The Sun. — London, England, 1849-06-06 00:00:00

fouttb'Etition SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. IMPERIAL PARLWIENT. (THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly aft , -r Twelve o'clock. THIRD READING. James's Divorce Bill was read a third time and passed CONSIDERATION OF REPORT. The report um the Wisbeach, Chatteris, I id Gote, and Downbam Bridge Turnpike (Continuation of Act, Alte ration of Provisions relating to Repair of Waldersey and South Side Banks, Abandonment as to Turnpike of Road over same, Construction of new Turnpike Road) Bill was considered and agreed to. Sir E. FILMER presented several petitions from pl ices in West Kent, complaining of agricultural distress. Captain FITZROY presented a petition from Lewes in favour of an extension of the jurisdiction of the County Courts. Mr. AGLIONBY presented petitions in favour of the alteration of the law with respect to medical attendance in poor-law unions. Mr. DEEDES presented a petition from the Farmer's Club of Faversham, praying for protection to agricul tere. BANKRUPT AND INSOLVENT MEMBERS BILL. Mr. MOFFATT in moving the second reading of this Bill, said that it was in all essential points the same as bad been formerly under the discussion of the House. The chief alteration was that the present Bill placed bankrupts and insolvents precisely upon the same footing. Sir W. CLAY gave the Honourable Gentleman full credit for the motives which had induced him to intro duce the Bill, but really he could not withdraw his op position to it. This was the fourth time the Bill had been introduced in an amended form, and it might be as well that he should just state its object. With regard to the alteration the Bill proposed to make in the bank ruptcy laws, he did not so much object to that, but this was not the proper time to consider such an alteration. What he principally objected to was, the power which the Bill gave to the Insolvent Debtors' Court of directing a Member to pay his debts within six months, and in default thereof to grant a certificate which should jus tify the Speaker declaring the seat to be void. Now, such a principle was highly objectionable, as it meddled with that which the House ought not to touch, while it placed an unconstitutional control over the consti tuencies as to the candidate they should choose. He should, therefore, move that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. There were other positions, and those very various, of ; which it might be said that they w' re contrary - to the dignity of the House for any of its Members to be placed in them, as well as that of not being able to advance a large sum of money for the purpose of discharging his pecuniary obligations. He himself thought that it was not only equally but far more discreditable to a Member of that House to prostitute his vote for any . personal or collateral advantage. A Member might gi ve his vote with a view to obtaining office, to get an Indian judgeship—(Hear, hear)—a colo nial governorship, or a clerkship in the Treasury for his cots or a nephew.--(Hear, hear.) Such things might be the reward of a legitimate and rightly-directed am bition—(Hear)—or they might be the return for the cor rupt votes given to an unworthy Minister.—(Hear, hear.) In addition to all this, and beyond all this,he felt that this Bill was calculated to interfere more than almost any other possibly could do with the privi leges of the House. It was, in fact, subjecting those privilege!: to the decisions of the courts of law.--(Hear, hear.) By the law which regulated the Insolvent Courts a discretion was vested in the court to release any one from custody at three different periods. The judge might release him at once, at the end of six months, or after a twelvemonth from the date of such person being brought before him. Now, it was very evident that the power to bring any person before the Insolvent Court might be very greatly abused.—(Hear, w ea r.) Few men, even the most wealthy amongst them, could on a sudden notice satisfy all the claims against View. The influence of a large and wealthy com pare', or the Government, might at any time be used for the exclusion of any particular Member. By the Insolvent Courts Act it was decreed that no Member should be re-elected after he had been excluded from the Muse, in the event of his having applied to that Court, until after six months from the time of his release. He would be one of the last to shield any insolvent Member, but he did not think the want of money was a trait of that crimi nality which some persons were so ready to ascribe to it.—Hear, hear.) He for one at least would not contribute to grant any further power to wealth. He thought that Mammon was quite sufficiently worshipped in this country already—(hear, hear)—and he would certainly give no further power to the rich man's pocket.—(Cheers.) This was no novelty. The matter respecting Mr. Wilkes had been settled long ago. But there had been a more recent case than that. A Bill for the same purpose had been introduced in 1832 by Lord Ashburton, then Mr. Baring, but it was ex pressly opposed by both the present Member for London - (Lord J. Russell) and the late Lord Spencer, then Lord Althorp, who had each urged strong objections to the measure. 'rhe Hon. Baronet having read portions of the speeches of the two Noble Lords from the debate at the time, proceeded to sly that he was totally and entirely opposed to :any such investigation into the pri vate circuoistancas of a,T,y Memh,er of that House; that wealth was in no instance a guarantee for moral fitness or mental ability, and he should therefore move that the Bill be re ad a second time that day mix months. Mr. MACKINNON said, the Hon. Member had pre tended to find fault with the details of the Bill, whereas his whole arguments were against the principles of it. He (Mr. Mackinnon) eould not go into the details of the BiII b:catve every one aho was acquainted with the practice of the House knew, that they could be amended and altered in C enrnittee; and he would only say a few words upon tho general principles which made it neces sary that such a measure should bo introduced into the House. Now, to have a clear understanding of th e pr isi'cges of the House , they o ught to refer to the Par liamentarylistory of this country, and ask for what pur pose those privileges h-ad been established—(Hear) — and if they did so, they would find that it was very necessary to surround the Members of the House of Commons with certain privileges, because in the early period of their constitution they were a very weak body, when compared either to the territorial in terest which then existed, or to the Crown. It they looked back to the time of the Stuarts they would find that the inflaence of the Crown, the Court, and the Barons, was far superior to the influence of that ouse. The cone( quence was, that the House serrounded itself in various ways, in former times, with privileges which it deemed cs-; ntial to its constitution, and for its defence against the other superior branches of the Legislature. But now that was nut Ike case, and co tar from their wanting any smell support, he asserted it without fear of contradiction, that that House, if anything, had too much power, es comp-red with the other branches of the Legislature. They coule rest look to their political his tory duriu the test hundred and fifty years without being thoroughly ca vinced that the powers of the House had been eredually increasing, while the influence if the other two branches had been gradually diminishing, and he was one of those who would regret very touch if the power of the House was ex tended any ut.hr.r. Now what had occurred since the power of the House had increased ? Precisely in proportion as it became more powelul it de pri Jed itself of certain of its privileges, and gave way in certain matters to public opinion. On the 12 h April, 1738, it was resolved that it was a breach of privilege to publish or to give any account of the debates or the proceedings of the House. What was the conse quence? contest arose between the publishers and the House, and at length the House was obliged to succumb entirely, and to allow the pro ceedings to be published, without any interference on its part. Again in 1751, nearly a century ago, Alexander Hurray was for some offence called to the bar of the House; be was desired to kneel down but re fused; whereupon there was a great excitement in the House, nod he was committed to Newgate, and con tinued there during the remainder of the ses sion. At the beginning of the session he was again called before the House, when it came to a resolution that no individual coming before the House to receive a reprimand should do otherwise than stand. From that period up, to the present their privileges had been gradually given up because they were no longer neces sary for the independence of its Members. Now what dil the Speaker say in those days? who, by the bye, was as much un -Ike the Speaker of the present day, as this House was unlike that House? He said, if a party did not kneel down to receive a reprimand, there would be an end to the honour and dignity of the House. Now, coming to the point, what earthly objection could there be to abolish that privilege in which his Hon. Friend the Member for the Tower Hamlets had spoken in favour? What earthly benefit could an insolvent Mem ber have in remaining a Member of tbat House; had he not better, if involved in debt, go and attend to his own affairs than remain to legislate there?—(Hear, hear)—what use was it for an individual whose mind was preoccupied and annoyed by the peculiar situation in which he was placed coming to vote in the House when he ought to be attending entirely to his own affairs?