The Sun. — London, England, 1855-06-08 00:00:00

SNEY MARK E T AND COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. CITY, Two O'CLOCK. The Cotton Market at Liverpool yesterday c losed tamely, but with regularity, but Monday's advanc e was almost entirely lost. The sales were i est imated at 8,000 bales (500 of which were taken 10 r export, and 1,500 on speculation), comprising 160 Pernam and Maranham at 6d. to 6id., 150 k*Yptian at 7d. to 9d., 1,500 Surat at 4id. to 16 and 120 Sea Islands at lOid.. to 4s. 6d. per 4 . The Railway Share Market was dull, and Prices declined -& to per cent. There has been rather a heavy market this week f or colonial produce, and the purchases have been limited. British plantation sugar has declined 6d. is. per cwt.,*Mauritius about 91., and other :nds to a corresp o ndi ng ex t en t. Grey plantation t ueYlon co ff ee i s l s . c h eaper, h u t w ith a quiet mar " ; colory and the better kinds have been sup- Ported. The public sales of tea which have taken P l ace passed off without animation. Cocoa has re ceded is. 6d. to 2s. Good Bengal rice has been 44,t reduced values, and spices have ruled dull. -there h as b een l ess exc it emen t i n th e cotton mar ket, but no mat e rial reaction has occurred in quo- C ations. Saltpetre is steady, and tallow flat. 111 their monthly report of the dried fruit trade, A l essrs. Witherby and Hanson state that, under 4111 3 r circumstances, the present stock of currants . 111°111 d appear to be quite insufficient for our wants, an d the reports of the growing crops of both raisins -114 currants are unfavourable. Messrs. D. *Bell, Son, and Co. report an active market for American Securities generally : Redeem :tole. Per Cent. _1868_107 108 unite l7ni ed States 6 per Cent. Bonds d Ni State! 6 Per Cent. Inscribed e N e 1867-1868...106 107 ~,to York St a t e 5 per C en t. Inscribed c ii P e K 1858-1860... 90 p e ll nsylvania 5 per Cent. Inscribed Stock ... 78 80 M n : lB 3'lvania 5 per Cent. Bonds 1877... 8 5 86 a s achesetts 5 per Cent. (Sterl. Bonds) 1868-101 103 v i pland 5 per Cent. (Sterling Bonds) ... 92 91 Vi t t i llia 5 per Cent. (Sterling Bonds) 1g88... 85 87 k e ' 6llli a 6 per Cent. Bonds 1886... 88 89 nbi ckY 6 per Cent. Bonds 1868... 88 89 LOANS OF CITIES. olitre al 6 Neal Orleans. CenL Ster. 80nd5.... 83 p 6 per Cent. Bonds ..1857-1865 D o 1893... 80 82 • do. do. 1874... 7 6 bo : do. do. 1881... 72 74 ROAD BONDS. 11littoi RA1 L1875... 69 70 ju i „ 1 C entral 7 per Cent. Bonds g'is Central 7 er Cent. Freeland Ap i lorld -,, e b i 8 ** ... 90 91 p a gan Central 8 per Cent. Bonds Ilsarcia 7 per Cent.,. Ist Mortgage (Ster paLing Bonds) p e lla roa 7 per Cent. Bonds 1864... 93 to4nnlvania Central 6 p. Cent. Mortgage 90 03.* Isie 4 " B ~ , ...... ........................ * 1 York and .... 7 per Cent. lst Mort gage ....... . . . .......... _ ........ .1868-1869...100 10 1 ew York and Erie 7 P Cent., 2d Mort gat,e c . - '1859... 90 92 I s i e t, , Convertible Iv York and Erie 7 per Cent. 3d Mort-18gat,.e. 85 i 8 6 N. ~,,, , Convertible If 4 . v ork and Erie 7p. Cent. Convertible 1862... 80 81 i t l n ' fi rk and Erie 7 per Cent. Sinking 1875... soi 81 * Ex dividend. e 4ccounts from Memel state that the cattle dis a:e Russia had spread to such an extent that a th Yal Prussi an or d er h a d been issued, restraining ° introduction of oxen across the frontier, as well new hides, horns, arc. L T he crew o f an E ng li s h s hip of war are stated to ila cut out a Russian steamer in the port of 67 i ". Her engines had been previously removed the owner. No Russian military opposed the °Peration. 14 A41 :vices from Madrid mention that the Govern t-hetit intended to modify the measure for selling 1, -e , communal lands, the opposition being particu eT 11 3' strong in Navarre and Estramadura. The 4 „ .°111 7) notwithstanding the severe examples made, "ct the execution of several curates, continued in • 1 :1 places to fulminate from the pulpit against )" law for tha sale of ecclesiastical properties, and A ' some instances openly preached insurrection. ~s ‘ telegraphic despatch from Madrid announces the - :ignation of M. Madoz, the Minister of Finance, 114 some of his colleagues. i:ho telegraphic line in the Danubian provinces aDected to be entirely completed this month. 4 41Z:in then be united, by way of Tekusch, with Th e ' ) Ncharest, and Kronstadt. 4 ` ) e.Y of Tunis died on the 2d inst., being tran /Occeeded by his nephew Sidi Mahommed. rt tl iC Securities have been quiet but rather 3 Av er ) Consols having been up to 91 i I. The New 91 r Cents. have been 92 g . to f, and the Reduced p t i to 92. Exchequer Bills have been 18s. to 20s. and India Bonds 225. to 255. pfe mium. o " Omnium is 4/ to premium. The fineness ofthe weather, in the absence of any later ,political 1 , W8 3 suppOrts prices. ta "teign Securities have been dull, except _Mexi 11' in which there have been numerous -trans 4ction tee& sat fl uc t ua ti ng ra t e s. The private lotters I ved by the mail represent the Republic as h gin a most disorganized condition, both in its 11 , stie s and finances. It is, perhaps, unde cir ter:.stanees, rather a matter for surprise that: any i llei lt tauces are made. The total, by this stea Trier, (1 011 14- ling the amount from Tampico , is 115 ,000 tr o B * The quotations have varied this more to 82 21 1 to 221. Turkish Stock has been a t: 82 `, 3 „1. Sardinia n B on ds are 86k. The Du tch 4 4 . r e P .f e o r now een in ts g . bring 95. 4 are the nominal prices of foreii ca n Deferred Bonds, 6/. to 71; Mex Aer 21 to 221. ; Peruvian, 68 to 70 ; ditto Thrt. let 43 to en ts., 48 to 50 ; Portuguese Four per Cents. , ditt o 45 ; Russian Five per Cents., 99 to 101 ;; Spa. /l eur-and-a-Half per Cents., 89 to 91 ; Oti t t t ,;' / . 11 New Deferred, 18 to 181 ; Ditto 3 per bit to "' , 3 8 to 381; Ditto Certificates, 3f to 4i ; In Passive, 82. to 4f. ,_ ll 4t th ail waY Shares there is not much activity, e , quotations are very fully maintained. kl late ll o, Great Northern, North-Western, and Counties ha ve b een mos t in request. South lieheZu are still r a th er a ff ec t e d by the East Kent Nil e °. Great W es t ern o f C ana d a s ha re s ar e still Itei ll i PPorted, and Bombay and Baroda are dearer, t ite : 43 Sambre and Meuse. - t oo t l,„ d Mexican, Mine h av e f a llen 1/., the ac kite— 1404 being considered goo& The Clarendon ktpk 4 a • r e higher, and the Brazilkian Imperial lower. 1/ °tted . are firm. Miscellan.eo us Shares are sup- 4)4 1, -111 FUNDS THIS DA i.-CLOSING PRICES. nnainess done Ni t t. _ 210 a '`• Flt,, 92 1i 2 t'er o cit__•••••••••• ,1,„, -nt. Reduced Annuities_ Shut 926 'I: 1:1'ellt• Coirsole Annuities .. Zoo 3 t A Per.cent. Annuities ......, . ;• sco bittlhioities, Expire sth J an., I 1 859 3i t 30 Years Expire l'ath 'Oct.. co 4* ) itt ''' Shut. 4 1'11 4 4 E i o tott lrear S: Expire `Jth Jai 1., 18y 22 N .4°4(18; .C.lOOO .. ..- 25 1!),,ot llnder t' , looo .. .• ........ "' Account, 10 7 6; . Edy- • tke,4 ............. . 1 -ter tills. ia: oo° is,, _ „........................ . •••• 22 ''..te:kll . . ..... ~, 00 , citLer B°l / 4 ' ; .... .ii .... ... ;Clout. 1 2 DAY. iltlehtillte OP FOREIGN : F ANDS THIS 0 A . 661 ,_1„,,1, Yres Londe 6 per C nit 101/ , 'Ail. o nels 6 ' ' Il' 4l A t0.,2„_ ... ..... 1021 bi t,,„ 3 'a, &petr Cent.... ...... ...- • - 221 i 226 1i 2 • Pet,iitsto kr the Ancc•oua ... ••• • " .:-. .. 40 •... , bitt tends 5 per Or at •-- - qlti r ° for the ' ' ' , f or .„ Account.._ _ oitto ; ° tids, 6 Per cent 82 a i 0 )r th e A t t`i. tavid "°un •-' in London , lkos ends on th e above PI iyanie . 94f. ex 25f. 15c untkilmllentes, 46 per Omit bittolehalVe. 24 war cent. • [2 13 an • •••• , --- 5 , per cent ciertmeata s .....•-••••-c,B O'CLOCK' 14p . , 0 _ T lll7 -° . _ 4,4°18 ...... ................ ...._ 91 i i a d Aceo,,nt, 10th Jul y.... ... hi / 1 4, .__.....,...„--......_ 21._. --". , ~,,. seem- T a " 1 41 1 - liVfissit , , c !owl= r.— "' 1 concert, ht tie ~,o , a M ALPINI ; a th •ir anima f the 1,, th e , eabsts have am lount led ‘- evenin g o ‘<th . ktal l , g • a for Ole „ e. The k i4 inn ver-square ~, .), it . n a patronao corn. ruished 1,14114tri 4:4llithiclu r highly (7,i, tin!,n simil ar occasionste is 4° ti e° a , full edhaive l'•va3• s to attend ante, and al:1r will be t ollbt that and P.shiuriab at of pu .hlie favour i,,nd ed to the n eq'aal anion next. that the 104'041,41 lick v•ii Tuesday 3ee • ~., .1 to learn rebuilding (), 11 1 : of ,00°201s1. CLUE. --We 1 t ; the rebuilding of olit 01. equirj for cot apletinj been nearly r are e g i ir ii all et%qt11,3,.1,'6. t•equired for cot • a t P eet 14 as beenn we have ho eribettl:ro..ises in Arundel-s r With' ‘nd'and obtained. The a do °4t t h . About 250/. is n sa Nv ~, the b„. *t 1 l esmall aini will b e 116011'Y for whichc, ` ll tr °a", i ti i0,0001'• dbe mply kt ltt . 4 1? was. addition to le ~ n , dersts ed clubhouse 14iiAelei't for snsured, will, , , . ve Un , 7 . and in3nro , we con tp.„-,4 t o __ the erection o f an nts ' h they have ih•tilime Present wants and requirements ~. c- NI ,the Mternbers Ur .on the spirit war their efforts. -.M 'I th e succes s vi. aich has attended , (Prom, the Of c+ al List. I LITERATURE. Pictures from the Battle-fields. By " The Roving Englishman." G. Routiedge. I A seasonable reprint of sketches originally pub lished from time to time in the pages of Charles Dickens's , Household Words—sketches descriptive of scenes wonderfully interesting to mere matter of-fact stay-at-homes hardly less than to more ad venturous compatriots like our friend the Roving Englishman. The fragmentary pipers as they were written, in the first instance, for peacemeal issue through the weekly numbers and monthly parts, and half-yearly volumes, of a popular periodical, were evidently, to the writer's own thinking, altogether too rambling and di-jointed for collective republication in their earlier shape, without being first strung together in something like reasonable sequence, and ushered in by some thing like a formal, and sedate, and argurnenta ive introduction. After this fashion it is, therefore, that these animated " Pictures from the Battle- Fields" make their present separate and substantial appearance. As additional attractions to the work, moreover, the letter-press is interspersed with eight large and graphic illustrations. The celebrated Zouaves—the most picturesque, and in some respects the most popular, corps of the Allied armies before Sebastopol, " the finest sol diers in the world," as they were 'called, after Alma, by the late lamented Marshal St. Arnaud, their heroic commander-in-chief—figure iu pic turesque groups upon the frontispiece. Elsewhere, throughout the body of the work, the illustrator introduces the reader now to a narrow " Street in Constantinople," now to the crowded wharf at " Varna," now to the choked-up byeways of " Balaklava," now to' a "Deserted Villa," now to the snowy suburbs of " Bucharest," and now to those wonderful fellows the Bashi-Bazouks, each a sort of bully-ruffian, with a cross of the rapscal lion, a Swiss in venality, a Greek in faithlessness, a delightful mixture of the brigand and the hired assassin, of the freebooter and the condottiero ! It should be observed, by the way, that the book is formally inscribed by its writer " To the Editor of the Times"—the dedication coming to the aforesaid from, "An Unknown admirer of the Splendid Abilities, the Chivalry, and Honesty with which he has fought the good-fight of the people." A tribute of admiration offered to the journal, gratefully called among our brave fellows in the East, " The Soldier's Paper," in remembrance of other efforts in their behalf besides the amumule.