The Sun. — London, England, 1842-02-12 00:00:00

MORNING SUN THE GREAT - ANTI-C 0 RN-L A W CONFERENCE. _ (YESTERDAY.) The CrnelllsaN took the Chair at Half-past Eleven o'Clock, . and upon doing so h e sa id—l n th e o ld en ti me historians had - - told them that persons in England were accustomed to immure in their castle dungeons individuals who were suspected to be possessed of wealth, and by the application of torture their ' treasuies were wrested from them ; more daring than their ancestors, the landed aristocrats of the present day have con . find, a monster engine of torture, which wrung from a nation ' itS wealth, and was more cruel in its application, as it inflicted the severe pangs of suffering upon the poor and • destitute instead of the wealthy. They were met again that morning to endeavour mo destroy that monster machine, and it was vain that Sir Robert Peel should tell them that the oQmplex machine he proposed would not be so painful as the lest—( Cheers )—and that the agony it would inflict would riot ..be so intense—that its lever would not be so long—and that the sinews of humanity would not be wrenched to so great an extent. —( Cheers.) - They were met there to tell Sir Robert 'Peel that elle voice of the nation—and he trusted the nation • - would tell hen in a voice of thunder—that he should not, more Of less, continue to torture the nation. If he might be permitted ehe would again recommend, . without it being supposed e . • • to be at all as imperative, that the range of discussion should be limited.--(Cheers.) He knew that one gentleman was charged with the duty of addrening the Conference on the • subject of statistics, but the object of most of the speakers should be rather in recommendation of the course of conduct to • be pursued, and the actions to be adopted, than in showing the • evil effects of the Corn-laws.—(Cheers.) He felt this to be the more necessary, because he believed that to n great extent the peace of the country was In their hand, and it was much to be feared that the patience and long-suffering of the people would give way when they learned the heartless intentions of the present Minister of the landed aristocracy, for according to the example of yesterday, he would not call him the Minister of the Sovereign.—(Cheers.) If, in the first brush of their righteous indignation,— if, in the first action of despair, any- . thing could be done to control the people, and keep them from out-burst and vengeance, it would be the confidence they had in the deliberations o f th e C on f erence .—( Ch eers . ) Th ey wou ld wait and see what they would propose, and what action they would suggest, and, in proportion as their efforts were bold, vi gorous, and energetic, would be their confidence in the Con ference, and the greater would be their power of controlling the people. Two letters had been received, which he would now read. One was from Mr. Johnson, the Chairman of the Corn-law Association at Derby, and it was as follows : " Sir—At a meeting of the Anti-Corn-law Associa tion, hastily convened, to take into consideration the proposals of her Majesty's Government on the Corn-laws, the following resolution was unanimously passed : —"flat this meeting have heard with indignation the measures proposed by her Majesty's Government to the House of Commons for an alteration of the Corn-laws, and cannot refrain from denouncing the scheme as unjust and iniquitous towards a loyal and suffering people e and this meeting hereby pledge themselves to oppose, by every Con stitutional means in their power the proposed enactments.' The Association are taking measures for furthering the objects of the Anti-Corn-law League, and a deputation will probably • be in London from Derby either on Saturday or Monday to co operate in the cause of total and immediate repeal. At a meeting of the Town Council, held this day, a petition against the Government measure was unanimously passed, and for warded to E. Strutt, Esq., for presentation to the House of Com mons, which, it is hoped, will be in time for presentation this even ing. "—Another letter that had been received was from the Church and Congregation of Hope Chapel, Rochdale, and they stated, that "having felt the grievous effects of the Corn and Provision laws in our pecuniary affairs, and in the distress that abounds inthe habitations of our poor weavers, we therefore feel anxious that those oppressive laws should be wiped off the Statute ,• - book-of the realm. We appoint the bearer, Thomas Turner, Esq., as our delegate, to represent. us at the Anti-Corn-law Conference, to be held in London on the Bth of February, 1842." The latter was signed by the Minister, the Deacons, and two Elden for the congregation. They had also received a letter from Mr. Brindle, of Manchester, in which he said—" I am happy to inform you that a most numerous meetitig is now held in the Rooms, Newell's Buildings, condemnatory of the scale of Sir R. Peel, to agree to resolutions which will be submitted to a meeting at • the Bazaar at seven o'clock to-night. All is agitation—the Tories on 'Change have expressed their disappointment." The letter was dated half-past five o'clock. The CHAIRMAN then called upon the Rev. T. Spencer, of • Bath, to move the first resolution, when The Rev. Dr. WADE rose to a point of order. He would suggest that every speaker should be confined to a quarter of an hour, and five minutes to wind up, unless the meeting re quired them to go on. —( Cheers. ) The Rev. Mr. WELLS seconded the proposition. All they wanted was to find out their strength.—(Cheers.) They wanted to know where their Delegates came from, and in what position they were, and after that let some one point out their path and they would walk in it.—( Cheers.) The CHAIRMAN said before the first resolution was proposed the Hon. Charles Villiers wished to make a few statements to the meeting- Mr. VILLIERS said that he had asked leave of the Chairman to stop the proceedings for one moment, in order that he might explain the nature of two notices that were reported in the Journals of this morning, as having been ,given in the House of Commons last night, on the subject of the Corn-laws —( Hear, bear)—one of whicn was given by Lord John Russell, and the • other-by himself. With respect to the last, he begged to in form them, that it was in conformity with his own opinion, and Se its eompliadee with their wishes, as conveyed to him by saran gentlemen belonging to the Conference, and it was to .eattritelareeolutien to the effect that the duty on corn should be entirely abolished.—( Loud cheers.) He wished to inform upeinlieiring that it was the general wish of this ~ • Ceiniseessei,sand'etheis who - were here, ccmsideringin what way tkey,osalithest edvenee the cause, to submit 'this motion as • sseelairo as • poseilele, hes- had gone •to the Speaker of the House of Commons,and,asked him what would be the earliest opportunitie &insistently with the fortes of the Houses en ! which it could be brought forward.—(Loud .„ gimlets.) He said that as this was a motion affect , Ing a duty, it could only be mcved after he had left the chair, and when the House was in Committee, but that as it was for the purpose of abolishing the duty, that it would be. taken as the first motion in Committee.—( Hear.) ,He had therefore given notice last night of his intention to move this resolution on the House going into Committee. —(Loud cheers.) With respect to Lord John Russell's mo tion, as far as he knew of it, he believed that he had consented to make it in compliance with the earnest solicita tions of several Members of the House of Commons for the purpose of considering the principle of Sir R. Peel's measure—( Hear, hear)—to which extent they had made up their minds against the present Corn-laws. And as such a motion could be made before the Speaker left the chair, for the House to go into Committee, he believed it would take precedence of the motion in which they were peculiarly inte rested. fle certainly had not suggested this course himself, agreeing with themselves that the best mode of condemning Sir Robert Peel's measure, would be by moving for the total abolition—(Cheers)—but he was not aware, and he did not believe, that the course intended to be pursued, would prejudice their cause.—( Hear, hear.) Indeed, such was ,ilia detestation in which some Members held this sliding, slip ., very system of duties recommended by Sir Robert Peel, that be could not help hoping that, timid as they might be with respect to the total abolition, that if the alternative was to maintain the present system, or to abolish it altogether, that they might prefer the lat ter. ( Loud cheers. ) However, whether that would be so or nof, he was not aware that the cause would suffer by discussion ; it had not hitherto, and the more there was of it perhaps the better.—( Hear.) He was chiefly anxiouseto show them that, with the view to give effect to their wishes and feelings on this subject he had adopted ! the only course open to him, and that there had been no tardi mess on his part at a moment when exertion from all was so peculiarly called for. He was glad to inform them that even =the Howie of Commons the very imperfect— he could almost say insulting —measure proposed by Sir Robert Peel, seemed to 'ave roused fresh spirit and zeal among those who had before een with them. , . -(Cheers.) For every man saw in that • weeasure an utter disregard of all that had been said, written, and suffered for so many years, on account of the laws, and a positive refusal to effect any change with a view to mitigate the evils which, in the opinion of the wisest among them, and of millions now suffering, they had produced._ (Loud cheers.) He would not longer detain them—(C r i es o f es Go on, go on")—lie had only made that explanation out of the respect which was due to them, and to prevent any misconception as to the course intended, knowing that the forms of the House were not easy to to understand—( Hear, hear)—to prevent any man from sup posing that there would be any compromise in the House of Commons of the great and good cause in which they were united.—( Cheers.) He only hoped at this crisis that nothing ..essiottlet• be left undone that could possibly promote their object, 4 -for never were they before so completely dependent upon them , 4 iiivessfar success.—(Loud cheering.) )fr. Lowe announced that since Sir R. Peel's intimation • `'ierth to• the Corn-laws, such had been the feeling in the 'Perish' of Whitechapel, that the people were flocking by hen edredi :every twin' to sign the petition ;30,000 signatures had r 'ileeddy ,Lien obtained since Sir R. Peel's intimation had been z-insuie known—( Tremendous cheers)—and a gentleman had `told hint that he could, on the shortest notice, get 1,000 people inaccoritisany this Conference in any movement they might ' This viratsurPly an inducement for them to go on. '!* 'The Voir:NV: SPENCER, of Bath, said that he had to move the e telleseing.reiolution : 4 4'thist thitftneeting,* duly appreciating the effbrts of ministers of 'sdittiiiicritititatioris to linpress thy people with the religious bearings `atilikkiiitilieitd 'tax movement, would respectfully suggest that . 4144 the i ireutd hetioradderetdy Increased by simultaneous meet ings of their people all over the country, - and that the standing COmmittees - Wthe various ministetial Conferences be requested to take the same into their immediate consideration." *s this was a motion particularly connected with the ministers of religion, it had been committed to him as a clergyman of the Established Church—(Hear)— and would be, he believed, seconded by a clergyman of the Scotch Establishment— (Cheers)—and he had no doubt that the more this subject was examined, the more it would be found that the ministers of re ligion were never so much in their places as when advocating the rights of the people. It was very common for ministers of all 'denominations to assist in any charity ; that was, no doubt, eight, but he considered justice before charity any day. Ire considered it better to spend 5/. :in removing the cause of poierty,than•sool. in relieving that poverty.—( Cheers. ) He ehmeldered it right to do good to one distressed object ; much more so, then, to do good to 6,000,000; and if there were 6 " 0,0 00 poisons at present in this country who were not able to obtain wheaten bread, with thousands of persons who had no clothes. shoe", or hats to put on, and a measure were proposed which should immediately find them work, put clothes upon their I'm- ". and plenty of- wheaten bread, he could not understand what kind of men they were who would join in relieving two or three persons, sad would not a measure like that.— ( Cheers.) Th ey had great auth or itie s ioln for adopting the cow se which they had adopteA. The Archbishop of Dubin was one of the first had men in Ireland • Dr Wak. ling was a ' err; west distinguished Free-trader, and indeed he knew man y clergymen who we re decided r Spencer) attended the 'Manchester' eele. Whin he (Mr ) ; several letters from clergym en of Conference, he received the Establi s he d' Church, in Lincoln and the South of England, approving of what he had said at that Cosference , andexpiessingreeta theirown inability to attend.