The Sun. — London, England, 1824-02-23 00:00:00

4 :6:;::;:_'VrPL:;;71'ti:j1„:-Vlt;:IL:71A ..- - __-=----, . t.-., - - - t», 4.._. • I 0 s A „ N. ~:. S .. Tin Lam . ow, „At, l-,, 6? NITAIBER 9829. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 1824• PlitcE SEVENPEX tfi UNITED STATES.-HOLY ALLIANCE ENCYCLOPEDIA HERALDICA, or COMPLETE DIC- TIONARY of HERALDRY. On the Ist of January, •1844, was published, by Messrs. SHERWOOD and Co., Paternoster-row, and sold by all the Principal Booksellers, to be continued monthly, and completed in about 36 Parts, price 7s. large copies Its. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, J.kbr. 19. Tug GREEK QUESTION. The House went into a Committee of the whole, Mr. TAYLOR. in the Chair, on the resolu tion some time since offered by Mr. WED3Tza, which is in the words following : " Resolved, That provision ought to be made by law for defraying the expense incident to the appointment of an agent, or commissioner, to Greece, whenever the President shall deem it expedient to make such appointment." Theresolution hay ing been read-- ual ,s a tor. the the PART L of the above WORK, comprising the whole SCIENCE of HERALDRY, Hereditary Digni ties, Orders of Knighthood, and every other subject connected with it, and 102 Explanatory Plates. The Arms of Sovereign States, Cities, Towns, Public Institutions, Corporate Bodies, &c. together with the Armorial Bearings of the Peers, Ba ronets, and Principal Private Families in each County, being a Collection of nearly 60,000 Coats of Arms, forming alto gether the most scientific book of reference and general in formation upon Heraldry ever published. By WILLIAM MERRY, Late, and for Fifteen Years, Registering Clerk in the Col lege of Arms, London, Author of the Introduction to He raldry, Genealogia Antigua, &c. And t to as ienl for ineY ted t lieS- that dis ,:)nie was had. been. L bill i the e Jew' S the y t? e ❑ the 821$ ;. r- Moo ef :ffeci"r :fro r :11%4141 i'• of 04 ClaPh ° ice, rAe . ; Il iad le' r hous ej° the 17 1CTUALI.JAG-OFF ICE, Ja.29, 1824 . THE COMMISSIONERS' for VICTUAL LING His MAJESTY'S 11rdIfY, lice. do hereby give Ar Wiee, that on Tuesday, the 24th February next, they will ready to receive separate Tenders in writing (sealed up), an d twat fur - the following quantities of BALTIC STAVES (ei ther Dantzic, Memel, or Stettin); viz.:— . Pipe Brandy 6O Hogshead '4 6O Barrel ... lOO Long Heading T ° he delivered one-half by the 31st July, and the remainder 631 the 30th Septeneber, 1844, into the several Vietitallieqr 34 res s and in the proportions under mentioned, vie.:— One-fourth part at Portsmouth, One-fourth part at Plythouth, And the Remainder at Deptford; 4441 to be paid for by Rills, payable, without interest, *a •ty Nis after date. Tas Conditions of the Contract may be seen at this Office. Each Tender must describe whether the Staves offered are b ehioie, Memel, or Stettin, and must also specify the Price sa fiords at length, and be delivered before One o'Cloch °a the day appointed, and the Person who Makes the Ten. ; d "' "some Person on his behalf, must attend to answer *ha salted for. Af. WALLER CLIFTON. "TRACTS for SUPPLYING PROVISIONS, CLOTHING LINEN, COALS, CANDLES, and other Articles, fo r CONVICTS on BOARD HULKS. London, Roth February, 1824. SUCH Persons as are desirous of Contracting With the Superintendent of Convicts, to supply Bread, . "4" . Cheese, Barley, Oatmeal, Sal t,l3eer, Coals, Candles, Oil, So ar , ,„ r' "olhine Necessaries, Blankets, Woollen Cloth, Duck, Striped L i en and Cotton, Wrapper Cloth, Shoes, and Leather , w 'FR, use of Convicts on board Hulks at Portsmouth, Wool- Deptford, Sheerness, and Chatham, may receive Parti cliiars of the Contracts on applying to the Superintendant c'r Convicts, No. 15, Lambeth Terrace, and on board the s ' sre t'alitilks, and deliver their Tenders at the Commissariat c cc, Treasury Chambers, sealed up and directed to the Su- Perintendant of Convicts, marking thereon , t Tender to fur nish Suppli es f or C o nvicts ;" on or before Tuesday, the 9th March ; but none will he received after Twelve o'Clock "in tliat D a y ; nor will any Proposal be noticed unless made on or annexed to a printed Particular, and the Prices inserted in Wor,l a a t l eng th ; nor unless a Letter be subjoined to such roposal, signed by two Persons of known property, engag_ mg to because bound with the Party tendering in the Ulu expressed in the Particulars, fur the due performance of the COlliraet. TO THE PUBLIC. T and J. SI EVWRIGHTi C on t ractors for the • Present LOTTERY, respectfully acknowledge the un expected-Patronage they have experienced, at the same time that they have to express their Regret for the many disap ilointments which have occurred to those who applied for. Whole Tickets; the Reserve of which were every one disposed of more than Twenty-four hours before the Drawing com menced, this arose from the unprecedented Sale and the Orders which arrived in rapid succession from Agents in all parts of the Country, Scotland, and Ireland, to meet which so- many Tickets have of necessity been divided into Shares, as to have left No more WHOLE TICKETS for Sale, consequently the disappointment has been unavoidable, but the Contractors feel disposed, and are determined to effect all th a t i s now practi cable to remedy it, for the FIVE £ 20,090 which remain in the WheeL J. and J. SIVEWRIGHT have made