- tion of the " Times Fund," and its ultimate distri bution at Scutari by Mr. Macdonald. As to the literary contents of the volume before us, that for the most, we doubt not,• is already familiar enough to the readers of Household Words, which is tantamount, we fancy, to saying to many hun dreds of thousands of the more intelligent members of the population. A reperusal of some of the more animated descriptions will be none the less agree able from their being thus substantially collected together in a separate publication. Though we re gret to add that the introductory passages by which the accumulated sketches are thus brought before us again, are very far indeed from being comparable in value, or even in point of style to the original " pictures " themselves. The " Preface" espe cially, spread over some thirty pages—(fancy a preface nowadays of thirty pages !)—is at once stilted and frivolous. The worst specimen of book making, and that of the most pitiable kind, is the bookmaking that panders to the popular prejudices of the moment. In this way there is a great deal of rubbish poured out of the inkbottle of the Roving Englishman about Sir Hector Stubble and Lord Fiddle-de-dee—in tended,no doubt, to be witty, or at the least humorous, but in reality nothing less than insufferably tedious, absurd, and extravagant. What is said by our author a little further on about my Lord John Russell would be odious from its personality but that the whole diatribe is suffi ciently contemptible—directed, as it is, against one who has surely done some good in his time, whether in regard to the cause of civil and religious liberty or in reference to the wise development of the sacred principles which are the foundation of our Consti tutional Government. We do not fairly get into the meritorious portions of the work until the eighth chapter, a chapter brilliantly descriptive of the wonderful plague of the " Locusts." After which the Roving Englishman wanders off into the most bewildering variety of scenes and incidents —a literary hotch-potch, or olla-podrida, or pot pourri, or rechauffee or refacciatnento, so extra ordinary, as to be only . comparable to the songs sung by honest Hickory in the hearing of Chris topher Tadpole—in one of which ditties Mr. Albert Smith tells his readers about The Brave Old Oak Getting up Stairs on the Banks of Allan Water ! Nevertheless, confused though they were, the songs of Hickory were sufficiently amusing, and so, for that matter too, are the " Pictures from the Battle-Fields" by a Roving Englishman. -Fairy Tales. By the Countess D'Aulnoy. Trans lated by J. R. Planche. G. Routledge. We would venture to place the "Fairy Tales'' written by that charming lady, the Countess D'Aulnoy side by side, on the same shelf, with the glorious "Arabian Nights Entertainments." And we would almost presume to elevate those stories told (during one thousand and one nights) to the wife-murdering Sultan by the beautiful Vizier's daughter, the Sultana Scheherazade, to the top most part of our beloved Library of Fiction. Only that by doing so we should render them rather inaccessible, placing them out of reach instead of allowing them to remain handily at our very elbow. It is related somewhere of Edmund Burke that he not unfrequently read the whole of the "Arabian Nights Entertainments" through, afresh, within the twelvemonth. , And, supposing him to have made it a practice, we would almost fancy him wishing that the months were a baker's dozen, so that he might find time to read the Fairy Tales of the Countess D'Aulnoy during the course of the odd thirteenth. We are not talking altogether at random when we say this, honestly conceiving these said Fairy Tales to be the fitting pendant or not unworthy sequel of the magnificent Arabian Entertainments. The present edition of the former wonderful collection of stories is abotit the best ever placed within the reach of the lovers of the imaginative. It is dedicated to " The Princess Mary of Cambridge," and we regard it as a book that should be dedicated to no one less than a Prin cess. It is embellished with drawings from the hand of John Gilbert, that most prolific, perhaps, of all 1 living draughtsmen. It is translated and edited by no one less entitled to that double post of editor and translator than J. R. Planche, the veteran chief of Burlesque. We take. Mr. Planche's labour in the production of this graceful version of the ' " Fairy Tales of the. Countess D'Aulnoy" to be more than simply a labour of love—to be, in fact, a tribute of gratitude as well as an evidence of parti cular admiration. For no one has dipped more deeply than Mr. Planche into the magic waters of that fountain of Fairyland—the current of which is poured out so lavishly and sparklingly in the pages of the Countess D'Aulnoy. Shining through which we behold—what marvels, indeed, do we I not behold ? Trouping by, in elfine procession— G racieuse and Percinet 1 the Fair One with Golden Locks! the Prince Sprite! the Princess Printoniere! fhe Bee and the Orange Tree 1 the Blue Bird ! the Golden Branch !and Fartunee !and Finette Cendron ! :and Babiole ! and the Yellow Dwarf ! and the Good Little Mouse ! and the Green Serpent ! and the .Beneficent Frog ! and the Beautiful White Cat ! tO and heaps upon heaps of other themes of wonder and loveliness. Altogether the book is a veritable 1> ox of sugarplums—and blessings say we on the fairy hand now dead and gone years ago of the go , 9d and ingenious fabricator of this delectable b on bonniere EXTENSIVE ROBBERY AT THE WEST-END.—Yesterday of ternoon the metropolitan police of the C division gave ini brmation of an extensive robbery having been cotn mi tted by the clerk at the well-known firm of Messrs. Re dmayne and Co.'s, silk-mercers, New Bond-street. stt B aling and tiling with him upwards of 1001. in cash. 11. e is described to be 35 years of age, 5 feet 7 inches hitgh, sallow complexion, blackhair and whiskers, sunken eyes, and dressed in black. PVILIC HEALTH or ENGLAND, &c.—A blue-book of 21;0 pages, published yesterday, contains the report of th e Select Committee on the Public Health and Nuisances B.emoval Amendment Bill. The committee simply report t o the House the evidence taken„which includes that of "Dr. Farr, Dr. Snow, Mr. Toulmin Smith, Mr. Alderman 'Copeland, and seven' other gentlemen. From the evidence of Dr. Farr, who is at the head of the statistical depart ment of the General Register-office, we gather that the average mortality in England is 23 in 1,000. " The town population of Great Britain," says Dr. Farr, "is now above 10,000,000, and the mortality is greater in pro portion to the whole population than it was in 1821 or 1831." As regards the metropolis, Dr. Farr gives the rate of mortality in the various districts, it being in Lewisham 17 in 1,000 ; in Hampstead and St. George's, Hanover-square, 18 in 1,000 ; in Kensington, Isling ton, and Wandsworth, 19 in 1,000 ; in the city of London and in Hackney, 20 in 1,000 ; in the Strand and St. James's, Westminster, 22 i n 1,000 ; in St. M ar t in ' s -in-the-Fields, Marylebone, Pancras, Clerkenwell, St. Olave's, Southwark, and Camber well, 24 in 1,000 ; in Lambeth, St. Luke's, Bow, Step ney, and P o pl ar , 25 i n 1 . 000 ;in Bethnal-green, East London, and St. Mary's , Newington, 26 ;in 1,000 ; in St. Giles's, Westminster, and in Greenwich, 27 in 1,000 ; in .Holborn and West London (City), and Shoreditch , 28 in 1,000 ; and the sa me i n Bermon dsey and Rotherhithe in St. George's-in-the-East and Whitechapel, 29 in 1,000; in St. George's, Southwark, 30 in 1,000 ; and in St. Sa viour's, Southwark, 33 in 1,000. It has been shown that the mortality of London is 24 to 25 in 1,000 ; in Paris,flerlin 2itBisi in 1,000 o s o a o m ; e ; in Turin in Genoa, it is 26 ninl,ooo in 1, ; in o l, oo ;it yons. 33 in 1,000 ; in Hamburg, 36 in 1,000 ; in Moscow, 3E in 1,000 ; in St. Petersburg, 41 in 1,000 ; in Stockholm, 39 in 1,000 ; and in Vienna, 49 in 1,000. 17ft PE , 1 L 1 A2sIEIN ri'. HOUSE OF COMMONS_YESTERDAY• PROSECUTION OF THE WAR. —ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. S. HERBERT—Sir, I have risen thus early in the debate because I imagine it is the wish of the house, if pos sible, to compress the discussion within the scope of this night—(hear)—and I am anxious to leave time and room for others whom I think it is important that we should hear before we arrive at any decision on this question. The hon. and learned gentleman who has just sat down has made an attack on my right hon. friend who sits beside me (Sir J. Graham), upon grounds which no doubt he thinks are conclusive against him, but which I trust in a few sen tences to convince him are fallacious. He says, in the first place, that in a despatch written by the Duke of Newcastle so far back as June last, a despatch which was produced before the committee of which the hon. and learned gen• tleman is chairman, the Duke of Newcastle pledged this country to make no peace until the fortress of Sebastopol was captured or destroyed. Let me say, so far as these words are concerned, that is not a correct quotation. The Duke of Newcastle never said there shall be no peace. He said there will be no prospect of pedce—(hear, and laughter)—no prospect of peace until we can deal to Russia such a body blow as seen induce her to submit to the terms we hope to get. (Hear.) The hon. and learned gentleman cheers that. See back to the first despatch in which the Duke of Newcastle says, "Bear in mind that if the Russian generals make no demonstration of any further onward movement, it may become essential for the attainment of the objects of the war that some ope rations of an offensive character be undertaken by the allied armies ;" some operations actually of an offensive character, but being part of a defensive system they should be to that extent defensive operations. Me goes on "No blow that could he struck at the southern extremities of Russia would be so effectual as the taking of Sebastopol," The Duke of Newcastle conceived that to be the heaviest blow which could be dealt to the Russian empire. Si.' J. PAKINGTON.—Is that the despatch of the 10th of April. Mr. S. HERBERT.