The Sun. — London, England, 1855-02-21 00:00:00

LIAML%N'r' -(THIS DAT.) wo iLS. second time :—C° 7l. lexh rn-roads, -Cleo iell Railway, WO mdon Necropolis Oa nd Carlisle Railsol, erford and ,Linierict ssue of a new svrit for n Parliament for tba If the late Mr. Vivi° COMMITTE E. Pon this commissios July s worn—. v iz., the pine, Mr. Danbl Ser fawner. 6ND -DISEASO N DMENT BT- 14 L• % sec ond reading of thi on that °crazies, it Lod would tend bated the alteratioeS bill. Previously lad had sone confer 0 , the Lord A.olvocst4 led to introduce is. was of opinion el° an d withort florae : and also Oh iW Ireland relativ e to , in aceordauov fioov e friend, 931 adosi n the bill ifotad be therefore 0 011 .opPv 'gard to the 0;6.1 —the one eroPulei; e other tb $t of 3rPr ▪ circurostoces ovii• reply for all p ure d Wale° of its Pr'_trj'ance.l ' such elreali'ideisio mean t at sP 'ti t Loatr 11 ° LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) e ock lia3 oftLf,o3 took his seat on th e woo l sac k utike o n etheA3l.lißlDGE appeared in the house Rilubilo mince his retare fee.n Crielee. His I I w ith 214 aPPe ared in exeehient health, an sliuok 44p_ -evstar peer.. 6, 4 sER,V TO E ACT AM ENDNIENT BILL. P., 44 m oved the seco n d rea di ng o f thi s bill. 4, teat ELLENB OROUGH—I really expected, my '` b tee ms niel ine the secon d read i ng of this very im -4`lo4tlre the no b le baron would at least have made a i „ e house —similar to that which has been made ,%5 ( 1, 1 06/12 w hen a g reat alteration has been proposed in ofth;ll3PlYing deficiencies in the army—of the ope tlt,teel thlpretenit mode of enlistment ; th a t h o wou ld a 'meant o f th e establishment, and the amount te tt he" effec tive force whi c h we possess ; an d , like , J 14 ' 1 '44,4 111,1 have inf orme d us of the number of re -1?t o f 4 ; at different times, so th a t we m i g ht h e ena bl e d 4`nt any Practical effect of the present mode of recruit el:tqletee; T he noble baron has afforded us. no inform lel, tie e r of this ki nd . I must confess, however, that tOlee t te ctillis tances of the country and of the army, as ' 1t t ,7,,e au: at the p resent moment, lam not disposed Nt``',,er°Pliosition whatever .to the bill which is now e/ t e se (he ar, hear) ; but at the same time I must Sheklekeoegeest to the noble baron that this is a very te il e tte e Old one which deserves the greatest conside ttr tle i ! a te ee,!,house adopts it. We ought, I say, very ( l ee 4 : l oe 1 7 4 ' 4 'ter whether we should make so very great pe e e e tli e system of recruiting the army without teee,'''"i for which that alteration is to continue tle ‘• ee '''ase the necessity is one which we may hope kt 'l.C ' Nwit 'kl et the • e 1 0 ,, expiration of three years, and, even eU ' 1, q0 4 o 'N'' , 9 still remain after that period, there e g ,°,Bte tle na thisga to Parliament to ask an ti,zete, oteeezi4tlteation of alteration. I shall, therefore, e„!ye t the p o t ee that the noble baron should limit the 0, th e ' 4 4c1 / w ere contained in the bill to the period of eittllke 'l e ntee li,•rn quite sure that if, wh en th ose powers ° o uld still continue, Parliament will ma k e ,al t he gl ' a nthie au extension of them. I have tlet"nne estimates of this year, and I confess, the • "t ee e l eeee _yeew I take of our military establish te,4e p eh r of furnishing the amount of force re ' e pe 'cier a e le leservice according to these estimates, is or alarm._. I observe that the number of re- Arti me desired to be obtained during the present p ro ) and I find also that the increase of the Pl'es tnt se d he this year is 35,869, but I appre- AL e Ori l %o Ment, considering the great losses sus cannot be supposed that the effee eially increased. Taking the effectives 2 4,131, the number in which the pre icient and the number by which it is ' , AY bring it up to the 60,000 for If, indeed; the 60,000 recruits could io doubt on that dee- the army would fficiency, and up to the complement the House of Commons. But ob no provision has been made for the te expected during the present year. may. circumstances, if we were not 7 e could not expect that the casual would be much less than 12,000 men, very low estimate of the probable • Put them at 18,00) more ; and, 'he 60,000 recruits required to coin they were obtained to morrow, you in or ter, on the elst of March, 1856, eshment up to the strength of 60,000 anent. This is a very serious state ~he same army estimates it is pro its are to be obtained for the militia, ';he militia ; but, as there is a very ,eneiture fer these recruits, amount may be eakcn to represent 28,000 is supposed that 28.000 men will dlitia to the regular army. There ;eer, that a very large numl.er of for the purpose of keeping the e ishment, even after the deckle 'Pe for which provision has been Leration I have ever been able to d Me to the conclu-i .n that the only ieient army in this country is a full to its complement. But of this I that, unless Parliament shall take and unless individuals will exert B ei vice 1 o the full extent of their hear)—in the localities in which it will be perfectly impossible to lerefore, earnestly recommend the t eate with the Home Secretary, that write to the lords-lieutenant of lidrements of the country and the It idleal exertion, and that the lords liCether the deputies-lieutenant, and L l na e Y best think fit, the w an t s o f anties imposed upon them. (Hear, at, Ong considered this matter to the %Zones to the conclusion w hi c h I o oe7 e ed in this house, that it would is t 'Oenent should avail itself of th e act passed two or three years to anions the districts to which the be apportioned. I feel, too, that should be adopted, though I should ee e t e re eeut moment to resort to the eaert..„-" t hat the most convenient mode in :, 41 (1 be to inflict a fine upon the / ) 3 , - ; b 0 quota apportioned to the aeti e - v i e 43 4. a great deal to do at dif eel ; " ° Peration of Poor Law unions, `ll B oards of Guardians. I know A establishment possesses, and I am If the chairman of the Boards of the first influence in the union— guardians, a great many of whom aro 'ear, and in co-operation with those in connected in former years, would • the purpose of obtaining a suftl the fine would rarely be imposed, terally be maintained up to its full ;eat state of the country, however, 'inced that it is necessary not merely *et which may be passed by Parlia- Lhat the personal exertions of every irc a .% t aaY be able to make those exertions, ttlo fl ub ths of filling the ranks of the militia, army with that force which is litenance of the public interests tl, l "tis something that strikes e Lof e , BO army estimates, as defective . 4 4 4 , the army, and I beg to submit that ne of the noble lord the War Hier° has been a very great addi- DL°lncers in the army in the lourse of the Army Estimates I find it ,umber 744 amounted to 1,962. Ido not corresponds with the num te from th e d e t a il s g i ven ; an d oPears when added together, to be lordships will observe that while Pro portional to the addition of cap -44 8, that th e c h ance of Promotion to the same as before, yet not only is e e s 'aie of lieutenant-colonel, but, in -° one less than when the snbordi- This is a m a tt er w hich appears to e for not only is all advancement to ranks of lieutenant and captain, - °el", serious loss, for there could be Illost desirable that persons in a con placed in the rank of lieutenant it sank have the command of a suf "quire the power of moving batta rnselves for higher appointments 'nerally to the eeormons increase in of the regiments. I see that the mount to more than 2,200 men.; 1t t his body should ever be brought ~. some were to be kept in depot at 'bile the main body would be em `jut the men so emp l oye d , amoun ti ng be i n fi uitely too large to be hand ienental officers. They would form a b rigade, and not of a regiment ; it ; e .ng them i n t o w i ngs, an d th us alto 7efulness as a substantive unit, for in the army organisation. But there " e ' the proposed arrangement, that b attalions would be dispersed in f at al state, and no officer command 'in any knowledge of his duty so as lereafter. In what position should force in England would consist of i nto, and when there would be no together a military force of any 4 put together occasionally and for if war two or three bodies of 200 or thaps, by accidental captains for a about to be adopted is practically if the army. By the deductions made Le regular force by detachments at by the enormous force in the Cri 'lne men, hut army none—nothing in that appears to me to be contrary and reason. (Hear.) It is with very 4n .Pelled to come to the conclusion 'e ons -are utterly inadequate for the ie strength of that originally sent to POn , no doubt, has been subject to extra had it only been subject to the or ',ad not in our military institutions the Van army, to its full complement. deficiency has been that we have r a, ordinary measures for the pur number originally sent out. *°o denuded the colonies, shuffling dislocating them, so that a regiment 'l't o f its ow n men, f or th e y h a d b een 2. i -1 --naen it (Hear, hear.) The whole a to gether ; the esprit de corps would hea nd all the effect of discipline done 01 T hus, instead of sending out a °and equipped army, perfect in all t ight in all circumstances to send 11 ar ray abroad at all—we have t : deficient in all the economy and in the t infinish an army, exc e pt that tee e ."' g British soldier. (Hear, hear.) In the en d eavour to k eep up t h e iteovernment is compelled, day after crimea utterly unfit for the ser letient sent ou t t o th e C r i mea com b ° 2O years of age, not of usual igti 4tte r'Y unable to contend with the It er Lae consequence is, that you are re giment into a bottomless pit, e a leM servi ce , an d mus t di e , b eca use under the exertions and priva -1811bLe?t• (Hear, hear.) •It is most •OrT: '" i nga which has resulted a1t0 ,41e„,.._ , 41e„,.._ _ unr h ai ;LY notion of sending out every ka• "? °II, without considering who- Bet:item the army up to the comple ieee,°nt, and th us a ll these calamities „ ra ) l, I confeis I look with very great w ar. It i s ver y p a i n f u l f or m e were lightim , ut Sitistria, our q) std 01 , tt when oar troops were e All T u rks were not yet in h ' l ll IS very unsatisfactory. It '', armies of c ombination in the opera 'rineive , and eith er th a t there was ltoewi ! a nd mode of conducting war, tug i t. eu g e, that th ere was some sin. (l ea! n,.(Fleav, hear.) I rejoice that ee ph _ ' et ulate t , re- r eeee, s tee If no ltd ;u eVeittS whiuii appear to ins Lo be 41. " 101 7 valuable in themselves. EATRE. i tlit 41 be u rire - ` ll°l1 1 c 0 ,to„ v e ,. ea, i , ceseful carnet it b 0 , ^ i `ithii, a ;Y mate . ttre. Not i ,if 0 ' ',tt,44l.reoTellt at,ll, withdrawn ' e t ,," tile ',45-q.'ed gt is 4 ' s., N. wo , efi o ',her noveltiel fO. ".4el tau I, 44 , the , ut ° t \ l tko l4 4 °lad ' on IN , we tro , tt oi le da e. .emiated, and add t ~\14 1 14 1) t, t s tate of Y' n' :d hi s pot e'a the o ,,_th iB ll v oted , eft clue to re "1,0011 V t thioehaleniatiboY. 1 • expense nor -6t 0! '.1 r 11,1 , „"• are to 11 . For the h':_ ec t . 0 1 1 ' 4 ,, s aciTlor ,-;til?e 1 following e le r ;c'e 0 , . ri ' o t - 1 4 ; Wai t . 1 ,,, ruing perfurT3te6Jte ' ':‘"'re 1 earts e ' s -( those who l e ~, 5t 1 , tak e tv 4 •',.,,,1a a , e , occasions te e ' ' ; alt a 4d ditie hen I er of going ,i N Ni s h 11 to ti r . tl lt ' 4 ,00 pl ent • I, 'let ° Tuo ' if .......,_ 4 . °t tti l t i est a r b e ll jl , I7A T.Bit .4 t likt Pl,Oe4;YPr iarnsl d At k•o , N , 0 0 r l n th ,11001,4 ' ? 0 4 ,qi 0 , atit ea t , er ilitl 5s the engar „per 'lk'',oo,ll4 the for tl morrou, %lt° ql)r e i l - i, vtt ( l l exPc e she,retnainingda, 11, !trmeN t, eh 13 In of Guy P f 11,4 I *4 1 °1 ! do r t'ore a t it the part hi e t 0 . : t ip he 41 4, h ° rei oubt but t•P;d11; :f i ll to P air ed ady will It ( 55 '' - fo', ' t e „ 42g Dat a casions. Al r ; 3P - ,t,:4ittroor- ons, has eete`,6lo 44" 11 (1.i.: 11 cet t encid; rated Spauis b tt 0 r4.:_ql for haB l ea deY . 