—( Hear.) Besides, when they looked around, they saw the bishops and the clergy take part in things similar -to this ; they took part in teetotal meetings, and advocat e d very dthe pple having less beer and mere bread.—(H e ar) He (Mr. . Bpeneer) was for less beer and less gin, but he was for giving The Bishop of dues more bread instead.—(Hear, hear . ) Bath and Wells was the great father of the allotment system and this was very like the abolition of the Corn-laws, be:lilt:17: by it the people got bread and potatoes c heap, same In his (Mr. Spencer's) own parish,. he had *rim, and by it the labouring peop l e, instead of p ay i ng at. Alt acre for their land, as they otherwise would do, new. p tot it for from U. to IL 10s.er acre, being the same as th e _filmier paid for his laird. If the Bishops and clergy, thee, took part to such measures as these, he could not . see why it ea. not "roper, nay, almost imperative, on the minister of reli .'°ftAereestst -iti this great national cause.—(Cheers.) He jdea of a religion which rested on prayer alone, I***444 W • and would not acknowledge the efficacy of works.—(Hear.) He contended that it. would—be- found- without a - single exception, that the rule of Providence was never to do fin man, that which man could do for himself, but to assist man where his own efforts were unavailing.—( Hear.) Man could plough and sow and reap, and therefore the Almighty would not do those things for him, but man could not cause the winds to blow, or the sun to shine, or the rain to fall, and, therefore, Providence took those things into its own hands. It would be vain to pray to the Almighty that he might change the hearts of our rulers, if the people did not themselves take the proper steps to enable them to obtain the redress which was due to them. Unless those steps were taken the people would not be true to themselves. Some persons had said to him, that he ought not as a minister of religion, and a preacher of the Gospel join the present movement. His answer was this—" It is true, and you say that the Lord has said to his ministers, go unto all the world and preach the Gospel in every quarter, but he also said, as you go along cure the sick, cleanse the leper, cast out devils ; freely you have received, freely giv e ."—( Cheers.) Now, if it wa , true that there were thousands suffering from sickness and poverty in this country, in consequence of the present Corn laws, and if a spirit of anarchy and jealousy had been spread throughout the land, the ministers of the Gospel were obeying the Divine command when they advocated the cause of repeal. (Hear, hear.) They were t o ld th a t the preachers of the Gospel ought not to unite with the manufacturing :set. They were told that the manufacturers were worshippers of mammon, the authors of the factory-system, and that no man of Christian feeling should sanction the proceedings of such a class.— ( Flear.) Now he had been in agricultural districts, and he knew what was the condition of the labour ing classes there.—( Hear, hear.) He had also been in commercial districts and he ought to know something of the condition of manufacturing labourers. He declared, then, that the working men of Manchester and such places were far more kindly treated than the working men engaged by farmers.—( Hear, hear.) lie had frequently questioned children in the agricultural districts as to their condition ; and he found that in places where they were employed in herd ing cattle, some received one s hilling and other s e i g hteenpe nce , and very few two shillings a-week. That was the constant practice in agricultural districts ; and in many places, such as Salisbury Plain, these boys were removed, at a distance, per haps of miles, from any shelter, except such as that trees might afford. He would take another class—the labourers in coal pits ; and he could tell them of sufferings there such as Lord Ashley bad never discovered elsewhere. Lord Ashley was a man who only saw with one eye.—( Hear, hear.) The men who worked in the coal-pits were exposed to vary dangerous accidents. But when the coal was got, how was it brought to the surface? It was dragged for miles, perhaps, under ground in waggons by children and women—( Hear, hear)—and they frequently drew it on their hands and knees.—(Hear, hear. ) Talk of manufacturers—he had never known anything like this among manufacturers. He called upon Lord Ashley to look not merely at what was going on in the manufacturing districts, but to look to the condition of the women and children in the coal-pits. He had lately beard from a number of brick- makers, working near the line of the Bath Railway, at a distance of only 15 miles from the metropolis, which were well deserving the notice of Lord Ashley. He had been told that these men worked 17 or 18 hours a day during the summer; every brick-maker was attended by two boys, one of whom filled a barrow, while the other wheeled it. Now these boys had but three rests during the day—each of no more than 20 minutes or one hour out of seventeen or eighteen. The master of these workmen, a gentleman of large property, had told him that a good brick-man would make 60,000 bricks in a week, or 10,000 a day, while each of these bricks required that 91b of clay should be thrown into a mould. Thus, one man had to throw into a mould 90,0001bs weight of clay, or nearly 45 tons, each day. These were things to which Lo r d A s hl e y s h ou ld look, when he talked of the sufferings of the labouring classes. (A gentleman here asked what was the age of the boys em ployed). They were generally boys between the age of 12 and 14. He was sorry to find that Sir R. Peel, who might have been a greater man, seemed to join in the outcry against th e manufacturers. e did not believe that Sir R. Peel shared in the sentiments of those who denounced manufactures ; but his words were capable of that construction. He seemed to join in the outcry against machinery, while every reflecting man must know well that machinefy was the best friend of man ; that machinery found work for ten men for one it dis placed ; and if machinery had not conferred all the benefit which it might confer, it was because the present Corn-laws did not allow it to be fully put in operation.—(Cheers.) Sir R. Peel had also spoken of over-production, and he might be ashamed in joining in that out cr y. N ow , hew could there be over-production, when he could tell them that he had been informed, at a public meeting at Leicester, by hosiers of the town, that foreigners were actually underselling them in their own market ?—( Hear, hear.) Was that over. production ? It did not look like it. Surely if there was over-production these foreigners were very foolish men to take coals to Newcastle. He had yesterday conversed with an honest and intelligent American, of whom he had asked his opinion of the prospects of trade with Sir R. Peel's proposi tion. He replied that it would effectually stop any exchange of American corn for our manufactured articles; and that the trade between the two countries could not be continued under such a system. The gentleman told him that if the trade in corn was opened in this country, America would clear the whole stock in Manchester in one year.—(Hear, hear.) They had immense districts in America where it would be much more advantageous to sow corn than to establish manufactures ; and if the Corn-laws were repealed, a vast portion of the capital which was daily being vested in manufactures would be devoted to agriculture.— (Cries of " Hear, hear.") A word had been said about class legislation ; he should not now enter into the question of how it was that Sir Robert Peel dared to do as he now does, but he traced the evils they were now complaining of to a period of several years back. He con sidered that Sir R. Peel and his party in Parliament dared to do what they now do, and will dare to do much more, that they cared very little for them, because they had succeeded in dis couraging, dispiriting, and dividing the people of England, till they had little er nothing to fear from them. The people were in a paralyzed and divided condition, and though they might have all strength and power, if united, yet they had very little union as they now were.—(Hear, hear.) An American gentleman had stated to him a circum stance that had given him an exact idea of the cause of the strength of the aristocratical party, and those who maintained the Corn-laws. They were conversing of the probability of the continuance of the American Union, and he was informed.that the men of the Southern, or slave-holding States, had itnong themselves ene common bond of union in the maintenance of the slave system. But it appeared that the Northern, or in dependent States, had no such bond of union ; they were all divided ; and therefore the slave-holding States ruled over them. Now, there was a slave-owning state in this country, and they bare a common bond of union in the continuance of the Corn-laws. The Corn-law takes more from the labouring man than he had a right to give, and whenever labour was taken and no wages given, that he considered amounted to slavery. ( Hear, hear.) If, as Mr. Connell had said, the landowners demanded 2d. out of every loaf, and exacted, as it had been calculated they did do, on an average, 3d. from every shilling the labourer earned • if, when a man earned 9 5 ., 2 s . or 3 s. o f that amount was taken by others who never worked for it, just so far as that it was slavery.—(Cheers.) He said that they were an Anti-Slavery Society; if therefore there was a bond of union among the slave-owners of this kingdom, and we have no such bond, then they were divided, and it was not to be won dered at that the slave-owners were as powerful as in America. He was travelling by railway last week, and conversed with a gentleman, who made this remark re specting what Sir Robert Peel was about to do, " That he did not think be would give way this Session—that there was no reason why he should do so ;" adding, " that it was a lucky thing the Corn-law League had quarrelled with the Chartists, for if they had united they would have upset the Government." —( Hear, hear.) He thought to himself, you should not have told me that, fur as sure as ever he met a body of Anti-Corn law men he resolved to tell it them.—(Cheers.) He con sidered that the evils they were suffering dated not from the Reform Bill, or before the Reform Bill, but the period a short time after it. Before the passing of the Reform Bill the people exerted themselves to the utmost to get their House of Commons, but in an evil hour the Liberal Ministry was dis missed, and Si: R. Peel took office, and shortlysent that House of Commons about its business. He thought that was a slap in the face given to the nation, and which the nation had never recovered. It felt that it was no use to try to get a good House of Commons, for it felt that it would be sent back if it did not happen to suit the Minister. The consequence was, that men cared less for their votes. He had known man of the most respectable class, medical men, surgeons, and clergymen, men of a most respectable rank in life,who, rather than be intimi dated and harrassed, would not put their names on the egis try. A discouragement had been given to the people of Eng land, they had been disappointed and sent back, after having done a great work ; and they had never done any other great work, from that time till now.—(Loud cheers.) • What, then, was to be done? They were here to consider practical mea sures, and he would take the liberty of giving them a word or two of advice ;—First, to the ministers of re ligion, and the , clergy of the Established Church, of whom those who held the same opinions he did, would no longer hide th e i r li g h t under a bushel.; there wo u ld be a goodly number of them if they would only speak out ; let their names be known. With respect to the Dissenting ministers who hod acted an honourable part, and had taken a part in this discussion, he hoped every ene of them would instruct his people in all righteousness in this matter, for sin less the people were thoroughly furnished with all good works, and the minister who had not declared to his people the whole counsel of God, if he had not thoroughly furnished them on this point, he had never done his duty yet. If those gentlemen who would really be the friends of the people, and who would go about doing good, they must not take a les,on from Peel as to the way of doing it. On the distress in Bolton says Sir Robert in 'Parliament, how very badly the Poor-law must be administered in that place ? Their ambition, he thought, would be of a nobler kind than this—that if the poor man was distressed he should have parish pay to keep him quiet. Men, year after year, went on relieving the distress, and wondering there was such saffering, but never taking the trouMe to examine into the causes of it. Had they done this they would not say that the Poor-laws were working badly, but that the Corn-laws were operating injtriously. The; people would not want relief if justice were done theta,—. ear , hear.) He wished that every man was abate parish' pay, and he would be se if the door were opened to labow, Let every Minister, then, advocate the cause of justice they must show them that they must not depend on others, but on themselves ; they must show them that they bad to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow, and if obstacles were placed in their way, not to lie down and die, or depend on parish pay, but to cry out against the, Legislature which places those ob stacles in their way.