—Yes, and then comes the subse quent despatoh of the 29th of July. Ido not see how, after those despatches, the honourable and learned gen tleman can say the Duke of Newcastle ever said we could not make peace till the fortress was taken ; for how can he reconcile that with the face that in the despatch there is not one word of imperative injunc tion, but the general is told it is left to his discre tion ? (" Hear, hear," from Mr. Roebuck.) Yes, but the discretion was not left because we would not make peace without it, but to undertake operations which, if successful, would, more than any other, force Russia to accept terms of peace. Is that the plain and obvious mean leg of the expression? (Hear, and a laugh.) The hon. and learned gentleman laughs, but I ask him, if the capture of Sebastopol was to be a condition of peace, why iu the four points did it not appear? (Hear.) My right hon. friend the member for Southwark in his eloquent and impassioned speech said, "if you do not take Sebastopol you will have to return to England and furl your banners in disgrace." Is that so ? What would have happened if, 10 days ago, Russia had accepted the limitation you required as a con dition of peace? (Hear.) That was what the late Mr. Sheil would have called a rhetorical artifice." The whole error consists in this fact, we are making confusion of two things essentially distinct—confounding the operations of war, which are the means to an end, with the end itself. We have a war party, we have a peace party, and subdi visions of both, with different objects and different antece dents or points of departure. Take the party which is of opi- nion the time has come when the country may with honour to itself, and with material advantage to her interests, make an honourable ' safe, and prudent peace. How is that point urged - by those who hold that opinion? We have the hon. member for Manchester, who has from the first objected to the war, and who has, let me say, in speeches of consummate ability and earnestness urged those opinions, and with a courage which does him credit, for he stood almost alone against an immense amount of popular feeling, which he resisted in the consciousness of a sincere conviction in the opinions he advocated. Then we have my right hon. friend his colleague (Mr. Gibson) who disapproved of the war from its commencement, but does not share all the opinions of his hon. colleague. Then we have those sitting immediately behind me, who were, like me, advocates for a war for which they shared some por tiic of the responsibility—(hear)—and willing to bear it, thinking they can justify it. We think it is not right to assert that there is anything inconsistent or disho nourable in those who were advocates for war to attain certain objects, when they think those objects have been gained, to become the advocates of a peace as a natural consequence. The hon. baronet opposite (Sir E. B. Lyt ton), to whose speech I listened with the pleasure which all must have felt, as it was essentially the speech of a gen tleman and a scholar, asked, " How comes it you who were advocates for beginning war are now advocates of peace?" Well, that begs the whole question of what has happened since. (Hear.) I now, calmly looking back at the history of the war, recollecting the circumstances from -which it sprung, the attitude of Russia towards Turkey, the imminent danger to the latter Power, and recollecting what I held then, as I hold now, as one of the greatest in stances, I must say, brigandage—for we have no word in English which suits it—and violation of the public law of Europe—the invasion of the principalities by Russia — well, I hold all those opinions now, but I ask who can avoid feeling the weight of responsibility ? And, I declare before God, I know nothing more painful, more grating on the con science of a man than having to give, even as an humble member of a Government, his ay or no upon a question which involves such fearful consequences and exposes his country to such fearful hazards and distresses. (Hear.) It was, then, in no spirit of levity, and not adopted without weighty consideration of the great interests involved, that I came to the conclusion that my voice should be given in favour of a declaration of war. I justify it to myself by the magnitude of the objects we sought to obtain. Those ob jects we specified and stated over and over again in public documents, which are historical—in treaties with our allies. I will tell you what the objects were. They were the abro gation of that network of treaties by which Russia held Turkey in her grasp—(hear)—they were the abolition of that exclusive claim to a protectorate of the Christians which would have given them a right of interference dan gerous to Turkey—the freedom of the Danube. Those were objects of paramount importance, and were specified in public documents, and in our agreements with France, Aus tria, Turkey, and Prussia. In not one of those documents was there any mention of "limitation." Our objects were, u!parate from that; limitation was the child of after growth. The army, it is said, is now in a better con dition, and, thank God, so it is. The hon. and learned member for Enniskillen (Mr. Whiteside) cheers me, and I am glad to say that in his speech the other night he made an approach to accuracy upon this subject, for, in speaking of the number of soldiers that had perisbed, he said we had lost half of our army. That is a gradual subsidence from old exaggeration. We did not lose half nor a quarter of our army, although, God knows, we lost enoueh, for, from the last returns—and they are fearful to contemplate—l find that upwards of 13,000 men have, since thefirstdeclaration of war, fallen victims to the swordor disease. But we should be cautious how we exaggerate these numbers. We should recollect what may be the effect of our doing so,„ how much we may thereby damage our position with regard to nego tiations. The hon. and learned gentleman says, that suc cesses have been obtained because three traitors have been expelled from the Cabinet, and there are stories circulating all over the town as to my right hail. friend (Sir J. Gra ham) being the man who prevented the expedition to Kertch and the bombardment of Odessa. I regretted to bear the hon. member for the West Riding, in his able and eloquent speech deprecate in some respects our successes at Kertch, and say that the corn taken by us was private pro perty. Now, I read in the newspaper to-day the state ment of General Pelissier, taken from the Moniteur, upon that subject, General Pelissier, says,— " Advices received from Kertch, dated the 31st of May, an nounce that, on the refusal of the military authorities of Genitchi, situate on the northern extremity of the tongue of land of Arabat, to give up the Government stores and 90 ves sels laden with provisions for the Russian army in the Crimea, the squadron, under the orders of Captain Lyon, bombarded the place, drove out the troops, and destroyed all the stores. The enemy has thus lost, in four days, an immense quantity of provisions, four wir steamers, and 240 vessels employed exclusively in provi,ioniug the troops in the Crimea." (Cheers.) On the other hand, I think the press is now, in its leading articles, drawing inferences from the successes which are not justified by the facts, for it is talking as if Arabat and Genitchi were already taken. But, although we have bombarded the one and destroyed the stores at the other place, we are not yet in possession of them, and we must not, therefore, think, because of the successes we have obtained, that we are already masters of the Putrid Sea. I hail these successes, because in war success is the best road to peace—(hear, hear)—but if, after your objects were at tained, you still went on for mere military success, your criminality would be great. (Hear, hear.) This nation is a generous nation, and 1 believe that if we have success (as I trust in God we may) the difficulty will not be to extort sufficiently high terms from Russia, but there will be a feeling in this country, to care nothing for terms, to say—we have got what we wanted, we have taught Russia a great lesson, let bygones be bygones; and the difficulty will be to get public opinion to back diplomatists in ask ing for any terms at all. I will now revert to the speech of honourable and learned member for Plymouth, who looked upon my right honourable friend as a traitor for having prevented the execution of the operations which have since been undertaken. Eager and anxious officers are said to have been urging the Admiralty to undertake those services, and from my right honourable friend are supposed to have proceeded the chilling orders to refrain from carrying out measures which would have facili tated our operations. Now, I have the permission of the Noble lord it the head of the Government to read some despatches upon this subject, and I will first take one dated October 13, 1854, because it comprehends several points. " The Secretary to the Admiralty to Vice-Admiral Dundas " Admiralty, Oct. 13, 1851. Sir,—l am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, with reference to the operations of the fleet under your orders, to call your special and particular atten tion to the necessity of exercising the utmost vigilance and care in preventing the movement of craft of all descriptions proceeding out of the Bay of Kherson and the River Dniester, and I am to signify their directions to you to take every precaution in your power to prevent communication with the Crimea from ports in that direction. My lords are further of opinion that, whenever the means at your dis posal will admit, proper measures should be concerted with your colleagues in command of the allied forces for obtain ing au entrance by the Gulf of Kertch into the Sea of Azoff, with a view to interrupt the communications of the enemy with the eastern shores of the Crimea, to which their lord ships have always attached the greatest importance. In con cert, likewise, with your colleagues, my lords consider that no opportunities should be lost to occupythe attention of the enemy by frequent attacks upon all parts of the coast extend ing from the mouths of the Danube to the isthmus of Perekop, and that any proper opportunity for the bombardment of Odessa should not be omitted." (Hear.) That is my answer to the hon. and•learned gentle man. (Cheers.) I now wish to say one word in defence of Admiral Dundas. I should be the last man to cast imputa tions on those who are absent, but I am bound to state that there was a conclusive reason why Admiral Dundas, who was himself eager for the attack on Odessa, did not undertake it. Admiral Dundas wanted to make the at tack ; he had prepared means for it, but he was prevented. What stopped 'him ? Why, it was the opinion, given upon strategic grounds, not only of the English, but also of the French general, that the destruction of Odessa would libe rAte troops, which would immediately be sent to the Crimea. The generals were firm in that opinion, and it was in consequence of their urgent request that Admiral Dundas felt that he could not undertake the operation. (Hear, hear.) lam not giving my opinion as to whether .he strategic reasons assigned by the generals were sound )r not, I am not competent to do so, but I say that they entirely acquit Admiral Dundas. If there is any doubt as to the intentions of my right hon. friend, then at the head THE SUN, LONDON. FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 8 1855, of the Admiralty, as to Odessa, I will read a despatch which I think will satisfy the house on that subject. Lord SEYMOUR —I wish to ask whether this despatch has been laid uppn the