44 :1 'Lit' oi l given to 1 111- 0, . ell ti ,tli 4 tan enle :nrled by AO e d i f 1010,, lt ite ,„,! 1) t .tre on goatiq6 ~'Llki li,"l'erreati-r're, • see bas varielit,, ,*.tm„,ellter:',.° Ptti e z ,;'' 4 nei what bee ( N'Qi4 " o tiat r• - •--4 e 1 Irtly. We A/' s:lill:a,„lo:l,_'etkit. Ilejaeer, : theatre eon! ti /41 - •• %"' eI, , ktetl%,,,..ler,,,_°rno the sxertions mllLtt 4 `4ti t ,*Ary a aica bin) to. tc,""4"4"-' th ma t lle tt, t ' l 4: Blt r s rt : - Tm ._-... ear I,Aiillt, tA, t "t io clii , i', c 4 ‘ tl,, cli v RAILO7-0 'tot I mesN lto o l t e 0 111 0 ab a \l th ' DidV ' til re th 1 ' . to„ e rt a the to •,i , PiSab i q 8 1, 1,7,1' 1, rement 00` 'r ph. e t iZoti ge,„ ; .AY P ,teg, „s .t o ".0, . t,, e Ica r ly . mod' d 0 1% ra ak - 1 1 , 110 air treot, it 6 PDP.i., Of t h th;,44?v, abOVel title. oir 4 , 4 • 5 i 4 4111; 3 . 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Le % to',k l • ,, 314 , et ct, ° far 4,) , ,,,,, ,-,. -kt , iiotributoo 4 l l, L 4L,,'''tti %qr. - ink [f ,JERIAL PAiILI.4%I ENT. How far diplomacy has affected them I know not, but I really envy the satisfaction which the noble earl must have enjoyee, when the convention was signed with Piedmont. (Hear.) I look upon that as contributing a valuable force to the common exertions of the Western Powers. (Hear, hear.) I envy him the satisfaction he must have enjoyed, because I must say that of all the events which have occurred since 1848—events which have generally been creditable to the smaller constitu tional Powers of Europe, whose conduct almost universally. has been far superior to that of the great Powers in the emer gency in which they were placed—l say of all the measures adopted, that which most conduces to the credit of the Pied. montese statesmen by wit( m it was adopted —that whichmost conduces not only to their present credit, but to the future interests of their country is that convention, by which Pied mont joins the Western Powers. (Hear.) That, of all other measures is destined to find a:place in history as one of the most admirable transactions and most remarkable acts of a long sighted Government. I congratulate the noble earl an the statesman at the head of the Piedmontese Government— the people tud the army of Piedmont, on that event. (Hear. hear.) They have token by it a new position in Europe, and have justified the expectations entertained of their virtue and wisdom, and I most earnestly hope that they may get the re ward they so justly deserve in the advantage to be derived from the measure in question to their country, and in the honour which they deserve to have for themselves. (Cheers.) I deplore the loss of the Duke of Genoa, as noble a soldier as ever met an enemy in the field, and who, if he had been spared, would have shed another ray of honour—of that honour which never deserts them—on the head of the illus trious military fami:y of which he was so great an ornament. (Hear.) There is another subject on which I have to congra tulate the noble earl, and that is the recent convention with Turkey ; that also adds a very material force to the army which is to be employed in this war. Undoubtedly, it would have been a subject of very great satisfaction if that conven tion had been made ten months ago. Whether it was impos sible to overcome Turkish scruples sooner, I know not, or whether the ordinary means were adopted for the purpose of effecting that great object, I know not, but this I will say, that it is an object fraught with advantages, not only to the prosecution of military operations, but more especially to the actual position of Turkey itself; because we must not think that if we can save Turkey, in this war we have 'done all. (Hear.) We have done little or nothing unless we place Tur key in a position in which she will be able to protect herself until the other Powers of Europe may come to her assistance. I know nothirg that can tend so directly to the revival of the Turkish empire as the revival of the Turkish army. (Hear.) It has had at net distant period an army more instructed, more disciplined, and more scientific than any army known in Europe at the time, though that was the time of Charles V. I know not why at this time she should.not be capable of producing au army of equal merit, but this I know, that in States such as that is, the only possible chance of revival is in the reconstruction of an army. (Hear.) When a State is falling in virtue, the last place virtue leaves is the army in the field. It was so in the fall of the Roman empire, when the highest virtues still adorned the army, while everything that is corrupt existed in the court. And, my lords, I feel satisfied that if you can in any way reconstruct the Turkish army, you will give to that country the chance of reconstruction in other respects which it has never yet had, and which may free the future Government of that country from many difficul ties and dangers to which it has been recently exposed. (Hear.) But I must say that I think the extent to which the employ. ment of Turkish troops in our service is to be made avail able is very insufficient ; and I think that it is not in our own service only, but in the service of the French also, that a very large body of Turks ought to be employed. In stead of 15,000, we should at least have 30,000 Turkish sol diers in the service of this country ; and I should earnestly desire to see the same number in the service of France, offi cered by French officers, to serve on the Pruth, as our Turk ish contingent should be byEnglish officers to serve in Asia ; for, - my lords, I have no doabt whatever, that, so long as we attempt to conduct this war against Russia without attempt ing any diversions whatever—allowing her to bring her whole forces over the hardened snows, with all their means of tran sport and all their artillery, to attack our forces, at a most inclement season, and at s. distance of 3,000 miles, without an adequate artillery perhaps, certainly without the adequate equipment that an army in the position before Sebastopol ought to have—l say we shall meet with difficulties which it will be impossible to withstand, unless we take means to make necessary diversions. (Hear.) My lords, i.; has been to me a deep subject of regret, from the commencement of this war, that her Majesty,s Government should not have paid that attention which I think they ought to have done to the importance of the war in Asia. (Hear.) I entirely concur, my lords, in all that has been said and written by that able gentleman who, more than any other, is acquainted with the affairs of Asia—l mean Mr. Layard. I entirely concur in all that he has said. We are not only a European but an Asiatic power. (Hear, hear.) To us this war has a double interest and importance. It affects us, not merely as regards the coasts of the Mediterranean, or the manner in which Russia may get possession of Constantinople and establish her fleet in the Black Sea, with a view to the destruction of our commerce and our position there as a naval power ; it is of importance to us, as it affects greatly our position in the East. (seal., hear.) Upon the result of this war depends the communication with India through Egypt. Upon the result of this war depends the question whether Turkey shall possess any independent strength in Asia Minor. If Russia conquers that strength will fall. All communication be tween Turkey and Persia is cut off. Persia becomes sub ject to Russia, and all the power of Persia, through Russia, will be against us in India. (Hear.) I say, therefore, the im portance of the war in Asia is incalculable to us. It is quite a different thing to us whether she succeeds in Asia than it is to any of the other Powers engaged in this war; and there fore I most earnestly desire that iu addition to these Turkish troops we should also have the aid of Persian soldiers. The Persians form the very best soldiers, equally able with those In regard to the militia regiments, he was sorry to say that some of them had not shown so much energy and vigour in 'urnishing their quota to the line as had been anticipated. Ind it was his intention to take energetic means for in ducing those regiments to supply their quota. Before taking lime steps, he trusted, however, that au appeal which he had made to the commanding officers of the several militia regiments might have its effect. (Hear, hear.) He ad mitted that the full number of the militia which the Govern nent were empowered to enroll had not yet been raised ; mt, nevertheless, he did not think it would be advisable to entirce the ballot, to which there were insuperable objec dons, nor the system of fines which prevailed, and which ailed during the last war. It was clear, however, that neans must be found, if not by voluntary enlistment, by com pulsion, for meeting the requirements of her Majesty's ser ✓ice, and for enabling the war to be carried on with the re- quisite vigour. With reference to the remarks which the noble friend opposite, he hoped and trusted that a war enter ed into, as the . were told, to p reven t R uss i an aggre ssion on the Turks, was not t , be converted into a war for carrying on imaginary plans of regeneration in Poland. No man felt more deeply for the Poles than himself, or condemned more strongly the iniquitous proceedings of the Three Powers, whicH terminat.d ill its dismemberment; but- at the same time he thought that, had it not been for the faults of the Poles themselves, the design could never have succeeded. Had it not been for those unhappy internal divisions which always made the Poles incapable of governing themselves, and unfitted them for acting as a great nation, their number and Mae resources they possessed, were amply sufficient to have enabled them to protect themselves against the ambition of their neighbours: He feared they had the same faults still, and his belief was that if ever Poland should be regenerated the work must be accomplished, not from without, but from within. If wo were to engage in the hopeless measure of re establishing Poland, we should find ourselves embarked in numberless difficulties, and committed to the hazards and responsibilities of future wars, which might for generations in volve the country in calamity. The Earl of HARROWBY begged to ask his noble friend in what way he contemplated taking any securities for the future against Russia, if not in the direction which he had just specified ? The present war was not one of immediate self-defence, for Russia was not attacking us, and we Were under no obligation to support Turkey. It was an act of far sighted self-defence—a war of policy, of which the main object was to prevent Russia obtaining a preponderance in the affairs of Europe. Could this object be attained by , merely expelling her from the principalities—humiliated, , but not weakened 7 The noble ea , -1 spoke of Poland as having been unfit to defend herself; but he forgot that she had not merely defended herself, but had been the saviour of the empire under Sobieski ; and it was at the mo ment when the main evils cf her internal condition were about to be remedied that Russia stepped . in and effected her , subjugation. noble earl had made with respect to the disproportion which se thought existed between the number of c mmanding offi :ers and of subalterns in the regiments now serving in the Crimea, he (Lord Panmuro) had to state that he had already instructed the Commander-in-Chief to make the establish- nent of these reg ments, in future, two lieutenant-colonels Lad two majors, instead of one lieutenant•colonel and three majors, as at present. When, therefore, the regiment was separated into two divisions, both the portion which remained at home and that which was engaged at the seat of war would have the advantage of being commanded by a lieutenant colonel. It was proposed to raise the strength of each regi ment serving in the Crimea to 2, )00 men, half of whom were o be sent to the East, w hil e h a lf remained at home. It was mupposed that, making allowance for sickness and other casu alties, the division of the regiment despatched to the seat