arrangements with all the Office-Keepers, that any person wishing to purchase a Whole Ticket shall be permitted to have Two Half Tickets for the same money, (as long as there are any left), the Con tractors making up to the Office-Keepers the difference in 'mount ; this sacrifice on their part they have no d ou b t the Public will Italy appreciate. The 17th of MARCH will be t he NEXT DAY of DRAWING, when TWO more P RIZES of £20,000 are again to be added to the Two Fir s t , I ri zell; and the Last Drawn 1,000 Blanks on that Day will put into the Wheel and redrawn. Many of these . Ftve 0 1 0 00 Prizes, the Contractors trust, will be distributed at their Offices, No. 37, Cornhill, 11, Holborn, and 38, Hay- EQUITABLE ASSURANCE OFFICE. A QUARTERLY GENERAL COURT of ti,i4t,this SOCIETY will be holden here on THURSDAY, " of March next, at Eleven o'Clock precisely. WILLIAM MORGAN, Actuary. To T. TAYLOR, ESQ. HoNouNae°;) London. !Zi l l t ew Bridge-street, I BEG le ave . to f m you, that ever since the year 1790, I had b in een or a ffl icted with the Lues Venereal, Which, from its obstinately resisting every course of medicine Preseribed by the most eminent of the faculty here, and un dergoing severalsevere courses of salivation, arid twice die harged from the Hospital with little relief, would appear to be of the mast inveterat e mature. In the spring of last year my aisorder had got to such a head, as nearly to put a period to my existence —I had a large ulcer on the crown of my head,- on e en each arm, and my legs were broke out in a frightful k ' ? iner ; my right was dreadfully painful, and had been in a ,t 4 te of ulceration for the last seven years; my left had also two large uncles on it, was very much discoloured, and gave Me such excruciating pain, particularly when warm in bed, n early to deprive me of rest ; i n thi s l amen t a bl e s t a t e , I was recommended by Mr. J. Thompson, (who received so great a cure by them here), to take y o u r L ea k e ' s P a t en t Pill s , w hich I b egan t o d o ' on the 26 th o. May; in th e cour se of a for tnight I began to receive bonetit—in little more than a month the ulcers on my head and arms were soundly healed— .""o after, the sores ors my legs healed also ; leaving, how- Z"ri considerable discolouration in th e skin, and pain in the 4 ne of the left, which, by the blessing of God; an)! a little t'3,nKer perseverance in your invaluable Medicine, subsided ; uotles dispersing, the skin regaining its natural tr ue, and r b i t nocturnal pains gradually going aff.—l thus became, by ut liberal advice and medicine, perfectly free from all my 4t rn 'er complaint s —h are recovere d my f ormer spirits a ud s a ,:;?gth, and a m b ecome jolly arid fat, in which st a t e h av i eg Re "trued many months, to the astonishment of all who knew 15, n at a loss in what terms to express my gratitude, but thr„ 3.4,1 , for the g oo d o f ot h er su ff er i ng morta l s, to make si o ":''Y ease as public as possible, as I shall on every ogee,- In so doin g y ou w ill great l y o bli ge, Sits your grateful, ohedient,very humbleservant. ALEX. ISIURKEIt • 4n 'Close, High-street, Edinburgh. Joh n T Witnesses tothe above Cure:— haropson No. :3, New Poultry Market, Edinburgh, pr,„'l?lin,h4ceitosli, Old Assembly Close, Edinburgh. LOR;li ed a h lid sold by the sole Proprietor, SurfOSYhearse N?"' sj e ,rif the Royal College of eons, at his ianstAtt `‘v7 Bridge-street, London; where, after a nt d a e nlarl dente of more than 40 years, in a practice parti s irected to the cure of Venereal omplaints and those the Parts of Generation, with that inviolable 1114 eY w u'ell men of his profession should always observe in inst w ea ses l , he flatters himself the advice and assistance he t4estitoasy administ ers to persons takinthis Medicine, will atiaitczed, by a dis c erning Public, as a n a dvarstage ,seldom 44 0 1 es and void of all ambiguity. ly iew . . 5 Id, by his appointment, tor the convenience of those g„t. a distance, at the Toyshop, No. me. Oxford-street; s3,utc. brsbeirough's, No. 7, Fish-street-hill; otia nuge, Edinburgh ; Mr. Callwel .'s, and of s Person.' 4 rei tld is every considerable town in Great Britain . and Dublin; Mrlaxter' With . 1 . son boxes efonly 2s 9cl each, stamped, and seslet! up 1i t4.: 7111 and plain dcrectiens . , whe-rebv stamp ed, of either -.lly e themselves with ease, speed, secrecy, and pkfett. • alleti t the Ipri' n he !.d f the shor t pyble aros e ffe ll° ' nder' )y 3 0 / iff ha d on 11ii lerabw e, cir 4 ly 60 :; he h • beirlg Or tl3° :bap; 1)07, , hce ra-- the der et V I 1 II" 0 1" PARLIAMENTARY PAPER. A BILL to INDEMNIFY all PERSONS concerned in Advising, Issuing, or Acting under a certain ORDER in COUNCIL, for regulating the. TONNAGE DUTIES on certain FOREIGN VESSELS; and to amend an Act of the last Session of Parliament, for authorising his Majesty, under certain circumstances, to regulate the Duties and Drawbacks on Goods_ imported or exported in any Foreign Vessels. Whereas by an Act passed in the last Session of Parliament, intituled, " An Act to authorize his Majesty, under certain circumstances, to regulate the duties and drawbacks on goods imported or exported in Foreign Vessels, and to exempt certain Vessels from Pilotage," his Majesty is authorized, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, or by his Majesty's Ord er or Orders in Council, whenever it shall be