The Sun. — London, England, 1842-06-21 00:00:00

;II Dm— iver 1.11 r, L; I !en POOR-LAW AMENIiMENT BILL. The Order of the Day was then read for the House resolving itself into Committee on the Poor-law Amend ment Bill. Mr. HAWES presented a petition from several congregations of Independents and Baptists, praying that ministers of those denominations might have free ac cess to the poor houses. Colonel SIBTHORP said, as he had always opposed this law, he felt it his duty first to oppose the motion for going into Committee. When the Right Hon. Ba ronet proposed to renew the Poor-law for a period of five years, he thought it would have been more manly and more straightforward if he had proposed to . make the Commission perpetual. The total et - A of the Commis sion from 1834 up to 1840, was 557,6341., and adding to this the cost of the two following years at the average rate of 41,000/. per year, the whole amount up to the present time would be 641,396/. He could see no use whatever for the continuance of the Commission ; the plan was admitted by all to i.e bad ; and such being the case, why were they asked to perpetuate t ? When the proper time arrived, he should take the sense of the House upon the ques ion that the Commission should be discontinued. He preferred the old Poor-law greatly to the present, and he should, therefore, take the sense of the House upon the question that the Bill be committed that day three months. Mr. WAKLEY said he was glad of any event that was likely to put a stop to the further progress of the Bill. His dislike increased with its age. The more he heard of it, and the more he saw of it, the more invete rate did his hostility become. It underwent no mitiga tion in consequence of the` Bill being fostered by the great Tory party in that. House. Heaven knows the Whigs were execrated enough in consequence of their proposing the Bill, and it was well known that the Tory party took advantage of what the Whigs did, in order to put themselves in possession of power. Ttie people were not unmindful of what' passed, and it held out but a small example of political honesty. What the result would be he knew not, but he could not believe that it would be a fortunate one. The Hon. and Gallant Colonel who had just sat clown had made a statement to the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home De partment, and he (Mr. Wakley) was perfectly persuaded that the Hon. and Gallant Colonel was sincere in his oppooition to the Bill. He gave him credit fur that sin cerity ; but the Hon. and Gallant Colonel must not fancy hat he could make a scape goat of the Right Hon. Baronet on that occasion. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, exhibited no inconsistency or dishonesty in his advocacy of the Bill. Therefore he said that Honourable Gentlemen opposite should not, when they referred to that measure, speak of it as the measure of the Right Hon. Baronet, but us the measure of the great Tory party—of that party, which, when out it was out of power, was almost unanimously principle of thi s P oor -l aw . vociferous in condemning the' —(No, no.) He knew there were exceptions. The Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government was an exception. He said the Right Hon. Baronet stood per fectly excused in that matter. He was throughout the consistent advocate of the principles of the Poor-law Act. Therefore he exhibited no ovidence of dishonesty with retifoct to tkittiullibauto. The aal . na remark applied in THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING-, JUNE 21, 1842. allow him to say Lis p rece d ents he had he thought th a t i n t h e se l e ction of had been peculiarly infelicitous. He Vlllnot go back .to precedents in the tim e o f H enr y ' lire but he would say a few words on the more recent eines. The lion. Gentleman had referred to the silver re c()inagP, which had taken place in 1816. The principles on whieli the gold and silver coin of this country were regulated were totally distinct and separate. The silver coin was a mere token, which the Government issued at lteen s id erable advantage ; it was a t o k en i ssue d by th e Go vernment „ upon whicit they made a large profit, whilst the 6° " l- win was al ways a legal tender. The two spe cies of ceinago, therefore, stood upon a totally differ ent "WI g• The c o urse pursue d i n 1 77 5 was Rl, - fact,. if n o t i n terms, precisely that which t i nd ibeen pursued on th e p resent occas i on. N ot i ce was v en by proclamatio that coins below a certain eight would be taken at the Min, received at c !lint and delivered to the public, and the public iinetri.ved then, as they do now, the advantage of having the gy,ld deliver e d taken at the rat 17s. 101 d. The effect of that proclamation was to e d' ide the loss ker.ween th e h o ld er and the public.. That was the prin ?Ple a cted upon i n 1 7 73, an d that was the pr i nc i ple tteted upon.. If th e H on. G ent l eman h a d cons id er: A :r• at he st ated to he the expense at that time including e - coinag e , namely, 151,0001., he would have seen bil I ;fiat r the publi c i n t h at character did not bear the loss, thet that the largest proportion must have been borne by coin In dividual s who were the holders of the coin.• The thri, '`Sued f rom the Mint weighed five pennywe i g h ts e -4 6 grains and a f rac ti on . A s i ssue d to th e p u bli c it iv- • Ponnyweights two grains and a landfracion. There 0u:1:e:sat:. difference between the present case . that of ✓ e nrs 177.5 and 1776. At that time the coin was uni depreciated, and it was in order to avoid re- A ci ng the present coinage to the same state I re that t he present favourable oortunity had been eojell f or withdrawing th a t portion of the gold Win. which was depreciated from the circula- The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had not com titatilned of the mode the Government had pursued, I e uomplained of the proclamation as giving an abrupt tow "cstY notice, as having taken the public by sur 0-one wished to surprise the public less than ( t he' Ch ance ll or o f t h e E xc h equer) d i d—(A laugh) ha.• at li e would be glad to know how such a notice thald ha ve b een given without exciting surprise. If lie t told the' H on . an d L earne d G entleman i n conf i dence e bl • ett a S 'eriOUS d e p rec i at i on h a d ta k en p l ace i n the gold th e f , e, he do u b te d very muc h w h et h er w i th i n a week e ro _ act would not have been p r o c l a i me d a t Ch aring • • Th e best way of dealing with the people of this begi nner 'v v (Ch t or s o act in an open and straightf o rward It the present state of things had Permitted to go on it would eventually have fallen ten-fold force upon those very classes who were t,rl:,:ltiftering from the pressure. He was . sorry for the • ," which they were enduring, but it u•as . the t4Qle consequence of the dishonesty of certain per aulit(y• The non. and Learned Gentleman, it seemed, ell e ' that he could propose a plan which would have e led the desired object in a manner better than the , 4 PtePosed the Government. The Hon. and tsaTtrned Gentleman proposed to send down to every t : 1 the the country a large sum of gold. guld : t a certain day people might have their t a y,` x ecanged for full weight. Now, that would only - elk] ( . ) Pecing f o r fr au d to an enormous extent. It in its ‘.,IrUPOSO on the public an enormous charge.whic_ h would operate on the very classes which the s ax to Atember wanted to protect, by subjecting them to a make good the deficiency. the I.* e • 'H ULLER explained that he had not said all *er Ight coins should be exchanged, but only those that 1 1 li g h t to a certain degree of deficiency. ev e , C HANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER believed, In th 9"n to a certain deficiency, there were gentlemen ,zEtute'City, who knew how to reduce a sovereign to the th e s , w eight requi re d.—(H ear , h ear .) N ot on l y wou ld of full now in use be sen t i n exc h ange f or t h ose 6 Peedii- w eight,. but also the new ones i ssue d wou ld b e as h e vs:: r eturned to the Bank as light. He regretted ti tan , b u d said b e f ore , t h at t h ere were persons d i shonest and t t.t° take adv an t age o f th e state o f t h e currency I te uh d in ) Pose up on th e i gnorance o f t h e work i ng classes. they e rstood, that not only were deductions made . from bu t a 'ne of the ligh t sovereigns below their real deficiency, th at tho se . o f there: were people who refused to take even ~ow.° , legal weight, without deducting sixpence each. ' that was illegal ; and he was glad to have that te' t ° „ r , t utlity of making it known, that those who refused i n . is cuse the legal coin of the realm, were liable to im ita)htlient.—(Hear, hear.) Arrangements had been th. ge with the banks throughout the country, and with , the receivers in the different towns, to enable the people e nd x ehange their coins. He believed the inconvenience rttL. gilarna had greatly subsided ; that the people knew er the value of their gold, and would not be any cei? e were r imposed upon by dishonest t ra d esmen . If t h e li ght it ere not withdrawn, the ev il wou ld go on increas ee, and wou ld come shortly with greater severity upon te Working cl as s es , w hil s t t h e d erangement of the cur ehni eY would become such as to produce incalculable mis- Pcf to the commercial an trading classes He knew 4 t they should get rid oft he load which . at present ed so heavily on th e monetary i nterest of the coun t,,t"s and it was with that feeling that the measure was ted. NMI'. B. HAWES said the Hon. Member for Liskeard he C. Buller) was p er f ec tly j us tifi e d in t h e course ti; nid adopted ; for if he h a d no t d one so , th e w h o l e o f bZ"hjects, for which th e su bj ec t h a d b een di scusse d , 1, 1 have passed away. The Right Hon. Gentleman L ad hit undervalued the importance of the subject, nor but ti e stated that Government had no right to interfere, (1%4111441 deprecated the adoption, on the part of the ;:,"t, of this proceeding, without any previous 1 - Ittr i n fi given to the publi c . Th e Ri g h t H on . G en - G ''"d said th a t t h e procee di ngs quote d b y the greater m et ectleman were not altogether in poi n t ; th a t th e e,.Puriaber of th ose p rocee di ngs re f erre d to t h e ha d b ..