—(Cheers.) Peel well knew that it was the police that keep - the people quiet. Now, if it were not for this law the country could not be in the orderly condition in which it was ; and his aim was to encourage the people to be satisfied with the present state of things, in order to de prive you of the assistance of the thousands and millions of England. Mr. Massey had stated on the first day of the Conference that he (Mr. Spencer) had said they should send a thousand men from Manchester to the metropolis, but he had not told them all the story, and he would explain it to them, with an addition. He was for moral force, not for physical. He found in Scripture two cases of moral force, one in which Gideon fell before a small number of men, who broke their pitchers and displayed their lamps. In the other there was a town which God had determined should fall without a single stroke, in the same wanner as he hoped the citadel of monopoly would be carried, without a single stroke or shedding a single aro' of bl rod.--(Cheers.) He said to his people, " March round the walls of the town, march round the walls of Jericho, every man with a trumpet, and as you march blow the trumrebs. And they did as they were told, and they w alked round tie walls, a n d bl ew t h e i r trumpets, and as they walked the walls fell flat."—(Cheers.) H e wou ld not h ave the i eople of London selected for such a march—people who were given to admire sights and shows, and the next moment are to be found in the ginshops, were not the men ; he had no con fidence in such people as could be picked up in the streets of London. But take a thousand men from the streets of Manchester ; let a portion of the 10,0001. acquired by the Bazaar be appropriated to this purpose; make an agree ment with the Railway Proprietors, engage a special train, land them in the streets of London, marshal them well, put banners of " Free Trade," and " No Corn-laws," in their hands.—( Cheers.) Let them be maintained in Lon don for a fortnight or a month, if their funds allowed it; let them march every day past the fronts of the houses of those who uphold the Corn-laws, and blowing their Anti-Corn-law .'recta ofof Commons—(Cheers) —and — as ( th C e h eers) trumpets, let them mareh seven time roond the walls of the show their and as they march through the people are caught by sights, let them Paned iii.thes and pale faces, and let the best man _ e -o sse si amongst tens make them a speech, and aasif, - :"lireAre i workmen -- of Manchester, Who would alatiour willihgly, a but are -obliged to stand all the day idle' because 'MP' man hath hired us. The warehouses of our. Master! 'ai-e - ' full of goods, which the people of America would tale,, but the law will not let them. You have a set of. Men here id London, who make the laws, and say to the men - ef Mancheeter - you shall not make goods for the men of America ; . our mis ters' shall not have that money for their goods, which would enable them to employ us operatives, and we now appeal to you." Let them tell the story of their distress, and go through every street of the metropolis, or every street let their cry be heard, let them call for a repeal of the Corn laws, and for free-trade ; let them ask for pity and justice to the manufacturing operative, and before many weeks had gone by, these Anti-Corn-law trumpets would cause the walls of monopoly to fall down.—(Loud and continued cheering. ) At all events it might be tried. He said this without reference to physical force ; in hi' opinion it was a contemptible force; he had some little opinion of himself, yet in physical force he conceded the point to the first bull he might meet. He should say that the very donkey was better as a physical force agent than himself: there was not a horse in the street but was his superior ; but it had been truly said that no Go vernment could stand against the force of public opinion. Only let that he made to appear in London, where the people du not seem to be suffering altogether so much, let those poor people be brought to London from the manufacturing districts of the north, and let them declare and show their sufferings in the streets of this city—let them be paraded through the streets of London, and no Government could stand out for a day against such a general feeling, such a demonstration of suffering. A Voice from the body of the M eting—Your plan may- be very good, but if such a demonstration as that were made, what would be done with the London police and the Government forces ? The Rev. Mr. SPENCER did not see why it should be ne cessary for the police force to interfere. Not long since there was a very numerous and respectable meeting convened in his neighbourhood for the abolition of the Corn-laws; the police force did not interrupt them—nay, though there was a large body of persons employed actually for the purpose of interrupt ing their proceedings, anti their Chairman, Lord Radnor, *as grossly insulted, the police force did not interfere.—( Hear, hear.) The poor people, who are suffering those grievances from the effects of the Corn•laws, might walk through the streets of London without violence or obstruction to any one, then why should the police or the Government forces interfere —though there was a procession of tee-totallers three miles long the other day through part of the country they were allowed to walk through the streets—no police interfered with them—if the poor operatives and working classes of England assembled, and walked through the streets of London, up to the House of Commons, harmlessly, as the delegates did the other day, why should the Government forces interfere to prevent them 2—(Hear, hear.) The Anti-Corn League had already ten thousand pounds in their hands, and he (Mr. Spencer) hoped they would have twenty thousand pounds more before many days.—(Cheers.) He was sure they would.— (Loud cheers.) There were thousands of persons throughout the country whose hearts were interested to the last degree in the proceedings of the Anti-Corn-law Conference. He would suggest that they should offer a prize of 1001., two prizes ' of 501., and ten more prizes of 101. each, for the best solutions a this problem .—A Parliament of interested men who are too much for the people ; to find out all honest and industrious means to enable the people to be too much fit the Parliament. —(Laughter.) In order to be more distinctly understood tie would state an instance by way of illustration. Suppose that the people were anxious to get an Act of Parliament passed for the establishment of railroads, and that the House of Commons was all composed of coach proprietors, and the House of Lords of turnpike commissioners—(" Hear, hear," and loud cheers) — commissioners who were receiving 5 per cent. interest for the money they had expended in the purchase 07 establishment of these turnpikes.—(Renewed cheers.) Suppose the Houses of Parliament were constituted in that way,-what chance could the public have of getting an Act passed for the establishment of railways ?—( Hear, hear.) Were not the working classes of England situated precisely similar ?—(Loud cheees. ) The problem was the same as that for the solution of which he re commended the Anti-Corn-law Conference to offer those prizes. He would appeal in that way to the talent, to the virtue, and to the ingenuity of Englishmen, and surely if there were so many thousands of persons interested in this measure—if so many Hints and steels were stuck together, there must be some good result; it was possible that there were means not yet dis covered which would show the aristocracy of England, that in six months to come the people could do more than all they had hitherto done.--( Loud cheers.) He had now trespassed very long upon the meeting.—(No, no, and loud cheers.) How ever, his last word to them would be, to follow the excellent, i the admirable advice which Mr. Thompson had Oven to them the day before—that was, to throw themselves into the arms of the working classes.—( Vehement cheering.) They should take a warning from their enemies—if it was true that it was a lucky thing to have a union between two great bodies—a union between the Anti-Corn-law Conference and the Chartists must have the effect of upsetting the proposi tions of the Ministry.—(Loud cheers.) In Bath the Char , tists came forward manfully —every hand was held up there for the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. At South ampton, too, they offered to co-operate with the Anti-Corn law League; but they said that they (the Chartists) whilst they did so, would expect that justice would be done to them, and that they in return should obtain assistance for the attain ment of their objecis from the general body of those who en deavoured to repeal the- Corn-laws. It was truly said yester day that it was a fortunate thing that Sir Robert Peel had brought forward such a measure as he had with respect to the Corn-laws ; for, if he had recommended a more plausible mea• --ore, it might have had the effect of misleading the people, and that many of their present active supporters might be dissuaded by vain hopes not to adopt those decisive steps which it was manifest now was the determination of the people to take. The Chartists say that all they wanted was that whilst the Anti- Corn-law League ask for those measures which would be for the benefit of all the working classes of the country, they should be assisted in obtaining those measures which would in their opinion he also, for the advantage of the people of the country. If those measures were for the benefit of the people, the Corn law Repealers should promise their earnest and active support to the Chartists.—(Hear, hear.) They should co-operate eith the Anti-Corn-law League manfully and boldly— (Cheers)--they offered them their best services, and - all they sought in return was, that _when the Corn-law Repealers had accomplished their objects, . those of the Chartists should not be thrown osierbOard:—( Hear, hears) He hoped, therefore, :that all the working classes of England would co-operate with the just-and righteous of the land, for the assertion of their ,common rights. • The Rev. Mr. Spencer, having thanked the meeting for the attention with which he had been listenen to, resumed his seat amidst loud and general applause. The Rev. Mr. STRACIIAN, of Forfar, in seconding the reso lution, considered it a very high honour to have an opportu nity of succeeding a clergyman of the Church of England who had so ably and eloquently discussed the motion, and the ques tion generally. He was sure, as he concided fully and com pletely in what had been stated and recommended by the Rev. Gentleman who preceded him, that the meeting would not expect him to enter largely into the subject. As a member and a minister of the Church of Scotland, he had been induced to agitate the question of Corn-laws to the utmost extent of his power. When he first mooted it he was told by persons on every side that he would bring about his ears a house that would cover him in its ruins; that it was a dan gerous subject to interfere in. —(Hear, heat.) • But now he was permitted to speak out, and had the pleasure of meeting with sympathy amongst his brethren in every direc tion. —( Hear, hear.) He was reminded, however, when he considered the conduct of many of the clergymen in and out of the Establishment—he was reminded of a text which was illustrated by an old divines—that text was " Follow me :" follow me, said the old divine. Now there were three sorts of followers--some that follow behind, and some before--(Laughter)—and some there are who follow by standing stock still.—(Loud laughter and cheers.) There were many who said it would be a good thing for the morality, peace, and prosperity of the country to have the Corn-laws abolished, but still the sweet voices of those persons were never raised in support of that righteous and just cause.— ( Hear, hear.) For his own part, he (Mr. Strachan) was obliged to agitate that question, when he considered the text " alleviate all misery and walk humbly with thy God"—no minister, in his opinion, who for a moment considered that text in its true spirit, could do his duty, according to the reco mmen d at i on contained in it, whilst he stood silently aside and witnessed so much misery, and poverty, and suffering as existed amongst the poor working classes, oho are ground down even into the dust.