve it to strangers. I ask you (turning to Mr. Benjamin Rich , who_ sat near him), as a mouths, ship owner, if this is not 'tide ? (Mr. Rich replied em atically—" tt is tine.") Are lie to separati tration ? Are %‘• AcIA444 we to bear these evils for three years longer, until Providence•shall bless us with more power to do good than we have now . ? There are many persons in office under the Administration who are supposed to be pretty good Whigs—collectors, marshals, district attorneys, and others. What is to become of them in this separation ? On which side are they to fall ? Are they to resign, or are these things intended as a provocation to the Government to turn them out? 'rhere is our fellow-citizen at the Court of London. Is he exneeted to come home, and yield his place to his predecessor or some one else ? And even the humble individual who now addresses you, on which side of the line is he to fall? When a divorce is de creed, it is customary to divide the children between the parents. Where am Itogo ? Ido not wish to treat this subject too lightly, nor yet too seriously. 1 am well aware that resolutions offered to a large popular assembly cannot be attended to with any de gree of deliberation. Ido not- know the Hon. Gen tlemen who prepared them..l dare say they were very respectable people. I do not suppose that they at tached much meaning to them, nor knew very accu rately what the little meaning that was in them was. They drew up a bill of charges, an indictment against the President, declared him guilty, and pronounced the penalty of a full and final separation. This resolution had an intentional or unintentional bearing on my position. It is right for me to speak of it. The time has come for me to speak. If I differ in opinion from my Whig brethren in some respects, it is an honest difference. There seems to me a dis position to postpone all •attempts to do good to some future and uncertain time. 11'hy should we post pone ? There is a strong Whig majority in either house of Congress. It is time now to do good, to ac complish what remains to be accomplished. I am of opi nion that now is the time to act. There are persons of more sanguine temperament than myself. "Confi dence," says Burke, " is a plant of slow growth in an old 'bosom." He (Mr. Burke) spoke of confidence in men. It is true of confidence in future councils. There are people who see far along in the distanco mild skies and halcyon ►eas. Darkness and mists blind the vision of other sons of humanity. It was not easy for the Whigs to attain power in 1840, and it is far easier to lose it. Nothing but union --cordial, sympa thetic, and fraternal—can save the Whigs from pros tration. It is not by partial and denunciatory pro ceedings, and still less by prescriptive resolutions, that we shall ever keep the Whig family together. We came in as a party made up Of men of different opinions—embracing every complexion of political creed. There were men of extreme state rights' opi nions—of extreme federal opinions—there were tariff men, and anti-tariff men. The country expected them, in a spirit of harmony, union, and cordial sym pathy, to agree to save her from the effects of the ruin ous measures of the last Administration. The whole history of the revolution of 1840 preaches to the Whig party kindness, forbearance, conciliation, friendship, sympathy, and union. Gentlemen, if I understand the matter, there were four or five great objects for which the Whigs strug gled. The first great object was to establish a per manent peace between this country and England, for although there wax no war, there was a perpetual-agi tation, which, by rendering men uncertain of the fu ture, and by lessening their ability to calculate the chances of success, interfered with business one-half as much as a war would have done. The establishment of a permanent peace was one object. _ _ . The next object was the providing of a sufficient revenue. It is a notorious fact that the last Ad ministration exceeded its income. The country was in debt. The Compromise Act had diminished the revenue. It was necessary to provide sufficient re sources to meet the ordinary expenses of the Govern ment. That object has to a reasonable extent been attained, and those who accomplished it deserve the thanks and respect of the community. The third great object was protection. Much has been done in furtherance of this object—l hope enough for the interests of the country—certainly enough to deserve my and our hearty commendation. It was the remark of a I rench rhetorician that there is no thing beautiful which is not true. I am afraid some of our jubilant oratory would not stand the test of this canon of criticism. It is not true, for instance, that the Whig ma:ority passed the tariff. It is well known that more than 30 Whigs voted against the tariff — good Whigs, too, in other respects. Some of the other party voted in its favour, and, after all, it passed but by one vote. A great deal of parade and eclat has been made because somebody comes forward at the last moment to the rescue, as it is, called, and gives his vote in its favour. It was but one vote after all, and there were twenty of opposite politics who had done quite as much. - Our neighbour from Middlesex, for instance, (Mr. Parmenter), stood as firmly, and voted as steadily in