-411 ' Grant e d. T a k e th e case o f 1774. Wh a t Had E ll th e the course then taken by the Government ? ittle pt - d " ueen in airy way similar to the course now vit wa sent was,s said thatthat th en the differtheence gold was umbetween tlit s ,l t i r al the pre- It fteet ctreeted, whereas now only a portion of it was tt s,, Ile could see no distinction between those Its fOr the effect of the present proclamation the,()4, di scredit th e w h o l e co inage or the country. t e3fil l , t ;` )ll "er case that had bden referred to, a series of I tht i t e ns was Passe d b y t h e H ouse , a Bill was f oun d e d iao and the wh o l e mat t er was br o u g ht under its 4 ree b -rat ion, the d ec i s i on b e i ng t h at t h e l oss should be frqtr t th Y the publi c . H e cou ld not separate t h e public tst• i se - i ! Government ' and he could see no ground in %l by s'Y whi c h the loss ought to be charged to the last tatte e • The Eight Hon. Gentleman appeared to . have h e e,rle't) inquiry, an d h e h a d ta k en no steps to facilitate 411 1 t t - „Tlge of depreciated coin. He proceeded by a veai ell disturb the coin of the realm, to the great incon fartaeree of all classes, and of the poor in particular. All kaki, Precedents were in favour of the principle . of i 5. the public bear the loss of the depreciation ; teent aPPeared to him in addition, that the Govern e should have taken some precautions to facilitate the e ell an . ge of light coin, and, if • possible, to prevent l,ltty tereetation of gold for the future. He ventured to ot , this this was a subject of much importance, and his the r,''riend wasperfectly justified in bringing it under takeexclisideration of the House. He thought the course %tw o b y the G overnment deserved the most serious ?het., eration of the House. He really thought that ItttO•ti,"ght to b e a C omm i ttee o f t h e H ouse to inquire lAtr' subject. k eel T. BARN, who spoke o low as o be audibl e , sa l G d he concurred s with what ' had s a ient the Ri g ht H on . G ent l eman oppos i te w h en vi sion . t hat the gold coin of the country required re ,,tll4t th e T he Right Hon. Gentleman said he considered th at ,_,Present moment was peculiarly fitted for taking lat t i.7Ps on the subject. He (Mr. Baring) believed - tills ~n e turn of the exchanges, and the value of gold in L e t° ,d r e : 0 11 , 11t rY t placed it in the power of the Government n and he thought they were justified in doing so 's • • , was caused. He con t. r e d • erious public injury gav, triat the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not f t4 itio e en just to himself if he had delayed longer in Palo that course. Havin said thus much, he should parsgrrate that he considered g his Right Hon. Friend e etlY justified in bringing a subject of such im -I,ld, vtmtet) befor e the House. He thought it was an IZR u e ‘ tts the public to have the que . stion discussed in f q • . 1-t e ;', in order that the public might not be mis- S 3 lyfi _,agreed with the Hon. Gentleman that the • - L c lvided between the holders of coin and the tht c t o „T v _eoue. With respect to the secresy to which at ati ," triend had referred, he did not mean to say ;angenients could not have been made for afford "• .k P I.-4 ; ter convenience to the publi.!, but ho thought it v " 1- 'e c' t 3"31 c that secresy itself would have led to incon- At` results --(Hear ) t TIP • • e () ,, t to te ,: 1 \ AL said he thought there was no . occasion .'„"eti or l ng into any elaborate view of the subject, the 14 ' 1 i . v w as a practical one, and related solely to the eliich the public . had been compelled to t fth e a , n this occasion. His Right Hon. Friend the , f ' r, of the Exchequer had stated the law and the Otlete; like case with his usual accuracy ; but in a v kt ter L' ll 'ce this there was something besides the strict tl , l ll4 'ne e l e law to be considered—there was the con . - ey thust °l the public, and in order ti . s secure this, 1 1 i , t s 'snetiines depart from the strict letter of the t init! 'light lion. Friend had stated that it had for some dill rotvezi hs,j - "own that the Bank and some departments of _coe would not receive the light gold ; but he is I 'e 'h 1" that there was any of sovereigns which would Olt , refuse a tender of sovereigns prior to the t (q. h re . , t 0 whether they were below the stand the 1- 4 1 • I 'ae - 0 4 - 1 ,. s 11 . 18 Ri ' ght ....t-ton. Friend must know . that the L Ili ea6 of the metropolis were not carried on solely kr great Bank, but by meal's . of private it(e),t,l)a_nk-112.es p r oclamation came as a surprise upon the Pert of the metro_polis.—(`• Hear, hear," from Sir 4 1 ' ) ec o i d e ') He was looking to the interest of those te Ditali st not bear the loss, and not to that of the great e tta 4 s ; and what he , complained of was, that no NIA.' were t a k th. le at • en for preventing inconvenience to the , e l t t ee , l a v r.g". bid not his Right Hon. Friend know i ... 1 , 1 ai n 0, 'thin the last three days the pressure upon 1 4 4 1 e s____',ls i ses in the metropolis had been almost intole b-illess }.., ( 1 4 ! r i 'war.) The little petty channels of para ' been dammed up and choked ; trade had Vld atilt It had been found impossible to pass '4ll whether the proper or of inferior weight ; itti were little to iniPose t%1.:-,t,(T,sltorttri,itiil,esinen had chosen to avail themselves of t . upon their fellow-subjects, fi rs , e able to bear such imposition.—(Hear.) ipti qh :•_,sniii.iuncement from the Bank, after the precla o)ere "" I :s s ssued, was that 501. would be taken in. h(eske(,,,‘e`i!. however, a large class of petty tha t "', l lO had in their possession nothing then wor ki ,umper—(Hear ) — and there were, besides i g men, who received 205., 305., or 355. for 6i ,th g e l; who were all paid in gold, and who could be e coin exchanged. Even the order which 11,titketr.:111 issued, lessening the amount to 201., did ‘‘ti t4 tIL who were suffering inconvenience, and in le 1 "5 m atter assumed the cha rac t er o f a ave lie begged of his Right- H on. Friend to understand that the evil was nJt yet cured, ald that he ought to do everything in his power to meet an evil of which everybody complained. Sir. R. PI4EL observed that, if the evil occasioned by the light coin had been allowed to go on, it would have been impossible to have imaeined the consequences. Every hour of delay would have increased the evil in the country, and it therefore became the advisers of the Crown to take some decisive steps. The Hon. Gentle man seemed to think that her Majesty's 'Government had suddenly determined to issue the • proclama tion. They had done no such thing. (Hear, hear.) It was true that parties on that side of the House did not know of that intention, and instead of looking upon that as a charge against the Go • vernment, he thought it was the highest compliment that could be paid to them, us the worst results might be ex pected from making such a circumstance public. Now, in order to show that the principal bankers in the metro polis were aware of the inconvenience from . the light coinage, he would read a l e tt er sent b y t h em t o t h e Lords f the Treasury, dated in January of the present year. (The Right Hon. Gentleman then read the letter, which urged upon the attention of the Government the. alarming depreciation of the gold currency, • and recom mended that the bankers should be encouraged to clip all the light coin which came to their hands, and that the Bank of .England should take all the light gold brought there at the full value of 31. 17s. lOd. per ounce. The letter was signed by Messrs. Masterman ant. Co. ; Glyn, Halifax, and Co. ; Smith, Payne, and Co. ; and several o' her London bankers. This showed how sen sible the bankerS were of the danger, of the present state of the currency. The Hon. Gentleman, however (Mr. C. Buller), thought that the distress of the country was a strong objection to the time which the Government . had chosen. But he did not look to the fact that • the very favourable state of the exchanges rendered the pre sent time an exceedingly convenient one for effecting the change.—(Hear.) The influx of gold into the country greatly favoured the operation of calling in the coin:, with the least possible inconvenience. (The Right Hon. Baronet then read a letter from Mr. Horsley Palmer, in which he also pressed most strongly on the Government the necessity ofsome such measure, and expressed the strongest apprehensions for the consequence if it were delayed.) On this part of the case, he (Sir R. Peel) would not dwell longer after the very manly and sensible speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had said most truly that continued representations had been made to the Government as to the alarming state of the currency ; and that he only delayed such a measure on account of the peculiar posi tion in which, he was placed • —(Hear)—and the_Right lion. Gentleman (Mr. F. Baring) only doubted whether the Government ought not to hive taken some minor measures of precaution against inconvenience. As to the period of the proclamation, the evil would have been increased by Aelay. They were aware of the suffering of the country, but that could not operate with them as a justification for not applying a remedy to the evil. Ile totally differed from the lion. Gentleman in his opinion that the Treasury ought to bear the loss. The Treasury was the greatest safeguard against a lavish expenditure of the public money, and not the House of Commons. The Hon. Gentleman had referred to the silver.coinage of reign of William the Third, and had stated that the Government took the opinion of Mr. Locke upon it. They did so : they con sulted Mr. Locke, but they did not act on his opinion. He advised that the silver coin should be called in and taken at its value according to weight. But the Government preferred a more liberal resolution of the House of Com mons, am? the consequence was, that an encouragement was given to the clippers to continue their practices. Ha had shown them what the consequence was of reject ing Mr. Locke's opinion. The nation was thrown into such' a state of confusion, that our people were ready to pay out of the public purse in order to relieve themselves from .the difficulties to which their con cerns were exposed. The consequence of delaying the proclamation would be, that every man would immediately apply himself to the clipping of gold, which would be carried on to a greater extent then be fore. With respect to the motion of the Honourable Gentleman, he (Sir R. Peel) did not think it right, as it involved an attack on the Government, to insist upon the technical rules of the House for preventing the course sought to be adopted by the Hon. Gentleman. He trusted, however, that the example of the Hon. Gentle man would not be followed up by any other Hon. Mem ber, as great inconvenience to the public business would result from it. Mr. C. BULLER explained. He felt obliged to the House for the indulgence extended to him on the present occasion, arid he agreed with the Right Hon. Uaronet, that nobody else ought to follow the same course.