—(Hear.) It is the duty of the minister of religion not only to speak but to guide the people in all their movements, in religious as welt as political principles.--( Loud cheering.) They sl.ould consider the condition of the poor—their destitu tion—their misery--( Hear, hear)—and reflect that even when the arm of health is able and willing, and anxious to be employed to enable the people to obtain the common neces saries of life for themselves and their families, there is rushing but p over t y i n the morning,- and destitution i n he evening, staring them in the face.—(Loud cheers.) But considering them in a state of sickness, when they cannot acquire their scanty allowance for the day, and what a state of oretchedness does this present ?—( Hear.) The labouring classes, not able to provide for to-morrow, find, by woeful ex -1 erience, that it is too true that .' sufficient for the day is the , oil thereof."--( Cheers.) And what could they expect from the Parliament, which it was said was formed by them, when the Members of the Conference, who walked in procession to the House, eould not get admission thereto, and were scarcely permitted to stand in the high way ? They were surrounded by pellet-, and he was pushed away by them himself.—(Shame.) That could not be called a Parliament of the people, nor a Par liament of the Queen—it was the Parliament of the aristocracy —(Cheers)—an aristocracy who ground the people to dust.— ( Cheers.) It was their duty to look abroad, and to see whence their health was to come, and it was to come from an united, a well instructed, and an organised community.—(Cheering. ) They must have the people to struggle with them—it was work il for the people, and it would be accomplished.—( Cheers.) They must,consider- it th e i r d uty as m i n i sters, as men, as members -of the. community, to use their endeavours to set an example to the people.— (Cheers. ) But if the Ministers were lagging behind, the people would push them on ; and he could Answer for his - own cong rega ti on , th at if h e 'dirt not: atm : id - forward he would be looked on a 3 a " pelican of 1 'The wilderness r' and scorned by every good and every benevo- 1 lil when.•,n, dr l dahnlweoeunpv honour go p e oo y nlnee g t hewneeh t hou g hter crutch t s esti m m th aoahtn doctrines. they-1, protection, ta l cn e i leed couldre s o, , n ) hley tfiTwnhhdaee walk tk e t rr w teuof a s u s t i ce ade wealtht o i t m r h ae e 1 skulking place 'among ' them.--( Cheers. ) Protection was the _ruin. and sacrifice of a nation to the interests of a few.— ( Cheers.) It was their duty to put their hands to the ploug h, lbaawc.kAillchaehereya. procured a total and speedy rep eal accursed speri ty ebn a lfa n an d : mhd n eed o w t bc . th l ea oo nran k tt,thheesepro He . trusted the tinie was at an i cl aw ael s b;haamescoanasmanonoffpearirntigeitopatthieeeseina thegod va w e e ta re ge to of be all m cas us t t bteo secured , p a re ri d d e w et h i e an n is of fwotbaeldebaertb.r_o ( fThheaßßeve.v.GHentßlemENanTossat, doofwKnealanno,dtsht elonncleateeers.) forward, and b said he would not occupy much of the time of the meeti any repetition of those arguments which they had Zeal heard for the total and immediate abolition of the Corri-lawsy. Ile would content himself by producing a few facts respeeting the state of opinion in his own neighbourhood, which was en tirely agricultural. He came from a place wholly dependent on agriculture, and which for a high state of cultivation was nat surpas,ed by any other in the kingdom, and which, for the last twelve months, increased in its productive capabilities more than in any corresponding period of former tires. The labourers were fully employed, and there were no symptoms of that distress which prevailed in the manufacturing districts, and was not uncommon even in the agricultural counties of England.—(Hear, hear.) There were no small farms there, but they were let for sums front 3001. to 1,0001., and under leases of 19 or 21 years dura' ion. And it was in such a place that a meeting was called three weeks ago, by adveraisement ar the local newspapers, for a repeal of the Corn-laws.—(Loud cheers.) An Anti-Corn-law Society was formed, and a pe tition was prepared, to which there were a greater number of signatures affixed than to any petition from the same place, either for the abolition of the slave trade, or for relief from ecclesiastical grievances, or even for the destruction of the horoughinongering system.—(Loud cheers.) Yet no person m " e s nt, as ke a d nd to siti gn w t as hat o p: l t y i t i o a n n , n o w u h n i c c e h d wa t s o n t h os: b p e e f : ;:e l e p w a n r lei ere this petition was placed for signatures.—(Cheers.) Such wore the cordial, and disinterested, and unsophisticated feelings of benevolence and philanthropy, which actuated the people of Kelso in opposing these laws.--(Cheers.) They need not fear any lack of sympathy front the agriculturists— ( Hear, hear)—he could answer at least that there would be no 'Lie :among . the. 'agriculturists -of—Sretland. —( Cheers. ) The peasants there are, what, they always-were—a readine, a 4hinkirgea deep feeling, an, hopest, and well-judging people.— tCheeise ) It was not the labourers or, poor farmers alone who were with them ;. on the contrary,, men who paid 1,0001. or 2;000/Nr their farms, and who were of thehighest respectability joined isith them.—(Cheers.) They viewed the question in 'its remote consequences, and they saw that though the existing system'haight do very well for them -at present, it would tell against ';hem in the end, because it would not leave any persons who world be able to purchase their corn and their cattle. He knew one farmer, who had paid a very high rent, and was fully impressed with the importance of supporting the present system of Corn-laws, as a protection to the agricultural inte rests, and who eventually became convinced, after a short con sultation '-vith him (Mr. Renton), that it was merely a landlord's question.' 1 hey were not, however, to suppose that such a feel ing of candour was general amongst the farmers of Scotland. The greaf majority of them were hostile to any change, and deemed protection to be absolutely necessary for their interests, and the meeting might depend upon it that Sir Robert Peel's measure would be most unwelcome to them, giving, as it did, less protection to the landlords than the proposition of Lord John Ruseell. But it was not unreasonable that those persons should be allowed some consideration in consequence of a great change, the results of which they could not foresee, as in Many instances large capital had been expended ; and he -therefore thought that they should have a very strong claim upon the landlords who had deceived the country and deceit ed them. That was a subject which required great con sideration, but the truth had been firmly fixed upon the minds of the people in his district that it e Corn-laws were not a ques tion which concerned the practical agriculturist or the la bourer, but one in which the landlord alone was concerned. In the words of Sir James Graham this was a question in which one portion of the nation would be arrayed against the other— millions against thousands. It was a question between 30,000 landlords and 3t1,000,000 of the people.---( Loud cheers.) It was stated that the party which was against the Corn laws was very limited; but to those who said so he would reply, witness this meeting, composed of delegates from all parts of the country, and also thousands of petitions which had been laid upon the table of the House of Commons for the re peal of those laws. Sir Robert Peel would net receive evidence from the melebers of the Conference, he would not even meet them before he went down to the House on Wednesday.— ( Loud cries of '° Sham e , shame.") H e (Si r R. P ee l) was the dupe of the party for whom he governed—(Loud cheers). — and one of the main features of that party was refusing to re ceive information from those best able to afford it. The Prime Minister skulked to the Continent, he listened to half a dozen Socialists, but refused to. hearken to the voice of the nation, speaking through its dele g ates—(Loud cheers)—and yet h e styled himself a patriotic British Minister ! But he was not the Minister whom the people acknowledged.—(Loud cheers, and cries of "No, no."). Ile was the Minister of a rapacious, oppressive, and heartless party.—(Cheers,) That party acted upon the old feudal system, by which the people were treated as beasts of burden for the aristocrats to ride on.-- ( Cheers.) They seemed to please themselves with the syren song of peace and security, like the man in the days of Noah, who drank, and feasted, and wallowed, in voluptuousness until the flood came on, and hurled him to 'ruin.--(Loud cheers.) They were in peace and imagined se curity whilst destruction was gathering around them. He feriently prayed to God that not a hair of their heads should be injerM, nor an article of their substance be touched, and he reposed the most unlimited confidence in the good feel ings and principles of the people that his prayer would be effective. He held a rather curious extract in his hand which he should read to the meeting:—" The feeling of the public must be hostile to the present Corn-laws. The receivers of rent are a very small body ; backed by public opinion they are almost omnipotent ; in violation of public opinion they cannot long retain any advantage. The contest is fearful, for on what grounds would it be decided? On the very topic which inflames to madness. That hunger which breaks through stone walls will be arrayed against them --reason will be heard no • longer —the barriers of society will be broken down, and estates, distinction, honours, swept away in one resistless torrent. Are there, then, no limits to the powers of the landed proprietors, if they could be brought to act with unity of purpose, constituting, as they do, the vast majority of both Houses of Parliament, and backed, as they ultimately must be, by all the powers of the Crown ? I freely own, I know no bounds but public opinion, and this is a barrier which they cannot pass. Common interests and common dangers, may at last, unite them, and lead to the exertion of their combined strength; but continually it will prove insufficient unless they enlist on their side the sense of the British public, and the interest of the great body of the people. The seat of public opinion is in the middle ranks of life, in the numerous class re moved alike from the want of labour and the cravings of ambition, enjoying the advantages of leisure, and possessing intelligence sufficient for the formation of a sound judgment neither warped by interest nor obscured by passion. Public opinion thus constituted cannot be outraged with impunity, and hence the established check which we possess over the Legis lature itself; for be it remembered there are measures which King, Lords, and Commons, though united, cannot carry. It behoves, therefore, the landowners not only to act in concert, but so to frame their measures as to combine with their own the interests of the community, and to establish their case on grounds which they can maintain conjohitly with the safety and prosperity of the State." such were the molds of the Right Hon. Sir James Graham; and if he (Mr. Renton) had spoken treason, he was sheltered behind a pillar of strength.—( Loud cheers and laughter.) Mr. COBDEN said he should ask, in the words used by his Hon. Friend, Mr. O'Connell, What stuff they were made of? Their metal would be tried in a fortnight or three weeks, and he asked them to suspend their energies until that time. It was a great point to get a Committee of the whole House. They had the bull at the stake now, and they knew how to treat him. Most certainly their friends in the House of Commons would very much neglect their duty to the country if they did not, during the next three weeks, learn more with respect to this iniquitous system than they had learnt for many years.— ( Cheers.) Why, what a glorious thing it was to get au ad vertisement of an Anti-Corn-law speech inserted in Monopo list papers.—(Laughter.) Only think of their being obliged to go through the purgatory of reporting them.—(Continued laughter.) They knew some of the arguments by which their system was to maintained. They had heard something about them the other night.—(Hear, hear.) It appeared that they must not be dependent upon foreigners for bread. Now he said, let them be dependent upon anybody rather than upon the British aristocracy.—(Great cheering.) But, said Sir Robert Peel, they had an energetic peop.e, and he relied yet with confidence upon the energies of the British people. Yes ; and whose energies were they ? Did they belong to the people ' or wore the people endowed with those energies - merely that they might be plundered by the aristocracy.?--(Hear, hear.) But they did not want corn in or linary years, said Sir Robert , they only wanted enough, and they had . better not have a surplus.