—(llear.) He did not think that a single Member of the House would be affected by the Bid, but it was necessary to pass it in order to keep up the respectability of the House. Paley, in his Moral Philosophy, said, a privilege given to any individual, unless good to the whole community, was a positive injury to the community; and could any one say that the privilege of not allowing insolvent Members to be arrested was for the benefit of the community?— could any one say that that privilege was approved of by the community? It was impossible, he thought, not to come to the conclusion, from the feeling in the coun try, which was growing more pownful every day, that tide privilege would not he allowed to continue much longer. lie begged leave to state that ho should give his hearty support to the motion of his lion. Friend. Mr. BERNAL would a=lt what had the House to do with the old doctrine, that Members of the House of Commons were to bow or to tit in certain cases? (Hear, hear.) His Honourable Friend (Mr. Mackinnon) talked of the influence that that House ought to exercise over general public opinion. Did his Honourable Friend say, if this Bill was to pass in all its purity, that it would secure that respect for the future legislation of the House of Commons? A man. "night hold an estate charged with debts by no crimi nality or profligacy of his 01 , 13, but by the extravagance and the jointures of his ancestors, and it might be impos eiblafor him Logo into the money-market and raise money sufficient to pay his debt& Could the House not imagine she owner o "szteueiwi.:propaly to Inset the charges upon his estate, without his being deemed an immoral or a prtfligate man? The qtiestion was, was the evil of such nalgditude and such recurrence as to demand such a rernedj ? It was petit ctly easy for a rich man to be in dependent, but he (Mr. Bernal) was not sure that it was so easy tor a poor man to be so; yet there were men in that House who were not opulent. Hebelieved it wasa very popular thing to support this Bill; he cared not for that; he dared to oppose it. They were importing a much more contingent danger for the sake of removing a less contingent mischief, by means of this Bill. Who had a right to go round that House and measure the moral conduct of each individual Member?—(Hear, hear.) He contended that it would not be possible to work this Bill to any useful purpose. He had heard so little complaints of Members availing themselves of the privileges of Parliament, that he looked on the mischief as too small to make him dare to encounter the mischief that would ensue from this Bill.—(Hear.) Captain lIARRIS thought, without the machinery of the Bill before the House, its object would have been attained by protecting Members during the recess of Parliament. Mr. MULLINGS said he had supported the Bill be cause it would affect those who were wanting in one of the main qualifications for a seat in that House. The law was quite inoperative against Members of that House who did not choose to pay their creditors, ualtss they were engaged in trade. With respect to the state ment of the lion. Member for Rochester (Mr. Bcrual) that a person might be the o sner of an estate which Ras heavily mortgaged in consequence of the acts of his ancestors, he wished to observe that no order could be made by the Bankruptcy or Insolvent Courts for the payment of claims in consequence of these ancient debts. Mr. BERNAL explained that he meant that a person so situated could not go into the City and raise money. Mr. MULLINGS said then let him give security to his creditors.—(Elear, hear.) His experience convinced him that a man thus situated could not act independently in that House._ Sir T. COLEBROOKE said the Bill depended so much upon its details, that he trusted the House would lose no time in going into Committee to discuss them. He should support the B►ll. Mr. STITAIIT was opposed to the Bill, because it would interfere with the independence of the Members Of that House. Fur initance, the Bill provided that a Member might be made a bankrupt on the peti tion of one of his creditors. Nov what would be the position of a Member so situated? In order to avoid so unpleasant a proceeding his vote would, as a natural consequence, be under the control of that cre ditor.—(Hear, hear.) He deeply regretted that the creditors of any Hon. Member should be injured, but there were paramount considerations, in which the cha racter of that House was involved, which must not be List sight of. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the second reading ... 55 Against it ... ... 45 Majority in favour of it ... —lO The Bill was then read a second time and ordered to be committed this day week. BRIBERY AT ELECTIONS BILL. The House then went into Committee on this Bill. Clauses up to 9 were agreed to without discussion. On clause 10 being proposed, Mr. R. PALMER suggested that a Committee should be appointed to settle the law of bribery and treating at elections. At present the law was so undefined that last session two Election Committees came to different conclusions upon the same point. If they left the law in the state which this clause devised they would find that at the next election the walls of every town would be placarded by the orders of the several candidates, stating from each that extensive bribery and treating was going on, and that his oppo nent, if elected, would be incompetent to sit in the Reuse of Commons.—(Fit ar, hear.) His opinion was that the decision o•n the Cheltenham Election was cor rect; and he firmly believed, that unless a notice was rightly given so as to impart a sufficient knowledge in all cases of the real facts of the ease to the electors, the votes given for the candidate who obtained the majority ought not to be struck off—(Hear, bear.) Unless some system was adopted the whole of the mischief whi,.:ll this Bill was intended to obviate would be as rife as ever at the next election. Mr. BUN BURY trusted that this clause would be maintained, but with the addition suggested by the Right [lon. Gentleman (Mr. Goulburn) and with that also proposed by the Hon. and Learned Member for Ply mouth (Mr. Roundel' Palmer). If those alterations were made they would confer a great benefit upon the whole constituency of the country. In reply to the CHAIRMAN, Sir JOHN PAKINGTON said that he desired to postpone the clause until he could give it a careful con sideration, and with a view to embody the two suggea tions which 11,.(1 just been made. Lord MAHON quite concurred in the wisdom of adopting the suggestions which had been made, but thought that the Bill should have a title of a less comprehensive character than that which it now bore. He thought there could be no objection to adopt the course suggested by the Hon. Baronet, viz., to with draw the clause for the present. As the greater por tion of the Bill had' been amended and much of it omitted, and very properly omitted, be thought the Bill ought to be reprinted, and the title and preamble ought to be altered, as in its present form it seemed too com prehensive.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) After a f, ,, iv words from Mr. G. J. FIEATHCOTE and Mr. ARMSTRONG, the clause was postponed. Clauses 10 and 11, and the preamble of the Bill were then agreed to, the House vsunacd, and the report was brought up and ordered to be received this day wee Ir. AFFIRMATION BILL. Upon the order of the day bt.iag read for resuming the adjourned debate on this third reading of this Bill, Mr. LA W rose, amidst loud cries of "Divide, divide," and said if the measure were passed it would at once defeat all the beneficial influence exercised by our courts of justice.—(Hear.) Where there was not a substantial reason to the contrary, the de. Pendant and plaintiff, both in a civil and a criminal court, had a right to the testimony of any witness who could speak to the matter in hand, upon a most solemn assur ance of his veracity in giving such testimony. That a man was to present himself attested to have a good cha ratter by one witness and a good half-crown, and that a plaintiff was to be deprived of the benefit of his testi mony, was ridiculous. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the third reading of the Bill 73 Against it Majority for the third reading On the question that the Bill pass, Mr. NE WDEGATE submitted if this Bill was good it tended to the abolition of all oaths—(Hear, hear) — and the sooner all oaths were abolished the better. Mr. LAW said this was a measure which struck at the root of the testimony given in a court of justice, which went far not only to relieve those who might pro fess tender consciences on that subject, and to give ge nuine and truo testimony in a court of justice, but it went and carried with it an expression of opinion by the House of Commons, that evidence given under a less sanc tion than that of an oath was entitled to equal v.ttigiit with evidence given ou oath.—(Hear, hear.) He was quite satisfied tl at these who were eceicEltned in toe administration of public justice would feel that that was a blow struck at the heart of that justice.— (Cheers.) This he knew, that a most hardened criminal fro quently shrunk from giving that testimony upon oath which might release those who stood beside him in the duck from the consequences of conviction, who had before that test was applied distinctly alleged that the, men who stond by him were not the companions of his guilt.—(Hear, hear.) An instance occurred not long ago. A party was charged with the commission of house-breaking in connexion with two other individuals. The defence was an alibi. The party pleaded guilty, and solemnly asserted that he was nut tie companion of the men who stood beside him. The prisoner, however, evinced the greatest reluctance to take the oath, but when he did take it he swore that the parties were nut those who were with him; but nothng could elicit from him who the parties were. Again, he had seen a change in witnesses when reminded that they were making a solemn declaration, and to be careful what they said, and the truth was re luctantly elicited. They had absolved many sects from taking oaths, they had done so whether right or wrong, but he saw no reason why those with whom this Bill professed to deal, who were members of the Church of England, should have the same privilege extended to them.