table—(cheers) —because I think that if we aro to have a discussion on the despatches, and if they are to be read on one side, we ought to have the answers to them on the other. (Hear.) I shall therefore move for those despatches, and for any answer which may have been received in reply to them. (Hear, hear) I hope the noble ford at the head of the Government will not ob ject to lay them before the house. (Hear.) Mr. S. EIERBERT—The objection is a fair one. It is a rule of the house that no despatches shall be read which have not been laid upon the table, but there are moments and occasions when the generosity of the house will allow that rule to be departed from, when a man's character is attacked, and when he can vindicate himself by the reading of a despatch to the publication of which the noble lord at the head of her Majesty's Government makes no objection on the ground of public convenience. The house will therefore bear with me while I read it : " Admiralty, Dec. 8, 1854. " Sir,. I am commanded by my Lot ds Commissioners of the Admiralty to call your attention to their letter of the 13th of October Last, No. 622, respecting an attack on the port of Odessa at any proper opportunity. " Although this question has been postponed, at the re quest of the generals commanding the allied forces on shore, my Lords are of opinion it should be again taken into con sideration, with a view to an effectual opera ion whenever circumstances will permit " I am, he., " Vice-Admiral Dund as. " " R. OsBoRNE. Now, the noble lord (Seymour) says I ought not to read these despatches unless the house has also the answers to them. But I have given a reason why Admiral Dundas bad not executed the attack upon Odessa, and why he should be acquitted of all blame. I have made no imputa tion upon the commanders on shore. I have no doubt they had sound and good military reasons for doing what they did. But these despatches are necessary to the defence of a public man, whose character is public property. And now let me say a few words with regardto the Straits of Ket tch. It may be said, " Why did not Sir E. Lyons attack Kertch and open the passage before?" My right hon. friend stated on a previous occasion, and stated with truth, that the Russians had blocked up the passage with ships sunk for that purpose. But the other day it was said, " Where are the ships ?" It was s t a t e d that there were no ships sunk, that the statement of my right hon. friend was a mere ex cuse, and that the thing ought to have been done long ago. But what does Admiral Lyons say in his letter published in the Times of to-day, and addressed to the Secretary of the Admiralty ? He says :-- " Had this expedition been deferred but a short time longer there would have been many and great difficulties to overcome, for the enemy was actively employed in strength ening the sea defences, and in replacing the sunken vessels which had been carried away by the current during the winter months." And this is a current from a frozen sea, which brings down with it many obstacles to navigation. The letter proceeds:— " Of the 40 vessels sunk last year• some still remain, and a French steamer touched upon one of them yesterday. It appears that the enemy did not succeed in destroying the coals, either at Kertch or Yenikale, so that about 17,000 tons remain, which will be available for our steamers." Well, that is my answer, and I think it is conclusive and satin; actory against those discreditable attacks which were made on Tuesday by the hon. and learned member for Ply mouth (Mr. Collier). I have said that the objects of the war have been successfully attained, and that this gives us a golden opportunity of bringing the war to a termination whenever the country shall be so pleased. My right hon. friend (Sir J. Graham), in that lucid and masterly speech which he addressed to the house on Tuesday night, went seriatim through the proposals made at the conferences. I will not enter upon the question of the protectorate of the principalities. I will not enter upon the question of the free dom of the navigation of the Danube, or the question of the right of interference with regard to the protection of the Christians in general in Turkey, except in passing to say that I was struck by a statement matte by the noble lord (J. Russell), who stated as a reason for not having entered upon the fourth point that he found in a conversation with the Turkish ambassador that he objected to a stipulation which would infringe on the rights of the suzerain of T urkey by giving a vested right in interference, not to one nation, but to several, in the internal concerns of Turkey. Well, that was not an unnatural observation for the ambassador of Turkey to make, but there was this singularity in it, that, after the enemy had agreed, not to the particular sti pulations, but to the four bases upon which police should be concluded, there was one party who had not given in a similar agreement, and that party was our ally. Now, that complicated the negotiations considerably. With regard to the third point, we should recollect that it di vided itself into severs,l,portions. You have the question touched upon by the hon. gentleman (Sir B. Lytton), that that which was merely the preamble of the treaty of 184 L is now to be converted into a condition. There was a state ment with regard to the independence of Turkey which was recited iu the treaty, but it was not made a condition in the treaty. But now, by a concession, as the hon. gentle man says, extorted by the sword of Alma and of Taker man, it becomes converted into a condition. Well, now, look at the question of the Straits. The noble lord was offered by Russia the mare apertum. He gave his rea son for not accepting it, and I thought it unanswer able. For some time I have held that opinion my self. But let me recall the attention of the house to a circumstance which should show how cautious we ought to be in pledging ourselves to opinions upon matters with which we are but little acquainted. (Hear, hear.) When the question of peace was discussed 12 months ago in the press, every one said that no peace wouldbe good for anything which did not open the Straits. [Mr. DAYARD —" I protested against it."] The hon. member for Ayles bury, having a great knowledge of the country, protested against that opinion, bat scarcely any one discussed the question in the press who did not say—" He must open the Dardanelles." The noble lord, however, said that to open the Dardanelles would be to infringe the rights of Turkey, and would be a great advantage to Russia. It would introduce the Russian fleet into the Medi erranean, where we have great interests, and it would allow Russia or any other power to menace the existence of Turkey, which is a weak power. (Hear.) I thought that was a conclusive answer. But what was the second proposition of Russia with regard to the Straits? The limitation of the Russian fleet in the Black Sea seams to be failing into general disrepute. I was originally, like my right hon. friend, a party to limitation ; but it was not one of the original objects of the war. It was not, I think, heard of till December last. lam not sure by which of the confed rates it was suggested. I am not disposed to blame the Government for making it a sine qua non, to which, however, we were no party. We should be careful how we blame the Government for small matters, in which they may be sometimes erroneous. They may have several courses which they may pursue, and the difference between those courses may be very small. The Government can but adopt one, and iu this particular case an Opposition has great advantages. They have got as the ground of opposition the errors, not of one Government, but of four ; and any Government may have to take the course which it may not itself prefer. We should, therefore, look with indulgence on the conduct of the Government in questions of this kind. Hon. mem bers may wish only to attack the Government, but the shaft goes further, and they may be striking an ally instead of hitting the Government. (Hear.) Well, but the limi tation is now pretty generally said to be illusive. Thenoble lord said the Russians were only to have four ships in the Black Sea, but some one said seven or eight. The hon. member for the West Riding argued that it was impossible to go to war upon one ship more or less. The noble lord replied that they could not, but that when Russia bad seven or eight instead of four ships, the suspicions of Eu rope would be aroused, and then some steps would bs taken to prevent the threatened evil. The hon. member for the West Riding further stated that Russia could get ships built, not of rotten timber, at home, but could get screw vessels of the'greatest size built in the Thames or the Mersey. But to that the noble lord said, "No; for no ves sels unarmed could pass the Straits." There, I think, the nobl noble lord passindulwas the Straits. errorf a o i r ts. I believe r that any ships not armed Here, then, was another argument in favour of limitation destroyed. I do not know with whom the question of limitation origi nated. Ido not make tlfat limitation a charge against the Government—l cannot afford to do so—but I was not a party, and I do not know who is, to making this a sine qua non. It will not be found, from the papers pre sented to Parliament, that the French or Austrian Go vernment made it an ultimatum. It was not an ultima tum or a sine qua non. My impressi ,n is that it was a fresh importation into the differences between us and Rus sia, but I believe that, at all events, this particular basis is now defunct. We should now co nsider what was the merit of the counter-offer made by Russia. Ido not thiuk that question has yet been fairly stated. Constantinople is a capital situated upon a narrow strait. Turkey exercises, and has exercised, from time immemorial the right —some say the natural right—of closing these Straits, upwards or downwards, to ships of war. Other capitals are placed in a position somewhat similar. In the Bay of Naples, 1 believe, ships above a certain number of tans are not allowed to enter. At Copenhagen no ships of war are permitted to come within, three miles of a cer t a i n b a ttery. But by th e treaty of 1841 this restriction was put on Turkey,—that, although her right to close the !Straits was recognised, she could not open them at all except in case of war, and then not in favour of one particular nation, but in favour of all. (Hear, hear.) Was that the proposal made by Russia ? No ! The proposal made by Russia was this— that Turkey, at her discretion, shall either open the Darda nelles upwards, or the Bosphorus downwards, to any one power she chooses at any time she thinks herself menaced, and although she may nut be at war. The only restriction in the Russian document is when Turkey considers herself menaced. There may be objections to that. I can fancy arguments against it. But Russia has not told us to what extent she will concede; she has not produced this propo sal as an ultimatum, but as something for negotiation, re serving to herself the right to concede it if she o nnot es cape from it. Now, if we recognise Turkey as an