— (Laughter.) With respect to the observations of the Right Hon. Baronet upon what had fallen from him (Mr. C. Buller), he must state that he never proposed that any private intimation should be given of the course meant to be pursued by Government in this affair. He com plained of the want of proper preparation being made for the proclamation. After a few words from the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, Mr. HUME said that he admitted it would have been unwise of the Government to have taken any course which would have come into effect at a distant period. He believed the Government had no other choice hut to issue the proclamation at once. ,He only, regretted that that step had not been taken sooner, as it bad been well known for some time that a: considerable depreciation had taken place in our gold coin. He also thought that precautions should have been taken to facilitate the ex change of light gold. He believed that many of the in convenien.'es which had followed the issuing of the pro clamation might have been obviated if the Government had appointed an officer in each town, whose duty it would have been to pay the full value for gold according to its weight. As the matter had I:een managed, he be lieved that the holders of depreciated coin had suffered three times the loss they ought in justice to have incurred. He thought that the currency ought to be under the sole management of the Government, and no individual should be allowed to have any profit from it. Instead of the coinage being allowed to circulate for 25 years, as had been the case at present,' the coin should he called in from time to time. However, he gave the Right Hon. Baronet great c edit for meeting the difficulty at once ; but he thought that there ought to have been a better preparation, by enlarging the silver currency, and by a small issue of 11. notes. He hoped the Government would not let the matter go on again as it had gone on heretofore; but the proclamation should, he thought, keep people always on their guard. He regretted that the motion was brought forward in the present form, be cause he thought that there ought to be a Committee of Inquiry. One thing before he sat down he wished to say, that, up to the last moment the Government continued to issue light gold in the payment of its own servants. Captain BERKELEY explained that what he had stated in an earlier part of the evening, as to the loss en dured by the crew of her Majesty's :hip Pique. and the artificers in the dockyards, in consequence of being paid in light gold, was confirmed by a letter which he had re ceived that day from Mr. Harrison, of the Hampshire Telegraph. It was not to be supposed that the pro prietors of the Railway would acknowledge any share they had in such an extortion. Sir GEORGE COCKBURN said that he had it on the authority of Admiral Bouverie himself, that there was no truth in the statement that 37 light sovereigns were paid to the men in the dockyards on one night since the issuing of the proclamation, and he thought that the Admiral was better authority than the Editor of the Hampshire Telegraph. He (Sir G. Cockburn) had made all the inquiries he cciuld on the subject of the Pique, and he believed that the Gallant Gentleman op posite was misinformed. Lord EBRINGTON thought, in the present state of science some more effectual remedy might be adopted than an annual proclamation. After a few words from Mr. .Attwood, Mr. Turner, and the Chancellor of the Excheqner, the subject dropped. greater degree to the Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department, who was one of the Adminis tration of Lord Grey, by whom the Bill was brought in. The Right Hon. Baronet then brought the whole weight of his ability in support of it, and he •now brought 'for ward the measure as the measure of her Majesty's Ad ministration. He (Mr. Whitley) therefore said it' was unfair to single out the Right Hon. Baronet as the only author and foster• father of the Bill in the House.' Now if this was the case, how did the Tory party stand with the countrY . ? Did they believe that the principle was less obnoxious because that party upheld it ? No; its principle was equally hateful and detestable. It was obnoxious to public liberty and self-government in this country. He therefore entertained a strong hostility to the measure, and his animosity was not in the slightest degree abated by this Bill being upheld by the Tory party in that House. The question before the House was simply with reference to the Speaker's leaving the chair ; but there was an incidental discussien, and he thought it a most desirable thing that every obstacle should be thrown in the way of the fu. ther progress of this Bill. He thought thtft. those who were really hostile to it, and who felt what was the nature of the me tsure. were bound to undergo sumo peril, and incur very considerable responsibility, before they allowed it to pro ceed a single step. He regretted the division of Friday night, and he regretted that he had not an opportunity of participating in the discussion on that - occasion, and he exceedingly regretted not recording his vote against the second reading. This Bill was sowing the seeds of revolution in this country, and he believed that it was a measure fraught with the greatest danger to the institu tions of England. They were passing, in point of fact, a Coercion Bill against the poor of' England—against all the labouring poor of England. There was something in the votes given for the second reading which he could not comprehend. They decided five to one in favour of the second reading. The tradesmen, the persons who gave the votes and returned Members to that House, all denounced it. Nine out of ten tradesmen denounced it. —(No, no.) Ile spoke from his own experience—let those who said No, speak from theirs. These persons all denounced it as a tyrannical and detestable mea sure. Still those very voters returned • gen tlemen to that House who voted in favour of the measure. There was something very incompre hensible in this. Was there a compact, an- alliance going on between the aristocracy and the voters against the poor ? Was there an understanding between these parties that the poor should be oppr esse d beca::se these men woula support that which would benefit the middle classes of society? He feared that there must be so:1 e implied understanding of this nature, otherwise lie could not believe they would support such a measure in that as sembly. He feared that the Members of that House studied the interest of the voters at the expense of the poor man, and he thought the result would be must disastrous. Were they prepared in Y. e present state of the country, with the most frightful distress amongst all classes of Society, the people almost starving—were they prepared to say that the poor man should be oppressed because he was poor? Was that tin. -announcement they were prepared to make considering the prese:.t aspect of the country? •Yes, this was the announcement they made to the people of England. The Act of Elizabeth was a benevolent measure. The• fault was that the Govern ment appointed improper individuals tocarry it into exe cution. There were incompetent individuals, and the Government well knew it. such were the magistrates, and yet these were the persons selected as ex-officio to form boards of guardians. Now, considering that there were defects with reference to the administration of the law, this measure was a violent outrage on public feel ing. Why did they reject the Act of Elizabeth,' and in troduce one wholly unknown to the Constitution of Eng land; by which a power Was given to the Commissioners at Somerset House which. the Crown and the two Houses of Parliament did not possess? and this, not to protect the people, but to grind the poor into the dust. He repeated that that was his conviction. He said that he was not for continuing this Commission one year; his conviction was that it ought not to be retained a day. Their power expired on July 31. If he had the power he ivould continue the agitation of the question until the 31st of July. If he could devise any means—if he bad the physical strength, nothing would deter him from continuing that agitation until the 31st of July, in order to get rid of that abominable institution. He-spoke not of the persons who composed that Commission; he had nothing to allege against their individual characters. He made no attack on them. He spoke wholly of the law, to which he gave his most determined and violent opposition. Now, • look to the various parts of the country for information. Had they petitions praying for the Commission to be continued ? And if they had such petitions, what were the allegations in support of the prayer ? He had seen no such petition during that ses non. He heard on all hands that there was no necessity for the continuance of the Commission if they would but enact a good poor-law. Now, if they could legislate for their own property and individual interests—if they could legislate tbr all the great powers in the country, why could they not legislate for the poor also? Why not put the poor within the pale of the law instead of allowing them to be tortured at pleasure?—(Hear, hear.) The object of this Bill was to form an instrument of torture to prevent the people from apply ing fur relief. He had heard that the first object was to raise the wages of the working man. Had the law done it? Had it not entirely failed? How was it to be otherwise ? Any man of common sense would have known this. How could it be otherwise, when the poor man was called upon to choose between whatever wages offered, and a gaol ? The poor hungry man had not a long time to consider. His children were crying for bread, his wife in a state of destitution ; lie had but to choose between starving on the highways, or taking what wages offered. But' the Commissioners informed them that they had a discretionary power of granting relief according to the -.peculiar nature of the - case. The Secretary for the Home Department said this was what they were called upon to do. The di, tary was not high where there was low wages ; but on the con trary•, and the variation in a dietary was from ss. lid. for adults down to Is. 7d. Was not this monstrous ? They found that the amount where the agricultural la bourers' wages were 55., 65., and 7s. was Is. 7d. This was raising the wages of the poor man. The poor man had to choose between low wages, or the miserable pittance of ls. 7d. a Week. If the Commissioners had done their duty they would hare adopted a contrary rule. Now, in London, where the wages varied from 18s. per week to 405., the dietary was 21 ounces of meat, of bread 112 ounces ; while in Cirencester it was 98. The meat in London was 21 ounces, in Cirencester 5 ounces. An Hort. MEMBER—What date is that? Mr. WAKLEY—That was last year. In Cirencester 211bs. of potatoes, in London elbs. In London 4 pints of