—(Hear, hear.) But a person knowing that his testimony would affect some one whom he wished to serve, would give his testimony more loosely than if under the solemnity of an oath.—(Hear, hear.) Why a man's life might bo taken away on testimony adduced without the security of an oath. But he put it on broader grounds. Juries would be constantly asked, " Will you give the same weight to the testimony of an ursworn witness as to that of one given on oath—the testimony of one the principles of whose church recognised the taking of oaths; and the results would show th e f orce of such an ' argument. Experience, which extended over a period of twenty years iu the immediate administration of justice, him to call upon the House not to agree -to the p o er i ffic e e n s c el led dt himthe Mansion-house and the G dangerous inlueed principle involv e d i n the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman SIDNEY said aid his police ex . to the belief that the principle they wereadnge about to toointro duce would be fraught with the utmost the proper administration of justice. H . e had divided against the Bill, and he should do so again if an opportunity were afforded him. The house then divided, when there appeare d— For the passing of the Bill ............ Against it —4 Majority . The Bill wes accordingly passed. AT fORNIES AND SOLICITORS (IRELAND) BILL. The House then went into Committee on this Bill, when thw whole of the clauses were agreed to without rdir cussion. The Reuse then resumed, and the Bill was reported, and ordered to be read a Third v time on Friday. AFFIRMATION BILL. Mr. LAW called the attentien of the House and the Speaker to the fact that the title of this Bill had not been agreed to, and submitted that an irregularity had been committed that could not now he remedied. The Bill, indeed, had been ordered to be sent up to the Lords without any title. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL suggested that al though other business had intervened since the passing of the Bill, the title might now be added as a matter of form. Mr. MILES would be glad to know from the Speaker himself if the question, that the title be agreed to, had been put. The SPEAKER replied that his impression was that it had, and he was justified in that impression by the Clerk, who had a distinct recollection of the circum• stance. Mr. BOUVERIE said he could not talkie his oath of it, but he believed the cpiestion had not b^t n put.—(A laugh.) The SPEAKER said, at all events the Bill had not been signed by the clerk, and therefore it was not too late to add the title. Mr. LAW, under these circumstances, would with draw his objl ction, and allow the title to be added, and the matter dropped, COPYHOLDS ENFRANCHISEMENT BILL. Mr. AGLIONBY, in moving the second reading of this Bill, excused his being the promoter of it on the ground that he tried in vain to induce the Government, in whose hands it ought to be, to take up the subject. The Bill was founded on the recommendation of a Com mittee which fully considered the matter in 1841, and who repeated, that if such a measure would only have the effect of relieving the poor copyholders of the country from the extortion to which they were subject under the existing law, it would be a sufficient justification for passing it. The present law restricted buiWieg and agricultural improvements in those parts 1 of the country where the copyhold system pre vailed, and that was another reason which had induced him to introduce the Bill. He re eretted to see that the Right Honourable Baronet the Member for Tamwortb eves not in his place, because he attended that Committee most assiduously, and expressed his views in a very liberal and statesmanlike mann( r. He hoped that the system for voluntary enfranchisement would receive some encouragement. The property held under the Church had been especially open. to the conferrence of this benefit, but a very small portion of the very large property held under the most objectionable tenure of ecclesiastical jurisdiction had been voluntarily enfranchised. Nine years had already elapsed since the plan of voluntary commutation bad enjoyed the benefit of legal ceun tenance, and but little property had been placed in the improved position which the Legislature contemplated, and he thought that it was high time that some change should be accomplished. The Hon. and Learned Gen tleman then read acme considerable extracts from the report of the Commissioners, and then proceeded to say that his chief ground arose out of the recom mendations which woielcl be found in that re port, and he thought that little further was necessary to support his view of the matter. Two Bills had already beets introduced for the same purpose, but the second of these Bills was intended to promote a com pulsory enfranchisement throughout the whole country, and with this he could net at all agree. The other Bill was introduced by the Lord Chancellor, and he trusted that he should not be deemed guilty of presumption in following such an authority. He had adopted a great number of the earlier clauses of that 11111, and in doing so he might rather be accused of plagiarism than of want of consideration.—(Cries of" Hear, bear.) The Chancellor's Bill proposed that the cost of enfranchisement should fall equally upon the lar:dlerd and the tenant. This he thought unjust, and he had therefore omitted it. The other clauses were in perfect accordance with the usual and recognised principles in similar matters. He would now state the reasons why he wished to carry out this very important measure. The first of these was the impossibility of retaining these tenures. The House was not to suppose that he was a violent or an interested partizan. He was the copyholder in three different manors in Cumberland, and the tenures were so disgusting that he should be glad to gtt quit of them. The present system pre vented the free use of skill and capital for the im provement of land, and it was the cause of positive distress and ruin to hundreds of families. To be sure Cumberland was in a worse condition in this respect than other parts of the country, but everywhere the te nure of copy holds was objectionable. Be had no hesi ta'ion, therefore, in aeleng the House to as sent to the second reading of -this Bill. He begged leave to move the second reading of this Bill. Mr. 11EATHCOTE thought such a measure as this was better in the hands of Government than in those of any private Member of the House. This Bill was an extremely one-sided measure; it was compulsory upon the lord of the manor, and not upon the tenant, who had joins interests. Was it right where two parties had a joint interest for one to force the sale of the property, without the consent of the other? He thought the Bill was in many respects a very unfair one, though he had no wish to divide the House upon it. Mr. TURNER was very well disposed towards any well-matured change in the law relating to the tenure of copyholds; and he would now inti mate that unless her Majesty's Ministers brought forward some measure with a view to remodel and improve the Courts of Equity in this or the ensuing session, he would feel it his duty to introduce a Bill having that end himeelf.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member (Mr. Aglionby) had complained of the fines leviable on copyholds; but he (Mr. Turner) would ask, did not the owner of a copyhold estate purchase subject to those fines, and was not his purchase money so much the less in consi deration of those fines?—(Hear, hear.) He considered the present Bill objectionable as holding to a one-sided tenure, end as depriving the lord of the manor of many ' of his just rights. Nu such measure of this kind ought to be passed except upon the ground of general policy, a case in support of which his Hon. and Learned Friend bad failed to show. On the ground of the impolicy of the interference of Parliament by commission, he hoped the House would reject the Bill, and begged, therefore, to move that it be read a second timo that day six months.—(Cries of "Divide.") Tl'e ATTORNEY-GENERAL said ho felt it his duty to support the Bid. It embodied some of the pro vi,ions of a Bill introduced last session, but not carried, widen had been approved of by the Lord Chancellor, and seemed litely to work well. Mr. A ILIOYBY reLli d, and expressed a hope that illembe!s would assent to the second reading, arid defer th„ir objccrions until the Bill wss in Committee. Mr. TURNER withdrew his amendment, and should reserve his obj!'c:ions until the Bid was in Committee. The amendment wss consequently withdrawn. Mr. G. BERKELEY said, if !he Hon. Meraber would divide he should du so, and begged to move that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. The Muse then divided, when there appeared— For the second reading 80 - Against it ... ... 55 Majority The Bill was then read a seccnd time, and ordered to be c!!mmitted. TENANTS AT RACK RENT RELIEF BILL. On the motion for the cunsidertion 01 this Bill as amended. Mr. SPOONER moved that the whole rate, instead of half the rate, payable for the erection of lunatic asy lums, be deducted from the rent. The motion was agreed to, and the report received. lIIGEI WAYS (ANNUAL RATING) BILL. The Blil was read a seco►.d time, and ordered to be committed. SMOKE PROHIBITION BILL. On the in, tion for the second reading of this Bill, Mr. 