deemed expedient, and under the provisions in the said Act contained, to levy and charge any additional duty or duties of Customs upon any goods, wares, or merchandize imported into the United King dom, or into any of his Majesty's dominions, in vessels belong ing to any foreign country, in which higher duties shall have been levied, upon goods, wares, or merchandize, when imported into such foreign country in British vessels, than are levied or granted upon similar goods, wares, or merchandize, when im ported in vessels of such country ; provided that such addi tional duties shall not be of grreater amount than may be deem ed fairly to countervail the difference of duty paid or granted on goods, wares, or merchandize imported into or exported from such foreign country in British vessels, more than the duties there charged upon similar goods, wares, or merchan dise, imported into or, exported from such foreign country in vessels of such country And whereas his Majesty, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, since the passing of the said recited Act, has been pleased to order, That there should be charged on all ves sels of the United states of America, which should enter any of the ports of his Majesty's possessions in America, or the West Indies, with articles of the growth, production, or manu facture of the said States, a Tonnage Duty equal (as nearly as may be) to the difference between the Tonnage Duty payable by vessels of the United States, and the higher Tonnage Duty payable by British vessels entering any of the ports of the said United :States from any ports of his Majesty's dominions in America or the West Indies ; and, by the said Order in Coun cil, the Lords Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland were required to give the necessary directions accordinglyl And whereas such Tonnage Duty hath been, and may be levied and paid upon and in respect of such vessels accordingly : And whereas doubts have arisen how far the provisions of the said recited Act extend to the levying, by the authority of the said Order in Council, additional Tonnage Duties upon the vessels aforesaid ; and it is expedient, that all pro ceedings under the said Order in Council, should be sanctioned by Parliament ; and that all persons concerned in advising, issuing, or carrying the same into execution, should be re spectively indemnified ; be it therefore enacted, by the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and (consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Com mons, in this present Parliament assembled, an d b y t h e autho rity of the same. That such Order in Council, and any direc tions or warrants of the said Commissioners of his Majesty's Treasury accordingly, shall he deemed and taken to be good and valid in law, to all intents and purposes whatevcr, as if the same had been specifically authorised by the said so.; - ted Act ; and that all persons concerned in advising, issuing, or carrying into execution such Order in Council, or in issuing, giving, or advising any such directions or warrants, and also all persons having acted, or who may act under, or in pur suance of, or in obedience to any such order, direction, or warrant, shall be and they are hereby respectively indemnified for and on account of the same; and if any act, matter, or thing done in pursuance of, or in obedience to, or in con formity with any such order, direction, or warrant as aforesaid, as fully and effectually to all intents and purposes whatsoever, as if any such order, direction, or warrant had been given, and such acts, matters, and things had been done in pursuance of any Act or Acts of Parliament, any thing in the said recited Act, or in any other Act or Acts of Parliament, to the con trary thereof in anywise notwithstanding. And be it further enacted, That if any action, suit or prose cution, hath been or shall be commenced against any person or persons, for any act, matter, or thing advised or done under such Order in Council, or under any such directions or war rants as aforesaid, it shall and may be lawful for the de fendants en defenders in such actions, suits, or prosecu tions respectively, in whatever courts such actions, suits, or prosecutions shall have been commenced, to apply to such Court or Courts respectively, to stay all proceedings therein re spectively, by motion in a summary way ; and such Court or Courts are hereby required to make order for that purpose ac cordingly; and the Court or Courts making such order shall award and allow to the defendant or defenders respectively costs of suit, for which they shall respectively have the like remedy as in cases where costs are by law given to defendants or defenders. And be it further Enacted, That from and after the it shall and may be lawful to and for his Majesty, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, or by his Ma jesty's Order or Orders in Council, to be published from time to time in the London Gazette (whenever it shall be deemed expedient) to levy and charge any additional or countervailing Duty or Duties of Tonnage upon or in respect of any vessels, which shall enter any of the ports in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or in any of his Majesty's domi nions, and which shall belong to any Foreign Country in which any Duties of Tonnage shall have been, or shall be levied upon or in respect of British vessels, entering