—(A ) Who was to judge when corn was wanted ? It was exceedingly convenient for the landlord, or the landlord's humble instrument—it was very convenient for those who dealt in that commodity—to sit down and decide when the people who eat corn had had enough. But lie apprehended that nature had endowed the working people of this country with appetites and digestive powers and capacities, and that they themselves were the best judges when they performed their functions aright.—(Cheers.) fie (Mr. Cobden) was a thorough free trader to the backbone, and he would tell the meeting: what it was that he meant by free trade s it was,. when the consumer of every commodity was the judge of when he had had enough, where be should get enough, and whether it was good eneugle.---( Hear, hear.; They should not l e t a b o d y o f men sit down, whether they dealt i n sac k s o f corn, or whether they dealt in packs of ribbon o r s ilk, an d d ec id e w h ere the people should buy their commodities, and when they had had sufficient of them.—(Hear, hear.) The principles of free trade were adapted to offer the greatest happiness - to the greatest number. He would not injure the producer. Let the produce of silk go to any part of the earth which he might choose to exchange it for other articles ; and let the man who dealt in corn, Sir James Graham, for instance, take that corn to Switzerland or France, and there exchange it as his inclina tion, or interest might dictate. All he claimed was to be al lowed to carry his calicoes and fustians to the best market, and he was willing to allow the same kind of liberty to every other member of the community. It was but the •true principle of duingunto others as they would that others should do unto:them ; and if they could carry this Christian principle into the House of Commons, and persuade the corn-dealers to act upon it, there would be no difficulty in settling the disputed question of the Corn and Provision-laws.—( Ilear, hear.) He was curious to learn what kind of arguments would be found to justify the monopoly. On this question justice had never been dealt out in the House of Commons. He looked forward with anxiety to next week. They had had a good deal of skirmishing, and divers promises, and sundry evasions of the question, but the " Artful Dodger " should be brought to the test of justice.—( Great cheering.) Yes, justice to the great body of the working people.—( Continued cheering.) Before the landowners passed a law to keep up artificially and legisla tively the price of their commodity, corn, they should first pass a law to keep up artificially and legislatively the price of the working man's commodity, labour.—( Great cheering.) He would bring them to the test in that House ; they should either confess that they could not, by Act of Parliament, maintain unnatural prices for labour, or else they should pass a law to give the labouring man his two bushels and a half of wheat a week, and make it penal for any farmer to give him less than the quantity. Let them do that before, as Christian men, they got up, and, in the very spirit of highway robbers, passed a law which created a monopoly ia food.—( Immense cheering.) But Sir Robert Peel said he did net pretend to promise that he could give a remunerating price to the farmers. There were some curious admissions and curious doctrines in the speech of Wednesday night, and that was one of them. He did not pre tend for a moment to say —it would be folly to pretend to say that he could give a remune rating price to the farmer ; that must depend upon other circumstances, upon the quantity produced, and the de mand. No; but he would do his best to give the landlords their full price; and if so many were starved off in the attempt to obtain it, if so many were ruined and murdered by the process, he would turn round with a kind of -smile and apology to the landowners and say, he would not do • more than he had already , done, so man y had already been victims to the system. I t rem i n d e d him very much of a ce l e b rate d character, called Turpin ; 'who, when charged by his confede ratesl with ha v i ng comm itt e d a robbery, w u a t n h d at w as' i n hr_ r e ad b. ` o g defended hi mse lf b y saying the plunder cons i st i ng o f t h r ee halfpence h d (L to the landlords ter. ) Thus Sir Robert might justify himself could extract.from the people. The Corn-laws would be discussed by saying that hc.had taken all he co in the House of Commons upon chaan—iniquaiutogus and it would then be seen the principles of abstract justice; And then the next whether they would squase their condo perpendicular line of rule. They would try them by the e stand by it. He predicted jus tice, arid see whether they would bread, and starve question would be, ,-the - House. of Commons h • eying d justice, of argument and that they would not.—(Hear, teaakre.n)ctabllyshsue people's stion would be, how under bee'e Why would they submit to truth, that t i h n at the the f y ace wo o 4 f id re t a ax son th a: ) started, and he now re peatedeed? Thus h tl i t s ou e theuc such poor c o u f m t s h tz e n l ees and . — sh t , h u e hi ne t x h t ey elu p e hraode. he came s o a u n n d t : m y m e bask to the point from which weeks would try the metal of his statement that three I\ 0, no.") He was sure be starved, and put upon short allowance. thirty or forty that if they knew how i ns ignificant, both morally ari d physically those thirty thousand ar forty thousand would not fear aristocrats and squires were, they . them.— ( Hear, hear.) But though really insignificant, they were not conscious of any weakness . ; they were as confident in their —(Hear, strength as were fi v e they • r s since ; they yea would not. shrink one atom ; an d unt i l they h a d frightened these men, t h ey would never obtain justice at their hand:. lie could nut be lieve for a moment that the E n glish people, who boasted of their exploits abroad and at home, who had given laws, lan guage, and literature, to so large a portion of the w or ld , would exhibit t o t h e present and succeeding generations the spectacle of a people crushed by the tyranny of an insignificant minority. Hoes could they account for such an anomalous state of things? He could only account for it, by the blind veneraton for the established order of things which so frequently existed in every old country —a feeling that because things had been they ought to be. It was only that blind veneration for the es tablished order of things that could ac cou n t for the existenc e of such an anomalous state of things in this country.—( Hear and cheers.) There was ancient Egypt, the cradle of the arts, of the sciences, and of literature ; and yet the ancient Egyptians worshipped beeth s, oxen, a n d bi rds. Now, if the English people submitted to fall down blindfold at the feet of the aristocracy, if they did not worship beetles and birds, they would be falling down and worshiping something that was not much better.—(lmmense cheering. ) The time would come, ere long, when th e y wou ld h ave t o determine what must be done to give bread to the people. A great deal had been said about the necessity of union between the middle and working classes.—(Cheers.) Why, where was there any disunion between them on this question ?—(Cheers. ) It was nonsense to talk about disunion. He had ben in all parts of the country, and had addressed many meetings, and he had never found any disunion be tween the middle and the working classes.—( Loud cheers. ) He had found that at all the me-tings for the repeal of these laws which he had attended, the great majority of those present were composed of the working classes, and of the signatures to the various petitions which he had presented, he was certain that there were ten signatures of working men to one of the middle classes.—( Cheers.) And yet there were persons who were worrying and fidgetting themselves about a disunion be tween the middle and the working classes.—(Cheers.) There was nething of the sort.—(Loud cheers.) The working classes were as anxious for, and as interested in, a repeal of those laws as the present meeting; and if they meant to carry this question, they must adhere to the ground of justice. Let them stick to the question as a tax on the bread of thepeo ple, and not treat it as a question of increase of trade for the cap:talists, and they would have the working seen with them. —(Loud cheers.) H e t h oug h t some of his friends must have been exceedingly gullable to have allowed a fellow to go about in a fustian jacket addressing the working classes, and saying he was one of the working men, and was seeking to obtain their benefit, when the fact was, he had never been a working man at all, but had belonged to the middle classes until he had been discarded.—( Hear.) He was no working man; he was only masquerading in a fus tiau jacket, when he ought to have been wearing a black one.—(Loud laughter.) He (Mr. Cobden) was not to be gammont d by sushi nonsense as that.--(Cheers and laughter. ) The working classes were with them, and they would have their support in carrying their question; and if they carried it it, must be by their support—( Loud cheers)—as long as they kept an eye to the interest of the working classes.—(lne mense cheering.) Weal, what were they to do? Ile would point to the presence of so many Ministers of religion of every denomination, as a proof that their cause had the sanction of morality and religion.—(Lend cheers.) That was their first bond of union and of strength.—( Immense cheer ing. ) He had told them the aristocracy must he fright ened, and this bond of union of religion, and morality, was 1 kely to frighten them more than anything else.—(Cheers.) Were they prepared to make sacrifices, and to undergo suf ferings, to carry this question ?—( Cheers, and loud cries of " Yes, yes.") The time was not far off when they might be called upon to make sacrifices, and to undergo sufferings. The time m ght soon come when they might be called upon to inquire, as Christian men, whether an oligarchy which has usurped the Government—(Cheers)--placed its foot on the Crown—( Immense cheering, which continued some minutes ) and trampled down the people—(Continued cheering)--how far such an oligarchical usurpation was deserving of their moral and religious support. —(lmmense cheering.) They might have soon to inquire of themselves whether a Government which outraged the laws of the God of the Crea. tion, whether they could, without themselves participating in the guilt of such a Government lend it any voluntary aid 'either pecuniary or moral.—(lnsmt nse cheering.) 'They must not violate any particle of any law. Let the laws be ad ministered. Leave the Government their own resources, but let them offer to that Government a peaceable, a passive, and a moral resistance.—( Immense cheering and cries of " We will.") If they were prepared for suffering, they would soon have an opportunity of suffering.—( Cheers.) When the proper time should come he would be prepared to set them an example of suffering, to suffer with them.—( Loud cheers.) For he would Tver recommend a course to the adoption of others in which he himself was not prepared to take a part.—(Hear, hear. ) And when would the time come ?—( Loud cheers.) As soon as the Bill should become the law of the land, by the physical force of a brute majority against reason, then would the time come when he should feel it his duty to secede, as far as he could do morally, from giving all voluntary support, whether pecuniary or morally, to such a Government. —( The whole meeting rose, waving their hats, and cheering for several minutes. The effect produced was electrical ; and never, en any occasion, or in any cause, have we seen a tithe of the earnestness which was exhibited.) The administrators of the law might enforce the law—he would not resist the law—but there must be somebody to administer the law, and somebody to enforce the law ; and he thought that three weeks hence the whole people would so thoroughly understand the real bearings of this bread-tax question, that they would not want physical force while they were unani mous.—(Loud cheers.) He would only say farther, that the question had long occupied his mind, and his feelings on the subject were the result of earnest conviction.—(Loud cheers. ) He had given the question during the last three years as much attention as any man in Europe, and he had come to the solemn and deliberate conviction that unless the system of monopoly under which the country wa.s now suffering were done away with, and that speedily, they had not time now to waste— it was not an affair of years, but of months.—( Hear, and cheers.) They had no time to lose, and unless that system of monopoly were done awa y w ith, he looked upon the downfal of this country as certain as that Venice had fallen beneath the gripe of a selfish and heartless aristocracy.— (Immense cheering. ) The resolution was then put and carried unanimously, amidst loud cheers. The CHAIRMAN then stated that the Executive Committee considered that resolution, which they had just determined on, was one of such importance, that it ought to be interposed be tween the resolution which had just been passed, and the grand resolution of the day, " the Memorial to the Queen to dismiss her Ministers."