'XILLYAMS thought the measure mischievous and unntcessary, and moved that it be read a second time that day Fix months. Mr. MACKINNON said the Bill had twice passed the House of Lords, and he saw no reason vi by it should not be read a second time now. Mr. THORNELY did Lot think the whole subject of smoke nuisance throughout the country could be d•-alt with in cue general Bill. It would be much better to leave the managerntnt of the smoke to the municipal authorities of each town. _ _ _ The ATTORNEY-GENERAL remarked that the sui , ..g( scion could be earricd out in Committee. Mr. BRIGIIT had'always opposed this Bill, LeHering that general lrgislstion on the subject was impracti cable. Such measures as these were really sentimental and imaginary, and could be of no possible use if passed by the llouse. Mr. BROWNE gave it as his opinion that a general measure like this ought not to be agreed to till science had discovered some remedy for the smoke nuisance. Mr. M.UNI Z would be glad to support this Bill if be thought it could be Practically carried out, but the cir cumstances in which manufacturers were placed in va rious parts of the country were so different that it was absolutely impossible to deal with all cases by one ge neral measure. The House then divided, when there appeared— In favour of the second reading 72 Against it ... ... 37 Majority in favour of the Bill —35 The Bill was then read a second time. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. This order of the day was read, and the Committee postpone d. SHEEP STEALERS (IRELAND) BILL. The House then went into Cummittee on this Bill, and with some desultory observations, which would be perfectly unintelligible to our readers without a copy of the Bill before them, in the course of which Mr. Grainger, the Attorney-General, Mr. Keogh, and several Members took part, the Bill passed through Committee. WAYS AND MEANS. The Committee cn Ways and_ Means was postponed. Ile submitted that Mr. Parham was entitled to hold the several appointments. Sir F. KELLY to-:'ay replied. The COURT took time t!) consider their judcrraent. STATE OF TRADE. (From the Manchester Guardian of this day.) MANCHESTER, TUESDAY.—The growing firmness which was perceptible in our market last week, has been still more apparent to-day, accompanied with some in crease of business. This is partly attributable to the generally favourable commercial advises from India, and party, also, to the continued tendency of cotton to rise in the American markets; something is likewise attributable to the postponement of business during the holidays. The buyers of yarns have been more disposed to operate than they were a week ago, and purchases of fair aregregate amount have been effected for India, for the European continent, end for other quarters, as well as for home manufacture. For some kinds rather higher prices have been demanded, and, indeed, partially ob tained upon India qualities of 40's to 60's mule, and upon doubled yarns up to 100's. In prices at large, however, it cannot be said that any positive advance has taken place, though in many in stances buyers have acceded to tea ms which they declined a few day since. There has been an increased inquiry for wide shirtings on Indian account, and the makers have asked rather higher price , . Upon some descriptions of light prin ters, a small advance has been rea!ised. And we are glad to find that there has been a little more doing in dctnes tics adapted to the home trade. liocanALE, MONDAY. —We have had a very dull market to-day; indeed, but few buyers have attended. In wool, there has been very little doing; the manufae• turers purchase very sparingly, and prices are much the same as they were the preceding Monday. HUDDERSFIELD, TUESDAY. —A fair amount of busi ness continues to be done, and several orders in hand are waiting for completion. The holidays of last week caused the warehouses to be rather dull. The wool market is steady, and some sorts are a little improved in price. HALIFAX, SATURDAY.—Neither in plain nor figured worsted goods is there any chane,e for the better, either as regards demand or price. In yarns, there is more doing for export, the shipping houses having given out their orders more freely, but prices are rather drooping. Wool is inactive, and the quotations have still a down ward tendency. LEEDS, TUESDAY.—The market for woollens remains flat. The business done to-day is very trifling in amount, and the worst anticipations prevail respecting the future of the woollen trade. SILVEIi COINAGE. The Bill for regulating the silver coinage then went through be rougrheaCd a thirdommit imtetewe on Fridayithoutorpo . sition, and was ordered VENTILATION OF MINES. Mr. AGLIONRY, in. the absence of Mr. Duncombe, who was prevented attending the House from ill health, obtained leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the better ventilation of mines and collieries, for the protec tion of the liv es o f t h e persons emplo yed in and about the same, and to make other provisions relating thereto. DISTRICT CHAPELS IN IRELAND. Mr. NAPIER. obtainer' leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to the endowment of district chapels in Ireland. The House adjourned at Ten Minutes to Six o'clock. BUN' QUEEN'S BENCH.—(THIS DAY.) States S I it j Gr O o n ve r4 rn F m ------R e A n N t THE QUEEN V. PARHAM. This was a writ of quo warrantoyssued b y thi s has s k n steps to prosecute the court, to ascertain by what authority . ll r. t Perha m held tia search after Sir John Frankli n'stae expedition. It appears EXPEDITION. —The United by a telegraphic dispatch from Washirgton, that Captain the o ffi ce of judge of twelve distr . ictoun y ste c r o s u . courts , under twelve di ff erent appointments in Worce n ' Wilkes is to have command of one of the ships. In a The queation to be decided was whether cne person was letter relative to the search for Sir John Franklin, Capt. able to bold the appointment of judge of more than one Wilkes says that time would not permit, this winter, to district at a time. m die any effort in the Arctic Ocean in search of Sir Sir F. KELLY, i n support of the rule, contended that the statute bold more than John Franklin, other than for the Navy Department to a county court, and there. dispatch a smaller vessel from the western coast of one person could not je u d n g d e er ei one appointment as America to notify to the whale-ships that they should fore that there ought to be a se p arate person a pp ointe d be on the look out. Ile adds, that " w hat is now required for each district. per who s o s howed o v wased cause eeel p e a t g e e a i t u to et distance trout our shores is not greater than that to speedy an e d ,x th p e io v ra oy ti a o g n e o m f the ay Wellington channel. The E is. u a rope, theThreelAe,TeTeoeßtNeeEdYe-dGEtreEtiteAeLe, fulfil the duties of days. If vessels were now fitted, they would be in time rate appointments, if he was able to hold office as judge of 100 county courts under 100 sepa- be readily performed in 45 for the season, which opens about the middle of July, and would be able to explore this channel thoroughly had succour , tak e t e hey th each office. If there was a separate appointtmeeenetrttoe each district there would be 640 judges of coun y h e said to its furthest extent or navigable point, and, if not to iu England and Wales. The same observations l av :l l r a o s e c t e e r ,t a a i n n d w r h e e t tu rh e nr S sa ir fel J y oh h n ac F k r b a e n f k e l r i e n applied to the high-bailiffs and clerks. One person With tidings." ) could be clerk or high bailiff to several different COMO. later, A POST-OFFICE NOTICE. CHANNEL ISLANDS AND ISLE OF 2,.1AN NEWSPAPERS. the undermentioned newsp,sp rs printed and riblished in the Channel Islands and in the Isle of Man, respectively, may be transmitted through the post tr,m theselslands to Great Britain and Ireland on pr.- payment of a postage of one penny; but this privilege is not to be extended to them if posted in Great Britain or Ireland for circulation within the United Kingdom: —" British Press," " Jersey and Guernsey News," " Mona's Harald and Fargher's Isle of Man Advertiser," " Jersey Times," " The Manx Sun," " The Manx Liberal," " Isle of Man Times," " Star," and the " Comet." These newspapers, though unstamped, may be sent by post to the colonies and foreign countries upon the same conditions as those which apply to newspapers, simil.rly address , d, forwarded from Great Britain and Irelan - I. The existing rules contained in instructions No. 13, 1849, in regard to the transmission by post of newspaprs other than the above-mentioned, printed and published in the Channel Islands or in the Isle of Man, are still in force, it being, however, understood that such of the newspapers as are printed in these islands in the French or in the Manx language shall in no way b., affected by the restrictions imposed in this notice, or by the instructions, No. 13, above-mentioned, but shall con tinue to enjoy all the privileges, so far as their trans mission by post is concerned, which they formerly posessed. EMBARKATION CF TROOPS AT GRAVESEND Yesterday morning a detachment of the 29th Regiment (Worcestershire), consisting of 3 sergeantsand 235 rank and tile, with 16 wounen and 20 children, arrived at Gravesend by the Rochester and Gravesend Railway, from Chatham garrison, and embarked from the Custom-house-quay, in boats. on board the ship Minden, 916 tons burden, Captain Robert Crawford, for the presidency of Bengal; with the above detachment six men of the Hon. East India Com pany's Service, from Warly Barracks, also embarked. In command of the troops are the following officers, who also proceed to India :—Brevet-Major Arthur Sir George H. Stepney, Lieutenant It G. Colvill, Ensign William Con grave, and Ensign T. Brown, of the 29th Foot. The day previous the Commandant of the garrison at Chatham, Col. James Simpson, with his Brigade-Major (Captain J. S. Wood), inspected the ship, its provisions, and berths allotted for the troops during the voyage. LUDICROUS MISTAKE.