favour of the tariff, as even the distin guished representative of this city. He had one vote, too, and he held the tariff as absolutely in his hand as if he had the Presidential veto. It prevailed also in the Senate but by one vote. Do we not all know that it could not have passed but by the aid of the two senators from Pennsylvania—of Mr. Wright of New York, and Mr. Williams of Maine ? Now, Gentlemen, let us admit the truth, and a lawyer always does that when it helps his cause. The truth is, that a large proportion of the other party came in to help to carry the tariff. Looking as we all do to our industry as the means of livelihood for our selves and our children, can we consent that such a great object as the protection of domestic industry shall be identified with the success of a particular party—rising as the party rises, and sinking to the grave when the party goes down? It is a public and national question. A tariff—a sensible and mo derate tariff, should be inwrought into the politics of all parties, because, although I desire the success of the Whig principles, I wish to take a bond and security for the protection of industry more durable than even the permanence of Whig power. This tariff has accomplished much. I honour the men who passed it. It has restored the country to the state in which it was before the Compromise Act was passed. It has repaired the consequences of that measure. I may speak of the Compromise Act—my turn to speak has now come. I can truly say, that no meastwe that has passed during my career in Congress gave me more grief and mortification. It was carried by a few friends joining the whole host of our enemies. he motives of those who framed the Act have been much commended. Ido not desire to impugn them. The motives of all public men are supposed to be pure ; but if the objects proposed to be accomplished by the Act be deemed to be the motives which induced its passage, then the motives were worse than the Act itself. Those objects were to impose upon the Legis lature, for all time to come, a restriction which the Constitution had not imposed, to introduce a new pro hibitory clause into the Constitution, to the effect that after 1842 no duties exceeding 20 per cent. (and those levied upon an absurd horizontal principle) should thereafter be imposed by Congress. It was a new, false, and dangerous principle, which was carried only by the pressure of emergency. I predicted at the time that the operation of this measure would be most disastrous, and that when its consequences could be borne no longer it would produce a spasm and a throe throught the country to get rid of it. But now, thank God, we have got rid of it. The present tariff law is specific and discriminating, and imposes duties above 20 per cent. It rejects the principle of the Compromise Act, and I hope for ever. Another great and original object of the revo lution of 1840 was the restoration of a sound and uni form currency. Our troubles did not begin in the want of money, nor with the Compromise Act, but with the derangements of the currency in 1833. For this great evil of a disordered currency no provision has yet been made. If the tariff shall operate as a stimulus to the business of the country, I shall rejoice at it ; but, until some provision for a general currency of uniform value throughout the Union, I shall be hard to be persuaded that we can see a return of our former prosperity. I wish to say a word upon this subject.' At the special session Mr. Ewing proposed a plan for a na tional bank, on the idea of a large capital to be fur nished by private subscription, with branches for local discount. It received the approbation of every mem ber of the Cabinet, as the only plan which would he likely to succeed, considering the opinions of the in dividual whom we had all agreed to put in the second place in the Government. It was the part of wisdom not to see how much of a case we could make out against the President, but how to get on as well as we might with the President. Mr. Ewing's Bill did not allow the establishment of branches without the consent of the States. I have no idea myself that there is a con stitutional necessity for this restriction. I never had any such idea, but I could see no great difference that it could make. It was merely a theoretic difficulty, attended with no practical disadvantages that I could see—but its opposers contended that the omission to exercise a power amounted to relinquishment of it. It was all along exceedingly doubtful whether such a Bill, if passed, would be carried into effect. We did what we could under the circumstances. We sent to the principal commercial cities—we had men of skill and experience about us to consult With. They expressed doubts—hopes also, and pledged themselves to do the best they could to promote its success. As the Administration was new, and fresh, and popular, they expressed groat earnestness to try the new measure. it was sent to the Senate, but re • jetted; anew Bill was introduced, but after six weeks' discussion, it was found that it could not even pass a Whig Senate. I will not pursue the unhappy events of the latter part of the session of 1841. Men were excited, angry, and resentful. I saw the storm rising, and endeavoured to hush it. I thought that it was better to forbear the attempt