indepen dent pewer she has that natural right, and if so, it may be said it is no concession on the part of Russia ; but is Rus sia snaking no concession when she deprives herself of the natural right of issuing trout the Black Sea into the Medi terranean? In case Turkey should be menaced by Russia after such an arrangement, what does she do ? Declare war. That is always a fatal course for Turkey, unless she has friends to back her. No ; but she can call to her aid a fleet which shall preponderate, and from that moment you have the cessesion of Russian preponderance which you want, and that safety for Turkey which she requires. (Hear.) Now, I frankly confess that, if it had been sub mitted to me, when a member of the Government, to make this proposal to Russia, I should have said, "You may ask it, as in negotiation you may ask anything." No one knows better than the noble hard (Lord Palmerston), after the NorthlAmerican treaty of the late Lord Ashburton, that you do not go into negotiation with an ultimatum, and I should have said, " You may ask it if y ou like, but it is childish to think that Russia will ever make such a conces sion." By the treaty of 1841 great restrictions were placed upon Turkey. That treaty was drawn by the hand of Baron Brunow. By that treaty, and those restrictions on nowyouhave an o pp or t un it y of ? which have been with held Turkey, Russia secured important ad van t ages to h erself. By refusing this proposal you go back t o th e status quo and those restrictions which Baron Bruno w i mposed; and you e throw h , since regaining. (Cheers.) Is this my opini on only ' Here is an extract from a private letter written in 1829 b y Si r Ro b ert Gordon, our ambassador at Constanti nop l e, at the time of awalyB immense 4 l, but which advantages,ih the treaty of Adrianople. He had seen a victorious Rus sian army —or, at any rate, what was supposed to be a vic torious army—at Adrianople, dictating terms by which Turkey lost immensely in territory and strength, and here is his opinion what should be the policy of England in the Black Sea : " I beg to record my opinion that, should England at any time go to war with Russia, and the seat of war be Turkey, you ought to take carp to have a British fleet on this side the Dardanelles. This alone can save (and it will effectually save) the Porte from utter destruction, while Russia will be at tacked in the only quarter in which she is directly vulnerable to Great Britain." (Hear.) That is the opinion of a n un w h o k no w tho roughly the merits of the case to Which his attention had been turned, under very important and peculiar circum stances, and he at that distance of time foresaw the neces sity of some arrangement by which to have an English fleet in the Bleck Sea. If you can have an English or a Western Power fleet (I do not care which for the purpose of my ar gument) in the Black Sea, not after war is declared, but without any one having a right to declare war on that ac• count, or to take offence, or even to ask explanations, you may depend up n it that it is the most effectual way of protecting Turkey. I said I would not touch upon the other points. I have mentioned this point because I do not think sufficient attention has been directed to it, and as far as tay judgment can lead me, my belief isthat if in the autumn of 1853, instead of the then treaty preventing Turkey al lowing any ships of war to enter into the Black Sea, we had had this proposal which we have now extorted from Russia by our success in war, the presence then of two powerful fleets in the Black Sea might have prevented any war whatever. (Cheers.) It was not open to us. We had a treaty to break, but I do believe, looking back to the cir cumstances, that if this proposal bad formed the treaty then, we should have escaped the war. (Hear.) The house has heard me with great indulgence, and I wish to be very brief as the only return I can make. The hon. baronet op. pcsite (Sir B. Lytton)—he must pardon me for again re ferring to him, as it is but the penalty of making a speech so argumentative and able as his -the hon. baronet says to my right hon. ftiend the member for the University of Oxford (Mr. Gladstone)—" You cannot have had your heart warm, because at the outset of the war you describe the objects of it in such low terms," and the hon. baronet quoted a passage from the speech of the right hon. member for the University, in which he said the Turkish Govern inent was full of anomalies, " Think," sa y s th e h on. h art., " of your chilling the people by saying you were going to war for a Government full of anomalies." Well, is it full of anomalies ? (Hear, hear.) But I apprehend we are not making war for the purpose of supporting the in stitutions of Turkey, but regretting that her institutions, her religion, and everything about her, should have ex posed her to attack. We think it desirable that some other Power than Russia should hold the key of the Dar danelles • we cannot, help it, but Turkey h a pp ens t o b e there, and so we support her by our arms. The hon. hart. says, in order to excite the people, you shoald not tell the truth—you should not tell these chilling facts to the people, but paint the objects of the war in brighter colours. I must say if those ingredients to excitement were wanting to be supplied, so great have been the contributions of other parties that if the Government had had no scruple on the subject it would have been a work of supererogation to throw in any additional number. (Hear, hear.) I re joice to think my right hon. friend has not been guilty of exaggerating the objects of the war, or the advantages of the nation whom we defend, not because we are bound by treaty to defend leer, but to retain a great Power in the_ Mediteri anean, and to prevent Russia marching on in her policy of aggression. (Hear, hear.) I have spoken of the advantages of the proposal of Russia with respect to the Black Sea. The immense advantages from the abrogation of treaties, which were as a net-work upon Turkey, no one ought to knew better than England. What has Russia done ? Russia has been in the hanit of treating Turkey as an Asiatic Power. How do we treatan Asiatic Power? How does France treat an African Power? We know that whenever a civilised nation comes in contact with a barbarous nation, seemingly by a law of Providence, the one absorbs the other. But what do we do in Asia ? We make a treaty, and the moment the Sovereign puts his hand to a treaty, be he Sultan, Nabob, Rajah, or Ameer, his power has departed from him. We take an early oppor tunity of declaring that the conditions have been broken, it is a casus belli, we pounce upon him; and there is an en d. (Cheers.) That is the way F rance treats, in Africa, with the uncivilised nations next to her. That is the way Russia treats with the uncivilised nations next to her. The mistake Russia committed was, that she applied this system of treaty to a European Power ; for, though by nature Asiatic, Tur key, by her geographical situation is European. Europe cannot afford to have these loose Asiatic principles obtain ing in the case of Turkey, and, therefore, England, France, and Austria—Austria chiefly—are interested in preventing this aggression. Now comes the question, what are we to do ? I have said the peace party is very much divided. They start from different points ; but they have the same end in view, thinking there is an opportunity now of effect ing an honourable termination of this war. (Hear.) Are the war party perfectly agreed ? (Hear.) What says my hon. and learned friend who opened the debate this even ing? " Whisper but three words"—that is, whisper three words to Austria; and I must say here, in reference to what has fallen from the hon. and learned gentleman, I beg leave to give my hearty dissent from the opinion that the noble lord (J. Russell), in the late conferences, played a part unworthy of the British nation—(cheers)—because, loooking through those papers, I am bound to say I think the conduct of the noble lord was dictated by a high sense of the honour and interest of his country, and that he was in no way an unfit representative of England either in his conduct or character on that occasion. (Cheers.) But what says my hon. and learned friend. Whisper but three words into the ear of Austria—" Poland, Hungary, Italy." I have heard complaints that Austria will not fight; I have heard complaints that Prussia will not go heartily with us. Whisper, says my hon. and learned friend, to Austria and to Prussia the word Poland. But I ask you, do you want to drive those two Powers into strict alliance with your enemy ?If so, that whisper will do it. (Hear.) I was glad to hear the noble lord at the head of the Govern ment say that the balance of power in Europe could only be preserved by maintaining the strength of Austria. We must not be led away by our sympathies nor by any abstract re gard for nationalities. Whisper " Poland," whisper " Hungary," and what will be the consequence to Europe. Then, again, the hon. and learned gentleman says, whisper " Italy.' but to whom are we to whisper it ? To Austria? Is all Italy Austria? Is it the Austrian bayonet alone that keeps Italy down ? If you whisper " Italy," you must whisper it in a much gentler tone to another Power —to a Power more closely allied to England herself. (Hear.) The moment you interfere with nationalities, away with the doctrine that you are not to meddle with politict‘l and religions sympathies, and are not to seek to propagate certain opinions and princip!