soup, in Cirencester 2 pints. In London 14 ounces of cheese, in Cirencester 7 ounces. In London 14 pints milk porridge, in Cirencester none, and no equivalent. In London 71bs. of pudding, in Cirencester none, and no equivalent. In London 11 pints of beer, in Ciren cester none, and no equivalent. In London butter, tea, sugar, &e., were allowed, in the country nothing of the kind. Now did they consider that the Commissioners had discharged their duty to the public? The Com missioners in the last report stated that the Old Poor law was characterised..by a causeless difference. A dif ferent system of management was formed in parishes perfectly similar and in the same neighbo:.rhcod. It was to abolish the causeless difference that the central board was appointed. And yet they found that the dietary in erre place was 21 ounces, and in another 5; and this latter in a place where wages were so low that a man could scarcely subsist upo:. it. Now, he asked the Right Hon. Baronet if he could vindi ate such a system? and yet it was proposed, to renew the Commission for five years, in fact, with a view to its becoming perpetual. He said again, that it was monstrous that here in London, where wages were three times the amount, the dietary should be so much higher. Were they so ignorant as to be entirely incapable of legislating for the poor ? If so, let them abdicate at once. If they could not accomplish this, it was their duty to resign. How were the Com missioners, sitting in a closet in Somerset House, to judge of the circumstances of cases so well as the rate-payers, who were fully competent to go into the merits of a case, who knew the districts ? If there was a discretionary power, it ought to be exercised by Justices alone. There was something preposterous and repugnant to common sense in giving this tyrannical power to parties incapable of using it. There was no court of appeal for the poor man. It the guardian refused to give him relief the Magistrate could give him none. He had condemned the conduct of the Magistrates, but it would be better for them to have some power. The poor man made application to the relieving officer, and he was told he could get no relief, but he must see ' the Board ; • he does see the Board, and having heard his tale they may refuse him relief. Why not leave it in the hands of the guardians them selves ? IV tell the poor they would be anxious to give relief if they were allowed by the Commissioners ? and the poor visited all their execrations on the Board in Somerset House. But they themselves deserved more execration if they permitted this. Where was the court of appeal for the poor? He wished to have that question answered. And this was the law they were to substitute for the Act of Elizabeth. It was that law which brought so much odium upon the Whig administration, and ob mined such popular favour for the party opposite at the last election.—(Hear, hear.) If there was a similar occasion now he did not think they would experience the same reception at the hustings. Their greetings would not be very musical. He should be glad to be present at some of them.—(Laughter.) The Whigs were hated, despised, and detested—and justly so—for that law, and now the party opposite were following their footsteps.—(Hear, hear.) They were glad of the iniquity of the Whigs for a time, and they came into power in consequence; but they would not be there long. —(A laugh.) Before that day twelvemonths addresses would be presented t 6 the Queen praying for a dissolu tion of Parliament, and if the Queen acceded to the wishes of the people, he thought the House would be of a different complexion from what it was at present. He would ask the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Graham) whether there was any provision in the present Bill to meet the various objections urged against the working of the present system? The Right Hon. Gentleman alluded particularly to the appointment of District Local Committees. What were their functions to be ? (Hear, hear.) It was a mockery. The Right Hon. Gentleman did not so mean, but it was a mockery. — (Hear, hear.) Their functions were to receive com plaints and transmit them to the Boards of Guardians, who were to report to the Commissioners.—(hear, hear.) But what in the mean time was to become of the poor ? (Hear, hear.) 'Those unions were too large, and even the Commissioners had not the power to reduce them to convenient sizes. The poor were put to great torture in consequence of the size of the unions, which in some in stances were sixteen, or eighteen, or twenty miles in diameter, and there was no power to reduce them. Thi s was a great grievance, and nothing was done to reme dy it. Several petitions had been presented to the House complaining of this evil from the West Riding of Yorkshire ; from St. Nicholes, Deptford; and from Kinsinton,Vhich union comprised Hammersmith, Ful hair, Paddington, and Chelsea, which alone contained a population of 40,000, and obtained an Act of 7 Parliament t enable it to separate from the union. Kensington itself now complaining of the evil, and the Commis sinnefs would not interfere, nor, he believed, would they allow the Parliament to interfere.--(A laugh.) He wanted to have a full, distinct, plain, broad, and unqua lified declaration as to the object of the Commission. At one time it was said uniformity of practice was a desir able thing ; at another time they were told that diversity of practice was what was wanted.—(Hear.) What were they to rely on ? Was there ever such a thing heard of before as to give to three individuals a power to repeal Acts of Parliament ?—(Hear.) What were they to do next ? He believed there was nothing they would not attempt. Why was the Commission to be continiud ? Was it to prevent the ratepayers from exercising a dis cretionary power with regard to the giving of relief ? or was it to control the guardians, from a desire to see jus tice done to the poor ? He would not detain the House any longer on the general question.—(Hear.) He would now only allude to what was dOne with regard to medi cal relief.—(A laugh.) And though he knew that Sir Edmund head was a valuable and estimable public officer, yet he regretted, considering the character of Dr. Kay, that he was not appointed Commissioner instead of Sir E. Head. The people had the highest possible opinion of the ability of Dr. Kay, and his appointment would be productive of the greatest good. The order he held in his hand showed what sport could be made of an Act of Parliament.—(Laughter.) He would be glad to hear the opinion of the Commissioners with regard to that Assembly. He thought they must consider them the most contemptible set of blockheads in the wor4l— Laughter)—to give them a power they could not exercise themselves. There were some good points in the new order • relating to medical relief. They were very dull not to make them out before.—( Cheers. ) But it required some hammer ing of the brains to get them out.—(Laughter.) This order was dated two or three months back, and was to come into ripe, ration next March. Heretofore the medical men were paid very badly—at Id., 2d., 3d., and sometime 15d. a-head. Such a system acted most injuriously with respect to the poor. Now they were better paid, and received six or 'severs shillings. The detestable system of tenders was also done away with—(Cheers) —a system which had been severely condemned by Sir A. Cooper. But, by this order, the medical attendant was to re ceive, besides his salary, certain sums for specific purposes, according to the following scale :—For the amputation of a leg, arm, or hand, Si. ; for stricture or her n i a , 5/ . ; f or trep hi n i ng , ; for compoundfracture of the thigh, Si. ; ditto leg, 51.; for simple fracture or dislocation of the thigh, 3/. ; ditto of the arm, It. This held out an inducement to young practitioners to per form these operations with impunity. He believed the last orders of the Commissioners, if carried out to the full effect, would be attended by the worst of consequences. Many of the diseases inctd?nt to the human frame were completely lost sight of; and this, in his opinion, showed that the Commissioners were incompetent to perform their duties. He would infinitely sooner leave these matters to the Board of Guardians living in the districts, than to the Commissioners at Somerset House. Be most cordially seconded the motion made by the Gallant Colonel, believing that the present Bill would be productive of the most pernicious effects. _ _ Viscou . nt COURTENAY supported the motion for going into Committee on the Bill. One of the evils of the old law was, that it encouraged idleness, by giving indiscriminate re lief. Considering that the present measure would remedy that evil, he should give it his support. With respect to the Com missioners, he believed, notwithstanding all that had been said to the contrary, that they had most effectilely performed their duty. Mr. LAWSON believed that, in many counties in England, the Posr-law Bill had been a total failure. He knew that such was the case in the county in which he lived, and he could not, therefore, give his support to such a measure. hir R. PEEL said lie regretted that Hon. Gentlemen had considered it their duty to renew, upon that occasion, a dis cussion which, he thought, more properly belonged to the mo tion for a second reading of the Bill. He should be sorry, however, as the discussion had commenced, that it should ter minate without his taking the opportunity of expressing his views upon the subject. The Hon. Gentleman the Member for Finsbury said, as he (Sir R. Peel)kthought, very justly, that Hon. Gentlemen ought not to throw the responsibility of the present measure singly upon that Minister by whom it was proposed, and that there had been a disposition mani fested on the part of some gentlemen to describe his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Home Department as peculiarly and personally responsible for the proposal of the measure. Now, he ( Sir R. Peel) said at once that the responsibility of the mea sure did not rest solely or personally upon his Right Hon. Friend.--( Hear, hear.) That measure was the measure of her Majesty's Government.— ( Hear, hear.) It was the mea sure of the Government, concurring in opinion that it was for the public interest—that it was for the permanent welfare of the industrious classes—that it was far the real benefit of the poor of this country that the present law should remain in force, and that a sufficient interval had not elapsed since the abuses of the old system of Poor-laws, to make it wise to disperse at present with the superintendence of the Commissioners. His Right Hon. Friend, the Secre tary for the Home Department was in office when the mea sure had been originally proposed. He (Sir R. Peel) was not then a Member of the Government ; he was opposed in general politics to the Government by whom the measure was brought forward, but he did give his support to that Govern ment in the introduction of the present Poor-law, from a deep sense of the growing evils which were engendered by the old system. And his opinion since that period had been uniformly given that it was impossible, without danger, to resort to the tormer system, or to the principles upon which that system had been conducted.