the ports of such coun try, higher or greater than are levied or granted upon or in re spect of such country : Provided always, That such additional or countervailing Tonnage Duties so to be levied and charged as aforesaid, shall not be of greater amount than may be deemed fairly to countervail the difference of duty paid in such Foreign country, upon or in respect of the Tonnage of British vessels, more tban the duty there charged or granted upon or in respect of vessels of such country. And be it further enacted, That from and after the it shall and may be lawful to and for his Majesty, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, or by his Majesty's Order or Orders in Council, to be published from time to time in the London Gazette, to permit and authorize the entry into any port or ports of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or of any other of his Majesty's do. minions, of any foreign vessels, upon payment of such and the like duties of tonnage only as are or may be charged or granted upon or in respect of similar British vessels : Provided always, that before any such order or orders shall be issued, satisfactory proof shall have been laid before his Majesty and his Privy Council, that vessels of the foreign country in whose favour such permission shall be granted, are charged with no other. or higher Tonnage Duties on their entrance into the ports of such foreign country, than are levied on the entry into such ports upon the vessels of such country. And be it further enacted, That such additional or counter vailing Tonnage Duties shall be levied, recovered and applied, in such and the like manner as any duties of customs are now bylaw levied, recovered and applied. And be it further enacted, That his Majesty, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, or by any order or orders in Coun cil, as aforesaid, is hereby empowered' to remove or again to impose any such additional or countervailing. Tonnage Duties, whenever it shall be deemed expedient so to do. Provided always, and be it enacted, That this Act may be altered, varied, or repealed, by any Act or Acts of this present Session of Parliament. Mr. WEBSTZIL rose and said, that he was afraid that so far as his part was concerned, the excited expectations of the public mind on the present occasion would 'be disappointed. It was difficult on any occasion that called the attention to a spot on the globe connected with such associations and recol lections as Greece, to avoid some degree of warmth and en thusiasm. Yet, he was entirely sensible that in gravely le gislating on the present subject, those feelings must be chastised. He would endeavour in what he had to offer to the house, to repress such feelings as far as it was practicable ; yet, if we would wholly escape from them, we must fly beyond the limits of the civilised world ; we must go beyond the limits of social order, the bounds where laws and knowledge are found ; nay, we must leave this hall, before we ; could turn away from the memorials ofancient Greece. What, husked, is this popular assembly ?—what this free discussion of public measures ? what this open, unreserved action of mind upon mind ?—what that popular eloquence which, if it were now present, would on such a theme shake this hall to its centre ? What are these but such memorials ? This magnificent edifice, these columns with their stately proportions, this fine architecture by which we are surrounded—what are these but so 'many witnesses of what Greece once was, and what she has taught us to be. Yet, Sir, said Mr. Webster, I have not introduced the resolution now on your table with any view towards repaying aught of the debt which we; in common with the civilized world, owe to the land of science, freedom, arts, and arms. It is a debt that never cah be paid. Whatever may be our feelings of gratitude for these gifts, we are constrained to act with a view alone to the present state of the world, and of our relations to it.—What I propose, and what I shall say, has reference to modern, not to ancient Greece—to the living not to the dead.—l am aware, Sir, that it is a very easy thing to run over common places on the subject of this resolution, to call it a visionary and Quixotic measure, and to urge the good old maxim of its being the soundest policy for each one to take care of his own concerns. That maxims, Sir, is very true, but very inapplica ble to the present occasion. The question which is now to be discussed, is the american question in relation to this affair_ what is it best for us to do in the present aspect of things respect ing Greece ? And surely, Sir, this is a question that comprehends something more than a mere pecuniary calculation. Whenever m y mind turns to that question, I cannot forget the age I live _in, as well as the peculiar position ofrny own country. • e Mr. Webster said, he should endeavour, however, to avoid n the responsibility of any effort to change the policy of this Go vernment t owar d s f oreig nations. He approved of the policy at present pursued : he was satisfied, in this respect, with our present condition. The policy of this Government is peace ; ; for peac e .5 to us the greatest source of national increase and aggrandize ment. Th e mos t sang uine projector cannot furnish more brilliant or e xalted p r o s pects than those which must be realized b y tions tow ards the rest of the