of war would be able to bring into the field about 800 men, which he believed all military men agreed was the number which could be most easily handled and most easily put through the requisite manceuvres. A depot of 400 men would then be stationed in the Crimea from which the vacancies which occurred in the Crimea might be more easily replaced, end the remainder of the regiment, 600 men, would remain at home under the command of a lieutenant-colonel. That he The Earl of EGLINTON wished to advert for a moment to the subject of the Scottish militia. The noble earl who com menced the discussion had recommended that the lord-lieu tenants should call upon the deputy-lieutenants of counties to co-operate with them in raising men for the militia. The act for the Scottish militia contained a claus3 precluding the lord-lieutenant from doing so except under authority spe cially given by the Crown. He was happy to say that he had been tolerably successful in obtaining volunteers in the county with which he was connected, and several weeks ago more than 400 out of 600 were enrolled. There had been great and unnecessary delay about the embodiment of the militia, and at this moment it was not settled what the uni form of the Scottish militia was to be, so that they were brought to a stand-still until this point was decided. Lord COLO ci ESTER observed that what his noble friend _ _ Nought was not by any means a despicable strength for a lepot, seeing that the regiments that were sent out to : he colonies a few years ago only numbered 650 men, or 50 more than the number of the depot which it was now proposed to retain at home. The noble earl bad next ad verted to the manner in which the 'complement of the regiments first embarked for the East was made up. (Hear.) He agreed with him as to the inconvenience which arose fro'n the course which was then followed. But when the Commander-in-Chief was suddenly called upon to raise the strength of the regiments destined for foreign ser vice from 800 to 1,000. ho did not see what he could have done better than call upon those portions of the army remain ing at home to supply, by volunteering, the vacancies which existed in the regiments ordered on foreign service. He did not believe, at all events, that the plan then adopted had led to any permanent inconvenience. The noble earl had next addressed the house on various matters of high policy connec ted with the conduct of the war. He concurred with him in every word that he had said with respect to the course taken by Piedmont in joining this alliance, and he might further mention, in order to show the sincerity which the Piedmon tese Government had shown in this matter, that they had not only sent the flower of their troops to the assistance of the Western Powers, but had sent them under the command of the present Minister of War, whom they deemed the man most fitted to conduct them. He also concurred with the noble earl in the feelings of s ttisfaction he had expressed with reference to the signature of the convention of Turkey, from which he anticipated great advantages. It would, of course, be unbecoming in him, occupying the position he had the honour to hold, to enter into all the details of a campaign upon which his noble friend had commented, but he could not help deprecating the idea that England was in this war fighting for any peculiar interest of her own. This war was, iu his opinion, undertaken against the aggressive policy of a great Power in Europe. It was undertaken with no aggres sive purpose on our part, but to restrain the power and ambition of Russia ; and he hoped that England would not seek either to extend its territory or to turn to its individual advantage the force which might be brought together in the field by ourselves and our. allies. With regard to the remarks which the noble earl' C had made in respect to the Indian army, no doubt the noble earl was better ac quainted with the exigencies of the Indian empire, and the feoliugs of the Indian empire, than was ho (Lord Panmure ) But it must be a very serious consideration when it was pro posed to denude our Indian empire of such troops as formed its best safeguard, and he could not venture to express an opinion upon that subject without being thoroughly ac• quainted with the views of the Governor General of India at this moment as to the safety i of India. Nor, further than withdrawing those few regiments of the Queen's service, to which the Governor-General had given his cheerful acquisi eseence, would he venture, merely for the sake of employing Indian troops in the Crimea, to deprive India of forces on which she ought to rely, either to resist an attack upon her own territory or to maintain that order within its limits which he was happy to say now existed throughout the whole extent of our Indian dominions. He moved the second read- ing of this bill solely with the view of grafting on her Majes ty's service a body of men who might be capable of discharg ing the duties of hard services more perfectly and at lest cost of health and life than the class from which our recruits were at present taken. He proposed to limit the term of enlist ment for three years, and should powers be required to en able the Crown still further to diminish it, he could not doubt that their lordships would grant them as readily and willingly as they would those conferred by the present measure. THE SUN LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21, man, named Charlotte Jones, at present confined in the Glarnorgaushire county gaol, stating that, in the year 1850, she was charged by a woman with slander. She denied the charge ; but, neverthelesr, she was cited before the Consiebry Court of the diocese of Llandaff, thereby putting her to great expense, which she was unable to pay, as she was the mother of 14 children, and her husband was only in the receipt of 15s. a-week. She offered to make a recanta tion even of words which she had never spoken, but that was not sufficient, and she was put to an expense of be tween 7/. and 8/. Behrg unable to pay the money, she had been incarcerated, and she now prayed that the juris diction of Ecclesiastical Courts in such cases might be abolished, and that the house would take steps to release her from prison. WINE DUTIES. Mr. OLIVEIRA. postponed his motion in the sub , ject of the Wine Duties until a future day. TRADE WITH RUSSIA. Lord DUNCAN allied the honourable and learned member for Plymouth whether he intended to bring forward his motion to-night relative to the trade with Russia, Mr. COLLIER replied yes ; if he could, bring it on at a reasonable time. FACTORY LABOUR. Mr. I. BUTT wished to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether any commission had been issued to inquiro into the employment of women and children in bleaching establishments in England and Ireland. If so, when the report of the commission would he obtained ; and whether _it was intended to lay it on the table of the house ? Sir G. GREY said such a commission had been appointed, but it 3 labours were not yet terminated. BALAKLA.VA RAILWAY. Mr. LOCKE wished to ask whether any report bad been received from the engineers seat out to construct the railway at Balaklava, stating the progress which had been already made, and the time that would be ne cessary fur completing the railway ? Also, whether any common stone road existed between Balaklava and the extremity of the lines, capable of serving the wants of the army ; and, if not, whether any orders had been given for the construction of such a road ? Lord PALMERSTON said accounts bad been re ceived of the arrival of the engineers and workmen who were sent' out to lay down the railway. On the 6th of February they bad begun their operations, and at that date they were in Balaklava. 15 miles of rails, together with all the other things necessary for laying down the railway, which had begun with every prospect of success. He apprehended there was no other road but the one which bad hitherto existed, and which was liable to be constantly interrupted by frost or rain. Mr. LOCKE reininied the noble lord that be had not answered the question as to what length of time it would take to complete it. Lord PALMERSTON .aid the Government had re ceived no report whatever upon that point. MAY.NOOTH. Mr. SPOONER wished t) ask the First Lord of the Treasury when the report of the commissioners ap pointed to inquire into the system of education carried on at the College of Maynooth would be presented to Parliament. Also, whether it was true that a copy of the evidence taken before that commission had been for warded to Dr. Cullen ; and, if so, when and by whose authority it was so forwarded 7 Lord PALMERSTON was sorry to say he was un able to answer the first question, but he was wholly ignorant of the matter to which the second referred. Mr. SPOONER.—Perhaps the noble lord will make inquiry about the report, because it is very important. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH observed that he had not spoken of withdrawing a single European regiment from India, or of employing native troops in the Crimea. The Earl of MALMESBURY said the tone adopted by the noble lord in speaking of the militia had alarmed him in a certain degree, and he believed a strong feeling of jealousy existed with respect to the course taken by Government as to some arrangements for that service. Not very long ago, as was done in the last war, recruiting regiments were sent down to raise men from the militia regiments for the line, and the consequence was that those regiments were thrown for a week or ten days into a state of complete disorganisation. It was no light matter that such a garrison as that of Ports mouth, for instance, with four or five regiments of militia, should be in this state. A strong impression had gone abroad that the militia had not been, in all respects, treated fairly by Government and Parliament dnring the last three I years. When his noble friend behind him introduced his bill establishing the militia force, the universal understanding was that the militia should only be embodied in case of invasion. That bill remained in force for a year, and then events arose which drove the Government into war in a direction entirely different from that contemplated by his noble friend, and their lordships were obliged to pass a second bill to enable the militia to be embodied in case of war. That was never fairly understood, and he had known several in stances in his own county in which poor 'men had entered the militia, with no intention of joining a force that was to be permanently embodied. These men, if they were to serve in a permanently embodied force, would much prefer the line, because there they would have the privileges of the regular service. This had caused a feeling in the south of England that had to a great degree prevented recruiting for the militia being carried on successfully, and he observed that even a purely agricultural county like Hampshire had fallen very far short of its quota. He entreated the noble lord to deal in the most open, frank, and easy intelligible waylwith those men, who did not like to find themselves tempted on step by step, first entering a force under one set of conditions, then having their servitude prolonged by another bill, until they were at length enrolled in the ranks of the line, where they had had no intention of going. Earl GREY could entirely confirm what had just been stated by his noble friend. He knew that the departure from the original understanding on which the militia was raised had had a most prejudicial effect. At the time of the bill being passed last year, he for one had expressed his dislike of it, and his apprehension of the consequences. He knew from long experience that the class of men from whom they raised their soldiers required to be dealt with not only with good faith, but with such scrupulous attention to appearances that there might not be a shadow of suspicion of any departure from it. When the militia was formed, the greatest pains wore taken to inculcate on the people of this