* e (Hear.) If ever it should come to a war of nationalities, England, Protes tent England, free England, must never forget that there is one country which has ten thousand times greater claims than Poland or Hungary on her regard. By a great crime Poland may have been divided; by a political injustice Hungary may have been subjugated; but in those countries it is the absence of individual liberty that is suffered, it is the oppression of the body, as it were, that is to be endured; but there is a country in which not only the body, but the mind, tho intellect, and the soul are enslaved—and by whom ? By the Government of the Pope. which seems to be perpetuated by Providence in order to give us a warning never to trust the management of temporal affairs to the guidance of ecclesiastics. (Cheers.) If such a State is in existence, what can be tho affections of the people for their Government ? What did I road two days ago in the foreign c Treipondence of a newspaper? I read an account of the Pope having effected his return todtoine from Castel Gon dolfo ; but how did he effect it ? It was done by station ing at intervals small pickets of mounted gendarmerie along the line of his route. But, if you are going to whisper na tionalities—if you are going to name Poland, Hungary, and Italy as words of menace—you must whisper them to one whose sympathies are Roman Catholic, and who giv es great support to the Roman C a th o li c f a ith in his own do minions ; you must whisper them to an ally who is, in this particular, diametrically opposed to you in his sympathies, and whose alliance is too valuable to be trifled with for the sake of any, such Utopian topics as these. (Hear.) You must whisper them to one who has been fighting by your side with a bravery, a fidelity, a courage, and good-fellow ship that has never been surpassed. (Cheers.) Speaking of the time when I was a member of the Government, I can bear testimony that the Emperor of the French be haved towards the English Government with a frankness, cordiality, and good faith to which I attach the greatest importance. But do I attach to it that importance merely because we are engaged in a mighty enterprise together ? No; but Ido so because I believe that the conduct of the Emperor of the French is the conduct of the French people. I believe that he represents the French nation, that he un derstands their feelings, and.thoroughly appreciates their character ' • and I trust in God that w h en thi s war s h all b e happily at an end the alliance we have now formed may lay the foundation of a lasting friendship between this country and that gallant and chivalrous people. (Cheers.) But the question with us now is, what are we to do ? The four points aro, or are not, at an end—l don't know which. It has been lately stated by Lord Clarendon that the four points may still be considered to contain the main objects of the war. The noble lord the member for the city of London, in the course of this debate, has used expressions with regard to Russia which have given great alarm to hon. gentlemen occupying the benches below the gangway. He said that the Russian family had entered into marriage alliances with the German Courts; and I observed also that Lord Clarendon adopted a similar line of argument in a speech delivered by him in the House of Lords, when he at the same time observed that Russia had been con verting her line-of-battle ships into screw-steamers and was covering her territory with railways. The reflection I made on reading this was, that I hoped to God we were not going to establish as a precedent, that the fact of an Emperor forming family alliances with Gorman princes and of covering his territory with railways was a suffi cient reason why we should go to war with him. (Cheers and laughter.) lam bound, however, to say that the noble lord satisfied me on Tuesday night that he had no intention of establishing such a precedent. He said that he had used thos 3 statements merely as facts the truth of which was well known. Having had the honour of being Lord Clarendon's colleague, I can bear my humble tes timony to the great ability, patience, and tact with which he has carried on the most difficult negotiations and which required immediate action. (Hear, hear.) Well, sir, in regard to the course which is now to be taken by this country, before airy decisive step is determined upon, it is necessary that we should carefully look both at the state of our alliances and at the existing state of Europe in general. I have already spoken of the interest which France and of the interest which Austria has in this war. There is no doubt that with respect to the people of France the war is not so popular with them as it is with the people of England. Any man coming from France will t e ll you this. The alliance with England is popular in France, but the war is rot. And why is this ? It cannot be because it has impoied any additional burden of taxation on the people, for the war has hitherto been carr i e d on by France wholly' up , n credit. There has not been one sixpence additional taxation im posed upon them on account of the war. The reason why the war is not popular in France I believe to be that its objects are too remote to be tangible to the imaginations of the French people. It is a war which commenced with self-denying ordinances in respect to commerce ; but, I ask, has the Emperor of the French himself the same zeal in the cause of war as is felt by England ? We know that the Emperor Napoleon is his own Minister, but that the Foreign Minister of France is virtually Prime Minister. Now, we also know that M. Drouyn do Lhuys, the late colleague of the noble lord at Vienna, made a proposal to us. I assume that that proposal was made with the ap proval of the Emperor; and what is it that I saw two or three days after this proposal was said to have been made ? I read in the Moniteur au extract from the Independance Beige —a publication under the immediate surveo'ance of the Government—to the effect that the French Govern. ment had made certain proposals for renewing negotia tions for peace, and which proposals were believed to be in consonance withl the interests and honour of France, but that the Emperor had consented to withdraw those pro posals out of respect to England. Now, I infer from that that France is nearer making peace than we are. I believe she will stand by you in this struggle as long as she can, but her interests are different. I believe in the cordiality of her friendship, but there is no friendship so cordial that fan admit of being taxed too highly. Take also the case of Austria ; why, even Austria may get alarm when men like the hon. and learned member for Sheffield whisper Poland in her ear. (Hear.) But there is another nation of whom we seem of late almost to have lost sight in this quarrel, and that is Turkey. What is the case of Turkey ? Just let me read a despatch of Lord Stratford, in the autumn of 1852, when Lord Clarendon sent it, proposal for making peace, which he thought might be settled on safe and honourable grounds, with every moral and political advan tage on the Sultan's side. He observed that : " Au unnecesssary continuance of hostilities would involve the most perilous hazards, the most exhausting sacrifices, a i a vast g e n e e ff ra u s l i w o n a r o . f b A l n o d o d h , 0 and w was mo t r h e i s t proposal is r b e l c e e te l h ? o r r l o t s r w,a o s f 1 Peremptorily rejected by the Ministers, the Council, and the i Sultan, to all of whom it was successively submitted, ' for they are now bent,' says Lord Stratford, ' upon ex • uding every kind of note, however carefully expressed. Unfortu nately,' he adds, ' the motives to forbearance are thrown into the shade by the dazzling illusions of hope, and passion is in league with occasion to merge all fears of dangers and all con siderations of prudence in a wild, though attractive speculation, difficult at least to realise, and of which the ac complishment would not be unattended with formidable drawbacks.' Our Government seams to have been perfecter aware of the danger, nay, the almost certain destruction for Turkey herself, involved in a war. Lord Clarendon says that ' it would entail the destruction of the Ottoman empire.' And again, Russia would be effectually repelled, but Turkey in the meanwhile might be irretrievably ruined, and we might find it th en impossible to restore her integrity, or to maintain her independence."' I saw a statement in the Times the other day showing the difference that exists in Turkey in the diearts of recruiting the army now and when the war first broke out. The en listment at the commencement Of the war soon raised an army of 150,000 strong. But what was the case n ow 9 It should be recollected th a t th ere is in Tutkey astan . eitig clement in society —a R,assian par ty. They are beei noir , to have their prejudi ces arouse d. The Ottomans begin to ° think that they are suffering more from the presence of the allies than from that of the Russians. They are be g i ne i as , to be apprehensiv e as t o w h a t may b e the real intentions' of the allies, and if you continue this state of things long you will strengthen that Russian party-which, after peace shall be concluded, will raise its head and become more powarfnl than ever. (Hear, hear.) Recollect that in those provinces, which are half Russian, the greatest jealousy and hatred are directed against the occupying army, to whatever nation it may belong. They had great hatred and jealousy of Russia, which I believe was in creased by the behaviour of the Russian army while occupying the country. Austria now occupies it; and a state of things, in which a foreign army remains the master of thoseproviuces, is one which it would be prudent to put an end to as soon as possible. I have asked you to look at these matters, because I think the country should consider them. The country wishes for successes ; so do I —and I believe that successes will bring us,nearer to peace, but you must not overstrain thisdesire for successes, nor so far be led away by it as to incur the risk of reverses. I think, undoubtedly, that successfacilitates immensely the acquire ment of an honourable peace, but it must be borne in mind that there are great dangers imminent—the want or water in the Crimea, and a climate which Europeans seldom en counter without loss of health or life. Therefore I entirely concur in that part of the motion which assures her Majesty that we are willing to support her in a war which may and in a just and honourable peace. For the rest I care little for the words of my hon. and learned friend (Mr. Lowe), which he says are truisms, but which I say would be tru isms if true. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) A portion of the hon. ant learned gentleman's amendment implied that Prince Gortschakoff refused to entertain the question of the limitation of Russian naval power in the,Black Sea, but he made a qualification which prevents that as sertion from being strictly accurate. (Hear, hear.) I, however, as a party to the limitation, though not as a sine qua non, cannot censure the Government for adopting that'Part of the am en d ment, an d I am not, now going to b discuss it, nor do I mean to give a vote on it. Thanking the house for the indulgence, with which they have heard me, I bag to say, in conclusion, that all I meant to do was to defend my right hon, friend and myself against imputa tions which have been cast upon us, to show that we, w h o are thought to b e th e or i g i nators off the war, have a right to express an opinion as to its termination, and to explain thatfor the reason we thought war justifiable we now think peace justifiable, because we have met with the successes we desired. I have stated what are the dangers and diffi culties by which the future continuance of this war is be set, and, having so done, I leave it to the house to consider them. (Hear.) Mr. DRUMMOND condemned the system which both Sir J. Graham and Mr. Herbert had adopted, of appealing to character in debate. He also condemned the practice of quoting despatches not on the table of the house. He traced the origin of the war to a dislike of Russia en tertained for many years, and which had, in fact, led to the Affghan war. As to the integrity of Tur key, which was put forth as the main cause of the war, he contended that the integrity of Turkey and the protec Lion of the Christians were incompatiule with each other. Nor was the pretence of protecting civilisation more sin cere, for there never was such an abomination as the moral condition of the Turkish empire. But the fact was, this was a people's war, who had been roused by demagogues to hate Russia, and the Ministers had not the manliness to say we were not prepared to go to war. He condemned the