—( Hear, hear.) One would have in ferred from the speech of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, that the new Poor-Law deprived the poor of some great advantages they enjoyed under the old system; the every thing had been perfect under that system ; that the sifhation of the poor was one of complete comfort; that the superintendents of the law were vigilant and honest ; that there was then no abuse, no peculation ; and there were many gentlemen in that House— gentlemen who had entered upon public life since the abuses of the old system had been removed—who were apt to form a judgment respecting the alleged detects of the present law w ith out being luny aware of the law which it superseded. It was absolutely necessary that , those gentlemen should be reminded of what those abuses were.--(lessr, hear.) The argument of the Hon. Member for Finsbury was, that the poor were happy under the administratioia of the law of Eliza beth ; that, the House ought to place confidence in the people ef England—( Hear)—in the rate-payers; that those whq lived in certain vicinities and certain localities, were the best judges of what was suited to the poor ; that the poor might be safely trusted to their superintendence. That was the argument of the Hon. Gentleman against the Commission. Now, after those statements, it was absolutely necessary they should in quire what was the operation of the old system. Let them first bear how the law was carried out in small districts ; and what was the condition of the poor in those districts. First, he should read a general account of the workhouses under the sld system, taken from a Report written, not by the present Commissioners, but by such men as the Bishops of Chester and London, and others appointed to act with them. (The Right Hon. Baronet here read an extract front the Report in question, which denounced, in the strongest terms, the mis management of the less crowded workhouses under the old Poor-law, men and women, the young, the aged, and the blind, were indiscriminately mingled, the rooms were filthy, the children were uneducated; while, in some cases, no Governor was employed to maintain regularity and order.) That was the manner in which the law was carried into operation- in the rural districts, under the superintendence of the local authorities, who were stated to be cognizant of the condition of the poor, of their habits and their wants. That was the state of things in the smaller parishes; and what were the facts in the larger unions—in the metro polis, for instance? They had the evidence of Mr. Lee, who had for 17 years held an office in the workhouse of St. Pancras, that it was a common remark among the paupers, previous to the alteration of the law, that they lived better in the work house than they had ever lived before. There was a liberal expenditure; but that was at the cost of parties who were scarcely above poverty themselves. What were the social re sults of such a system ? No doubt there were great enjoy ments. No doubt it was a hardship to those who had par taken of those luxuries to find them curtailed. But in a social point of view, what were the results upon the character of the poor? Their children, it appeared, if they got situations, either threw them up or misconducted themselves to as to lose them, in order that they might return to the workhouse. The o s le s s e H, authori ty, ir sot, believed,h f ri thinktas young were exposed to the contamination of abandoned cha racters. These were several persons so depraved that it was impsssible to maintain them ; and those parties were sent out to live among housekeepers, who permitted them to stray about, paying them a small allowance. Now, Gentlemen might extol the Act of Elizabeth, they might make the poor dissatisfied with the new law, they might tell them that they had the first claim upon the estates of the country ; but all these doctrines, if 'practically en forced, would end in their degradation and their ruin.—( Hear.) Was it possible to read those accounts of misplaced indulgence in the large workhouses, and of misplaced indulgence in the smaller ones; was it possible to recollect' the condition of many of those who contributed to the rates. namely, of those who supported themselves, perhaps with di ffi culty, by their honest industry, but who were too proud to derive their subsistence from the poor-rate; was it possible toloOk to these circumstances and not to see that in the year 1834 the time had come when some effort should be made to alter the system? His opinion was, that it they were now to abolish the Commission, and again to intrust_the management of the poor to the local authorities in small districts, they would have no guarantee that all the abuses which prevailed previous to 1834 would not shortly recur. This measure was not proposed for five years with a , fixed determination to render it permanent. The present Unisters could have no motive of their own in making it so. Indeed, if they had ary motive of their own it would be, for the sake of a short-lived popularity to join in the cry against the Commission, and to allow a temporary return to the former state of things.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that the abuses of the old law were so inveterate, that the continuance of a superintending authority was necessary. He thought that the that the Corn to 'dispense with the nCootintmhiinsk. continuance ought to be for five years, andy,thhaet did d e shim should be under the supervision of Parliament, but that its authority should not be more limited than it was, because, — that by means w it t n l h i i i e i t ss h ci i o o n c l no d a en rt al r h b o t i o. r s t n e e g sc hi c t te e o r u m t l dn d: d eradic atedboberneowt:lathh check upon (Hear, hear, l o cal guardians, hear.) He believed that, with their aid, many improve- i ments could be made, which, without the Commission . , , well-consi dered benevolence of the of a benevolent Commission, and such he believed the present one was, great improvements could be effected. Benevolent he believed the Commissioners to be, notwithstanding the charges which had been made against them, and the injurious language with which they were . assailed.— (Hear, h e a r .) But he believed, also, that great and 'inveterate abuses could not be removed without producing some individual hardship.— ( Hear, hear.) Snch were the hard conditions of our nature. The Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. -Wakley) had said that the medical profession would have bailed with satisfaction the appointment of Dr. Kay to the Commission. Why, he (Sir R. Peel) had thought that those gentlemen, with the Hon. Member at their head, were a ltogether opposed to any. Com mission at all ; and yet their objections would-be removed by the appointment of their own favourite. In that book, from which he had just read, the House would see what were the combinations between the overseers and the tradesmen, so much that 40 per cent. was considered a moderate profit upon all the commodities supplied for the use of the poor. If a man unconnected with the locality was sent down to fill an office in which he saw that it was necessary to enforce economy and care, there was immediately a combination against him, and a longing for the old system of 50 and 40 per cent. profits was immediately manifested. If gentlemen were prepared to act upon the principle recommended by the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wakley), that the people of England and the rate-payers were fit to be entrusted with the management of their own affairs. they mint expect the revival of the old system.—( Hear, hear.) Look to the system of accounts--(Hear, hear.) I t h at re spect hat re spect alone, the existence of a „perintending Commission was of great importance.—(Heir, bear.) It was, perhaps, the only means of preventing a profligate expenditure. The same superintendence was also of the utmost impprtance in securing proper medical a tt en ti on to the ponr.--( Hear, hear.) Be lieving that, for the permanent improvement of the condition of the poctr, this Commission was . Wes_ sub he gave his cor dial and chnsi s t en t support to the Bill o f his Right Honourable Friend.--(Mear, kw.) • . The House then divided, when the numbers were— For the amendment Against it Majority for going into Committee On our re-admission to the gallery we found Mr. FERRAND on his legs, moving that the debate be adjourned till this day week. In moving that adjournment he considered that he was doing his duty to his constituents as an independent Member of that House, and he thought he should be able to convince the House that he was justified in taking that step. On Thursday evening last he had given his reasons for opposing this Bill, and in the reply of the Home Secretary to his remarks he regretted that the Right Hon. Baronet had found no better reasons for pressing on this Bill than those he had adduced. He had founded all his reasons on the alleged gross mismanagement of tbe'Keightley Board of Guardians; but he would challenge the Right Hon. Baronet to lay his finger on a single instance in which that Board had misconducted themselves towards the ratepayers or the poor under the Act of Elizabeth. The Right Honourable Baronet, flushed by the Report of Mr. Mott, who had for some weeks been in his (Mr. Ferrand's) neigh , hourhood for the purpose of getting up these charges had brought accus a ti ons aga i nst hi mse l f, an d a re l at i ve of his on the opposite benches—the Hon. Member for Bradford— (Laughter )—and against four Magistrates acting with himself and the Hon. Member for Bradford in the Keightley Union. Three of these gentlemen were opposed to him in politics, hut however he might differ with them in opinion, yet he trusted he should never be wanting in the generous feeling of an Englishman that would lead him to defend his brother Magistrates against as foul a calumny as was ever brought ' against the character of au independent country gentleman. Ihe Report of Mr. Mott wal the sole ground of those charges—of the Magistrates having, for the sake of popularity, ! increased the allowances to the poor in an extravagant manner. Ile had denied those charges as a Ma gistrate and Chairman of the Union; and he again asserted that that report was, with a few exceptions, a tissue of falsehoods.