country the per suasion that in going into the militia they incurred no hazard of being permanently embodied in war, unless in the apprehension of invasion ; and now that a different bill had been passed, he could assure his lordships that he had observed in his own county a very marked difference in the feelings of persons as regarded readiness to enlist. He knew of ono case in which a man who had enlisted in the militia under the original bill m sa u id st th em at ig i ra f t th he to re A gi m m e e r n ic t existence of such feelings, he had written to the noble viscount a w b as efo t e b i e t w p then Secretary for the Home Department, asking if the men e a r s m d a o n n e e n . tly K. n e m o t d n i g e d t l h i e o might have their leave of absence extended beyond a period of 28 days. The answer was that such an assurance might bo given, but whether this had the effect of satisfying the parties to whom be referred ho could not say. He entirely differed from the noble earl - opposite in regarding the militia as the best nursery of the army ; his view was, not that it should be used as a nursery for the army, but that it should be a to tally distinct force for national defence. If it were to be used as a mere nursery for the regular army, for drilling and train ing soldiers for the line, how could you expect that colonels and officers would take such pains in disciplining and training the force, if the moment the men were ready, they were to be draughted into the regular army. Or why should an ex pensive establishment of officers be kept up to do what could be done by a captain and a few drill sergeants ? He main tained that they had thwarted instead of promoted the great object of keeping the regular army strong. The policy he would recommend was, that of increasing the regular army by holding out inducements to men to enter it, and by ameliorat ing the system that had hitherto existed. He entirely approved of the measure now laid on the table, and in connection with its object he hoped that Government would take steps for bringing back into the army a class of men whose services would be of the greatest value. Large numbers had been dis halel o b w el e i d e v t e o d r m e caknoyn m th i e g i h r t y b era.s een of ti s e e e rvi d b e a e c al k r a e g a a d i y n charged from the r an k s d ur i ng the last few years, of whom i a f st t a h s e y p a w r t e r e e f their time towards a pension. At this moment when trained sol diekswere of such inestimable value, it would be well worth the while of Government to hold out this inducement, and to accompany it by the repaym en t o f the money given by tho men for their discharge, as well as by oth er fit an d reasona b le terms. He entirely concurred with his noble friend the Secre tary of State for War that this was not a proper opportunity for entering on the high and important questions relating to the conduct of the war, but as the subject had been intro duced, he could not help saying that ho had heard with great satisfaction that his noble friend did not yield to what ap peared to him the extravagant and wild suggestions of the noble earl opposite. He had listened to them with no little dismay, and he believed that if they were to act on the views stated by the noble earl they migat bo prepared for a flame of war extending, perhaps, over the whole civilised world, and burning during the term of their natural lives. He particu larly regretted to hear the noble earl say he considered that India had a deep interest in the present war. He belie red that it was utterly impossible to have made a statement less founded on the accurate views of the real interests of India, or at the same time more calculated to be injurious to this country. (Hear.) The noble earl talked of the interests of India and this war, as if India were exposed to the smallest danger from the attacks of Russia. From a person of the noble earl's experience, he had not expected to hear any such statement as to a danger which he must regard as utterly monstrous and chimerical. Was Russia to:advance across those hundreds of miles, in a great part trackless wastes, that separated her frontier from India, and carry an army over the great mountains that divided the peninsula from Central Asia? We knew how formidable Russia was for defence when attacked at home, as she was now at Sebastopol ; but, judging from what she had accomplished on the Danube, she could not be regarded as very formidable for attack, nor did she . 'possess means for moving large masses of men and parks of artillery over great distances. (Hear, hear.) Whilst we possessed the affections of the people of India we might set at de fiance the hostility of Russia, but when we lost their respect and confidence, let our armies be what they might, then our power in India would certainly crumble. To involve our Indian empire in embarrassment and im po!e great fina:le;al burdAn: for the sa.k - e or carry n ; ; out a ~e i, o nao of mint' I ry ( , rgo,uirition 111 l'iratoal :odpi- , :tr it tc) him as wild a notion as could be imagined. With regard to the conditin mud prospects of rolaAd, adver t ed to py his (the Earl of Ellenborough) recommended was, that native Indian troops should be sent, not to the Crimea, but into Asiatic Turkey, where, from similarity of religion, they might more easily act in unison with the inhabitants. His noble friend further suggested that they might be paid in part at least by the East India Comp iny, which had a great interest in preventing the countries of Central Asia from falling under the domination of Russia. He must remind the noble earl opposite that great authorities had held very different views on the question of a Russian inva ion of India. What else had induced British statesmen for the last half century to support so strenuously the independence of Persia? And what had Lord Melbourne's Government done in 1838 ? On ' the mere rumours or notion that the Ameer of Cabul had en gaged in an alliance with Russia they thought fit to send au army and upset his sovereignty. Earl FITZWILLIAM entirely approved of the mea sure, which he believed would produce the most beneficial effects in improving the composition of our army. He disapproved of seeing the militia con verted into a mere nursery for the regular army. It was a great mistake for Government to enforce volunteering, be eause if the system of volunteering was to be pushed to the fullest extent, ho did not understand hove the militia could be properly officered. It was desirable that the militia should be officered by the gentry of the country ; but ho did not see how they could expect that to be the case if regiments were to be required to volunteer in their corporate capacity. Gentlemen who had duties to perform in this country could not bo expected to volunteer their services for the colonies, and therefore he trusted his noble friend would consider well before he called upon officers to enforce volunteering amongst the men. He said enforced volunteering, because what was called volunteering might be put in such a manner as to take the shape and tone of force ; and as he, for one, disapproved of the idea of making the militia a mere nursery for the regu lar army, ho hoped nothing but legitimate volunteering would be expected, to which, of course, he entertained no objection whatever. (Hear.) He was not going into the other topics touched upon in the course of this debate, but at the same time he could not sit down without expressing his entire con currence with what had fallen from the noble earl who had meetly addressed them, relative to the fear that Russia would attack India. That was a fear which he did not enter tain ; he did not believe that Russia could march an army over the deserts and scale the mountains which intercept Russia and the Indian peninsula; those natural defend ers were sufficient to protect India not only against the physical s e h d o wi uld th av t a h i e l attack of frost and snow, but also to protect her again s t th e ambition of the northern Autocrat. He did not believe th e re dir m ec o t s i rd , es b i u ra t b s i t e ill th h a e t a w gr e e ourselves of the high split and peculiar position of those tribes which lie bet een the Black Sea and the Caspian, bo nwoabsleanmya dange r rquis th in at t i h t a was t be cause he considered it most essential that there should be a barrier placed between Russia and Persia. Whatever fear he think they could be directed to the north of the Sea off might entertain of Russian desigrs upon India, he did not Azoff, so much as to influence the movements of the tribes which lie between the Black Sea and the Caspian. Lord PANMURE said an expression had fallen from him which seemed to have given rise to some misapprehension. When he used the expression " quota" he did not mean that each militia regiment would be compelled to send up a portion of its men for foreign service ; all that he meant was that there should be no time lost in volunteering, so that the quota of each might be ascertained. The volunteering would not be compulsory, bat entirely at the free will of the men; but it was not for the credit of the service that militia regi ments should be kept as it were in a state of insubordination, for a week or ten days, by the uncertainty that surrounded the matter, and therefore a communication would be made to the commanding officers of those regiments which had sup plied no volunteers, with the view of ascertaining whether or no the men had been afforded a fair opportunity for volun teering, (Hear.) With reference to the suggestion of the noble earl (Earl Grey), that men who had purchased their discharge should bo allowed to re-enter the service upon cer tain terms, perhaps the noble earl win not aware of the exist ing regulation upon that point. When he first entered the War-office he found that the men who purchased their dis charge were allowed six months, within which time they could re-enter if they repented of their retirement. If they returned to the army within those six months they were allowed to count their former service, while a portion of the purchase money was returned. to them. That was how the matter stood when he first went to the War -office ; but whilst he was Secretary-at-War the period was enlarged to a year ; and now he understood from the Co mmander-in -Chief that it had been further extended to two years. But supposing they were to invite all the men who had purchased their discharge within the last few years, and who were below 37 years of age, he did not think it would very materially augment the army, because, while he was Secretary-at_war , he did not think more than 60 or 70 men purchased their discharge in a year. Under these circumstances he did not fe e l di sposed to adopt the suggestion of the noble earl, at all events until all other y i , A t N hat if the wh le of th e purchase money were sources had failed. gav e it as his opinion, whi c h was f oun d e d u re p t Lo ui rnienidgli,uimiVrany men would be induced to return, and it should not be forgotten that we had arrived at a crisis when our ob ject shou ld b e to get the ablest soldiers, (Hear, hear.) The bill was then read a second time, and the standing or ders having been suspended, it was committed, reported, and finally read a third time and passed. PUBLIC BUSINESS. On the motion of Lord REDESDALE the following resolu tions were agreed to, viz.:—" That no private bill shall be read a second time after Tuesday, the 10th day of July next. That no bill confirming any provisional order of the Board of Health, or authorising any enclosure of lands under special report of the Enclosure Commissioners for England and Wales, shall be read a second time after Tuesday, the 17th day of July next. That when a bill shall have passed this house with amendments these orders shall not apply to any new bill sent up from the House of Commons which the chair man of committees shall report to the house is substantially the same as the bill so amended." Their lordships then adjourned at half -past