—( Immense cheering, which continued some time.) He had, therefore, to announce that Mr. Joseph Sturge, of Birmingham, would propose the resolution. The CHAIRMAN then read the resolution to the following effect :—" That the Delegates assembled having denounced the Corn and Provision-laws of this country as a national sin, in flicting incalculable suffering upon the industrious classes, and enormous evils on the community at large, pledge themselves, and earnestly recommend the constituency of the United King dom, not again to support any Member of the. House of Corn mons who does not vote, or any candidate who does not pledge himself to vote, for the total and immediate repeal of this ob noxious law."—( Great cheering.) Mr. JOSEPH STURGE then came forward, and was greeted with the most cordial cheering. He said that the Executive Committee, in asking permission to introduce this resolution, did not do so wigs any slight consideration of the importance of the memorial to the Queen—( Hear, hear)—but because they deemed it unreasonable to ask the Queen to do that which they themselves were not prepared to carry out in their own practice.—( Cheers.) He congratulated the meeting on the noble feeling displayed by the Conference in its present ses sion.—( Hear. ) Some years ago he found that the zeal of many was frittered away by their getting too near St. Ste phees'.—( Cheers and laughter.) But so far from there being too little zeal inspired into the Committee, he could inform the meeting that their distinguished friend Colonel Thompson had had to put the drag upon them.—( Hear.) With respect to the measure of the Queen's Government, it was his ewer conviction that no Ministers could have made up their minds to set at defiance the feelings and sufferings of the people.—( Hear, hear.) He would not hesitate, for a single instant, to say, that the laws supported by the aristocracy were such, that the greatest despot in Europe could not support them.—( Hear, hear.) And he thought that it was on the 9th of February, when this proposition was made in the House of Commons that the contest began between the aris tocracy and the people.— (Cheers. ) Much would depend on their (the Delegates') forbearance, and their cordial union with the working classes. —( Cheers.) He had been looking this morning to the time when the laws were passed in 1815, and he thought that the meeting would not lose much time in looking to the manner in which they were passed. He found in the Gentleman's Maga doe, Vol. lxxxv., Part LlBl5, p. 272, the following account : "It is our painful duty to record a series of outrages, oc casioned by popular irritation against the Corn Bill. On Monday afternoon (March 6), various persons assembled near the House of. Commons, not numerous at first, all inveighing against the Corn Bill and the Members who supported it. An order to clear the passages of the House was executed with difficulty. Several of the mob acquainted with the persons of the Members pointed them out, and hooting or applause followed, as the Member was known to be friendly or adverse to the Bill. At length many carriages were stopped, and the 'Members were obliged to walk through the crowd. The civil power beimg now deemed i nsufficient, the Magistrates, having applied to the Speaker, received an order to call in the military. The Horse Guards suppressed the tumult, but the populace repaired to other parts of the town." He might here mention that he had been shut out of the lobby of the House of Commons on Wednesday evening. He did not regret it— he thought it rather a privilege.—(A laugh.) But after a while he received a message from the Speaker to the effect that he should be admitted, and he could say that at the time, which was between six and seven o'clock in the evening, the lobby was not half so crowded as he had seen it on other occasions.—( Hear, hear, and " Sharne." ' )l To return to the account of th e p ass i ng o f t h e Corn-laws, as re lated in the " Gentleman's Magazine," he should re mind the meeting that mobs assembled before the House of some persons who were supporters of that law, amongst others that of Mr. Robinson (Cries of " Goderich," " Ripon," and hisses)—and some lives were This was the account of the inquests on Edward Vize and Jane Watson : —" The Coroner's inquest who sat on the body of this unfortu nate youth have found a verdict of ' Wilful murder a,gainst some person or persons firing shot from and outof fire-arms from Mr. Robinson's f r ont p ar l our w i ndows, ' and their verdict was ac companied by the following obsert ations Ist. It is the opinion of the Jury that the military acted improperly in entering the house of Mr. Robinson without proper authority to do so. 2d. It is the opinion of the Jury that, from the evidence adduced, there was no necessity for firing with shot at the time Edward Vize met his death. :3d. It is also their opinion that the firing was unconstitutional, in not being ordered by civil authorities.' The Jury on Jane Watson have returned a verdict of Wilful Murder against Mr. Robinson's butler and three soldiers."— Loud cries of Hear, hear.) There was another remarkable fact which he observed in connection with this question, which they (the Conference) were discussing from year to year. This measure was introduced on Monday, passed through both Houses,• arid received the Royal Assent on Friday.—( Hear, hear, and Shame.) But he also found something which was honourable to the City of London.—(Hear, hear.) He would read it from the same chronicle :—" The Corn Bill has passed both Houses of Parliament and has received the Royal Assent. Among the several petitions to Parliament, that of the City of London to the House of Commons presented an extraordinary number of signatures, 40,571 having signed within ten hours. The signatures of that addressed to the Lords were estimated at upwards of 80,000. The Court of Common Council came to - a resolution to petition the Prince Regent to withhold his assent, and the petition was presented by the Lord Mayor in State." Mr. Sturee then made reference; in terms of the highest eulogy, to the exertions of those gentlemen who report for the public press, anti expressed a regret that the management of a large portion of the press was in the hands of persons who belonged to one or other of the two great ministerial factions. He knew well the value of passive resistance, being a member of a sect which acted on this prin ciple two centuries a go w i t h great success. But in their re sistance they should regard the Government only, for they could consider the Queen as little better than a state prisoner. —( Cheers.) They should act on the conviction that it was their duty hot to contribute the sinciva to a Government which op pressed the people.—(Cheers.) The time he believed would soon come. These were many cheering indica( ion 4. Between 9,0001. and 10,0001. had been conti ibuted to the Bazaar at Manchester, and this money, in a great degree, had passed through the lingers of the wives and daughters of a most influential class of the people of England. He had also the gratification to know that a great body of the religious and moral community, gene rally reluctant to come forward on political occasions, were now ready to join the people in breaking down those laws that were made and upheld by class legislatiou.—(Cheers.) He believed there were many in that assembly whose ancestors had made great saerifict s for the cause of civil and religious liberty, who though they might not be able to trace up their birth to coro nets, or to distinguished heads of the aristocracy, could yet par ticipate in the sentiment of the poet— " I boast not that I deduce my birth From loins enthrones', or rulers of the earth, But higher far my proud pretensions rise, The son of parents passed into the skies." —(Cheers.) Appealing now to these men, he would remind them that much depended on them, and if they excited them selves with unanimous energy, they might look for a peaceful and triumphant result of this great question.—( Cheers.) Mr. I)ullest:4 APLatteN seconded the motion with great pleasure. They had now met for three or four days, and had amply discussed the principles on which the iniquitous Corn THE SUN, LO 'DON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 121_1842. laws were based. They had come to a resolution declaratory of their conviction that nothing short of a total and immediate repeal of those laws would satisfy them. By their resolution of yesterday, they determined to memorialize her Majesty, to the effect that their demand was so essential to the welfare of the country, that they humbly submitted that no man should be admitted to her Majesty's Councils who was not prepared to support a total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laps. These being their views with regard to the conduct of others, the Conference had now to determine what they would do them selves. The present resolution told them. It pledged them to the declaration that no Member at present in the House of Commons, who would not vote for Mr. Villiers's motion, for total and immediate repeal should receive their support at any future election ; that no future candidate should receive their support if he would not pledge himself to vote for a total repeal of the Corn la as ; and that the Conference recommended all their friends to pursue the same course.—(Cin ers. ) This was the most important resolution, either for good or evil—though he Loped there was no chance of the latter—to which the meeting had come.—( Cheers.) Yesterday some excellent friends suggested that the Conference should show less oratory and more action. Now this was a resolution of action.—(Cheers.) Nothing but the extraordinary necessity of the case could justify it. for he admitted that a certain freedom, and even an oc cesional difference of opinion, should be allowed between a candidate and the constituents.—( Hear, and ehee-s. ) But this was not at all a political question. It was much greater in importance than any Whi g or T ory measure. I t was a question—What means were most conducive to an immediate ard total repeal of the Corn-laws.—( Cheers.) He (Mr. APL. ) has. always been attached to the Whig party, because he be lieved their measures were the best for the country. But there was no charm in a name ; and if, at the next election, he should find a man saying he was a good Liberal, but refusing to support the measure which they considered the best for the interests of the country, they, the elec tors would have a right to say, Sir, you are not a real Liberal ; you are sailing under false colours—(Cheers) — and you are not entitled to our suffrages, unless only on con dition that you agree to support a measure which is really calculated to benefit the community.—( Cheers.) But let no man vote out of mere spite for an opposite candidate, because the self-styled Liberal refused to support an abolition of the Corn law. That ; would be wrong. In such a c a se . th e e l ector ' s best course would be not to Vote at all.—(Hear, hear.) There were new about three hundred members in the House of Commons, who would divide on a Liberal question. All these would say that they disapproved of the Corn-laws, but, if close questioned, they would conceal their opinions under a cloud of words, it would be hund that they were as much against a repeal of the ( orn-laws as the Conserva tives opposed to them.—( Hear, hear. ) This was true, and it would continue to be the case as long as the people . were content with appearances. Let them therefore determine at last to act upon this principle; and if after that or d ea l it should turn ou t th a t t h ey had but two hundred and fifty Liberal representatives who were prepared to vote for an immediate and total repeal of the Corn-laws, yet the question would receive an impetus far beyond what it had. It had apparently large support, but which included many hollow friends, it not open enemies. This was the course they ' should adopt, and he therefore hoped that the resolution would be unanimously adopted, and then acted upon. Those being the opinions he entertained eT the present question, he would conclude by cord:ally seconding the motion.—(Cheers. ) The CHAIRMAN next introduced to the Conference Mr. PRENTICE, of Manchester, who came forward, and said that he had been a member of the Manchester Anti-Corn-law Asso ciation from its commencement. He had been a member of the National Anti-Corn-law League from its commencement, and he therefore had had opportunities of observing to what circum stances they owed their advance ft om an exceedingly small and weakly number to their present proud position of strength. He believed that that had been attributed by most of the Members of the Anti-Corn-law League to the clearness and explicitness with which their principles had been propagated and worked out. They had convinced those who were at first disposed to say that the Anti-Corn-law League was a mere Whig trick— they had convinced those by the earnestness and zeal with which they advocated the cause of total and immediate repeal, that their hearts were in the cause; and the consequence had been, that they had gained over all those by whom they Were at present surrounded, determined to pursue the same course as themselves. Had they in the least suffered themselves to give their consideration to any advantage likely to be derived from a fixed duty or a sliding scale, they would not now have the confidence of the country.