world. Time, peace, industry, these states if they can preserve their pacific rela and the arts, are raising this government by a certain and ir resistible progress. It is our true policy, Mr. Webster said, to grow, not to acquire ; we are to attain to greatness by in ternal d evelopement, not by external accretion ; and lie should be the last to turn aside the wise policy of the country from its wonted and proper channel. But, said he, that policy, while it is pacific, should at the same time be liberal; he spoke now, in relation to those great questions which are at this hour agi tating Europe and the world—questions which are concerned wherever a nation attempts to obtain its freedom—the ques tion, in a word, between regulated and unregulated power, Wherever it is disputed whether a nation shall or shall not we are bound to b r i ng, i n a id of i ts de possess a constitution, our side of th at ques ti on oug h t t o b e e k i n s o i owni: thatand declared or t ee which must ever resi de in the opinion of a free and intelligent nation. He had said that the policy of this Government was a pacific but a liberal policy ; lie should endeavour to show that in both of these characters it sanctioned th e a d o ption of the resolution now on the table. The a ge, said he, is a peculiar one, it has a marked a nd striki ng character, a nd the position and circumstances of our country oyreltsleloospet: ourtiiin, personalinwh i lot pe h period should are the world's no l ess a history, ilad a w s thusenjfa e be cast, none of us, surely, would wish to have been born in any other time, or in any other country. There has occurred no age that may be compar e d with the present, whether in the interest excited by what now is, or the prospects it holds out as to what shall be. The a tti tude of the United States, mean while, is solemn and impressive. Ours is now the great re public of the earth : its free institutions are matured by the ex periment of half a century ; nay, as a free Government, it goes farther back—the ben e fi ts of a free constitution have vir tually been enjoyed here for two centuries. As a free Govern ment, as the freest Government, its growth and strength com pel to stand forth to the cont e mpl a tion cannot obscur e ourse l ves, if we wou ld ; a o fthe it , willing world. We unwilling, part we must take, honourable or dishonourable, in all that is done in the civilized would. Now, it will not be denied, that, within the last ten years, there has been agitated in that world, a question of vast moment--a question pregnant with conse quences favourable or unfavourable to the prevalence, nay to the very existence, of civil liberty. It is a question which comes home to us. It calls on us for the expression of our opinion on the great question now before u s._ Assuredly, if there is any general tendency in the minds and which may be said to characteilse the affairs present irs age,of men, it isthe tendency to limited governments.— The enlightened part of mankind have very distinctly evinced a desire to take a share, at least, in the government of them selves. The men of this age will not be satisfied even with kind masters. They have shown, except where force has been interposed to crush them, that they will not be contented with. out a participation in the government. This is so strongly marked a feature in the social condition of this age, that it can have escaped the observation of none to whom I address myself. It cannot be denied that, while this is the prevailing spirit, there is an antagonist principle also at work. This, Sir, said Mr. W. is a state of things in which we, as a nation, have—we must have—an interest. The doctrines advanced (and which are promptly supported by a great force) go to prostrate the liberties of the entire civilized world, whether existing under an absolute, a monarchical, or a republican form of govern ment. They are doctrines which have been conceived with great sagacity, they are pursued with unbroken perseverance, and they bring to their support a million and a half of bayonets. And here, said Mr. Webster, let me not be misunderstood, I am not about to declaim against crowned heads, 'nor enter on a tirade against other forms of government, but I ask that the declarations of the Congress of European Sovereigns, which is promulgated as that which is to form the part of the public law of civilized Europe, may be subjected to a close examin a ti on . The entire overthrow of the late French Emperor left the Euro pean world in a state of very strong excitement. In Septem ber, 1815, the Sovereigns who had, by their united exertions, succeeded in putting down the French power, entered into, and published to the world, an instrument of agreement, which has since been familiarly known by the title of the " Holy Alliance." This paper which appeared immediately on the restoration of the Bour bons, had its origin with the Cabinet of Russia. His appearance excited at first but little comparative interest. It was regarded as little more than a de vout expression of gratitude for the success which had attend ed their united exertions in bringing the long war of Europe to a conclusion. It professed to be nothing more than a declaration, that the Sovereigns who joined in it would, in future, conduct their respective Governments on principles of the public good, and with a sacred regard to the Christian religion. Such a com bination was certainly novel; nothing like it had ever before been published by Kings. Yet, under the view of it which he had just, expressed, it attracted no very great share of attention. On the face of it there seemed nothing to objeet to. All that was strange about the transaction Was, that Monarchs who profess ed Christianity and civilization should stipulate to do what, without any such stipulation, it was their acknowledged duty to do ; the contract bound them to nothing to which they were not morally bound already. What was the amount of the con tract? That they would not violate Christianity, nor disturb the peace of Europe. 