seven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS-YESTERDAY. Th e SrEAKEs took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock. NEW W [UT. PRIVATE BILLS. Improvement Bill, On the motion of Mr. C. BRUC E a ßil il l,Ltiv r erpool Corporation a new writ was or dFeorrebdesf,ordetcheeasceodu.n ty of Stirling, in the room o f M r . The following bills were read a s econ d t i me and or cDomocinkiTtterudt; On the motion for the second r eading of the Li ver po o l Birkenhead e n t h o e be ad Improvement Bill, t7eiSsi' nc" Water Bill. Mr. M. GIBSON expressed a hope that a clause would be introduced into this bill, the object of which was to mortgage the town dues of Liverpool, with the view of providing that it should not interfere with any future general legislation on the subject of the local charges on shipping. Mr. HADFIELD also urged the Board of Trade to keep their eyes upon this bill. The town dues of Liver pool were principally paid by the manufacturers of Lan cashire and Yorkshire, without their receiving any bene fit in return. He should therefore move that the bill be read a second time that day six months, unless he had some assurance that it would not prejudice future legis lation. Mr. CARDWELL said the bill would contai n such a cla i use ; and if it received the Royal assent, the commis sioners acting under the bill would not be allowed to pledge the dues charged on shipping without the con sent of the Board of Trade. That consent certainly would not be given until the opinion of Parliament bad been taken upon the general question of whether the local charge on shipping should be continued or not. Mr. LIDDELL supported the bill, and insisted that the corporation of Liverpool were entitled to the due s as an immemorial right. Mr. BRIGHT said there was no desire to oepose the second reading of the bill ; all that was wanted was a pledge that it should not interfere with any future legislation on the general subject of local charg es on shipping. Mr. HADFIELD said after the intimation of th e right hon. the President of the Board of Trade he would not press his amendment. The bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed. PETITIONS. Sir J. WALMSLEY presented a petition from Paisley in favour of the vigorous prosecution of the war, and praying that efforts might be made to re-establish the oppressed nationalities of Poland and Hungary, Mr. Alderman CHALLIS presented a petition from Finsbuiy, praying for the repeal of the newspaper stamp. Sir J. DUKE presented a petition from various City boards, in favour of Lord Brougham's Registration of Bills of Exchange Bill, and against Mr. Keating's bill on the same subject. Mr. THORNELY presented a petition from Wolver hampton praying that the sale of spiritous liquors may be totally prohibited. Lord GODERICH presented a petition from Notting hill, praying for an inquiry into the state of the army in the Crimea. Mr. C. BERKLEY presented a similar petition from Cheltenham, and also praying*that the bouAe Nvonl4 in terfere to re-establish tho nationality of Poland. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from Pa poor Wo% _..kt of other countries to bear heat and cold, braie as their swords, and obedient to their officers whenever they are paid. I most earnestly desire to see that army officered as the irregular forces are under the East India Company, by a commandant, a second in command, and an adjutant ; and I feel satisfied that, so officered, those troops would be equal to any service to which they might be called But, my lords, there is another Power whose assistance I think we have a right to claim in this war—a Power most deeply interested, whose existence as connected with India is, I will not say, dependent on the result of this war, but most materially connected with it—l mean the Government of India. (Hear.) Is the Govern ment of India to stand aloof in this war, which affects Persia and which affects the communication through Egypt 1 Is that Government to do nothing I Is she to be the Prussia of the East 7 Is she to let others fight her battles 1 I think not. I think not only that the available forces of „India should be brought into the field, but that the Government of India should pay for them, as it is for their interest and for their safety that they would have to fight. (Hear.) In addition to 30,000 Persian soldiers that could with great effect be opposed to Russia in Asia, why should we not have the use of the noblest artillery in the world —the native artillery of India. You can have 48 guns without the smallest inconvenience to the service in India—not served by men who will run away when the enemy is advancing to their muzzles, but Who will die at their guns—(hear)—who may have their guns taken from them, no doubt, but who will never desert them, standing at their posts till left dead men. (Hear.) Then there is the irregular cavalry, than which there is no nobler body of men in the world. (Hear. hear.) The offi cers are selected from the whole army of India—men full of daring, full of knowledge, genius, and zeal, to whom the sol diers are devoted, and who would follow them to the end of the world. (Hear, hear.) Of those you can easily have 3 000 officered by the best men in the world, and the men, being Mahomedans, might bring over with them volunteers from the various regiments in the service of the Government of India, so that thus you might have 8 or 10 battalions officered by men—some of whom we know by name—equal to any you possess in the army. (Hear.) Thus,. then, including the Turkish and Persian troops, you might have an army of 50,000 men, which would be strong enough to give you Tiflis an , t Georgia. Observe that in this war before Sebastopol you are enclosed by the town and by the enemy, and you have no means of contact with the people of the country. But in Georgia you would have the feeling of the nationality of the country iu your favour. We would have allies by our side. We would have Schamyl and the Circassians, and would have an opportunity of attacking Russia with the arms she has herself used for the purpose of subjugating a large portion of Europe. (Hear.) You would attack her with her own arms, and you may depend it that in this war you must fail unless you determine to appeal to nations and not alone to armies —(hear)—unless you will avail yourselves of the means which the national feeling of the people more rece tly annexed to Russia places at your disposal. (Hear.) This is a war, I re gret to say, ad internationem, and it is absolutely necessary that you should avail yourselves of every means in your power, for the purpose of bringing it to a conclusion honour able to this country, safe for us, and safe for the rest of the world. (Loud cheers.) The Earl of HARROWBY expressed his concurrence in the observations which had fallen from the noble earl who had just addressed the house with respect to the import once of appealing to the feelings of nationality against Russia. In Asia, the Georgians and Circassians had, by their own unaided strength, almost obtained a victory over Russia, but he believed that if we assisted them, nothing could resist them. But it was Poland which was the one really weak . point of Russia. He was rf►rised to hear the noble lord who had just gone to Vienn 1k as if under no circumstance were we to look for an alteration in the territorial distribu tion of the Russian empire. But in that case what were we fighting for ? Wh it substantial guarantee could we have against Russia except in a substantial alteration of her terri torial constitution. (Hear.) That, however, could not be done except we turned our attention both to Poland and the Caucasus. And yet, strange to say, in neither quarter had anything been done by the allies. (Hear.) Let us raise the standard of Poland and we should aaise seventeen millions of men the most warlike in Europe, and the most opposed to Russia, both in the Baltic and the Black Sea. Nor, when ho considered what sacrifices Prince Metternich was willing to make at the Congress of Vienna, and when he looked to what had occurred since, could ho doubt that Austria would be willing to make some sacrifices of territory in order to raise a more effectual barrier against the power of Russia. Whether our Government were or were not prepared to take steps for appealing to the national feeling of the Poles, he did, now ever, hope that our minister would not go to Vienna prepared to pledge this country that under no circumstances should any alteration be effected in the territorial extent of Russia. Lord PANMURE said that the noble earl who had just ad. dressed the house appeared to think it was inexpedient that Parliament should grant the Crown an unlimited power of curtailing the period of enlistment in the army. And as he (Lord Panmure) to some extent participated in the opinions he had expressed, he should be quite willing to limit the operation of this measure to three years. And with this amendment and limitation of the period for which it was to be in force, he trusted that the house would have no difficulty in agreeing to a mea sure the object of which was to enacle the Government to en list in the army men of sufficient age, with sufficient strength, and with constitutions sufficiently formed, to enter at once on the arduous duty of a campaign, instead of being com pelled, as at present, to take boys of eighteen, who had to be fed and trained for two or three years hefore they . are fit to undertake the commonest warlike operations. (Hear, hear.) Passing from the bill before the house, the noble earl had then adverted to a number of points connected with the army in general, and had in particular adverted to the number of recruits which would be required to fill up the army to the effective strength voted by the House of Commons on the previous evening. Those who were conversant with the de tails of the army knew that at no period was it possible to maintain its effective strength at the number voted in the estimates. And if that was the case in time of peace, much more so must it be the case in time of war. In time of peace, the casualties from sickness and otherwise reduced an army of 104,000 men by 12,000. Of course, the casualties out of an army of 190,010 in time of wftr must be much more nu merous, and a much larger number of recruits must be re quired to till np the deficiency thus created. He was not, however, afraid of getting the requisite supplies of men by recruiting ; and for this purpose the Government relied, not only on their own measure, but also upon the assistance of every lord-lieutenant, every deputy-lieutenant, every man interested in the welfare of the country by the ties either of landed or commercial property, to induce men to enter the a conclusion be put to a state of things which disturbed all the relations of the country, landed, conunerciala and social. RAJAH BROOKE Mr. DRUMMOND wished to ask the First Lord of the Treasury, whether, in any papers about to be laid before Parliament, it would appear by what means Mr. Napier, a former Lieutenant-Governor of Labuan, dis missed by Earl Grey for misconduct in his office, was enabled on the 23th of June to write to the Sultan of Borneo, enumerating the points of inquiry into Sir James Brooke's conduct, directed by Lord Clarendon in his despatch of the 21st of that same month. And whether the Government will institute an inquiry with a view to discover the clerk or clerks in the Foreign-office who must have betrayed the confidence reposed in them, or whether it would be necessary to move for a committee of that house to inquire into these facts ? Lord PALMERSTON confessed his inability to an swer either question. SERJE ANTS IN THE ARMY. Mr. PELLATT wished to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether serjeants, the only rank in the British army whose pay is not increased by length of service, however meritorious, and who by promotion from corporals to serjeants are deprived of good conduct money to which they were entitled, the Government in tended to allow serjeants while serving the same increase of pay