—A good lady, who had two children sick of the measles, went to a friend for the best remedy, while the friend had just received a note from another lady inquiring the way to make. pickles. In the confusion, the lady who had inquired about the pickles n ceived the remedy for the measles, while the anxious mother of the sick children read the following: —Scald them three or four times in hot vinegar, and sprinkle them well with salt, and in a few days they will be cured. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, June 5. Their Lordships met at Five o'clock. Earl STANHOPE presented petitions in favour o) an amendment of the poor•laws; also for a repeal o' the Sala of Beer Act. Lord STAFFORD presented a petition in favour of an extension of the jurisdiction of the County Courts. BANKRUPT LAWS CONSOLIDATION BILL. Lord CAMPBELL presented a petition from Glasgow in favour of the Bankruptcy Laws Consolidation Bill. Lord BROUGHAM, after giving his strenuous sup- I port to the above petition, presented several petitions on the same subject. The first was from the bankers, mer chants, and traders of Manchester, signed by 3,918 per sons, who in the course of ten minutes had sub-cribed 1,000/. for the purpose of defraying tl,e expenses in curred in prosecuting the necessary inquiries into the details of the Bill. The second was a petition from the same parties in the metropolis, and, as a proof of the interest which it had excited, ho mentioned as a fact that eighteen of the first bankers its the metropolis had each subscribed ten guineas to defray the expenses of the mercantile community in promoting the success of the Bill. The third was a petition from the Chamber of Commerce in London, more commonly known as the Association for the Protection of Trade in the city of London. The fourth was the petition of the bankers, merchants, and traders of the borough of Salford, signed by eight hundred and twenty-six persons. He then presented similar petitions from the Man chester Association for the Protection of Trade, from Plymouth, from' Cov en t ry , f rom Dudley, and some other places. He then observed that he had so often entered at length into the description of this Bill that he would not detain their L or d s hi ps l ong upon it on the preynt occasion. Their Lordships were all aware that it had been prepared about eighteen months ago, and that it consisted of two parts—the one containing a digest of the existing bankruptcy laws in 367 articles, and the other containing several improvements on those existing laws. Though the bankruptcy laws would still remain capable of improvement—and what human in stitution was incapable of it?—the digest of them con tained in this Bill would render the task of improvement more easy and more practicable. This Bill contained some valuable and important improvements in the transaction of mercantile affairs ; and, as he had stated on many previous occasions, the nature of those improvements, he would now merely state, first, that they simplified and extended the present bankruptcy Acts, and next, that they contained many most important provisions for preventing undue dealings with the property of bankrupts, for preventing undue preference from being given to particular creditors, for preventing undue preference from being given to the relations of the bankrupt—and a gross case of this kind had recently come before Mr.. Commissioner Fane, in which a debt of 1.5001, to the mother of the bankrupt had been fraudulently set up by the benkrupt—and for setting aside all conveyances and t quitable mortgages executed within a certain period before the bankruptcy as fraudulent preferences given to the creditors who held such instruments. All transactions of this kind were carefully guaided against by the new provisions of this IBill. They would also define certain acts of insolvency on the part of the trader which would let in the whole agency of the bankruptcy laws. They likewise contained several most valuable improvements in the whole juris diction of kankruptcy. The original intention of the Bill had been to appoint a Chief Commissioner of Bankruptcy, with an increase of 5001. a year to his salary, and a chief registrar, with an increase of 300/. a year to his; but that intention was now abandoned. No rotation of commissioners or registrars appeared to be necesary, and in the metropolis the number of com missioners would be reduced from six to four, and so with respect to the registrars. The six commissioners now did not sit above two days in the week, and their business could be easily transacted by four commis sioners, who, instead of sitting six days in the week, like the judges, would only have to sit four. He had there fore, in compliance with the suggestions of his Noble and Learned Friend who now held the great seal, struck out of the Bill the clauses for increased salaries to the Chief Commissioner and to the senior registrar. To the proposition of restoring arrest on mesne pro cess he had not been able to give his consent, although many of the petitioners had argued strenuously for it. Debt, if innocent, was a misfor tune, and not a fit subject for imprisonment as a punish ment. He laid down this principle, that, excepting in three Cares, imprisonment for debt ought not to be allowed; and those three cases were, first, where fraud had been committed by the debtor in contracting the debt; secondly, where the debtor exhibited contumacy by refusing to answer questions put to him by the Com missioner or his creditors; and, thirdly, where he had been guilty of gross and wilful extravagance in contracting debts which he had no reasonable prospect of paying. In all these cases there was crime, and crime was a fit subject for imprisonment. But then the imprisonment should not be for ever; and, there fore, a discretionary power was given to the Commis sioners, wherever they thought fit to imprison a party guilty either of fraud, contumacy, or wilful extravagance. This power of imprisonment had been carefully consi dered by the Committee which sat last year, and the result had been that a considerable change had been made in the Bill which was submitted this year to a Select Committee—a change which would give a more efficient remedy to the creditor, and would be a greaterin fliction on the debtor, but only in those cases where too much lenity was formerly exhibited towards him. Prima facie the creditor was in the right and the debtor in the wrong. Prima fade the creditor was the injured, and the debtor the injuting party. The presumption was against the debtor, and in favour of the creditor; and hence he meant to give to the latter every help in his power for the recovery of his just claims. Many persons wished to have arrest upon mesne process restored, be cause they knew that, if they waited till their debtor was taken in execution, his funds by that time were pro bably exhausted. He objected, however, to the restora tion of that process, because under it the creditor often got too much. Persons subjected to the magical touch of a sheriff's officer on the shoulder often paid debts which they did not owe, or compelled their relatives and friends to pay for them debts which they did not owe. The parties who advocated the revival of arrest on mesneexamined upo n n eshsaeds consideration, in attended h a d support accepted the of the t opinion;t e Bill , 1 l l and as but,ha i had Co t h m e m ir i now stood?. u H ill e in th t e h n at g h ri n ve nse a , a h n i 4Fi st a o l ry of the of the so in the e s el epro gressc t Committee, in terms precisely similar to those which he has so often repeated during the present session, and concluded it by declaring that the result of our various deliberations had been that the petitioners against the 3111 had come to an understanding with such of their Lordships (himself among the number) as had had the management of its progress, and that their Lordships had come to an under s t an di ng w i th the petitioners, who originally opposed it. He had the Bill printed at the close of last session; on the first night of the present he had reintroduced it, and got it it referred to a Select Committee. That Committee had been attended by many gentlemen from the provinces, from Manchester, Liverpool, Leeds, Sheffield, and Hull. Many new sug gestions were made to the Committee. They were dis cussed and rediscussed. Those that were valuable were accepted; those that were not so were rejected; and at last all parties came to this conclusion —that the Bill as it now stood was entitled to the entire and unanimous and hearty approval even of those who had at first opposed it. Only one alteration of importance had since been made in it. He had acceded to the objec tion made by his Noble and Learned Friend who held the great seal, against the creation of an intermediate Court of Appeal from the decision of a single com missioner. There might be too great a leaning among the commissioners, from courtesy to each other, to con• firm their own decrees, and therefore, as he had agreed to dispense with a fifth commissioner, he also agreed to the proposition that there should be an appeal to such one of the Vice-Chancellors of the High Court of Chan cery as the Lord Chancellor s h ou ld appo i nt f rom t i me to time to sit in Chancery. Re then proceeded to ex plain tho reasons which had induced the Committee first to introduce into, and afterwards to strike out of this Bill, the clauses ' which were generally known by the name of the " a:ad:lieu's Clauses." If an insolvent trader happened to die after a flat was struck egainit him his estate could bo administered as that of a bank rupt; but, iC he died berme the fiat `leis struck, no such remedy ceuld be had by his creditors, and their only re source was a creditor.' suit, which was a very irksome and very expensive proceeding. To remedy this state of things he had introduced the deadmen's clauses. His Noble and Learned Friend had objected to them oa the ground that if they were made law, there must be a creditors' proceeding and a bankruptcy pro ceeding to. He had given in to that objection, and had struck out in consequence the deadmen's clauses. His Noble and Lenrued Friend (Lord Cot teriham) had pledged himself to provide a remedy for the inconvenience of which he complained, and, as a substitute for the clauses which he had struck out, pro. posed that in the c7ise of traders only a petition should be presented wiehout tiling a bill or answer subject to the rules in the Master's office, and the practice in the Court of Choneery. The Bill, then, as it now stood, had ob tained the unanimous support of all the respectable classes both in town and country; and they anxiously prayed that there might be no delay in converting it into law. As a proof of the necessity which existed tor pass ing this measure with as little delay as possible, he men tioned the startling fact that 50,000,0001. sterling had been annually lost for some years past, partly owing to the distress of the times, partly owing to the imperfect state of the law affecting insolvency and bankruptcy. He conceived that to o most important effects would be produced by this Bill—one upon the law, the other upon the morals of the country.