'At best, such a contract was superoga tory. It was remarkable 'that a celebrated writer on treaties, when defining what a treaty is, supposed, as possible, such a, case as has occurred, and certainly spoke very disrespectfully of such a treaty as the Holy Alliance actually was. His words Mr. Webster quoted as follows It seems useless to frame any pacts or leagues barely for the defence and support of uni versal peace, for, by such a league, nothing is sup ., eradded to the obligation of natural law, and no agreement is made for the performance of any thing which the parties were not pre viously bound to perform, nor is the original obligation ren dered firmer or stronger by such an addition. Men of any tolerable culture and civilization might well be ashamed` of en tering into any such compact, the conditions of which imply only that the parties concerned shall net offend in any clear point of duty.—Besides, we should be guilty of great irreve rence towards God, should we suppose that his injunctions had\ not already laid a sufficient obligation upon us to act justly, unless we ourselves voluntarily consented to the same engage ment; as if our obligation to obey his will depended upon our own pleasure. If one engage to serve another, he cloth not set it down expressly . and particularly among the terms and conditions of the bargain, that he will not betray nor mur der him, nor pillage, nor burn his house. For the sam e reason, that would be a dishonourable engagement, in which men should bind themselves to act properly and decently, and not break the peace."—Puffendori: Such were the sentiments of this eminent writer. How nearly lie had anticipated the case of the holy Alliance, Mr. Webster said, would appear from.comparing with what he then wrote, the preamble to that alliance, which Mr. Webster read in the following words : " In the name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity, their Majesties the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Russia, solemnly declare, that the present act has no other object than to publish, in the face of the whole world, their fixed resolution, both in the administration of their respective states, and in their political relations with every other Government, to take for their sole guide the precepts of that holy, religion, namely, the precepts of justice, Christian charity, and peace, which, far from being applicable only to private concerns, must have all immediate influence on the councils of princes, and guide all their steps, as being the only means of consolidating human institutions, and remedying their imperfections." This measure, Mr. Webster went on tosay,was no otherwise important tkan that it was the first of a series, and that it was followed up by measures of the most important kind. In this point of view, it was worthy of the most mature consideration. It contained two principles, which are now declared to for a part of the law of the world—the enforcement of which was threatened by a million and a half of bayonets. The first of these is that all constitutional rights come from the crown. "All useful and necessary changes (says the Laybach Circular of May, 1821) ought only to emanate from the free will and intelligent con viction of those whom God has renderedresponsible for power." This principle, Mr. Webster said, carried Europe back at one remove, to the middle of the dark ages. This was the form under which our sturdy ancestors obtained Magna Charta, which was given as a concession from the Sovereign. But, in a latter age, in the revolution which introduced the family of Orange, the British nation had grown wiser ; those things which at Runnymede were given as grants by the Bill of Rights, were afterwards formally . and explicitly demanded and insisted on as rights of the nation. The had been assented to as such, and on this basis the English constitution rests at this hour. For this reason it was that Britain, when she refused to unite in the principles of the Holy Alliance, declared those principles to be subversive of the principles of the English Constitution. What, said Mr. W., is the nature of that alliance ? Alliances' between nations, for the purpose of mutual advantage or defence, had been often heard of ; but an alliance such as that Laybach had never dared to be declared to the world. Vas this an alliance of nation with nation ? No, Mr. IVebster said, it was an alliance of crowns against the people ; of sovereigns against their own subjects ; it was, in a word, the union of the phy sical force of all governments against the rights of the peo apn I t w a ato le countries. in all put Wha t wasnthe end natural to all tendency nations, Extend the principles of that alliance, and the nations are no more—there