as is now given to corporals, namely, one penny per day for every term of five years' meritorious service, with corresponding retiring pensions ; also, whether reasonable pensions would be allowed to the widows of serjeants ? Mr. F. PEEL reminded the hon. member that the position of serjeant was considered equivalent to the position of a corporal or private in the receipt of good. service pay, and therefore it had never been the practice to grant an increase of pay on the promotion. BARNSTAPLE ELECTION. Mr. WALPOLE brought up the report of the Gene ral Committee of Elections, nominating the following members to try the merits of the Barnstaple Election Committee, viz., Mr. Geo. Butt (chairman), Sir John Hamner, Marquis of Blandford, Mr. Danby Seymour, Lord Loraine. PROMOTIONS IN THE ARMY. Lord PALMERSTON appealed to the noble lord the member for Huddersfield to postpone his motion on the subject of promotions in the army until some future day, as his right hon. friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies, who was anxious to be present at the de bate, was prevented by indisposition from being in his place. - Lord GODERICH had no alternative under the cir cumstances but to accede to the request of the noble lord, but could not the noble lord give him a day to bring en the motion ! Lord PALMERSTON said the noble lord had better put his notice for Thursday, the Ist of March, when he would stand quite as well, if not better, than he did to-day. THE BALTIC FLEET. Mr. F. SCOTT gave notice that on an early day he should move for copies of all despatches and correspon dence which had passed between the Admiralty and the late commander of the Baltic fleet. TENANTS' COMPOSITION (IRELAND) BILL. Sergeant SHEE moved for leave to bring in a bill to provide compensation for improving tenants, and to amend the laws relating to leasing powers in Ireland ; and in doing so, pointed out the burdens and injustice under which tenants in Ireland were labouring, ih con sequence of the presentstate of the law, and the necessity for legislative interference, to provide a remedy which should place the tenantry in the sister kingdom on an equal footing with that class in this country, and which should secure the tenantry from summary ejection af ter making these improvements, and the positive confis cation of the improvements themselves. The learned Sergeant then, at great length, recounted the different abortive attempts made at different times to legislate on this subject, and after stating that he intended to adopt as the basis of his bill " the Leasing Powers Bill," which was sent down from the House Of Lords on a former occasion, with the addition, however, of some subsequent amendments, and the " Tenants Improvement Compensa tion Bill," with the omission, in the latter, of two clauses only, he concluded by observing that the Irish mem bers were pledged to support no Government which did not manifest a desire to settle the much-vexed land question. Sir J. YOUNG said he was happy t• state on the part of the Government that no opposition would he offered to the bill proposed by the hon. member. Leave was given to bring in the bill. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Mr. SOTHERON moved the following resolutions relating to the business of the house :—" That this house will not allow any public bill to be read a second time after the Ist day of July, without special leave ; that it will not allow any bill to continue an act about to expire to be read a second time after Easter, without special leave ; and, that orders of the day have precedence of notices of motions on every day of the week after Whit suntide." He stated reasons in support of these propo sitions, which, he thought, might be adopted as sessional orders, by' way of experiment. Mr. Bouverie suggested various objections to the re solutions, which were likewise opposed by Mr. W. Wil liams and by Lord Palmerston, who thought it would be unwise to tie the house down to rules which would fetter its discretion. The motion was withdrawn. DWELLING-HOUSES (SCOTLAND) BILL. Mr:DUNLOP moved for 'leave to bring in a bill to facilitate the erection of dwelling-houses for the work ing classes in Scotland, explaining the objects and pro visions of the measure. _ The motion was supported by Mr. Elliot, Mr. Kip• naird, Mr. Wilkinson. and Mr. Cardwell, and agreed to, PUBLIC PROSECUTORS. Mr. J. PHILLIMORE moved for leave to bring in a bill for the appointment of public prosecutors. It was most important, he observed, that every step in criminal proceedings should be taken (as was done in every coun try but England) by a competent public authority ; in stead of which an unlimited power of connivance was given to the police. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL did not offer the slightest opposition to the introduction of the bill, and was ready to admit that if anything could be done to appoint a public prosecutor, consistently with a due re gard to expense and to patronage, which the measure must extend, it would be very desirable. But the sub ject, he observed, was one of the greatest possible diffi aeelmutoesrt,R d he b islation. incom patiblefceualrt y ed , ot with u h bt jh o t criminalwexis t enceasn ot oysfyeantt republicimpe fo e i rp n rl g eo gs After a short discussion, in the course of which Mr. Ewart, Mr. Puke, and Mr. Phinn recommended a pre vious investigation of the subject by a select committee, leave was given to bring in the bill. ARMY SERVICE ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill was brought down from the House of Lords and read a first time. RUSSIAN TRADE. Mr. COLLIER, in calling the attention of the house to the state of British trade with Russia, said ho had put the pro position which he intended to make in the shape of a motion for returns, for, in the case of a new Government, it seemed premature to ask the house to pledge itself to a resolution en the subject. He wished, in the first instance, to hear from the Clovenunent an explanation of the pit, and of their in _ - 1.66 5, tent' Anus lo r the future. Should such explanations be satis fact, rep, th c object of his motion would be answered. If they • were I tot satisfactory, then it would be for him to con sidei whether he should put forward the policy which he deer led to lie sspedieet in the form of a substantive motion, andl ake the o; pinion of the house upon it. (Hear, hear.) So long as her Naiesty's Government were resolved to carry on the -s gar with vigour, he and the honourable members on whos a behalf he could speak had no desire to interfere with them , but, on the contrary, were anxious to give them their supp ort. It was only in the case of their not conducting the war in a satisfactory manner that it was necessary for the ho,isse to interfere and demand an inquiry before a committee. l`he peculiarities of their trade with Russia were well known. It vn rs well known that in Russia there could be scarcely said to oxist an industrial and commercial class, such as existed in othe r continental countries. The wealth of Russia consisted in the pro ction of serf labour. It produced tallow, hemp, linsee, 1, an d a variety of other' Commodities of that descrip tion. - T •t wvs well kn own th at f or these commodities they were the gust omers of the Russians to ten times the amount of any otlor e ountry. The productions were raised by the ad vance of the ca. pital of Engli s h merc h ants; whereby they were able to raise tit ' Production from the soif. It was by these advances of the British merchaats th a t th e R ussian landed proprietors were a. ~ ble to produ ce a grea t many of the arti c l es ho had described, s nd which they se n t t o th em i n spring and summer; and if the,v cut off the English capital which in creased the productiolt of Russia, they would decrease the re sources of that' country.. At the breaking our of the war he expected that as much injury would be inflicted on their oppo nent by the ii,jury done to Russian commerce as b 7 the ope rations of their army in the field. They had a fleet which, if it could not desetroy the forts and fleets of Russia, could block ade every port of Russia in every sea ; and it was anticipated that from that blockade the trade of Russia would be so crip pled that in a oh ort time it would be impossible for the Em peror of Russia to conduct tie war. History was appealed to, and they were renrinded of the disasters which had occurred in Russia in 1801. It was said that Russia having been induced by Napoleon to jo3is the continental system, the rouble had declined in value to a. very serious extent, and whenever it had declined in value the most serious financial difficulties had fallen on the Emperors of Russia. On the breaking out of the war last year the* rouble fell from 33d., which it was at par, down to 32d. and it was confidently expected that before the war bad fasten many months it would fall much lower, and that a serious filnancial difficulty would overtake the Emperor of Russia, that r nin and poverty would fall upon the lauded proprietors of Russ:a, and bankruptcy upon the Czar. (Hear.) But how far had those predictions been veri fied? If their arms had hitherto failed—and he did not en tertain a doubt of their eventual success —their operations against the commerce cf Russia had failed as signally as before or more so. The desired effect was not realised, but the re verse ; and so far from a blockade of the principal ports of Russia interfering with her exisorts, the exports from those ports we're greater than at any polled before. (Hear.) The whole case must be summed up in this statement, that the commerce of Russia had not been injured, that ten millions of English money had gone to Russia this year instead of eleven in the previous year, and that the rouble, which ot the out break of the war had descended to 32d., had riseif to par. (Hear.) When he heard that ten millions had gone to Russia this year, instead of eleven in the previous year, he mus,.% ex plain that they paid for Russian produce first by exports ; se condly, by the consignment of foreign produce, and, thirdly, by money ; but the two former were struck off in the present year, and the whole of the payment was in money, bang pre cisely that which it was most convenient to the Emperor of Russia to receive, and which enabled him to keep his force in the field. If they relied upon putting an end to the war by any measures that had hitherto been taken to interfere with Russian produce, the war might last during the life of the youngest member of that house. (Hear.) He would now re fer to the cause of the signal failure of the measures that had been adopted. He believed that much was anticipated from a blockade of the ports of the Black Sea and of the Sea of Azof, because that blockade could not be evaded by land car riage, the distance being so great. Great interest was felt on the subject, and questions were put to the right hon. gentle man the First Lord of the Admiralty concerning it. On the lst of Juno, Sir J. Graham said that distinct orders had been sent by the Governments of France and England to institute a vigorous blockade of the Russian ports in the Baltic and the Black Sea. On the 13th of June he again said that orders had been given to the admirals in the Baltic and Black Seas to institute a blockade, and he had reason to believe that these blockades had been instituted. On the 11th of July a statement was made to the same effect, but it was a fact that blockades in the Black Sea had not been instituted, and up to that time were not instituted. A blockade had been no tified to commence there on the Ist of this month, but sub sequently it was put off to the 14th, and if there was a block ade there at all, it had been instituted within the last two or three days. What was the effect ? It appeared from a me morial forwarded to him by the Chamber of Commerce at Hull-. -a respectable body of men, who had taken pains to ob tain information on the subject --that shipments of linseed had been made from the Russian ports in the Black Sea and Sea of