speech of Mr. Cobden as threatening the pet sonal vio lence of the populace against the Government, and re minded him that he had formerly done the same to Sir R. Peel. There were two good things which would now come out of the War—first, the destruction of the Mahommedan power ' • and next, th a t, w h a t ever e l se m i g h t happen, the French would assuredly be the masters of Constantinople. Mr. Sergeant GHEE argued 'in favour of accepting 'the Russian offer as a basis of negotiation. The bon. member was proceeding at great length, when Mr. WILKINSON, interruping the hon. member, said, amid cries of " order," he. begged to move the house be counted. He had been listening for the last thirty-five minutes to the speech of the hon. and learned gentleman, and it was disgraceful to see the small number of members in the house. Mr. COBDEN—If the house is to be counted, I move that the bell be rung before that is done. . The division bell was therefore rung in the ordinary way; the sand.glass was turned up, and before it had ran down,. there was a great rush of members into the house. The doors having been closed,- Mr. Fitzroy proceeded to count the house, and there being considerably more than forty members present, the debate proceed.ed. Among the members present we observed Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Walpole, Sir W. Jolliffe, Mr. Baillie, Sir H. Wil loughby, and other distinguished Conservatives; except I Lord Palmerston, no Minister was pre sen t. Mr. Sergeant SHEE then proceeded to inveigh against the Government for rejecting the Russian propositions without so much as a discussion. Mr. ALCOCK condemned the conduct of the war, but would support the present Government in preference to having Lord Ellenborough for a War Minister. Sir H. WILLOUGHB ir thought there were elements for negotiation in the last of the propositions made by Russia, and he expressed his preference for Sir F. Baring's resolution instead of Mr. Lowe's amendment. Sir W. CLAY supported the Government. Lord R. CECIL contended that the issue now before the house was the conduct of Lord John Russell in bleak ing off the conferences at Vienna without discussing the Russian propositions. He argued that the allied ultima tum was utterly useless for its purpose. He asked, sup posing the Allies got the Crimea, what they intended to do with it, as it was impossible that either France or Eng land could hold it ; and he insisted that a satisfactory peace might have been framed out of a development of Prince Gortsehakoff's proposal. Mr. BRIGHT said—l feel very much in the position which I felt last year when the declaration of war was brought down to the house, and I made a speech in oppo sition to the Government policy. I was then told that I was too late, and it has been said in the course of these debates, more than once,• that those who take the view I take are too late on this occasion. We are not now dis cussing the question of the origin of this war. If we were I should claim confirmation in the result of the views I ventured to express in the first instance—for there seems to boa general feeling that the sacrifices which have already been made are greater than the results w hi c h h ave b een ob tained. (R ear .) Now, in my observations I am not about to carry on the discussion with the hon. gentlemen below me, who are themselves interested in a question which is by no means that before the house. Those honourable gentlemen are interested in some vast and gigantic scheme of supposed advantage to Europe, to be obtained only by means of long and widely ex tended hostilities; but, so far as the house is concerned in discussing the question with the Government e l think those hon. gentlemen are out of court. The noble lord the Se cretary for the colonies has stated over and over again— and, amidst the confusion of statements which he and his colleagues have made, I think he will scarcely find fault with .me if I assume what he wishes, I presum e , th a t we should understand hi m t o mean is—that the object of this war is simply to secure the Turkish territory from the grasp of Russia, and I suppose from the grasp of any other power— for he apprehends that if Russia were to extend her power by the acquisition of Turkey, it would give her such an accession of strength as to endanger the safety of the other European powers. And when he speaks in the vague—and I must call it a b sur d—l anguage aboutthelibertiesof Europe and the civilisation of the world, I should say the noble lord means those great objects so far as they can be con served by the conservation of the Turkish territory. The noble lord tells us, and so far we are getting at length out of some of that mystification which has hitherto cha racterised the Government—that he has no kind of sym pathy sucle as would lead him into war for the sake of what aro called the nationalities of Europe. The noble lord turned the cold shoulder to the people of Hungary when he said that ho thought no greater calamity could happen to Europe than the separation of Hungary from the Austrian empire. Then we have got rid of Hungary. The noble lord said also the other night that it was a mistake to suppose that he ever intended to go to war for the resto ration of Poland; and he stated further, what must be dis heartening to those who supposed the Government would ever go to war for such a Quixotic object, that the cause of Poland was hopeless, and that it would be utter madness for England or France—not merely indiscretion, but mad ness—to take any part in promoting resistance on the part of the people of that country to their rulers. Well, having got rid of Hungary and Poland, it requires only to assume, what no doubt will be the case, that some other member of the Government will get up later in the evening and say that it is impossible we should enter into hostilities with a view to the regeneration of any part of Italy. The noble lord then tells us that we are not going to war for conquest, and that should be borne in mind by those who would urge on the Government to a prolonged war. On Tuesday the noble lord said, " Be it always remembered that we aro seeking no object of our own." It seems odd, to me that we should go to war for objects of somebody else's, and that when peace is concluded we shall not have acquired an ell of new territory, or secured any advantages what ever for ourselves. It is for Turkey and the general sys tem of Europe that we are struggling. In this war the whole thing always resolves itself into some general mys tification, and we are now all o f us almost in the dark as to what the ultimate objects of the war are. (Hear.) As to the question of crippling and humbling Russia, I am ready to admit that when people go to war they are not expected to be nice in dealing with the enemy, nor is it to be expected that the allies will in this case be over nice in their treatment of Russia ; and if the taking of Sebastopol be humbling Russia, there can be no question that those who wish for war are justified in taking it, and of proposing any terms of peace which they think they can persuade Russia to accept. But the noble lord told us last year that he still intends to leave Russia a great empire. (Hear.) I think that was very considerate of the noble lord—(hear, and a laugh)—and I believe it was considered in St. Petersburg that that declaration of the noble lord did show great considetation on his part. (Hear, and laughter.) But if we are not goi ng ;t o war for nationali ties—if we are not going to war for Conquest, and if we are not going to war f or suc h a cr i ppling of Russia as p w i o r u e, ld w b e e ceoffmecetetdo byth aisdqiusmesetmiobne:rmwehnetthoefrthtehe conditions which her ie f h ut T u re security egiuiasrt:dntaeffe7danmde i a n ns c obny unte r Nvhurkehaa so ma lo y n b g e sidering this, it mu s t no t b e forgotten that that security is not absolute, but always partial and conditional. G a rfeew nights hear.) I have here au extract from a speech (madeHe a , b r y , n L i o e r t d i 0 C ti l b a r r e e n e d g o h n t f i e n r w a e n r o a t h b e y r place ago on the Mefyanllobthleiefur.ieeunlddseays,y. That noble lord t t h b e en at s t t a a i t n e m d— ent ‘ , spirit in which it is agreed. key. The value of a twat ' which it is entered into. f No troe'atayn like Turkey perfectly sa e and says truly, that must t always depend upon the fier no security to Tur edan the ma k g e o good dwfeaai weak h power with I immediately in • • termined against a powerful neighbour contact wlth her, if that neighbour is de to act on the aggressive towards her." Lord Cla- rendon admit., therefore, what is obvious to the common sense of every ono who ever heard anything about Russia or Turkey—except from the lips of the Prime Minister— that what we nee seeking to obede is not absolute seen- Hee, hut - tich conditien security os her circumstances, and the circitinsteucee of her population, her government, and of her geographicel position, reuder it possible for her friends and allies to obtain for her. The preponderance of Russia in the Black Sea as my Lon. friend the mem ber for the West leiding r. Cobden) showed the other night, is a feet which all the Legetiation in the world cannot get rid of. One of the public journals this very day in commenting upon the speech of my hon. friend, admits that he is right so far as the commercial interests of Russia aro concerned, but the writer argues that th ere oug ht n ot to be a political preponderance aso. But Ido not know where we are to find a case in which a great commercial supremacy has not been followed by a supremacy of every other kind. The question now is, how is the present pre ponderance of Russia to cease? The noble lord the mem ber fer London (Lord J. Russell) referred the other night to a proposition of the French Government, which does net appear all distinctly upon the protocols, with re gard to making the !;kick See a neut ra l sea. T hat, I should say, is a preposition so monstreue iu the present condition of it.l a s nL e s t u ti r e pt cieoe,til,iatherat sensibletihmeypzopositnn i man shoal of Russia—the proposition to throw open the St ra i ts. I am Europe,2l, entertaintivl that not about to say that we should have accepted th at propo sition in preference to any ether, though I am about t ei sa y that it is for the true interest of Europe that those Str a it s should b e thrown open. But at any rate it must b e ad mittee th a t the preponderance of Russia, in the sense i n which we now understand it, would be absolutely de stroyed if th ese Str a it s w e re thrown. open. Russia also proposed th a t w hi c h wou ld appe a r t o be highly satisf a ct or y —viz., that with regard to the position and duration of anchoz-ages that regulatio, a should be made by the Sul tan, in order to preclude any possibility of inconvenience to his territory. If this had been carried out, then all na tions would have enjoyed the benefit, and would have re spected the privilege of the Ottoman empire. There was another point which had not been referred to, which ap pears to be a matter of very great importance, bearing, as it did, upon a statement of