— (Hear, hear.) In the first place the new law would make the trader, who gave credit—and in this commercial country credit must be given—give a more limited credit than he hitherto had done; and, in the next, when the debtor found that he could not elude the legal operations of his creditor, he could exhibit greater honesty, frugality, and care in all his dealings. He would be compelled to become more honest and more prudent, and to square his expenses more accurately to his means. These two results would be of inestimable value to the community. He therefore gave this measure to the House a s an i m p ortan t -im provement on the present condition of the law, and that with a pledge, if it should be round that further improve ments were necessary, he would be ready to give them full and mature consideration. He could not conclude his observations without giving his warmest praise to Mr. Miller, an officer of the Court of Chancery, who was the person alto had drawn up this invaluable digest. 13We:ire he sat down he must inform the House of a com munication he had received from the Lord Chancellor. After he had acceded to the suggestion of his Noble and Learned Friend, that no increase should be made to the salary of the Chief Commissioner and of the chief registrar, his Noble and Learned Friend had expressed his entire approval of this measure. He would not have pressed it on the attention of their Lordships in his (the Lord Chancellor's) absence, had he not known how perilous any delay would be at the present period of the session. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE expressed the great satisfaction he felt at hearing from his Noble and Learned Friend that he thought himself justified in in troducing such alterations into the Bill as did not affect its spirit—[Lord BROUGHA3I—" Its principle"]—altera tions which had insured the support of his Noble and Learned Friend the Lord Chancellor, and of the best and most learned authorities in that House. So amended and so altered as he had no doubt the Bill would be, he felt, with his Noble and Learned Friend opposite, that it was of the utmost importance that it should advance without any delay, and should become the law of the land before the end of the present session. Dry as the details of the Bill might be, they involved considerations of a most popular character, involving as they did the most inti mate relations of society, into which they would intro duce the most sound and practical amendments. For, when he was told that no means now existed for sepa rating the honest from the fraudulent debtor, who was preying on the resources of the community and making bad debts every year to the amount of 49,000,0001. —an amount sufficient to shipwreck the fortunes of any other country, and attended with a salvage which did not ex ceed a fourth or fifth part of that large sum—he could not but feel that an attempt to remedy such a state of things, founded as it was on the experience of various bodit a of men from all parts of the country, all uniting in approbation of it, was an objt ct of the highest public im portance to the country. It was also a matter of the highest social importance ; and one of the provisions of this Bill, which he viewed with the highest approbation, was that i❑ which a mode was prescribed for separating debtors into three classes—the virtuous debtor, whose bankruptcy arose from unavoidable losses and misfortunes; the unfortunate debtor, whose conduct was, neverthe less, satisfactory ; and the spendthrift, the outcast, the speculating, and the fraudulent debtor, whose conduct was not satisfactory, and whose bankruptcy did not arise from unavoidable misfortunes. The Commissioners were hereafter to distinguish in their certificates the bankrupts who were not to blame for their misfortunes—those who were unable to meet their engagements, but whose con duct was not blameworthy—and those who preyed on the interests of society, and sacrificed individuals, and even bodies of men, to their own dishonest and nefarious projects. Such a change in the law would work a bene ficial effect in the constitution of society itself. Consi dering, therefore, that the machinery of of this Bill, ap proved as it had been by his Neble and Learned Friend who generally sat on the Woolsack, was a machinery which would be attended not only with economy in its own administration, but also with a larger economy to those individuals who were to be benefited and saved by its operation—considering also that it would be subject hereafter to any improvements which experience might suggest, he did hope that it would be received as a boon of great value by the commercial interest; and, hoping so, he trusted that the House would pass it through all its ranges with as much speed as possible. He gave his entire concurrence to the Bill, and thought his Noble and Learned Friend entitled to public gratitude for the laborious attention which he had bestowed upon it. Lord WHAHNCLIFFE heard with great satisfac tion the statement of the Noble Marquis in reference to the all before the House, and he hoped the Govern ment would give the measure its support in its passage through the other House of Purliameut. One of the advantages of this Bill was, that it would effect a saving of 12.0001. a year in the machinery connected with bankruptcy. Lord CAMPBELL would only say, that both in form and substance, this Bill was a great improvement upon the existing law last seasisn, and he had no doubt but it would effect great good. Lord BROUGHA M said he had, in the former draft of the Bill, given to the Commissioners the power of im prisonment for a year. He had, however, at the sug• gestion of Noble Lords, taken away this power. He did so, and chiefly on the ground that the committal of the bankrupt would arise from his own se temen% The Commissioners would still have the power to refuse the i lbankrupt protection, in the event of his conduct meriting this exercise of the Judge's power. The creditors would then be enabled to deal with him, and thus justice would be obtained. The Bill was then reccmmitted, and th© report re. ceived. INCUMBERED ESTATES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of Lord CAMPBELL, the Membered Estates (Ireland) 13ill was read a first time, and was ordered to be read a second time on Monday next. CANADA. Lord BROUGHAM wished to know whether the Noble Earl (Grey) had r, ceived any report of the Go vernment of Canada having cut down the classes of claimants for losses, during the rebellion in that colony, to two—namely, those who had been convicted, and those who had been imprisoned, at the period of the re bellion in question. Earl GIiEY said his information on the subject re ferred to was received from a source which was equally open to the Noble and Learned Lord, namely the news papers. Ire must decline givine any other answer than this to the question put by the Noble and Learned Lord. Lord BROUGHAM—Did Lord Elgin send any dis patches home on the subject? Earl GREY—Lord Elgin sent home some news papers containing the debates in the house of Assembly, on the subject, and to these debates he (Earl Grey) was referred. FRANCE. The service for the repose of the soul of the Em press Josephine, in the Church of Bueil, was cele brated yesterday, as in former years. The village was filled at an early hour by people flowing in every minute from Paris and all the sur rounding country. The church was soon completely crowded. In the nave were ranged the National Guard of Rueil and a battalion of the 2d Regi ment of Line, and in the two side aisles the bands of the two corps played alternately pieces of sacred music appropriate to the occasion. In the choir and the chapels at each side of it were a number of persons known for their attachment to the deceased, the Emperor Napoleon and their families. Among them were the Orderly Officers of the President of the Republic; the son of General Lepic, of the Old Guard, M. Laity, author of the pimphlet condemned by the Chamber of Peers. Dr. C inneau, the companion in exile of Louis Napoleon, the Prefect of the Seine- et- Oise,many old soldiers of the Em pire, and persons who had been in the households of the Emperor and Empress and Queen Hortense, and with them Archambault who received the last sigh of the Erup3ror at St. Helena. The President of the Re public was expected, but was prevented from attend ing, as it is said, by affairs of State; but he sent several of his carriages. He, however, had gone on the preceding evening to pray at the tomb of the Empress. THE INSURRECTION IN BADEN. The revoluti onar y G aze tt e o f the Baden insur rection publishes a manifesto of the Commander of the insurgent forces, Lieutenant Siegel, in which he sets forth the reasons which lead him to prepare to attack the Electorate of Hessen. A collision of the insurgents with the troops of Prussia and of the Em pire is daily expected. AUSTRIA. Besides