Azof to an extent that was unprecedented in former years, and that since the declaration of war from 380 to 400 ships, containing 700,000 quarters of linseed, and representing in value one million sterling, had sailed from the ports of the Black Sea. It appeared that the entire quantity expected from those ports in the entire twelve months of 1853 amounted to 604,000 quarters, and in the entire twelve months of 1852 amounted to 445,000 quarters, whereas in eight months of last year there was the enormous export of 700,000 quar ters, and in the remaining four months he was told the same amount of trade was going on. (Hear, hear.) The memori alists proceeded to say that much injury had consequently been done to British merchants since the month of July, be cause the reiterated assurances of Ministers that a blockade would be strictly enforced had not only had the effect of placing the trade in foreign hands, but had induced the Bri tish merchants to engage in counter operations of trade. They were now threatened with losses in consequence of the arrival of exports from the quarters where they were ' interdicted. It was further stated that although the ports of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azof were not blockaded, the mouths of the Danube had been blockaded, and they had thereby been deprived of an enormous supply of corn which they would otherwise leave obtained. They had blockaded the mouths of the Danube which they should not blockade, and they did not blockade the ports of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azof which they should have block aded, and which the country thought they had blockaded. The consequence was that exports from those Russian ports had taken place during the previous year, and that British merchants, having believed the assurance of the Government, and having made extensive arrangements to get from other 'quarters the articles which they before got from Russia, had, on bringing those commodities home, suffered an enormous loss. It appeared that the parties who were benefited were the Greek merchants; who all along disbelieved in the block ade, and by carrying on their trade made enormous fortunes. Ho (Mr. Collier) should be glad to hear a satisfactory explana tion on the subject from the Government, and he thought that some explanation was due to the public. Whea the Secretary for the Admiralty made his celebrated Serpentine speech, in which he talked of turning that liver through the Horse Guards, ho admitted the war was di4gracefully con ducted, but said the Admiralty was blamed by nobody, and that he had nothing to explain; but the hon. gentleman went too far. He (Mr. Collier) was most anxious to hear an ex planation from the First Lord of the Admiralty, and he was disposed to believe—knowing his high administrative talents, and knowing the way in which the affairs of the Admiralty were administered—that ho was prepared to give a satisfac tory explanation so far as his part of the matter was con cerned. But a head of a department was answerable for failure, unless he showed who the culpable party was. If they were informed who was the person to blame, on his being dismissed or censured, and a better man substituted fop him, there would be reason to hope for an improvement ; but if they were never to know on whom the blame rested, or who the culpable person was, their affairs must be in an ut terly hopeless state. He applied that observation to Balaklava, and to the'culpable authorities there,who he was sorry to say, had not been removed. They were entitled to know from tho head of a department what was the cause of failure, and if any party was to blame, who the party was. (Hear.) Could the First Lord of the miralty show there was reason to change their policy, and that the fleet in the Black Sea was not suffi cient to blockade the ports in the Black Sea ? How could that be said, when one steamer would be sufficient to blockade the Straits of Kertch, from which there had been two millions of exports, and when there were the means for blockading Odessa and the other ports of the Black Sea ? (Hear.) He thought it would be impossible to say that they had not a competent force in the Black Sea for the purposes of block ade ; and if they had a competent force there, and if orders were sent to the admirals to blockade, he required to know why those orders were not obeyed ? (Hear.) He would pass now to another portion of the subject, with regard to the blockade of the Baltic. They had a fleet there which bad in deed established an effectual blockade, but that blockade was evaded by land carriage. He thought he should be able to show that the blockade of the Baltic had been substantially evaded in a manner that was not anticipated, and with re spect to wnich he threw no blame upon the Government. A system of land traffic had been organised by the Emperor of Russia, with the connivance and concurrence of the Court of Prussia, and that could scarcely have been anticipated. A commissioner was appointed by the Emperor of Russia, with a perfectly competent staff, and good roads were made, which were overflowing with Russian commerce. By that means all those commodities that formerly came by sea, such as tallow, hemp, linseed, and other articles, were carried from Russia and forwarded to Memel. The people in the places along which it passed were benefited by the trade, and that gave Prussia a very good ground for maintaining her position of neutrality. It appeared from a pamphlet written by the hon. memher for Lewes, that au extensive Russian trade was carried on in this way through Prussia, and at an ad ditional expense of no less than 2,500,000/., which sum was paid by the British merchants, and that was exclu sive of goods carried to Archangel for shipment. He agreed with his honourable friend that it was humiliating to them to find that when they shut the front door a side door was opened, and that their merchants had to pay for the ex pense of evading the law a sum of 2,500,0001. That they should have a blockade that was ineffectual, and that they should not take measures to make it effectual, seem E ed ith to er hi e m t to be a proposition that was utterly untenable. them have no blockade, or have an effectual blockade. If they could not stop the transit through Prussia, why then let their merchants have the goods straight from Constadt, and save the demands and expenses to which they w were exposed ; but to institute a blockade that coul d be evaded was an untenable measure, and one which it was impossible to defend. It Was not for him to suggest to the Government the course they should take, because that was a matter of policy which it would be better to leave in their own hands, but he would state his opinion as to the mode of dealing with the subject. In the first plac e, it seemed to him that Pru ss i a h a d b een sub stantially guilty of a breach of neutrality. The t ra d e carr i e d on through Prussia was not merely a trade of private indivi duals, but it was one which had been organised in a great measure between the Government of Russia and of Prussia for the express purpose of evading thebloekade. A convention had been entered into between the Emperor of Russia and the King of Prussia for the completion of a railway. Prussia derived great revenues from the commerce that came through it from Russia ; and the transit trade to Memel was for the benefit of Russia, to the detriment of this country, and was carried on for the purpose of evading the blockade. In the year 1756 a rule was made to this effect, that a neutral was at liberty to carry on his accustomed trade in time of war, but should not carry on a new trade to the prejudice of either of the belli gerents. On that subject he would refer to the dictum of Lord Stowell, who said the general rule was that a neutral had a right to carry on in time of war his accustomed trade to the utmost extent to which that accustomed trade was ca pable, but the law was different in the case of a new trade which the neutral had not previously carried on. Now this tran sit tradeithrough Prussia was essentially a new trade carried on by Prussia, for the benefit of herself and Russia, to the in jury of this country, because thereby the blockade was evaded, to the detriment of the belligerents. That conduct on the part of Prussia formed a ground of remonstrance on their part, and they had a right to call upon Prussia—if Prussia should join the Western Powers, as they had every reason to hope she might do —to seal her frontier against Russian produce ; and he trusted that no stipulation would be made with Prussia except such anarrangement was made by it. By the adoption of such means the power of Russia would become so far any cril) pled that the Emperor of Russia would not be able for length of time to carry on the war. Other measures might be adopted ; they might institute a search of neutral vessels for enemies' goods coming from neutral poi PO on the ground that it was necess ar y for the. They might do enforcement of the blockade, and he apprehened that they would have a per feet right to do so. He did not put it on the footing of inter firing generally with the rights of neutrals, but ho merell suggested that it might be adopted in this particular case, for this particular object, and in consequence of this particular necessity. There was one measure which they undoubtedly had a right to adopt, and that. was to prohibit the importa tion of Russian productions in to this country. (An Hon. Member—Meve, move.) They had a right, without offence to any Other nation, to prohibit the importation of Russian produce into this country. The objections that mig it be cum to to that were twofold. In the first place it might be .said that the prohibition would not be effectual, and in the next place that they might injure themselves. They might prohibit the importation of certein specified t uticles of Russian produce, for instance tallow, hemp, and lies eed, without certificates, an '5l the way to do it would be not to allow any such articles to be 4 imported unless they were actor upanied by a certificate from their consul abroad, at the port from which they came, that they were not the produce of Russia. That statement should be given on oath, and there should be an oath to the same effect from the importing merchant. The house must bear in mind the peculiar character of tt te Russian trade. It was carried on by comparatively few hon ses, of great respectability and with a large amount of capital. Without a large amour of capital it was impossible to enga ge with any effect in that Russian trade, because it was carrit d on by large advances [ and he had every reason to believe,. and he wa s i n f act satis fied,' that if the importation of Russian produce was rendered unlawful, the Russian merchants, as ' body, would refuse to have anything to do with it. The English merchants in St. Petersburg had met and agreed to a resolution, which was forwarded to Sir H. Seymour, that if the trade were pro hibited they would not have anything to do with it, and there was a similar resolution come to in London. The consequence was; that the rouble fell from 38d. to 32d., but subsequently, when it was found that the trade would be allowed, the rouble. wrohdooniif ev i o t u w l d ere secza c i lai h .e ill d tn to ot b iO e n u - nl w a o w u f l u d l renounce o t i h e: similar to those obtain e d f roi u R uss i a could be go rose again to p ar . H e vea•s happy to say that those merchants' R —° us n si e an of t ' t from other parts of the world, There mi g l i t b e some smuggling, and sour might engage in a contraband ,tzeade contrary to the rule, buts the great merchants who renoeweed the trade could keep, agents at each of the ports to look after tho se contrabandist l and he was inclined to think the result would be that the stream of Russian produce which flowed into this country would, if not altogether stopped, be tee a great extent dammed up. (Hear.) But it was further said the: prohibition would be evaded in various ways. It was said that factories