the hon. baronet the member for the Tower Hamlets (Sir W. Clay).. It had been pro posed that Russia and Turkey should enter into treaty be tween themselves only, but the other plenipotentiaries did even if the proposition to be submitted not concur in such a proposition. Now, in reference to this matter, I was astonished to hear the hon baronet say that Rus sia were better than ours, it was better for us not to allow were so W frequent that rose to explain, exopbslaeirvn,atbiount observations such a proposition to be made direct to I cannot and I might almost say politictatlledy but say that I consider such z Turkey. imtn Tu o r r k al ey by -- a view to be unstatesman like,RlGHT said—l understand the honne.sotbo.fare:oa‘oncrhedttehtr"oe gallery. B . him.that he did 'not mean to say that whi c h I I think he will admit that I am regardtin scrib iaf tc ; construction upon his words. With togthneuteramis proposed in the conferences, I must ventur e to read to the house a statement made by Prince Gortsehakoff. It was as follows :—" To ask f rom an i ndependent power that 1t should limit its force, is to-assail its rights of sovereignty on its own territory. It is with a bad grace that they would sustain the rights of the Sultan, and wish to attack those of the Emperor of Russia." When the Cabinet of Lord Aberdeen agreed upon terms, the object of them was that the Black Sea straits should be thrown open, or at least that the power of closing them should b e relaxed; and I presume th a t it was nountil after it was found that Russia was opposed to them that it was deemed neces sary to change the terms, and to insist on theme in another form. But at what cost do you propose to gain all this ? You have lost I am afraid to say how many thousands of men, who a year ago were dwelling among us as citizens, interested in all the affairs of our social and political state ; and in addition to those men you have lost in the last 12 months between 30,000 and 40,000 men, and 30,003,000/. or 40,000,000/. Let them bear in mind this solemn fact,that if they were to go from Chelsea to Blackwell, and from Highgate and Hampstead to Norwood, and take everyman of fighting age and put him to death, they wouldelot sacri fice a larger number of human lives than had already been lost by the four nations engaged in the war. (Hear, hear.) He would now ask the house whether or not they were disposed to place implicit confidence in Ministers? He was sure it was the wish of many that the direction of affairs should be placed in the hands of men of greater solidity and of better judgment—(a laugh)—let him point out one or two cases which showed that Ministers were not entitled to confidence. Take what they had been doing withAustria s They declared it was of European importance that Hun gary should, remain connected with Austria, and that Austria should continue to be a great conservative power in the midst of Europe; but, at the same time, they had been urging Austria to enter into the ruinous war with Russia; although they knew that if Austria joined either Russia on the one hand, or the Western Powers on the other, in all human probability that great empire would no longer be a solid conservative power in the midst of Europe, but would be stripped of her Italian provinces and her Hungarian kingdom, and deprived of every element of peace and prosperity. (Hear, hear.) Re would ask the noble lord's attention for five minutes to a country called the United States of America. On Tuesday last there were listening to the debates two distinguished men who had filled the office of President of the United States —a position not less in honour and dignity than that of any crowned monarch on the surface of the globe. (Hear, hoar.) The United States was precisely the country which was running the race with us iu power and greatness. Its nopalation at the next census would exceed that of the United - Kingdom. In its manufactures and its general industry it was by far the most formidable rival that the manufacturers of this country could meet with. That country had ten steamers for our one. Her magnificent steam-ships came across the Atlantic in a shorter time than the steam-ships of this country, and the finest vessels sailing from England to the Austra lian colonies had been built in the United States. In ship-building they were, therefore, in some respects, ex celling this country. Now let the house look at our posi tion this year as compared with that of the United States. The Chancellor of the Exchequer required 86,000,0001. to carry on the various departments of the Government and ' our vast military expenses. The United Slates had at this (moment in her treasury enough to pgy off all her debts, Taking into account all the expenses of -the United States Government, and deducting that expenditure from our 86,000,0001., it will be found that we are raying 75,000,0004 more than the people of the United States. Honourable gentlemen knew what it was to run a race weighted. He had heard of one horse that won every race up to a certain time. That horse was once weighted and lost that race, and it was stated in the annals of the turf that that horse never won a race afterwards. eLanehter.) If that was true of a horse, it, was much room true of a nation. When a nation once stepped backward it was difficult to recover its position, and if another nation, had passed it in the race, it was almost impossible ever to come up with it again. They had not hitherto crippled Russia, but they had destroyed Turkey . ; they have not hitherto saved Europe or its independence and civilisation, they have only succeeded in convulsing it ; and so far from having._ added to the renow n an d h onour of England, they had - placed that honour and 'renown in the greatest peril. (Hear.) The Ministry seemed to think little of taxes ; and to them might well be applied 'the rebuke which Necker admini stered to a lady of the court of Louis XVI., who angrily remonstrated with him for refusing to give her a sum of money from the public treasury, and asked him, " What can 1,000 crowns be to the king?" " I,oeo crowns," an wered the mini s t er , " are the taxes o f a whole village." (Hear.) What, he would ask, were the increased taxes of this kingdom ?. They were the absence of furniture and of clothing in many cottages in Lancashire, Suffolk, and Dor setshire ; the absence, perhaps, of medical attendance on a sickly wife ; of the school pence for thre e or f our li ttle chil dren ; they were hopelesetoil to the father of the family, pen_ ury throughout his life, and a cheerless old age. (Cheers.) Let the house, too, recollect that that which struck down the children of the cottager, attacked, also, the children of the palace. If they darkened the homes and destroyed the hopes of the population in the humblest dwellings of the country, they would also darken the pro spects of those children, the offspring of our Queen, in whom are bound up so much of the interests and so many of the hopes of the people of this country. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman proceeded—" We who sit on this bench are willing to place ourselves alongside the noble lords who are for carrying on this war without a definite object, and apparently for an indefinite period ; we are willing to place ourselves alongside them, and take our chance of the ver dict of posterity, whether they or we aro more deserving of the character of statesmen for the course we have taken on this question in this house. The house knows that the people are misled, and that they are bewildered. They know, too, that if every man in this house who doubts this policy would boldly say so, it would not be in the power of the press to mislead the people, as it has done for the last twelve months. Then if the people are thus misled and bewildered, does it not become the House of Commons to speak with the voice of authority in this hour of peril? We are the depositaries of the power, the guardians of the interests of a great nation and of an ancient monarchy. Why should we not fairly measure our responsibility ? and disregard the small-minded ambition that struggles for place. Why should we not, by a frank, and just, and earnest policy, as I believe we may do, restore tranquillity to Europe, and prosperity to the country which is so dear to us." (Loud cheers.) Mr. F. SCOTT rose t o a dd ress the house, but b e i ng un able to obt a i n a h ear i ng , h e mov ed the a dj o ur nmen t o f the debate. Mr. BARROW briefly opposed the motion for adfourn mtnt. Lord PALMERSTON would not resist the wish of the house for the adjournment of the debate, but he hoped that if the debate was adjourned the house would seriously de. terruino to come to a decision on the following evening. On the question of the adjournment being put, there were a large body of " Noes," and a division was called for; but none took place, and the debate was adjourned to this (Friday) evening. EXCISE ACTS. Tuesday evening, REPEAL (OXF ORD) BILL. The report of th w e esarsbelrnotnigohnts augpretieniatoaeceoanatmo.ittee on STAMP DUTIES This bill was read a second ti me. Colonel DUNNE gave notice that on going into corn. mittee on the bill, he should ra i se the question of the pro., priety of abolishing the stamp duties paid upon the taking of s A de v gr l ee s s o i S n the U N n K i s NverAsityp FofDßulbElNii) LY SOCIETIES BILL. On the order for the second reuling of this bill, • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER stated that it would be necessary that it. should be remodelled, and he therefore proposed that it should be read a second time and committed pro forma, in order that it might be reprinted with the necessary alterations. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY objected to this coarse, because there were objections to the principle of the bill. the M i r ri to assented trHodEuNctLioßnYofii nag ngeesitveittlh. The CHAN CELLOR of the EXCHEQUE R the withdrawal of this and this course, and the order was discharged l The Spi r it s (Ireland) Act Amendment 13ilewpernintttehdrowuigth amen dments inserted. li co mmittee pro f orma, i n order to i ts bein g FRIENDLY SOCIETIES BILL. This bill was read a third time. GOLD FINGER.RINGS BILL. a.bill to This bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow (this day). The title of this bill created some merriment. were then disposed of alter A l . t hLeOCIK modeE 0 SING amending obtained di n g acts o leave r l t i o a m b r e i n n t g . in f ng t d h o e m d . ay Mr. WILSON obtained leave to bring in a bill to allow spirits of wine to be used duty free in the arts and mann facTthuereres m of a t i h n e m United r orders and the house adjourned at a littarter-PaSt One o'clock until ° a quarter to four o'clock to-morrow (this d ay). Cr The uourier, sailing transport, sailed into Portsmouth harbour on Wednesday evenin g f rom S p i thead, to dis embark the baggage belonging to deceased officers and men, which she brought from the Crimea. 019 of e. 3:030 t. tri ea has i , the tit the trei' ll : trehc" ,0 93a tYr as o f la ot of a th° d(11' '• set ) cl3teci oi stoP Oh °II of t he the' : ,„tea 016°3 of the ,11 ° , SS ; 3 4) I,