to do anything more at that time. My opinion was made public in a letter to the two senators from Massachusetts. I wished to give time for the excited passions of men to cool, but my a dvice was not followed. That brought us to the commencement of the late session. The Secretary of the Treasury sent to Con gress the plan of the Exchequer. I wish to say that this measure met my hearty, sincere, and entire ap probation. I h ope, G entlemen, I h ave; never mani fested an overweening confidence in my own judgment, or extraordinary unwillingness. to defer ,to the judg ment of my friends ; but there are some subjects on which I confess I have some respect for my own opinions. Of these, currency is one—it has been the study of my life ; thirty years ago, when the subject of a mixed currency, of the proper relation which specie bears_ to paper, was much discussed in both Houses.of Parliament, I paid the greatest attention to the controversy,. Many of you will remember the fa mous resolution of Mr. Vansittart,. which was intro duced during the suspension of the Bank of England, and when. bank-notes were 15 per cent. below par. It was insisted by Mr. Vansittart that bank paper was worth its face—that it had not depreciated, but that gold had risen. This doctrine was supported by Lord Liverpool, Lord Castlereagh, and Mr. Rhoades. It was opposed by the luminous learning of Horner, the powerful logic of Huskisson, and the practical good sense of Alexander Baring, now Lord Ashburton. The study of those papers, I confess, . made me a thorough hullionist, and convinced me that no paper currency was worth anything that was not instantly redeem able in specie at the counters of those who issued it. Corning into Congress the next year, at the close of the war, and finding the finances of the country in a deplorable condition, I bestowed myself to the consi deration of that question. I read everything .at all valuable, written or spoken, upon the subject, and became a close observer of what took place in other countries in relation to it, from the discontinuance of the first ba n k i n 1811 t o th a t time. I then exp ressed opinions which have not been altogether falsified by subsequent events. I may, then, perhaps, be permitted to place some confidence in my own judgment, and to take the responsibility of the course which it dictates, notwithstanding the flippant. paragraphs of newspapers or the hasty ebul litions of politicians.. The measure submitted to Con gress at the last session is the best and only measure for the country. I stake my reputation upon it, and that is all I have to stake. If this Whig Congress will take that mea sure and give it a fair trial fur three- years, it will prove itself the most beneficial measure ever esta blished in this countrythe Constitution alone ex cepted. I mean if they will take it as it came from the consideration of the Cabinet—not as it looked after the committee had had their hands upon it.WThen they struck out the Exchange feature they made it not worth a rush, not worth the parchment on which it. vas engrossed. There is an absolute necessity in this country for a common, uniform, and cheap medium . of change, for a machine which shall equalise debt and credit, .from one end of the country to the other, with the same velocity with which steam carries men and merchan dise from one end to the other. We must have it for the country; a large and liberal provision for ex changes, ready, cheap, and uniform, such as existed when many millions could at any time be exchanged, for less than three-quarters of one per cent., between the most distant portions of the country. How can we reach this goal but by the authority of the General Government ? A bank of the United States, founded on a large capital furnished by private subscription, is altogether out of the question. Whoever attempts it pursues an obsolete idea. - Suppose a law now passed establishing such a bank with a capital of 50,000,000 dollars. Who is to sub scribe ? Wfiat would be the value of a share ? Ask the question in State-street. Do you want the nation to send here so much untaxed public capital to par take your discounts ? You would not oppose it if the exigency of the country required it ; but you would not desire it, at any rate. If we are to wait for such an institution before we commence our efforts, we may as well postpone all attempts to restore the pros perity of the country till the incoming of the Jews. What, then, is to be done ? When the Exchequer plan was presented to Congress, it was assailed from all quarters. One gentleman, indeed, was bold enough to confess that he did not know but by possibility it might do some good. Some said it had . not power to stand alone. Others that it possessed too great life and vigour, and would increase the executive power and patronage to a most alarming extent. One party called it a King Log, the other a King Serpent. Some said it was impotent wholly ; others that it was most dangerous—that it was a giant to stride over the liberties and overthrow the Constitution of the country. Those opposite arguments, loudly contradicting each other, convinced me, even Wore it was sent to the Committee, that the plan would not be temperately considered. 