— ( Hear, hear.) If he could prove that to the House, he had a right to demand this adjournment till the Magistrates themselves and the Board of Guardians should have an opportunity of replying to that Report. He had moved for its production, and he trusted it would be placed on the table to-morrow ; and he pledged himself that all he had as serted should be confirmed, not (holy by the Magistrates, but by the Board of Guardians also.—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member then proceeded to read extracts from a letter from the Clerk of she Keightley Union, referring to some passages in a speech of the Secretary of State for the Home Department, when 'rho SPEAKER called the Hon. Member to order. He could not read references made out of the House to any former debate. Mr. FERRAND continued, by reading only such extracts as denied the charges alleged, and concluded by moving that the debate be adjourned till that day week. Mr. FIELDEN seconded the motion, in a very low tone of voice. The Bill was of a most important kind, and he pro tested against its being hurried through Committee with such breathless haste, when they had heard a letter read confirming the comments the Hon. Member had made on Thursday even- log . He told the House that he should do all he could to cause as many divisions on this Bill as possible. If this measure passed, he had no hesitation in saying that the House would re gret it. He was one of those who contended for the absolute re peal of this law ; he thought it ought to be burnt by the common hangman. He was no modifier. There were many Hon. Gentlemen in that House who thought that modifications might be made in the Bill, which would make it acceptable to the people. Ile did nut believe any such thing. He con tended, that under the present circumstances, they had no right to pass that measure. After the bribery and corruption which was proved to have taken place at the last election, he doubted whether they had any authority to pass a Bill of such importance. For his own part, he would vote " no confidence" in any Administration which upheld the unconditional powers of the Poor-law Commission, and the Bill, as theh pro posed, should receive all the opposition which it was in his power to give to it.—(Cries of " Divide, divide.") He denied that any man had an absolute right to property. The land was liable to the maintainance of the poor when labour failed to support them. He assured Hon. Gentlemen opposite that they were on the verge of a volcano, for nothing could be more calculated to create disaffection among the people, which would doubltess end in revolt, than the passing of the present measure. He thought that if the Right Hon. Gentleman would take the same time to consider the Poor laws as he had to the Corn-laws and other questions, he would never have retained the Commissioners one day longer. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that experience should guide the persons who had the administration of the Poor-law in their hands. But what experience could the Commissioners have in Somerset House ? Mr. M. PHILIPS said he could not allow the Hon. Member for Oldham to misrepresent him or his constituents. He had referred to a petition signed, certainly by a great num ber, which came from Manchester; but he must say that that petition did not represent the opinion of the whole of Manches ter. It he (Mr. Philips) were elected a guardian, he should feel it a great relief to have it in his power to confer with the board of guardians, men peculiarly acquainted with th e Poor law system ; and he should not consider himself degraded in applying to them for assistance from their experience; and in doing so he felt that he would be discharging his duty to the poor and to those whose property furnished the means of sup porting the poor. He could not concur with the Hon. Gentle man who had just sat down in saying that the distress of the ma nufacturing districts was attributable to the Poor-law. No one could be more fully alive to the present unfortunate posi thin of the country, but h e cou ld no t attributeit to the Poor-law. There were various ether causes to which he attributed it, and which causes he wished the House would consider; but he could not do injustice to the operation of the Poor-law Bill, and as the representative of a large, body, he could not hear that assertion, without entering his opposition. He must say, that he regretted these assertions, which had the the effect of exciting the people in their sufferings, which had been borne with a degree of patience which he could hardly find woids sufficient to admire.—( Hear, hear.) But be was not one of those to turn against that system which was intended for their relief. He not could suppose that the intention of the framers of that Bill was to injure the poor. Had the Govern ment of Lord Althorp brought in the Bill with that intention, he ( Mr. Philips) would have been the first to desert such a party, and they would deserve the contempt of every man. He did not think that it was the feeling of the poor themselves. ( Hoar, hear.) With respect to the labourers from the sister country, he thought that if a man had continued in one place for 15 years, he ought not to be transported against his will. He felt that those who drew them there had a right to main tain them.—( Hear, hear.) Was not this the case in other places? Was it not the case in London, which obtained many of its labourers from the agricultural districts? He protested against the statements made by the Hon. Member for Old ham. (Divide, divide. ) Sir J. GRAHAM wished to call the attention of the House to the spirit of the motions made. The Hon. Member for Lin coln declared a decided preference for the law before the late Poor-law Act, and the Hen. Member for Finsburydeclared his intention to give every obstruction to the Bill, till the 31st of July, when the Bill for the continuance of the Commission was to expire, and when the machinery for the relief of the poor would be thrown into a state of confusion. The motion of the Hon. Member for Knaresborough was grounded on his desire to have the Report, relative to the Keightley Union, laid on the table of the House, and, in an early part of the evening, he moved for the production of the Report, to which he (Sir J. Graham) at once acceded. The Right Hon. Gentleman then referred to the circumstances under which the Report of Mr. Mott was made, respecting the Keightley Union, andsaid that he had also in hi s p ossess i o n th e R e p or t o f Sir John Walsham, which confirmed that made by Mr. Mott ; and sinless he was to be disbelieved as well as Mr. Moot, there was as much misma nagement to be met with in the Keightley Union as was re ported by Mr. Mott. It was his (Sir J. G.'s) intention to move for the production of Sir John Walsbam's Report, and therefore if the Hon. Gentleman grounded his motion for the adjournment for a week, until the production of the Report, and till a Committee was appointed to inquire into the mode of ad ministration in the Keightley Union, he (Sir J. G.) begged to assure him it was not necessary to detain the House on that ac count, for he would have a full, fair, and ample inquiry. Mr. FERRAND said that the Right Hon. Gentleman mis understood him.—(Oh, oh.) None of the Magistrates at- I tempted to interfere with the Board of Guardians of the Keight ley Union. He still maintained the inaccuracy of the Report. Lord BARRINGTON (as we understood) deprecated making such motions as the present, which could only be inju rious to the cause they were intended to serve.—( Hear.) He entertained a strong opinion on the subject himself, but he still respected the opinions of those who differed with him. He would advise his Hon. Friend to take a legitimate time for dis cussion, and not have recourse to motions of fhe present na -1 ture.—(Cheers.) Mr. COLVILLE would support the motion, particularly as the i3ill contained a clause to do away with the Gilbert Unions. Mr. ' , ERRAND said. if the Right Hon. Baronet would give him the Committee he required, he would not divide the House. Mr. FIELDEN said (as we understood), that if the Hon. Member for Knaresborough did not divide the House upon the motion, he would. Sir J. GRAHAM observed, that the only Committee he should feel inclined to agree to was one to inquire tnto the ma nagement of the Keightley Union.—( A laugh.) Mr. FERRAND—Then, Sir, I shall divide.—( Laughter.) Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House di vided, when the numbers were— For the amendment For going into Committee Majority for going into Committee .---237 The House then resolved itself into Committee, Mr. Greene in the chair. Mr. WAKLEY wished te ask the Hon. Gentleman in the chair, what was the order in which the question would be put, for continuing the Commission for five years, as well as the amendment of the Hon. Member for Rochdale, that it should continue only for twelve months ? The CHAIRMAN said, that if the question was put that the Commission should be continued for five years, and if an amendment was moved that it should be continued only for twelve months, he should put the amendment first, according to the forms of the House. After a desultory conversation, in which Mr. \Vakley, Mr. Duncombe, and Mr. Ferrand took part, Mr. lIROTHERTON moved that the Chsirman report progress and ask leave to sit again. Mr. WAKLEY gave notice that if the motion for reporting progress were carried, he would, on the next occasion, when the Chairman took his seat in Committee, move that the first clause be postponed, because it was impossible that the Committee should be able to decide whether the Commission was to last for five years or for three, until they knew first what were the provisions of the Bill, and what were te be the powers of the Commissioners. The motion (Mr. Brotherton's) was then agreed to, and the House resumed. The Perth Prison Bill was read a third time. The Railways Bill Report was brought up and received, and the Bill ordered to be engrossed. BONDED CORN. The Report on the Bonded Corn Bill was brought up. JUSTICES JURISDICTION BILL. The Justices Jurisdiction Bill was read a third time. CUSTOMS ACTS. The Report on the Customs Acts was brought up, and or dered to be received. The House then adjourned at a Quarter to One. The decay of the Teeth and Gums arises from various causes; but, principally, it may be attributed to early neglect, ill health, and the use of Tooth Powders containing mineral and other deleterious acids, which give a momentary whiteness to the Teeth, while they corrode the enamel!