—( Hear, hear.) He would bring to their recollection how great an impulse their move ment received about this time last year from the proceedings at the election of Walsall. He mentioned the circumstance to show .that they ought not to throw over-board those who were not disposed to go the full-length that they themselves went in the present question. Let them follow up their principles and leave event; to the working out of those principles. Last year a vacancy had occurred in the representation of Walsall, and two candidates offered themselves—one connected with the Gladstone family, now in office—the other a young Whig gen tleman. immediately connected with the Whig aristocracy. A Deputation waited . ' upon those gentlemen to ascertain what their opinions were with respect to the total and immediate repeal of the Corn-laws. The Tory Gentleman said he would give the question his best consideration. The Whig Gentleman said that he had not given the subject so much deliberation as should induce him not to come to the conclusion that a fixed duty was the best course, but teat he declined giving a pledge upon the question. The course of the deputation, then, was to tell the electors, that having signed petitions for repeal, and pressed resolutions at public meetings, stating the absolute necessity for repeal, they wou!d not be consistent with their petitions or their resolutions, if they supported candidates who were adverse to total and im mediate repeal. There was a great outcry raised against them by the Whig newspapers, because forsooth they had driven a young gentleman of the aristocracy from the field. Mr. Smith had not been returned, because he had been too late in the field ; but he (Mr. Prentice) knew that Mr. Smith had re corded 200 votes more than the Whigpro-Corn-law man. Let them mark the result of their conduct on that occasion. Such a feeling had been created in the borough that at the following election they advocated-total repeal. He stated that ch cum stance to overcome the objection of those persons who imagined they (the opponents of the Corn-law) were doing great harm to the Liberal cause if they stood up for principles, when they had a per.on in some degree their friend opposed to a person who was in a greater degree their enemy. He (Mr. Pren tice) should be ashamed that a test be put to the House of Commons and to her Majesty's Ministry by this Shibboleth of total and immediate repeal, if he did not give his consent to pledge himself to a similar test. If they did not pass the resolution now proposed they should appear before the whole country as hypocrites. It was their duty as electors to pledge them selves never to return any bread-taxer according to either the sliding scale with Sir Robert Peel, or a fixed duty with Lord John Russell. Let them make a stand. They had great encouragement to make a stand. They had seers two successive Administrations driven to the consideration of the Corn-laws. They had seen a Whig Ad ministration driven to a fixed duty of Bs., after having de clared that it was madness to advocate a repeal of the Corn laws. They had seen a Tory Administration brought to what they termed a great modification of those obnoxious laws. Seeing that, then, they ought to take up an advanced position, and admit of no compromise at all. Let them demand of every person who sought their suffrages as electors, to pledge himself to total repeal, before he received a single vote. He (Mr. Prentice) had many opportunities of mixing with the people, and knowing their sentiments, and he was aware there were opinions broached privately and confidently—not brought forward at public rneet ings—which would have startled even him (Mr. P.) radical Reformer as he was, some three or four years ago. Ministers—either the late or the present ones—did not know what was passing in the minds of the people. They thought that because the people Mere peaceable, because there was no rioting, no burning of ricks, no burning of cotton fac tories, the people were therefore indifferent to the great ques tion now agitated. But he could assure Ministers that the people were not indifferent to it ; that they entertained opinions that sooner or later, unless there was a great reform in our commercial policy, would be exhibited in action. It might be said that this was but a vain threat, proceeding, solely from himself, but it was far otherwise. He therefore warned the aristocracy not to provoke the- people too far. He knew also—and he mentioned it because it had been alluded to by his friend Mr. Sturge—( Cheers. )—he called him friend because he was the friend of the human race—Crre mendous cheering)—he knew that there were numbers of men who had made up their minds when the proper time came, and he thought the time had come, insulted as they had been, when they should follow the example of the body of Friends, not to resist the law, but allow it to take its course; they would not resist the payment of the assessed taxes, or the collection of them, but they would allow the collectors to come and take their tables and chairs. There was such a thing as Chartism behind the Anti -Corn-law agitation, and let not some deceive themselves, that because these men appeared in opposition to Anti-Corn-law agitation, that they were fa vourable to taxes upon their bread. —( Cheers.) Those men did not oppose the Corn daw agitation —no, they ca me w i t h ad ditional agitation to say " We approve of the repeal of the Corn-laws, but we begin to doubt whether you will obtain it. You have been four times to London, you have been treated with contempt every time, and therefore we call upon you to join us in demanding the Chatter." He ( Mr. Prentice) differed with them in that respect; he thought they had a more immediate prospect of obtaining a repeal of the Corn-laws than the Charter.—( Cheers. ) He would warn the members of the aristocracy and the House of Commons that those who called themelves Chartists—those who agitated for the Chat ter, were with them to a man.—( Great cheering.) They were as much opposed as themselves to the obnoxious laws passed by the aristocracy at the point of the sword and bayonet. They only doubted the efficacy of their means, and believed they had good reason, seeing the manner in which insult and injury had been heaped upon th e m d ur i ng t h e i r ag i tation. He would I warn the aristocracy. that these men were at the back of the Corn-law Repealers—(Cheers)—and that, if they destroyed the Corn-law agitation, they would only raise up Chartism with tenfold force.—(Cheers.) They had passed a resolution to test the House of Commons on Mr. Villiers's motion, they had declared that they would support nothing but immediate and total repeal ; and having done that, they could not refuse giving their assent to the motion proposed by Mr. Sturge. Mr. P. Tnoetrsoer, the son of Colonel Thompson, then came forward to support the resolution. In sober sadness, he thought he might ask them whether at last they were tired of the course of folly of locking the stable door when the steed was stolen.—(Cheers.) If the principles they advocated were just now, they were so six months ago.—(Cheers.) Why did they wait for seven years, which it might be, before they were put in operation ? The question now was, what was to be done to assist the patient at the last gasp 2—( Cheers. ) The blood was now pouring out of its wound at the neck, and they were called upon to see what they could do to staunch it.—((;ries of " Hear.") Some remedies had been proposed; with respect to time, they had been told that the time had come when some course should be adopted ; he would say, that when this Bill had passed they should refuse taxes.—(Great cheering.) Let him warn every man who cheered in support of that proposition, to be determined to carry it out.—( Cheers, and cries of "We will.") He would scorn to come for ward and put to them anything that was un just ; but he believed there was a time when forbearance would be cowardice, and submission crime.—( Hear, and cheers.) The present was the only time to relieve distress, and he be lieved it would be efficacious as long as they went on with pas sive resistance.—( Cheers.) Stir Hobert Peel, and those con nected with him, knew that the dauntless spirit that pervaded their Scottish neighbours still existed, and they knew that the blood which flowed in the veins of their ancestors still ran through the veins of some of their desc endants.—(Cheers.) If they took the course now proposed they might depend upon it they would no longer having a starving popula'ion. They might depend upon it nothing else would du any good. He did not ask the poor wretches in the street to act for them selves ; they had told them to keep easy, and he trusted they would exercise their trust as honest men.—(Cheers.) This being the time for action, it • was scarcely necessary for him to attempt to show the justice of the course he had adopted ; they all felt that it was just, th ey all knew the destitution which their fellow -countrymen were suffering. There was one cir hcuemthsteaunoohetthoasdvhniceht h h e e e n ( I 1 sufficientlylr .T hom p 'Thompson) e ) r ya ,. would l t d o a allude, tthis w m h e i e c t h . ing. They knew h ow much the landed interest told them that they (the land interest) had a right to pro tection, because they were taxed. They theoretically held their land from the Crown, who reserved privileges to itself in the shape of rent charges. Some land was held by a military tenure, and oth ers b y different tenures requiring particular services, all as much rent charges, however, as if they paid a certain sum per annum. At the Restoration of Charles IL they had wit enough to get rid of these rent charges, and place them on the taxes ; let there be an end then of their talk about MORNING SUN - " . I le (° paying taxes, th e y h ave go t off rent-free.—(Cheers. / do Thompson) s h ou ld rot h ave presume d to have aildrea' r ss eu va a to-day, hal it not been that- he came there lIS the repiTo is s' tive of 4,000 s t arv i ng weavers—as the representativllii, people out of a population of 12,000 who were pert s s ° 4 7o want of food. Th e y h a d bid hi m a sk how it wasraabill persons with energy, activity, and intelligence, aotltfl ey lid labour, we re p er i s hi ng f or want i n th e s treets; ands „ s ,, s OO,, instructed him to sa y, i n rep l y , th a t it was because; a s ass produce everythi ng b u t f oo d f or th emse lves ; . that'fi' d tbel not do becau s e th e y h a d no t th e ma chinery; nor to a ' s sel exchange other produce with foreigoers for .foods.tiee a a , se a ttlli' were not allowed ; all th e y cou ld now d o was to traat;;,ll l meeting would save them from starvation. In enri at i s aY was sure he n ee d no t say t h at h e agree d w ith the rer,' _ .. 1 preventing starvation. The moti on was t h en put f rom t h e Ch a i r , and Sa d '. unanimously, amidst most vociferous cheering. i '"iii OP The CHA IRMAN t h en announce d t h at t h e Rev. 5i5,,,, , ' to thi ale, of M anc h ester, wou l d now move t h e Itlentoir Queen. ' ' . `. j t 10 6 The Rev. J. W. MAssiE, then came forward •ar°lstis s a cheers. He said that he nose in furtherance of ,a. passed yesterday, that this Conference should present aar i les to her Majesty, suitable to their opinion of the prese7 o7 ,o —( Cheers.) There m i g ht h e some difficulty in theif ba they might anticip a t e some , as to access to h er Maks 1 A .,, occasion. He had had the pleasure some time ago of a Conference of Ministers and religious men io C a , I t o which hail been convened from North Wales, to Pr,„„ .s senting an address to her M a j es ty, su it e d to that !il; sibs' address agreed to was loyal; it was affectionate ;IS obe l the spirit of ardour, freedom, and love to the Quo' bor' they loved to call their Queen, and towards the Ylsiate heir of the Th rone , w h om th ey pronounce d their a , dot —( Hear, and cheers.) This memorial, duly signed tectii ° forwarded, yet from that day to this, the Welsh sTb s eris her Majesty h a d h ear d noug h t o f t h at ment orial.- - t do r He would then put his friends on their guard as t o aa flit seutation of this mem or i a l. If l ie s h ou ld hare a voie!Aa R 1: matter it should go through no Home-office—it 5h , 50 0 :1 through no Secr e t ar y o f St a t e .—( Ch eers. ) He did° bet ° but he ought to say th it it should go through no ineld her the aristocracy --( G rea t cheering)—yet he 1. " 1 ,k 0 , 1 Majesty was to o f ar o ff f rom t h e D e l e gates' oo , Conference, for them to convey the eaPre",. bp t a w' their feeling s a n d opinio:is to her own royal ear- 4 a, 4 0 05 tender bosom.