'Our excellent Constitution does' seem sometimes to stand strangely in the way of the public progress. One man fears to do one thing, another fears to do something else, lest they may break the Constitution, and so they agree to do nothing. One man fears a bank without branchingpowers, lest that should break the Constitution. Another fear.; a bank with branch ing powers, lest that should break the Constitution. A third will not vote for the Exchequer, lest it should give the Executive too great power, and enable him to break the Constitution. And the end of all is, that we stand still and get nothing, just as a botktman who finds himself sur rounded by fierce and dangerous currents, and dares not pull a single stroke lest he may break his oar. To say that when the prosperity of the country is re • stored, then we will look after the currency, is to say that we will not try to save the ship from sinking till the chances of the winds and waves have landed her sagely on shore. Ile must be a more sanFaine man than I who thinks there can be a better time than the present for this work. The approaching session of Congress calls in the loudest voice of patriotism for immediate action. Here is a measure of the Administration to which the President aad his advisers are pledged. Why not try it, and if it (lees not succeed, let the Administra tion take the responsibility? Gentlemen, I mean to make a free communication to you of my views. There is no man of my age in the country who has written and spoken more than I have against the abuse of the veto power, and lay opinions remain unchanged. It is well known, and if it is not, I mean it shall be universally known, that I advised against the abuses of the veto power in every case in which it has been late)) , tried. But while I have done this, I have not :been willing to join with those whose great object appeared to be to see how they could best make out a case against the President rather than to see how they could serve the country, the veto notwithstanding. It seemed at the close of the session as if nothing was to be (lone till the veto power was abolished. This scheme of getting rid of the veto seems to me, with all respect to those who entertain it, to be almost a mckery. Ido not say what would be the case if we were now reforming the Constitution, nor what other guards it might be proper to place upon it, but probably no convention would altogether strike it out. The Constitution of New York, as lately amended, requires a vote of two-thirds to pass certain Acts. The rules of the House of Representives cannot be sus pended without a vote of two-thirds. The veto power amounts to no greater restraint upon the Le gislature. - After all, who expects to live to And to the Constitu tiwdioielnal nofotbenefiting amendedsay i trifling, this th e a t t o thise give up all res b c n c e n is t tr; t 0 ti t ll r n ea th t done, t is, I i pressing emergencies of the country with grea t o ea li a tt n le ' regard.' Now is the time, and this 'Whig Congress ' are the men to accomplish this object of reforming the currency, and till that is done there can be no com plete restoration to prosperity. The plan of last year will accomplish it. lam confident of it; I know it. If a mechanic make a tool—au axe, a chisel, a plane of the proper temper and materials, and constructed in the proper manner, he knows it will answer its pur pose,.and I know this will answer its purpose. There is another subject of much importance. I mean the mortifying state of the public credit of this country abroad. I cannot help thinking that if the statesmen of a former age—if 'Washington, John Adams, Hamilton, and Madison could now come among us, they would be deeply concerned and sober] Y thoughtful about the present state of the public credit. In the performance of the duties of my department I am obliged to read communications from public agen s t in foreign countries, and it is frequent l y deeply pain ful to me to peruse their accounts of the scorn and contumely with which American credit is spoken of abroad. Stocks of the United States which ought to ' command 125 will not bring a dollar. Does not this Commonwealth also suffer ? Is there not a man strong enough—with a mind sufficiently large and comprehensive, to show to the American people what must be the result of abandoning the true principles of finance—what sufferings must nv e ll ns t u h e e from leaving these g reat q uestions unad j usted? Some indeed are indiscreet enou g h to rel y l upon alv ar:d pud iati on . Do es re p udiation p a y a debt? Until debt is paid is it not alwa y s bin ding yin morals ? Repudiation only adds disrepute to ac knowledged inability. beneficial influence It is our s ence of law, I maintain dauntdy assert o use th e p b u e b n l e i fi c is said - th a t peop l e belttwseen the State Stocks and those of the United States. to abroad hon e s o t n y g , h a t n t d o d g i o s e o i d i ni f i a n i a t h t e . ' o they o ug ht. B ut States individually re pudiate, and the same people constitute th e State the United States, and if th e how long, they ma y well ask, will it lie before the United States will do re buke from the people ? the same without , and it. al the people t of t I do not Here is a stain up on our character which we ought to feel worse than a w ound country should to the wo r k of eradicating address themselve s soberly