are only Kings. It divided society horizontally, a (if such a Egure was allowed to him), and left all the Sovereigns above, and all the people below ; it set up the one above all rule or restraint, and put down the other to be trample beneath their feet. Not satisfied with demanding from thd subject allegiance to his own tnaster, it exacted a double, e triple, a quadruple, and he believed, indeed, a quintupl e alley dance. According to its principle, all people ewe allegiance to all sovereigns. What must be, what has been, the practica operation of such principles ? They lead, necessarily, to mutua distrust, to general 'discontent, and to universarwar. This al. liance, Mr. Webster said, had changed the leading policy of Europe. It had made it criminal for the people to combine, or to resist the will of either of these Sovereigns. If, for example, a Spaniard attempted to resist the Inquisition, he offended not only the King of Spain, but lie sinned also against the Emperor of Russia. Or, if a Greek attempted to resist the Turkish ci. meter, he, too, offended the Emperor of Russia. To use the words of the Verona circular, such a man " throws a fire-brand into the midst of the Ottoman Empire." At the Congress of Troppau, said Mr. Webster, we find the second of the doctrines to which I before alluded, as now pub. lished to the world, to be its law."'" Here, then, continued Mr. Webster, is a combination which is expressly pledged against all who set such an example—a manifesto which sets itself against the whole course of the human intellect, against the character of the age, and which w ou ld b r i n g us back at onc e to all the oppressions of the feudal system. Here is doctrine which no writer, no diplomatist, which even no courtier, ever thought of advancing. Sir, said Mr. Webster, it is a flagrant innovation on the principles and practice of the whole civilized world. I hope said he, I shall not be considered as exaggerat ing the case. To convince this House that I state nothing but the sober truth, that I draw no inference that the Sovereigns themselves have not drawn before me, permit me to refer to an occurrence that took place at the Congress of Verona. In a speech made at the Congress, by the French Minister, Cho.- teaubriand, he declared, that, in a personal conversation with tde Emperor of Russia, he had heard that august Sovereign utter sentiments which appeared to him so precious that he im mediately hastened home, and wrote them down while they were yet fresh in his recollection. The Emperor declared " that there can no longer be such a thing as English, French, Russian, Prussian, or Austrian policy—there is henceforth but one policy, which, for the safety of all, should be adopted both by people and Kings. It was for ms first to show myself con vinced of the principles on which I founded the alliance An occasion offered itself—the rising in Greece. Nothing, cer. tainlf, occurred more for my i n t eres t s , f or th e i n t eres t s o f my people, nothing more acceptable to my country, than a religious war with Turkey ; but I have thought I perceived in the troubles of the Morea, the sign of revolution and I have held back. Providence has not put under my command 800,000 sol diers to satisfy my ambition—but to protect religion, morality, and justice, and to secure the prevalence of those principles of order on which human society rests. It may well be permitted that Kings should have public alliances to defend thems e l ves against secret enemi e s." This may be so—but, I trust in God, though there should be no French, or Russian, or Prussian, or Austrian, or English policy (though this latter I never will believe) there will at least be an American policy. The end and scope of this doctrine is neither more nor less than this—to interfere, by force for any Government against any people who resist it. The times of the Stuarts have conic back again, and with increased demands of power. Be the state of the people what it may, they shall not rise : be the Government what it will, :it shall in no case be resisted. And this has been carried into effect. Look at Spain—look at Greece. If a man may not resist either the Spanish Inquisition, or the Turkish cimetar, what in God's name may he resist? Stronger cases can never arise. This alliance laughs at the doctrine ofyour Blackstones_, and all others, wh o ma i n t a i n th a t i nex t r eme cases, resort is to be had to first principles and natural rights. Are we prepared to part with this doctrine ? The doctrine is advanced ; it is supported with an immense force. The timid shrink and succumb. If it is not resisted here, and in one other spot, it will be resisted no where. If there is no vigour in the Saxon race to withstand it, there is none to be looked for elsewhere. Is it not time to step forth, and at least to declare that we condemn and deny such monstrous opinions? I-low can reformation of Government ever begin but with the people ? The radical de fect of this system is, thatit divides civilization ; it would allow it to go on in all other matters, but not in principles of govern ment and civil liberty. But human knowledge is all connected; that knowledge is fast spreading ' • the great mass of society, which holds, and eve r m us t h o ld, the physical, is fast obtain ing the intellectual power of society. The harmony which has ever prevailed, either in Europe or America, has