—( Loud cheers.) It would then retna!%aor Executive Committee to consider whether the rn emortsi is be entrusted to a Peer of th e r ea l m , or w h e ther it ° b° sw j conveyed by a deputation of their n um b er , or by t,h e 'i a cs, of the memb e r s of th e C on f erence . Th ey shoohlse by an express train to Brighton-(Loud cheers) s sia , that they might secure th e p resen t a ti on o f their ing' s las' and bring forth from 'the royal lips of that beloved, WM (Cheers)—the expression of her own mother's heaSt , 7, 0 , Queenly affection for the people over w hom she reil o sisi whom she wishes to be happy.—(Loud cheering, I ,l es stili of hats.) He wou ld l eave t h at now, however, to the P. ,' 009 There was one point of extreme imp oi t ance which n%,001 now urge upon the meeting—it was that of tirne.- - sc a fogr s , Were the Members of those Houses of Legislature tcre - ah als" busied in taking up certain children and certain vile 9,4 pale, and emaciated, from the streets of London! and purses for themselves of the skins of those peopledif a issl the indignant cry of multitudes be fiercely raises' 'are i them, which should appal them in their guilty: 0' Were not they murde r in g n o w ?—( H ear , hear.) Th *Pie r gentleman on that platfo r m, w h o h a d received ase° °° - 0 -0 ' tion from a f r iend o f hi s , i n t h e di s t r i ct i n w hich hti ig iltr After stating the condition o f the wor ki ng c l a sses in:7 111 trict, the communi c atio n mentioned that there wf' s s is tik, number of persans there who fed o n one m e al in 'e r s 'ai l " hours.—( Hear, hear.) That f ac t h a d b een te oo— ' l death ° most scrupulous investigatio n . He k ne w that -- , oias la occurring almost every day from f am i n e, or the , of emaciation and destitution. He knew that an hone!:I e . y, te a man once honest at least, had been driven to th e • Y e y, Dr, had arrested the pas s er-by, h a d d eman d e d his In° fl dir been content with silver when he was offered gold; g 0 little supply that silver procured for him was too much,.. dy ads' died the following morning, the victim of want aniLdes las tir„ But that was only one out of a thousand cases...o' 17,000 inhabitants of Paisley be deserted by• the hand,W —let them be neglected, not by the Duke of W ew liastro (Groans)—for he would not hear their cries—(Hea r, O a he would not subscribe one fraction for their relief; .";a s " not hear the prayer of their representatives---he - W ff forsooth, one of her Majesty' s p resen t advise' e, hear)—but let the suff er : ng operatives ?f - t bals", h , be deserted, not by the Duke of Wellington—not by a SiV lords, but let them be deserted by the lords of cottO o lords of trade, who contribut e d t o th e i r su b s i s tence, ° o d or these 17,000 human beings must either die or pia ° s atil country. It was not merely in ref e re n ce t o the iiP'9lo I of the people that they should say no time was & e t 0 4 There were many ministers of reli g io n i n that gre c a lo st, polis, zealous, though not too zeal o u s , f or th e advao f_ of 19 Missionary Societies, for maintaining Bibl e Instituno _dell the Hindoo of knowledge through Tract Societier2oe 0; were men who stood forwardto plead the cause of the 14 WI the Hindoo, expressing a hope that rude barbaria n a , o T, know that divine and glorious conquest nu, ar tamed upon Calvary. The se men th us pl e aded '° "sag that their friends in other parts of the coml .: 7l'lor,, contribute to those Missionary Societies. I le -4;1; tell them—and he wished they might hear tt'""salpe a truth, which he pronounced from that place most sal-,..,er - I s he would tell them, that not alone was it probable that thy f r, fall short this year of their revenue but there were rale tlemen in that room who had told him that they 0-00 1 501. less that year than they had contributed it l 4; i -afte sears to those societies. He loved the cause of • eel he loved his brethren of the ministry—but he wio 4 had come forward more zealously in that cause...;dti. A not mean to say that there were not many (list' s :A exceptions. He knew that there were among t4.t o men of the brightest genius, of the nob'est- intehg" e a 'trig were known for their most elaborate and successful rj i ! a f#S, into ancient history—men who had shown the warr a , ka f,,tT i ; hearts, the eloquence of their pens, and the streng'"jokr. intellect, in the advocacy of their cause. He W 'gals Smiths, the Coxes, the tfaughans, and others of tha t R I pi But one swallow did not make a summer. They ah°,t e tie r '„ every messenger of the pulpit engaged in behalf of ` 1 : 01 .r o f whom the Redeemer first taught, and then fed, and 1 ; 1 40,1,4 gion would be most sure to prosper.—(Louti ss ' a - cll' " Hear, hear.") The Reverend Gentlemen then '' ll. by moving the adoption of the following memorial :ea' a "a _ MEMORIAL TO THE QUEEN. " if ail, Humbly Sh owe th,—Th at your memorialists have been de ,0 Christian Congregations and Associations of their countryrne7ol are suffering under the operation of the Corn and Proviskloie and, therefore, seek their abolition. Many of them ha" 1 0/ attended Conferences and Conventions in other parts of ib t , itar —in Scotland, England, and W a l es . Th e i r c oristituents o c ts 0 00 1 affectionate, and suffering subjects of you r M a je s ty, and are..., Ol t of the benevolent sympathy of their Queen, and her deat h every evil from which they suffer redressed. They devel lt L% be;in the blessings which a gr aci ous P rov id ence has stew , your Majesty as a Q ueen an d a mo th er , an d f erven tly Pre sit oy.'," Divine favour may rest up o n your R o y a l H ouse h o ld and F v on' Your Majesty has already proclaimed your symPet" 10 7 '" suffering millions of your people, whose exemplary midst of aggravated privations, has been acknowledge d o ro,.. Majesty's Ministers. It is therefore with loyal and resPe c o rtiel fidence, your Memorialists approach the throne of their SL I s it which they earnestly suppliCate God to preserve invuw" I 0 honoured. bel l i They would now assure your Majesty that they a re w oje siL grievously dissatisfied with the measure proposed by you r as 14 1 "" l present advisers to the country for a modification of the le" - so fes: obstruct the importation of food for the people, which ar e iv iti . : fully calculated to impose restrictions on trade and set : o pl o ', o the industry and mechanical enterprise of your labouring r f or ill s % Such a measure is viewed by your Memorialists as loi 4 ` l ",lo_ 4 r the interests of the country, the peace of the nation, 0 : e ay, / nour of the Government ; and your Memorialists wou l " n if:ri" • their alarm at nxtieiseire et the consequences likely to arise from the s- ce; now endured by the people, and to avow their utter want i o i pist, fidence in your M a j est y' s present M in i sters, or i n any 'oli' who will rot propose lo Parliament a measure for the total mediate abolition of the Corn and Provision-laws. oral' IS And your Memorialists shall ever . 00 0.- This was the memorial, subject to their own approval. 1 . /8 sO: not detain them for a single moment by any observat le t jge" ther than a single one, and that one in reference testy 1001 emplary patience of the suffering people. Her Mai P e i made to say this in her Itlajesty s most gracious ap se" ons a j the Throne ; and he had heard the words repeated Voi r her Majesty's advisers in the House of Parliament. . f , o°, they mean by such an expression ? They meant, ' a tr, patience hat been exemplary, that it might have been ha ilis"' wise ; that the people, if they had broken out into r e c e , fur b i and had attacked the buildings of the rich and, t a 4 1!) tresses of the Treasury, would only have el 3n- c 90 which might have been expected in a state the '1 ' grievous suffering. Such seems to be implied in ta aith„i press:on " exemplary patience." They were a 9 ile ' 1 ; 1 at the patience of the people —so was he.—( Cheers.) id set read the page of hi s t ory , an d h a d l oo k ed at t h e bloow s on' that occurred at the c l ose o f t h e l ast century upo n the France. lie saw that a t th a t ti me t h e f i rst cry of th, e ?li ef was, " Give us b rea d, an d none o f your ga bble! 0107 were led by forms in woman's guise, but of n' a 05 eneigy, and called o u t i n the Court of th e see s ; ries for immediate f oo d, f or that theywere. 05; and would not endure it.—(Loud cheers.) Thi lre !'it was what they might ha ve antici pated, b u t for t f syg i telligence of the people, and b u t for the moderation s i ;'. og .._ d tP 7 who in some measure h a d an influence in conir ° ,:j ni popular opinion. But for the c on d uc t o f t h ose W i lla L 'lssv , agitating this great que s ti on o f th e a b o li t i on o f t h e Cer rP ;l wondered what the country wou ld h ave d one . What we ? . , . f have dane had there been no Anti-Corn law League could could the people have done had there been no Cen' os • lec„ Ministers, no Convention of Trades, no agitation, in, a artf a l reach the ears of the soulless, the heartless, the brn,„ta t. ' e r, It?sra (Tremendous cheering )—who were now in power? '- I °_ sss .' aPj a . . . . jai t :i ihfaie(dti rampart mnem Q a plts u ;od e eil .eacdtntnoistrei!ernor determination and cheering)—to had confidence in her kind ° ; 0 0 .?" ( 1 1:e a t l e t tw t i r e h : ei r e n necrng uho_neguns throne o t oa a fmr n e, hdm d oertarein b , aiecyrrrimisteihalselteienesrrry:h::hel(eroCtlhhbteaa,en,d,rasste);si;l477l"-vediet:7'. 0 * , .: . and to let her Royal mind go free, ) that he prop! 4iiij from . 4 , Memorial. The Rev. J. HINTON, of London, cordially se ee ' nclil' aa ntti motion for adopting the Memorial. If he were lie w - ass , ,44 sionate, he should wish that he was eloquent ; h e ,s" to s te eloquent for the sake of th e cause —h e s h ou ld be coroYw a lii;s for the sake of the audito r y. H e h a d , h e hoped, eaugbadicesal of the spirit that had an i ma t e d t h e meet i ng at w hich It s'Oa's his privilege to attend. He had himself, in his, ew a r a l ese ss ° ' sphere, acted in a manner not inconsistent with his i t , a 17 ; ., • here ; after the Conference of Manchester he had g: p etls; ture to his own congregation on the subject, and aseol';,,:a from them to both Houses of Parliament would be pr_ ip i o tc' T he believed,thatevening. It was trot! that the Dissentinkn'a entst'. of London were not all up and awake, and active in .r_",, bo a 7 Petitions had been presented from. three great dissent in g fit,. particularly from the Baptist congregations. He I, ba le• balif his heart that this activity had run through the s are it, ....-,s but he confessed that it was nut the best way o v e n ?, well: is use such severity of animadversion on the h i l, as ( Hear, hear, hear.) The Dissenting minister well 1 . 1 ,, body, comprehended many Conservatives , a!, a Jaih e a.P. Liberals. A Dissenting minister was not necessartliae ° fay ? in politics; for this reason, they were divided, and ' dr iven a than - ba bodies, he suspected, liked better to be led jay, t a- . Some of the remarks that he heard that uid ra I s i o confessed, had he not stood there before, w ° tha n h ja have hindered him from attending there now D i gs entr o drawn him. If they wished to enlist the anis eal!, in the Anti- Coni-law cause, he would suggest na°V ne il i,. their understandings and their hearts, as snore ti o se us ' ave a a; repelling instruments than vituperation. , ll :s'e.il oFi ni° l l %a that congregations were often divided 07 ne----'. be do al b a well as the Ministers, and though, a minister re c ig ..aeas ed, could, still, as far as the congregation were °' aative °°' might find a very considerable pc;rtion of Conser ; tinsent therein. to er aer ' He appeared there, as a Delegate, to Mr. BARRETT WADDEN, of Hammersmith, TO:: . of, t ho who deuted him, every pos,ible support to the objects meeting; those directions were given to him ali'i n ans i• al l. ' that those objects should be the total, imtnediate:e had b ei f .: qualified repeal of the Corn-laws ; and further.+ h a it anyr i f f e instructed to take special care not. to mix up with _ , . , flea! i Hear, hea r ' - 1 ...big/ or religious matter w hatsoever.--k . she a sseas ,a s a' give on the. 1.19 of that._ thought the Rev. Gentleman, tsho was addressing to ol xi . was not, strictly speaking, in order, beeautie tha (lir wi tade ▪ ti he 1 he was in the act of addressing himself w hen -, '. ~3 1 1 101 ri a'Utt hvid i 14 hi* wit Ltuor. t i ll Liu • 01 lut a j 1 5 d1 1,0 4 4; 11 1 01 4 0 41°. , k 4144 ci l • Al sitt4 bee a o ; K a ti tu C'Ot . 34 he ttoilu li 44 laiy o n g , ' pft ni , u i d di tl.f or - 1,1 •-e 'ably Ltd The Poop] - • now noun neon of to ti tr a z d( bone, heard *hl e j dhaptuet t taetti to ' stroi to 1 , " . "( 1 1 L est e e t ; jel l feet Afomi Scot!: Thi 1141111 the (Ito " I "tire i i ,v t tenul(l ec " P ' i' 4) "ler km att , 4 There '*"‘l had . I res( tninis drawl ;:71: ter. ,T