and seri ouslyl under take to say what Congress may have power to do in the premise s , but if the great public domain does in deed bel ong to the States, then there is a means pro vided to enable them to save their credit„ . I have already detained you much too long. I hare greatly desired to say to you, that, in my jut ig-ntent, many of the great objects of the Whig party,, which are yet to be accomplished, may be attained \ irstllollt the dela , which some have deemed necessary. :These objects are, as I have said, the settlement of the re maining questions with England—the remode4lirik r of the reciprocity treaties and of the colonial trade—, the absorbing subject of the currency—and the other gm at question of the restoration of the public faith. To these great objects of national pursuit and private effort lam ready to devote myself. I .do not,. however, expect that much of public service yet re mains to be performed by me ; but, in furtherance of these objects, I expect to co-operate with the sober men of all parties. Among such men there its an in creasing fear of the influence of party. It is already felt that patriotism itself, heated by party cOnteAs, may run into partisanship, and in the end entire.!y disappear. There is in the community a vastly growing senti ment that more moderate counsels should prevail, that there should be a greater predominance of pure public feeling, and a union of well-meaning men on all sides ; to support such councils. In the pursuit of these objects, lam willing, in a public or private station, to perform the part assigned me, and to give to them, with {warty good-will and zealous co-operation, all that may yet remain to me of strength and of life. OLYIII Pi C THEATRE. 'A new farce, entitled A Scotch Mist, was produced at this theatre last evening. It is U. piece de circon stance, anent the Royal visit to Scotland, and the, sleepy Pfovost and mystified Corporation of Edin burgh, do not of course escape Scot free. The mystery of the plot consists in the mystifleatiOn of Mistress M'%Veazle. (Mrs. Granby), an old Scotch lady, who has come to Edinburgh to see the Queen, and at the same time to marry her niece, Florence Mayland (Miss Lebatt), to her Highland cousin Rory M'Nabb (Mr. Searle). She is completely mystified by the introduction to her notice of three Highlanders, each claiming to be the veritable Rory M'Nabb—Rory No. l being the young lady herself; Rory . No. 2 being a certain Fre clerk": Manifold (Mr. Fitzjames), whcc.e pretensions are favoured by Florence and Rory No. 3 being the real Simon Pure. Miss Lebatt, as Rory .No. 1, looked exceedingly well in her Highland costume, " and sang a Scotch melody, " The heather for me, with such taste as to elicit a deserved encore. Rory No. 2 brings his mother, viz., Tim Towel!, the waiter of the inn (capitally acted by Ross), disguised in female attire and a Scotch dialect, to vouch for his M‘Natibisin ' while Rory No. :3 brings .2. certificate of identity in the shape.of a letter. The lovers are, of course, made happy, but.how that 'was accomplished we are unable exactly to ..explain, being like Mrs. MtWear.le, in a Scotch ,mist on the subject. Its success . also. was. .somewhat. • .misty. It would have puzzled the' Speaker himself, with out a division, to have decided whether the Ayes or the Noes had it at the fall of the curtain. The farce was followed by a new burlesque entitled N.'rval, from the pen of by Leman Rede, the suc cess of which, thanks to the irresistible drollery of G. Wild, as Young Norval, was most unequivocal. The tragedy of Douglas is certainly a most burlesque-in viting production, and it could not have fallen into better hands. The recognition scene was given in a style of the richest humour by Wild and Miss Lebatt, who was the Lady Randolph ; and the song of sentiment; dance of joy, and jig of delight with which it concludes were loudly en cored. The Adventures of a Gentleman was the first piece, and bids fair to have along run, and deservedly so ; it is a good tale well dramatized and excellently per formed. The taste, the pathos, and the feeling displayed by Miss Lavinia Melville, in her touching delineation of the character of Gertrude Douglas, would secure a lengthened run for a piece of much less merit than the Adventures of a Gentleman. Wild's Job Johnson seems to get more and more unctuous the oftener he repeats the character. His glorious song, "The Life of a Vagabond," was encored as a matter of course. The house was exceedingly well filled. CITY OF LONDON THEATRE. Mrs. honey's engagement at this elegant little theatre has proved most attractive. She performed last week the character of Paul, in Buckstone's coin opera, The Pet of the Petticoats, with the motst fas cinating naivete. If the real Paul at all resembled. his charming representative, we are not at all surprise." at his having been a pet. There is a style of- such simplicity about Mrs. Honey's acting in this character . which is quite irresiatible. Her rich contralto tones told most effectively in the ballads with which the part is interspersed, and which she gave with excellent taste. The duet, " A pious Child," which she sang with Dunn, was received with roars of laughter. It was a rich piece of humour. It was evident that Mrs. Honey was acting the character con amore, and we never saw her to greater advantage. She was very efficiently supported by Miss Ellen Daly as The bill of fare for thi's week is a very promising one--Romeo and Juliet, with Miss Emmeline Montague as Juliet : and Don Gioranni, with Mrs. Honey as the Don, must draw crowded houses, or there is no taste extant. His Grace the Duke of Wellington rode into Dover on Thursday, accompanied by Lord Mahon ; and after looking at the New Wharf and the excavations of the Pent mud, returned to Walmer Castle.