would be established on the Continent for manufaoturing Russian pro duce and sending it here in a manufactue'ed state. German tallow, it was said also, would be substituted for Russian; cut the whole quantity of German tallow was verse small, and mule' not be of great importance, and to organise a new trade against Russian tallow in Germany, and to brieig the Germaut tallow into port, would require au ritogether new system. So • with respect to the manufactories. A manufactory could not be built in a day ; it require + time, and machinery, and capi tal ; and it was not likely that the Germans would invest any considerable sums in those manufactories, when any month might make their outlay unavailing by bringing either a general peace or a general war. If the war was likely to last twenty years, such speculations might be entered into ; but not so now. By the time those manufactures were esta blished, also, arrangements might be made for bringing that species of produce from other parts of the world, an arrange ment that would render nugatory the investment of German capital. It was farther said that we should injure ourselves by the course he recommended. He freely admitted it. Did any man expect we were to enter int o thi s war without in eurrin2; serious in j ury ? Were we to carry on our commerce, and to go about our affairs as usual, passing our Reform BD Is, and busyiag ourselves with matters of internal legislation, die voting only a little extra capital, if we had it, to " crum , ele up " Russia. If we were not prepared for the sacrifices of I :he war, we should never have gone into it, and had better hoer conclude a peace upon any terms we could get. Should it be t said of this country that we had not hesitated to sacrifice the ) lives of our best and bravest to the cause of national honotn and the liberties of Europe, and tha t we could contemplate . with calmness the hor r o rs o f the field and of the hospital; bill there was one thing we could not face without being driver i into the agonies of horror and despair, and that was—a eso in the price of tallow. Was it to be said that we were p; :e. pared to take every measure to prosecute the war with vigc Au except a measure which should make us pay something m , ere than usual for our hemp and tallow I We should, in sucl 1 a case, well deserve the appellation of a nation of shopkeepe irs, and we should stay at home and not interest ourselves at all in continental affairs (" hear," from Mr. Bright!) He ob served he was cheered by the hon. member for Manchester. The Lon. member's views were quite consistent. He : mid we should not go to war without being prepaeed to make sacrifices ; and he (Mr. Collier) quite agreed wit/2 the hon. gentleman. Either make peace at once, or be prepared to exert your power in every direction and by every means, ;not fearing a tax on tallow or candles, but carrying on the A ler at every sacrifice. But, after all, we should moot be driven to any great stress by any loss of Russian produce we shoe. Id incur. It was not as if famine prices were likely to ensue—a s if we were to be driven to any extremities. We had muds stock in hand. (Ironical cheers and laughter.) He was sure be had nothing to do with it—(cheers)—and when that i Mock was exhausted, there were other markets whence we eoubl obtain it. lie had the authority on this subject of the Eco nomist newspaper, which, in an article dated April I—(laugh ter)- anticipating that the trade with Russia would. be totally stopped, went into a great many details as to the means of procuring more than adequate supplies from other' parts of the world. It pointed out that oily substances could be p re. cured from vegetable as well as from animal matter, rand it concluded by saying " that art and industry would kr tow how to obtain from the whole of the rest of the world gave ter abundance than hitherto of useful articles—more than steetit en ary or retrograding Russia' could possibly supply." He had also noticed the circular of an eminent mercantile house w. ho said that they had received supplies of hemp from India stef a quality well qualified to replace and supplant that e. f Russia ; but when it was discovered that the supply from Russia would be regular through Prussia, there was no in-i ducement to them to keep up those supplies. If it were* certain, they said, that the Russian trade would be stopped for only one year, it would give such a stimulus to the growers in the colonies as to make as certain or having at all times supplies of hemp capable of competing with the Russian article even at the lowest price. Further, it was known that hemp could be procured in any quantity from Italy, flax could be grown to any extent in Ireland ; tallow might be obtained in great quantities from Australia ; stearine and 3ther oily matters from the coast of Africa ; in fact, there was' nothing that could not be easily got elsewhere than in Russia, and that principally from our own colonies. The courses he'ventured to recom mend as calculated to enforce our claims on Russia were, either to exercise the right of searching all vessels from Russian ports, or prohibiting the importation of Russian goods into this country. We should not by ,such prohibition give the rest of the world a gaoat advantage over us, for we were almost the only customers of Russia. Russia could not obtain elsewhere the advances she obt3ine d from this country ; and where you stopped the advances fro m this coun try you stopped the power of Russia. If they were utterly unable to enforce a blockade, let the blockade be given up; but if the blockade was to be continued, let them- resort to some means for making it effectual. If an announ *cement of the kind were made by the Government that night,. showing that they were in earnest in desiring to stop this,em atiraband trade, he believed the effect would be serious and im mediate effect upon the finances of Russia. The rouble would' Imme diately fall. It fell the other dayt upon a general belief . that a recent Order in Council prohibited trade, whereas it • only prohibited contraband trade. The fall of the rouble wc, geld immediately involve the country in financial embarrassment. Another effect of such an announcement would be, that En g lish capital amounting to millions, now in London awaitireg its destination—Russia, where it would be employed in nes t year's campaign —would remain in England, to contribute, on the contrary, to the vigour of our next campaign. He N vas free to say that so long as the Government were disposed to carry on the war thoroughly and in earnest, and to apply to it all the resources of the country, they would form a strong Government, and wodld meet with the hearty, unanimoi is, and enthusiastic support of the country ; but if thoy woi dd go on proposing half measures, showing themselves uneq ash to the occasion, and requiring to be goaded on to their di sty by the press and tpublic opinion, the sooner, they fell the better. He trusted they would that night give some as ear mice on the subject, and their explanations would be such as would be satisfactory to the house and to the country. Mr. MITCHELL regretted that his honourable friend In .d changed the form of his original motion, which was on e directly expressing the opinion of the house that the tree le with Russia should be further restricted. He would himse If have brought the subject forward, had he not been deterre .d by the sneers he had heard on the bench below, and insinu: 1- tons to the effect that he advocated the measure because I e held stock in London. Within the last tem days, a deputatice u representing the Russian trade —gentlem en whose whole trade s was with Russia, whose commei ea ceased entirely when the trade with Russia ceased, who held stock, and who, there-. fire, had the highest interest that the war should be brought to an end -had an interview with the Earl of Clarendon, and but one opinion was expressed by them. That opinion was? entertained by every one who knew the trade with Russia, and who understood the 'sewer of the lever we had to bring the war to a termination ; and that opinion was, that more powerful than our armies would be the stoppage of the trade with Russia. Tho only lever that could effectually act upon the Emperor of Russia was the Russian nobility and the power they exercised over him. They were the possessors of the military power, and a stoppage of trade would at once reduce them to poverty, for they lived up to their incomes, and had already been severely mulcted in every way for the. support of the war. But hitherto our efforts had been useless. It was indisputable that, notwithstanding the enormous Rus sian issues of paper money since the declaration of war, not withstanding that the export of g o ld h a d been prohibMed, the exchange had been generally at par, and was very 1 ittle be low par now. That could be accounted for only by th e influx of gold in return for Russian produce. Take the cast )of the Black Sea. Before an effectual blockade of the Bla ek Sea was established, a million of quarters of linseed had• been shipped thence at 635. per quarter, and the whole clf that money had gone to purposes either neutral or entirely htostile to our own. The right hon. baronet had stated distiaaetly that a blockade would be established, and nobody in this country thought of taking any steps for procuring linseed from the Black Sea ; but the Greeks were on the spot, sued they soon found the real state of matters, and they had sys tee matically gone on with the trade. What had been the result to the enemy ? The direct statements made by the Admiralty caused orders to be sent to India to the extent of from 10,000 to 200,000 quarters, which were sold at a ruinoue loss ; and, of course, all further purchases were at once stopped. (Hear.) But whilst this was going on, from the month of May last there had been a most rigid blockade of the mouths of the Danube. But no Russian corn came from the Danube--the greatest quantity that had ever been shipped thence was 50,000 quarters; but, prior to the month of May, the Emperor of Russia had entirely prohibited the export of corn from any of his ports. Thus, while the Go vernment were allowing a million of quarters of linseed to be shipped under the nose of their admiral, they were shutting up 2,000,000 quarters of Turkish corn, which were lying in the Danubian ports. (Hear, and cheers.) The Governmentmight have been ignorant of those facts, but why were they .ignorant of them ? (Cheers.) The late Government were blame. They should have got full information fromhave those quarters whence it was to be got, and they should then instituted either a real blockade or none at all. So great im portance was attached to trade in Russ ia treat whenever the set to repair them. A roads got into disorder soldiers were _ fortnight, ie last which statement bad been drawn up within t 1 . showing the actual quan tity believed to be perfectly correct, . from Russia for shipment at Prussian ports, of goods despatched establishment russian ports, even prior to the of the blockade at That statement showed the quantity or tallow so de- Riga. been 3J 500 tons, the average spatched to have • delivered free on board at Memel was 601., making together 1,830,0001. The quantity of hemp and flax was 70,756 tons, at se/., making 3,537,8001. Bristles, linsetd, and other goods were stated at 1,000,0001. The Archangel trade was also estimated at 1,060,000/., and upon that trade he might remark this, that a most rigid blockade of the While Sea was established after everything had been exported from it. (Cheers and laughter.) The Black Sea trade was estimated at a million and a half, and the total made 8,867,8001. Tho average value of the total Russian exports he found to be 10,000,000'., independent of corn. Then he found the result to be, that they had about two-thirds of the usual quantity of Russian produce shipped free on board at 1 a cost of 9,000,0001. Now , the cost of the whole quantity, of which only two-thirds had been shippod this Tear, was gonoralV - . = - 1+: __- • I