—The extreme prevalence of this last cause is too well known to need comment. To this fact, indeed, is principally to be attributed the long Botanical research, which was happily terminated by the most felicitous discovery ever given to the world for the preservation of the Teeth, Gums, and breath, viz. —Rowland's (Montt), or Pearl Dentifrice; this Powder now occupies a dis tinguished place at the Toilets of the Sovereigns and the nobility throughout Europe, while the general demand for it at once announces the favour in which it is held by the public at large. MONEY MARKET.—GoId was in a feverish state, owing to the process of sweating, and parties who expected to find money extremely heavy were surprised at its uncommon lightness, which they only perceived when bringing it into the market. Sovereigns with the coupons (or little pieces) cut out were freely offered for 205., and as freely declined, and many persons made fruitless endeavours to turn the scale by filling in tke crevice!.—Punch. All Advertisements of a Disgusting Character, or Immoral Tendency, are excluded from the Columns of " The Sun." ?Ct . ;1 7 W ,apt uul y' f s, (5W42.2.t NA , 4 S rjUsANI I W4N "2 ( ' .V.VrelltakszVE LATE EDITIONS of " THE SUN" i n th e CITY. INTR. JOSEPHTHOMAS, of No. 1, FINCH LANE, CORNHILL, has made arrangements by Web the Public and the Trade raay be supplied with a THIRD EDITION of " THE SUN 3VEItY EVENING at HALF-PAST SEVEN O'CLOCK, And Subsequent Editions when Published. The THIRD EDITION of " THE SUN" contains the PROMEDINGS of both HOUSES of PARLIAMENT up to SEVEN O'CLOCK, and all other important in. formation accessible to that hour. On TUESDAYS and FRIDAYS a full Abstract of the " Lon- Gi zette"—Bankruptcies, Promotions in the Army and Navy, &c. Sze., will be found in this Edition, the importance of which will be appreciated by MERCHANTS and BANKERS for their FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE. Advertisements and Orders for " The Sun" received by Mr. Thomas, No. 1, Finch-lane, Cornhill ; where also may be obtained, Every Morning, before Eight o'Clock, " THE hIORNING SUN." Just ready, in three volumes Bvo., with numerous Plates, &c., NARRATIVE OF VARIOUS JOURNEYS IN TotALociiisTAN, ...VFGHAICISTAN, and the PANJAB ; including a Residence in those Countries from 1826 to 1838. By CHARLES MASSON, Esq. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street, Publisher in Ordinary to her Majesty. NEW TRAVELS IN THE EAST. Now ready, Cheaper Edition, in 2 vols , with numerous lllus•• tratior.s, 163. hound, T HE ZION. MRS. DAMER'S DIARY OF HER TRAVELS, IN GREECE, TURKEY, EGYPT, AND THE HOLY LAND. " A most agreeable book—sensible, observant, and full of interesting information."—Examiner. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough street. THE NEW WORK ON INDIA. Now ready, in 2 vols. Ran., with a Map, and 22 Illusttations, TRAVELS LADAK, TSKARDO • The Countries adjoini n g the Mountain Course of the Indus, and the Himalaya, North of the Paojab. By G. T. VIGNE, Esq., Author of " A Personal Narrative of a Visit to Afghanis tan," &c. &c. " 1 look with great anxiety for your map and book relat ing to Cashmere and Ghilgit, &c., by far the most interest ,ing portion of your wanderings, and which will fill up a great `hlank."—From a Letter to the Author by Sir Alexander .Burnes,dated Cabool, Sept. 16,1841. Henry Colburn, Publisher, 13, Great Marlborough-street. THOS. HARRIS and SON'S TELESCOPES are warranted umqualled by any other house at the prices. Sent, carriage free, to any part of the kingdom. Cash first remitted. Exchanged if not approved. Tourists should not be v.:thout one. A pocket telescope to show objects 8 miles off... £0 18 0 A pocket telescope to show objects 12 miles ... 1 10 0 A pocket telescope to show objects 16 miles..... 2 2 0 A pocket telescope to show •bjects 20 miles. ... 4 0 0 Thomas Harris and Son, Opticians, 52, opposite the British Museum, London, established 60 years.—T. Harris and Son are neither related to, nor in any way connected with a firm of the same name. H IS MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA, having AUTHORISED and GUARANTEED several DIS TRIBUTIONS of MONEY DIVIDENDS, which (though they are NO LOTTERIES) offer many possibilities of obtain. ing LARGE FORTUNES, SEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH and at LUBECK, Ore now tFelling BONDS for the said DISTIIIBU HONS. Persons desirous to purchase may reTeive, PREVIOUS giving any order, the PROSPECTUS and PARTICU ARS. uroa addressing, WITHOUT DELAY, a line either to HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH, or to HEINE BROTHERS, at LUBECK. The NEXT DISTRIBUTION contains 700 MONEY DIVIDENDS, as follows: 1 ... .. Of ...... £25,000 Sterling £25,000 Sterling. 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 3 5 5 5 6 10 20 43 593 ...... ..... ..... 50 29,650 700 Money Dividends, amounting t 0... £72,170 Sterling. ' P.S. The NEXT POLISH DISTRIBUTION of MONEY DIVIDENDS, guaranteed by his Majesty the EMPEROR of RUSSIA will take place on lst July. Direct for SELECTED and GENUINE BONDS WITH OUT DELAY to HEINE BROTHERS. Hemburgh and Lubeck, June, 1842. THEATRE-ROYAL, ENGLISH OPERA-HOUSE. THIS EVENING, JUNE 21. _ _ The Performances will commence with THE DICE OF DEATH. —Ernest, Mr. Dit!dear ; Spiegelberg, Mr. J. Bland; Hans, Mr. Ox berry ; Mephistophiles, Mr. 0. Smith Louisa, Miss Crisp; Theresa, Miss Murray. • After wbich, the New Farce, called UNCLE NlP.—Prineipal Characters by Mr. Harley and Mrs. Humby. '1 o be followed by the New Musical Fairy Romance, entitled THE KISS, R B ERTH A'S BRI DAL— Aloxis, Mr. Barker ; Hermann, Mr. lement White; Bertha, Miss Crisp; Berina, Miss Gould; Un. dine, Miss Hughes. To which will be added. the New Burletta, called THE WATER NN FICHES, iu which Messis Vining, Oxberry, W. 11. Bland, Bar ke , Misses Murray, Crisp, Pincott, and Hughes, will appear. 11. , xes, 4s. Pit, - Gallery, Is. Doors o,,en at half-past Six; commence at Seven; Half-price, a Quarter before Nine. Privwe Boxes to be had of Mr. Grogan, at the Private Box-office ; aid of Messi s. Andrews, Mitchell, Sams, and Baily, at their Libraries. ROYAL SURREY THEATRE. This Theatre has resumed its former popular position with a Series of Grand Operas, supported by the first musical talent this coun try can produce. THIS EVENING, JUNE 2J . - - - Will be performed, Bellini's Grand' Opera of LA SONNAM. BULA.—Amina, Miss Romer; Liza, Mrs Serle; Rodolpho, Mr. Leffler; Elvino, Mr. W. Harrison; with an increased Band, and a powerful Chorus, conducted y Mr. 0. Sranbbury. after which, a 3allet call -d THE PUPIL OF LOVE, in which Hie ICaliau Opera Dat.cers will appear. To conclu e with fir. Leman Rede's JACK IN THE W ATER. JLck, Mr. George Wild; Betty, Miss E. Terry. ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS.' The Nobility, Gentry, Subscribers, and the Public, are respectililly informed that ON MONDAYS, TUESDAYS, AND THURSDAYS, GRAND EVENING FETES will be given, in which will be em. bodied all those popular Entertainments that have given to this favou rite place of recreation its peculiar celebrity, with additions and in. trod actions, which render them more generally attractive. The MENAGERIE has been enriched by many valuable and im. portant acquisitions in the classes of both Quadrupeds and Birds. Feeding Time Five o'clock. The Colossal VIEW OF ROME has been repainted, and in some instances remodelled, with a Mechanical 'Tableau d'action, repre senting the Procession of the Papal Troops, Guards, and Roman Nobles, to the Castle of St. Angelo. BAND includes some of the most eminent Performers, con. ducted by Mr. Godfrey, and the Programme of the PROMENADES AI SIC A LES selectedf rom the noblest works of the great Masters. The I LLU MINATIONof ST. PETER'S, the CROSS of FIRE, and the GIR AN DOI. A of ST. ANGELO, with all the gorgeous Spectacles and magnificent introductions that have called forth ac elammations of delight and admiration on each evening of their ex. hibition, terminating with the triumph of pyrotechnic splendour, the CASC ADE of BRILLIANT FIRE, SIX I Y FEET in height. The Gardens are open Daily from Ten till Dusk. The Evening Fetes, with the Promenades Musicales, Illumination of St. Peter's, Girandola of St. Angelo, &c., will be given on Mondays, Tuesdays, and Thursday& Admission One Shilling. ii , 1 je uitit, . LONDON TUESDAY MORNING, JUNE 21, 1842. Mr. CHARLES BULLER, in an able speech, last night called the attention of the House of Commons to the late proclamation concerning the gold coinage. The Hon. Member brought a considerable quantity of research to bear upon the question, and showed that on former occasions the whole nation had borne the loss of the depreciation of the coinage, not the unfortunate individuals who happened, by no fault of their own, to hold the light coin on the 3d of June. We believe, that there is not a man in the kingdom who does not agree with Mr. BULLER, and who does not reprobate the unthinking, reckless proceeding of Mr. Gori.llualx. Without a single day's warning, that gentleman, by one stroke of his pen, and by one setting of the printer's types, depreciated the gold cur renev of the country, and impeded its free circulation. He embarrassed the whole community. What excuse did the Right Hon. Gentleman make for this con duct ? Here is what he said : The law laid it down as a principle that the gold coins of these realms, when it was under a certain weight, was no longer a legal tender for any payment. No person was compelled to take it, and if any party took it he could not compel others to receive it from him in return. It followed therefore, clearly as he thought, that when a considerable portion of the gold coin of the country was deficient in weight. that was a subject which would neces sarily attract the attention of the Government. It would be extremely prejudicial to any class that a great pro portion of the current coin should be so deteriorated that it could not be offered as a legal tender in any payments. But Mr. Go - taut RN might have waited till the people complained of the coin—till they refused it in pay ment; and then he might, if he could have found no better means, have come forward with his proclama tion. The people, however, never complained of the coin. There were some stories in circulation about its being plugged and clipped, but the public was per fectly satisfied with it, and there is not the smallest justification for Mr. GouLutieN's unreflecting conduct! We are afraid, were the subject inquired into, that Gout.ntßN would he found to have been the more cat's-paw of the avarice of the Bank of England. That corporation is re-issuing light sovereigns; that corporation will get more notes into circulation by the depreciation of the coin ; and as that corporation f l seems the party most likely to profit by GOLTL BURN'S conduct, we can only suppose that he has acted so improperly from the sinister influence of the Bank