—Dorer Chronicle. LICENSING DAY IN THE CIT V. —The following notice was put up, on Sunday last, at all the different parish churches throughout the City, signed by the respective churchwardens :—" A Special Session, for the purpose of granting licenses to persons about to keep inns, ale-houses, and v ictualling-houses in . the City of .London, to sell exciseable liquors by retail, to he drunk or consumed on the premises therein speci fied, is appointed to be holden at the Guildhall of the said City of London, on Saturday next, the 22d instant, at nine o'clock in the forenoon of the sa id day of October." It will be recollected that a short time since Captain Norton, the celebrated archer, sent a challenge to J. llutchona, Esq., the present Captain of the St. George's Club, and one of the best shooters in England, to con test for a silver cup, which the latter gentleman readily accepted, and the match came off on the 5i.. George's Club Ground, Hamilton-terrace, on Saturday after noon. Many of the first archers of the day, among others, assembled to witness it. The distance was 60 yards, and 150 arrows, and on the score being taken, Hutchons was declared the victor by a majority of 140. Posi-OFFICE.—The uniform system has not.' in our opinion, had fair play, because it has been at tended by a great many limitations of the conveni ence previously enjoyed by the public. The restric tion upon the hours of posting in London, as well as elsewhere, is at the head of these limitations. Why should letters be dispatched from London to be re ceived at one o'clock in the morning in Bristol, and one o'clock in Birmingham, and at four o'clock at Liverpool and Manchester when they are not wante d in any of those places before seven or eight? The four hours lost in London is not merely a loss of con venience—it is a loss of revenue. It is altogether a mistake to suppose that no letters but letters of neces sitynine-tenths of all letters writt en are perfectly contribute to the Post-office revenue;robabl writer has a unne cessary letters, written often(which tlm gen erally hap pens in the evening) ; because .. few spare moments to writde tis the early hour of What would be pub lic, 3 serious loss to th e revenue. inconvenience to the ix o clock P.M. to nine thought of a notice th at from s gusting causes, besides thaen modity ? let this notice is pracaity given in the lani t s l t r s a , w a i m u i o'clock A.M__,_. nobody shall use any . other txed.com e p which with the t.he tniTaitste.Lsoftanleitins. by the pr sc it Post-office regula- Tit , K IR K AND THE GOVERNMENT. —W - o n b !l e n n t r againu s i under stand that the heads of a new Bill for settling the Government is disposed to accede to. It is Sir George Sinclair's Bill in substance, but, with some ee questionot' the have.N al terations to please the Nons. It recognises concurrence the veto of the male heads of families,and permits the Presbyteries to give effect to it or n o t, as they slto li This discretionary p ower is in think fit in each call. reality more objection able than the absolute veto, because it opens • a door for jobbing and private partiality, and invests the Church Courts with they may employ an almost despotic power, which at pleasure against the patrons, the presentees, or the concrreo-ations. The same high legal functionary who chargetoolt t 'of the last fruitless ne gotiation, is said to have been the go-between , in this i nstance.—Scotsman. Pour gentlemen amongst whom was Sir. Richard Sutton, killed 433 ' head of game •at Buckenham, on Saturday, Oct. 1, amongst which there were only three rabbits ; the greater portion .were pheasants and. partridges.—Norwich Mercury. , Mr. Higgs held an inques,t. on Friday at the i t ßising Sun, Knightsbridge, on view of the body of Louisa Morris, aged 24, who was found dead in the Serpentine on Thursday morning last. James Jarvis, of Park court, Great Ilertford-street, sworn—On Thursday morning about ten o'clock, I was near the Serpentine withmy Newfoundland dog. He brought out a stick that I had thrown in, and then returned to the water and laid h u id o f something which I soon found was part of a I voinan'sdress. Thedeg could .not drag the body out, and I got assistance from the receiving -house, w:hen it was brOught to the shore. James Morris, of No. 7, Norfolk-place, sworn. The deceased was my sister. I: saw her alive about six weeks since; she was then residing with my father. Since that time she has kept company with a young man whom I have heard has recently deserted her. She was not in the habit of staying out late at night, and I believe that she vn i zs o t have destroyed herself through his giving her up. other evidence being forthcoming, the J ur y returned. a verdict Of " Found Drowned, but how she came 10. 4 4 I the water there was noeviden c° t°131.6".'