the administration of the police and of the posts in Gallicia and the Bukovina being given to the Russians, General Hammerstein, the military Go vernor of Gallicia, has been instructed by an auto graph letter from the Austrian Emperor to place himself and his forces under the direct command of the Russian General Paskiewitsh. The Queen of Greece arrived at Vienna on the evening of the 31st ult. Our accounts from Debreczin are that M. Szemere all llc ku o l un "ri t g ie a sw a l u lic i h 3r a e r m e ier'hs threatened sen t b y ththe approach Commissioners f the Imperialist and Russian armies, investing them with unlimited powers, and giving them instructions of great severity. The counties which are at a dis tance from the scene of war are placed under the jurisdiction of the usual civic authorities. The clergy of all sects are wandering about the country in their clerical costumes, and preaching a crusade against the foreign invaders. A report of M. Messaros (late Minister of War) states that the Hungarian army, including the free corps, amounts to 396,000 orga n i ze d t roops . T o these will be added the 50,000 fresh l ev i es w hi c h th e Debreczin Parliament lately voted. The se t roops are divided into 11 corps, and commanded by th e follow ing Generals :—I: eLannn Hungarian;ber g, an Damianitsb, a Croat ; Perczel, an Hungarian ; Guyon, an Ii e i tn ap , k a a l: Pole a e Raze; ; Ge r Hung rsm Hungarian from St. Mikolz ; Gaspar, a Slowake; Vetter, an Hungarian; and Aulich, a German. Their cavalry consist of 27 regiments of regular s , each of 2,000 t o 2,400 men, and of 40 , 000 irregulars. They have 408 pieces of artillery, most of which are 12 and 18 pounders. In the sitting of the Hungarian Parliament at Debreczin of the 14th ult., the Speaker, M. Amashy, addressed the House, and after referring to the well known breach of the national privilege of the family of Hapsburg-Lorraine and of its expulsion from office, he informed them that the Governor during the interregnum, the man whom the House and the people had elected to that post of trust and import ance, that M. Ludwig Kossuth was prepared to assume the office of the First Magistrate of Hun gary, and to take his oath of allegiance to the nation. Upon this Ludwig Kossuth, the Governor of Hun gary, took the following oath : " I, Lud w i g Kos suth, elected Governor by the Natio na l A ssem bl y, swear that I will maintain the declaration of inde pendence of the nation in all its consequences; that I will yield and enforce obedience to the laws and to the resolutions of the National A ssem bl y. So help me God!" After this, M. Kossuth summoned the Cabinet to take their oaths to the Chief Magistrate of the interregnum. All the Ministers were sworn, and the House then adjourned. HOLLAND. AMSTERDAM, JUNE 4.—The transactions on th e money market were altogether of a favourable ten dency to-day—all the funds, n a ti ona l as well as f at higher exchange; a n d F renc h stock recovered its former t one , b u t c l ose d oreign, not werem merely re r l a y ted one per cent. higher than yesterday.—Amsterdam Courant, June 5. THE HAGUE, JUNE 4 .—Yesterday th e Mi n i s t er o f Justice, M. C u rtius, took official leave of all the gentlemen connected with his department, and in troduced M. Von \Vickers, his successor. M. Cur tius, in a pleasant address to his former assistants, exhorted them to discharge their duties to his suc cessor with the same zeal and Earnestness which they had invariably displayed while he was in office. .Nothing furth e r has t rans pi re d respect i ng the resignation of M. Bund, the Minister for the Colonies. The Second Chamber will resume its duties to morrow. The Staats Courant contains the law abolishing the duty on vermicelli and maccaroni. It likewise publishes the law for the travelling expenses, &c., of the members of the Chambers. In regard to the diplomacy of the Hague the Nation says— e are lost in conjectures respecting the pro ject of the Cabinet of the Hague; one thing is evident, that the Queen Dowager is acting the part of a Maria Theresa. It appears that a project of law has been planned, of no lass importance than that of re - eAablishing the treaty of 1815, with modifications, f or the purpose of opposing a barrier to France. A new kingdom of the Netherlandsis to be erected, composed of the con ne sts of Louis XIV., of Belgium, of th e Rh enish q prov i nc es, and of Hol land, hich will constitiVe a state containing about fifteen millions of inhabitants. Protected by Prussia, peace will be secured permanently to Europe on the side of France. This is what report says, time will show how far there is truth at the foundation." DENMARK AND PRUSSIA. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, in reply to Lord Brougham, said be had every reason to hope that the hostilities which had occurred between Denmark and Prussia, would terminate in an amicable manner, and he assured the Noble Lord that this country was most anxious, for the peace of the countries referred to, and for the benefit of the commerce of the world, that this settlement should take place at the earliest possible moment. LEASEHOLD TENURE OF LANDS (IRELAND) BILL. Lord CAMPBELL moved that the report on the Leasehold Tenure of Lands (Ireland) Bill be received. The Earl of LUCAN o bj ecte d to the 8111, and mo v ed that it be recommitted to a S e l ec t Committee. If he did not succeed in tbi:, he would move to exclude its appli. cation to all leases with special covenants; and if he did not succeed in this he would then object to the Bill ap plying to property in towns. Lord CAMPBELL said that the Bill was brought in on the 2d of April; it was not read a second time until the 26th of April, and it was not committed until the 25th of May. The report was to have come before their Lordships last evening. This was a proof that the Bill had not b ^en hurried through the House. His Noble Friend the Lord Chancell9r bad paid great attention to the Bill. He thought the Bill was all right, and ought to be adopted, and if his Noble Friend was present he would say the same thing, notwithstanding the Noble Earl (Lord Lucan) stood up and moved that it should be referred to a Select Committee. The Noble Earl com • plained that the Bill was compulsory, but if it was not so it would be useless. That was, in fact, the great merit of the measure. The Bill had been very generally ap proved of, and he had himself received various applica tions from different quarters to press it forward. He therefore called upon their Lordships to negative the motion. Lord MONTEAGLE said there was no similarity between those tenures and copyhold estates. tie thought, however, that a temporary measure would be attended with great ad vantage. Th ere was no iuconvenience arising from these tenures. In fact, it was not a question between landlord and tenant, but between landlord and landlord; for the holder of a lease of lives, renewable for ever, was a quasi landlord, and the rent re served to the original landlord was in th e character of an annu ity overriding the land. He did not think any pecuniary compensati on could satisfy the l an dl o rd f o r the inconvenience of waste with regard to timber that would arise to him from a lessee under this Bill. He would not vole for a motion that would injure the measure, but he would suggest the adoption of this motion to facilitate the progress of the Bill in that House, and in another place. Lord CAMPBELL said he could not agree to the sug gestion. There was ample ind emn i ty provided against any waste that might be attempted by the lessee. The Earl of DEVON said that which ought to be the foundation of the Bill hut be omitted, which was an expla❑a'ion of the practical evils resulting from these s. He had heard no zilch exp'a,nation. The po licy of the incasure was that it would facilitate an im provement of the land. This Bill proposed to substitute a fixed sum for a periodical fine, upon payment of which the landlord should transfer his property to the middle cna!; but he could not see what advantage such a change could be to the occupying tenant, who was in fact the cultivator of the land. He thought it would have been better to have the Bill promissory rather than compul sory, as was proposed. Lord REDESIMLE said, when the Bill was intro duced he did not wish to press an opposition to it; but since that other information had been obtained, with re gard to the lands of the Irish Society, and the covenants contained in their leases. By this Bill they proposed to create a fee simple, Which might be destroyed under these covenants. He could not see how that could work. This was a material point, and ought to be discussed and expl .ined, which could only be done by referring it to a Select Committee. He thought the proposal a very reasonable one, and that it would be better to postpone the measure for another session. The Earl of GLENGALL said there was a great deal of property in Ireland which would be affected by the Bill, and he thought it would be very desirable it should be postponed to next session, that it might be more fully considered. The Earl of WICKLOW thought he never heard a Bill which was more thoroughly discussed in that House than the present measure. With regard to what had been said about a Select Committee, he had heard not • ne word on the subject, except against the principle of the Bill. The case which was urged so strencously on a former night against the Irish Society as a reason why the Bill should be postponed, was now abandoned alto gether, and no case whatever was made out against it. In as far as it went, he believed it would improve the condition of the tenantry in Ireland, and therefore the cultivation of the land, for which it should receive his support. The Earl of LUCAN was of opinion, notwithstanding all that had been said, that the Bill had not been suffi ciently discussed by their Lordships; but in consequence of the then state of the House, he would not press his motion to a division. On the third reading, however, he would move as an amendment that the Bill be made per missive instead of compulsory. The report was then brought up, and on the motion of Lord CAMPBELL, the third reading of the Bill was fixed for Friday. Their Lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, June 5. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. Mr. HUME (in continuation from our Fourth Edi tion) proceeded to say—Having shown the elective franchise to be the right of the working classes, the question came to be in what mode ought the suffrage to be extended so as best to reach and be rendered availa ble to those classes. On this head many plans were issued. Some thought population ought to be the basis of the suffrage; others that property ought to be so. Some, again, thought that education ought to be the basis, while others were for household suffrage. He was anxious to know how far a suffrage founded on popula tion.would infringe upon the rights of property, and he found, from a table which had been carefully prepared by gentlemen residing in Leeds and Manchester, that were property taken as the basis of their representation, England, Scotland, and Wales would return 553 Mem bers to Parliament, and that were population taken they would return about the same number. To take popula tion as the basis, England would return 455 Members, Scotland 76, and Wales 22, and to take property as the basis, England would return 450 Members, Scotland 71, and Wales 32.—(Hear, hear.) It was, therefore, the same thing whether they took population or property as the basis, but population being the easiest, he should 1)0 inclined to submit to it. He was aware that many Hon. Gentlemen had considerable apprehensions as the manner in which he intended to form electoral dis tricts, but he had no hesitation in saying that what he intended to do would not be attended with the least con fusion. All he wanted to do was, better to apportion those districts, to class different towns together, so that they might join in returning a representative or repre sentatives between them. conformably to the population. That had been already done to some extent in Scotland, for the district he represented had five boroughs con nected with it. No difficulty would, therefore, be found in doing the same with other places. He considered, therefore, that there was no ground for doubt or appre heusion on that point, and at the proper time, were be allowed to bring in a Bill on the subject, he would pro duce a scale in which these districts were minutely and carefully arranged, and which, if adopted, would secure the return of Members to that House in strict proportion to the number of the population. He had beside him the actual extent which in France and other countries such extension had been made without any risk, but they bad an example in Scotland of how the division of districts had operated, and these details he would not go into. Having, therefore, shown that it was necessary to ex tend the franchise, and that to insure the free exercise of that franchise, the ballot was also necessary, he thought the measure would be altogether incomplete without an equelisation of electoral districts, and for those reforms he appealed to the justice of the House. He thought no one could deny the justice of so reasonable a proposition. He might be asked, as the Noble Lord at the head of the Government was asked when he introduced a measure to repeal the navigation laws—" Where are your petitions in favour of such a measure ?" In answer the Noble Lord said, and truly said, that it was the duty of the Minister to propose what measures he thought proper for the good of the country, whether there were petitions calling for them or not; and although he would not exactly give the same answer yet he would say, that while last year petitions innume rable had been pre,entcd to the Honse in favour of a similar motion he then made, men had begun to see that it was useless to petition a tribunal which paid no atten tion to them; tad, therefore, they had refrained from petitioning un this ()cession. But he would impress upon Government and the House the danger of allowing that feeling to gain strength in the country, and looking to Par liament simply as a means by which good Govern ment could be secured the country, he thought they were bound to do what they could to improve that Parliament, and render it con sonant with the wishes and feelings of the country. Did, then, that House at present faithfully represent the county) ? He said, no. It might represent certain classes and certain interests, but the country in general it did not represent. Under the old system, previous to the passing of the Reform Bid, that system might have done, but now it would not. Could any man state, that in the present state of things so many of their fellovv" countr) men would long quietly remain excluded from electoral privileges? Arai it would be wise in Govern nsent and that House to 3 ield at once and give these men justice, lest the withholding of it might drive them to despair. Ile thought the time had now come when Government, if they could not go all the way, should at all events show that they were anxious to go so far. Let them show the people that they had an earnest de sire to give the people justice, and with that view be begged to conclude by moving for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the national representation, by extending the elective franchise so as to include all householders , by enacting that votes shall be taken by ballot; that the duration of Parliaments shall n. -. 1 excet d three years, On that the apportionment of representati ves b e rendered more equal to the population. The Hon. Member ro sumed his seat amid considerable cheering. Mr. H. BERKELEY said he begged to second the motion of his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose. Ile was not aware what course Government meant to take in reference to it, whether they would take that disrespectful course which they took a few rights ago in reference to his motion on the ballot—a course dis respectful to the con,tituencies which sent them to that House, and disrespectful to the House itself. With much deference to his Hon. Friend who had introduced this motion, he considered that the question he brought before the House the other night (the ballot) was the most popular of those questions connected with the reform movement, and that in consequence it was proper it should b e b rought forward by itself, as, , carried, it would be the means of having those other reforms, which he considered so necessary, carried out; for it must be evident to all that so lenges intimidation and corruption were mixed up with their system of re presentation, so long would the people be misrepre sented. 'The ballot had also more adherents in that House than any other reform measure, for it might be said that not fewer than 150 Members of that House were its warm supporters. He still thought therefore, that the Noble Lord at the head of the Go vernment might have met that question in a more re spectful manner than he had done. But whether or not the Noble Lord would follow a similar course in th° present instance, there were other members of the Go vernment, who he thought were bound in honesty to their constituents to come forward and explain the vot e they had given on his motion, or rather to apologise for it. He thought it became the Right Hun. Baronet the Secretary fur the Home Department for one to adopt that course. That Right Hon. Baronet bad voted whit: on one occasion and black upon another; and he be" not condescended to explain why he voted black when ho ought to have voted white.—(Laughter.) I n 184 2 the Right Hon. Baronet gave his support to the pro' tection of Voters Bill, in 1849 he considers that voters require no protection.—(hear, hear.) He asked him to explain what had happened between 1842 and 184 9 . which had caused the necessity for such a measure to disappear? Would he tell them that the people were less to be depended on in 1849 than t h ey were in 1 842? —(Hear, bear.) If he did so, it would be base ingrati tude on his part, for no man had better opportunity of seeing the fidelity and honesty of the people than th° Right Hon. Baronet had had, and lie could tell him that had it not been for that fidelity and that honesty, the dtv ties of the Secretary of St ate f or the Home d.partnient would have been more arduous during 1848 than they, had been. But ther e were others upon whom he b ad also , a right to call f or exp l anation, and among these wa s the Master of the Mint. --(Laughter.) He well r ecol• lected the effect thespeech of the Right Hon. Gentlema n in reference to th e b a ll ot i n 1842 had upon him. e rg earnest and impr ess i ve reasoning, urged in words t he burn, depicted the system in its most clear and revolting form; but that Riht Hon. Ge n tl eman h av i ng now gc4 seat on Treasury Bench, contents himself with asYi P that he does n o t thi n k t h e people are so desirous of such, a measure now as t h ey were then.—(llear, and laughte r./ He must say that, by acting as they had done, Go vernment had lost all the confidence their own 5 9 )- porters reposed in them. And now the Noble Lord, !°- stead of looking for support to that quarter whose prin ciples gave hi m t h e b est c l a i m to do so, had only to /o to the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, and the fact scot e could depend upon no support except that given him the '.Tories.—(H ear hear.) Such a state of things he conceived to be deplorable. Ho was himself returned to that House nut in any way connected with the AOll . Corn-law League, but, as an independent Member, ni, ing to support the Noble Lord when be thought DIP' but 11° • right, and oppose when he th oug ht hi ss wrong; THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING: JUNE 6 1849,