parlour. Weloart afer to iir• Bulaile. able "'Pooh for a full exposure of the evils of ,the measure, by that gentleman properly said ,e Ministers had done more harm in a. fortnight than, their tariff NI uttlif make up in the course of a year. Mr. BARING, Sir R. PEEL, and Mr. HUME justified conduct of the' CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, btii - their obserra tions do not alter our opinion that the inEiction of *0 • much evil on the working classes 'Was - wholly unt called for, The Government is the authority responsible, for the currency ; the people are not respon sible. The Ministers, therefore,- ought to have acted very differently. Instead of making the public boards and offices refuse light coin, they ought to have enjoined them to receive it in all payments, and to receive it sit all times, unless it was very bad, and there was a good ground of sus picion that the person tendering it waS+, fraudulently cognizant of its deficiency. They ought to have asked the Bank of England to do the same, and they ought to have enjoined that body to. stop all the light coin it received in the. course of its own business, and which was paid in by public offices, and send all that light coin to the Mint, the Government making good the loss. So • they would gradually, and at all times, withdraw all light coin from circulation, and keep it out of circu lation, never causing the public any trouble, The currency would no more be liable, under such a plan of renew - al, to be sweated, than under the pre sent plan. The cost of renewal, too, would always be paid by the public, and would never fall on indi viduals. As to the detection and punishment of clip pers and sweaters, they must be provided for by dif• ferent laws and different methods. To-night Mr. WART) brings for Ward his resolution, " That in all future elections for Members of Parlia • ment, the votes be taken by Ballot." Notes ithstand )ing the astounding acts of corruption, and some (i.f . intimidation, which the late election brought to light, we cannot compliment Mr. WARD by saying that his motion is well timed, or that it is precisely what is now needed. As a step towards constitutional im provement, we might regard it with satisfaction; but. we doubt whether it ought to precede the extension of the suffrage. - The bribery, and corruption, and inti midation now so rife, are only the symptoms of a great disease, the cure of which .cannot be effected by the Ballot. It will apply only to the .existing consti tuency ; the great complaint out of doors is, that tho existing constituency is a legal usurpation, and apply ing to it the Ballot may only conceal its deformities, without curing them. However useful the Ballot may beiiiprevent inti midation, to those who are willing to be bribed it ♦will supply a place in which they may safely com plete their guilt. The late disclosures concerning Bridport, Belfast, Ipswich, Newcastle 7 under-Lyme, Nottingham, &c. &c., all show a great numler of electors willing to be bribed. There were more such cases at the late general election than cases of Intimi dation. As long, therefore, as the present small boroughs are preserved, in which the vote has a con siderable market value and the voter is needy, as long as he regards—to use the language of Mr. M. the candidate, who gives him a few pounds, as his best friend, the Ballot, we are afraid, will only be a screen for bribery. It will enable every needy voter to sell his vote at the highest price, unchecked by fear or shame. It may prevent intimidation, but that is, now, possibly, a less evil than the bribery it will en courage. At any rate, the Ballot is not demanded by the bulk of the unenfranchised ; and, should it be carried, will be of no avail in healing our present dissensions. It certainly is not the thing which is now wanted ; and, as Mr. WARD knows, we believe, that he cannot carry his resolution, he might as well leave the mat ter untried. It rather appears to us as one of those much derided make-believes, or routine shams, In the present state of parties, than as a real measure, which he who brings it forward oxpects will succeed. It is a parade motion, made now because it has a kind of party purpose in it, and was made be fore when intimidation was more dreaded than bribery, and when confidence was placed in the present constituency, of which experience has now demonstrated it i 3 quite unworthy. It was originated long Lefore the existence of the present dissatisfaction of the unrepresented, which will ranker them regard the Ballot as conferring an additional privilege on the elector, degrading them still more, by totally excluding them from any possible means of influencing the elections. Oxr,NsTrunx's Wisvo3t.—A Contemporary remarked yesterday, • apropos of Mr. Goulburn's bunglin g pro clamation about the coinage, that " ChancenorOxen stiern's remark on the little wisdom with which the world is governed, will never be obsolete." That there will always be bungling Goulburns meddling w;:th and marring affairs is too probable, but had the celebrated Chancellor lived till our day, he would not have adopte..l the conclusion that such bunglers govern the world. The Chancellor himself, in his remark, is a conclusive proof of the little knowledge, and less wisdom, pos sessed by his class ; for he really seems to have sup posed that the meddling Goulburns of all ages have* governed a world which has always run away front them. in fact, statesmen, whether they be called Goul - burn or Wellington, do not govern the world ; they do not even govern society ; and the Chancellor's remark is only strictly true as signifying how very little wisdom indeed is to be found amongst that class, all of whom, like the bungling Mr. Goulburn, continually pretend to govern the world, and merely produce, in all cases, as he has done in the case of light soi emigns, continual confusion and disorder. Lord John Russell's Bill for the better discovery of bribery, after .providing for the formation of a Commis sion, to inquire into extensive bribery, on an address from the House of Commons, authorises the Commission t o apply for and require the assistance of the Judges. We venture to assert, should this Bill become a law, that the Commissionwould rarely or never sit without the presence of a Judge, and that in fact the Judge would be the Commission. This provision, therefore, goes to place indirectly that pow‘e. t 4eciding Attch cases in the hands of the Judges of the land, where it ought to he placed, which the Ilouse of Commons directly and pertinaciously refuses. It is a secret retreat of the Bun. House from an untenable position. A SHARK SWALLOWING A NEWSPAPER.—A Scotch Journal says:—" On Thursday morning, while some of the fishermen engaged, in the halibut fishing, off the Isle of May, were drawing their nets, they discovered in one of them..a, young shark, measuring about five feet and a half in length, which they succeeded in capuiring and bringing on shore. In the evening the animal was opened, and to the amazement (.1 those present, there were found in its stomach a tin canister, containing thirty-four coins, a number of the Edinburgh Evening Courant,. dated 1811, and another of the London courier of the same date I "—Newspapers certainly make their way into strange nooks and corners, but this is the first time we ever heard of their being 'dortdeiliated in the epigastrium of a shark. The animal, however, seems to have been utterly unable to digest the two Journals in question—a convincing proof' that their leading articles must have contained an unusual quantity of mixed laid and brass ! As all sharks aro Tories, we are not so much surprised at our Isle of May friend's swallowing the Conner, as at His being too delicate to digest its po litics. MR. WILSON'S ENTERTAINMENT of SCOTTISH SONG 4,(1 MUSIC. Fain to catch the last warbles of Scottish minstrelsy, before it finally fades, in the person of Mr. Wilson, from our metro polis, we attended his last I , seture but one ? delivered last night at the Music Ball, Store -street, prior t 4) his quitting London for the North. Notwithstanding the semi-score of letturet, with their multiplied songs, which we htvehearil, last night brought fresh chants to oar ear, with their accompanying pleasantness of new sounds. " Gloomy winter's now awe," composed by Tannehill, a Paisley weaver, formed a charming love-canticle, expressive of the blossomy burst of summer, and the likeness of one beloved to its blooms anti beauties, as perceived by the youth 'enamoured. Tannehill, whom the Ettrick Shepherd made a journey of a hundred miles on foot to see, and who subsequently wrote "Jessie, the Flower o' Dumblane," which was once sang at every highway, home stead, and hearth, drowned himself, we understand, from the disappointment of neglected genius. Truly beautiful was " Flora Macdonald's Lament"---the sighings of a fair haired beauty, who, as she beholds the vessel of the forlorn Stuart fading in the blue distance, b reaks into e trene of sorrow, pitiable and full of sobbings. Another Jaco bite song, but of a manly clansman-like class, in which fervent "" it a ppear as if ‘ gre ‘ iin C : : a ar .col l ....eo i m e ,e, , :: : :nii h : a e r yhet i n e wg , ' iatis r v e esi ; : r ,,, e , : a t ia i tvld.. heart-chords of his stout liegemen were flung around 1136 Neil Gow. with whom the next song, le:mThaphseamslisilasisar laid or manner a GI upon m er ,r i "the the words a Stuart, s a Pr ince unbreakably. that his how m u m for deft t tche h s is on ins t t b ru e m v e i n o t l a in tl t : s b o e, d'istin„euislied among a hundred. This, doubtless, tsa dainty morsel in itself : the . milating her to a rose—one . dewy maiden -whisper breathes her foutlneA, and bravely- she be blushes su ff use their vermillion over her cheeks : the 1,,n• land Willie" went o ff as trippingly za n i l d e e s n , a s hort time after, the bonny festal doings of the tilee- egad guests are " Lady Gowrie." " Muir as a marriage -bells in sooth, its burden is the bridal of a daughter, and the glibly reci!ed sowing, winning, and *.riding, bre one anti ail accomplished ist a trice, with the spirit of a L oc hi nvar captUre. Alternating from gay to grave, the " Land of tte.Leal " fell on the OW' with elegiac sadness. I c ‘ o e n ‘ t vi i continuously and a t l e l i d e corousg who o r still ; h o s v. o ' Mr. Wilson Lad fuller an d fashionable rooms last night than hted n i - y i t h a t d t r e a n w d a h l i f m ro , m w s e o d m o a n n o y t know : text NI d on ay, however, if destined to be the last, will, no doubt, from the songs selected, be a rich and parting luxury. On Sir John Easthope's motion, on Thursday, for tho abolition. of Church-rates, Mr, OW paired 0a'11 , .4h Fluntre, efc(~ Lll . _ ?a S9 l 0r .120r: ~ ;ib ~- ~;. __,,,_--'