rested on the principle of mutual independence of nations. **** But now, it may be asked, what is all that to us ? The question is easily answered. %%'e ate one of the nations. Our system of Govern ment is, throughout, utterly hostile to that system, and if we are safe from its effects, we may thank our situation or our courage. The age we live in, and our own active character, have connected us with all the nations of the world, and we, as a nation, have precisely the same interest in international lavi as.a private individual has in the laws of this country. But, apart from the soundness of the policy on general principles, there is a ground of duty in this Matter, 'What do we not, D K people, Ore to the principles of l aw f u ' I resistance ? To the principle that society shall goVern itself ? These principle hay,' raised us to a state of Prosperity' in Which our course is rapiil_ and irresistible. We are borne on as by a mighty current, MO if we would stop long ; enough to take an observation that wr may measure our national course, ere we can effect it we find We have already tno'ved a vast distance from the point at whicl , it was commenced. This course we cannot check; it is the course of things, and it will go on. Shall we not, thus situated: give to others, who are struggling for these very principles, thr; cheering aid of our example and opinion ? But, whatever we do in this matter, it behoves us to do on Principle. If, on subject of the rumoured Combination against South America,: we take any stand, it must be on principle that that stand is . taken. The near approach, or the more remote distance of din-. ger, may change policy, but cannot touch principle; and the same reasons of an abstract kind, that would lead us to protest in the case of the whole Southern Continent, bind us to protest in the case of the smallest Republic in Italy. A second question however, may here be asked. What can we do ? This thunder is at a distance—the wide Atlantic rolls between—we are safe would you have us go to war ? Woulciyou have us send armies , into Europe ? No : I would not. But this reasonino mistakes the age. t'ormerly, indeed, there was no making an impression on a nation but by bayonets and subsidies, by fleets and armies; but the age has undergone a change; there is a force in pub lic opinion, which, in the long run, will outweigh all the phy, sisal force that can be brought to oppose it. Until public opinion is subdued, the greatest enemy of tyranny is not yet dead— What is the soul, the informing spirit of oar own institutions ; of our entire system of Government ? Public opinion: While this acts with intensity, and moves in the right direction, the country must ever be safe—let us direct the forte, the vast moral force of this engine to the aid of others. Public opinion is the greatest enem of the Holy Alliance. It may b e sa id, that public opinion did not succeed in Spain : 'public opinion was never thoroughly changed there. But, does any man sup pose that Spain is not at this day nearer, not merely in point o f time, but intellectually and politically, nearer to freedom than she was last spring ? True, indeed, the Bourbon power did make an almost unresisted march from the Pyrehees to Cadiz, but is Europe satisfied ? Public opinion is not conciliated nor destroyed—like Milton's angels, it is vital in every part ; a nd thi s followed back th e conqueror as h e returned, and held Europein, indignant silence. Let us, then, speak,—let us speak well of what has done well for us. We shall have the thinking world all with us ; and be it remembered, it was a thinking commu nity that achieved our revolution, before a battle had been fotight. I shall not detain this Committee by laying before it any statis tical, geographical, or commercial account of Greece. The do cument on your table, which has b een f urn i s h e d f rom t h e de partment of State, in some measure supplies these, under her his tory is familiar to us all. Within the last 30 or 40 years the condi tion of that country has un d eegone a great improvement, h er marine produces the best sailors in the Mediterranean—better in that sea than even our own. Their commerce, before the present commotion., had begun to extend itself t o F rance and Spain. Hobhouse (ur best authority) states their seamen at 50,000 i; but that number is certainly mdch too large ; they have 153,000 tons of shipping, which is equal to about one-fifth of that of the United States.—Their population in European Turkey is about 5,000,000, and in Asia Minor about 2,000,000 more. Their moral state is rapidly advancing in all respects. The literary of Europe conceived a strong interest in their behalf, and sent books and scholars and printing .presses into Greece. .31any of the works of modern Europe have been translated into their Language, and they have produced many works entirely ori.: ginal. The people, a people of intelligence, ingenuity, refine ment, spirit, and enterprise, have been for centuries under the most atrocious; unparalleled Tartarian barbarism that ever op pressed the human race. This House is unable to estimate duly, itisunable even to conceive or comprehend it. It must be rernem• bered that the character of the force which has solong domineered over them is purely military. It bar been as truly as beautifully said, that " the Turk has now been encamped in Europe for four centuries." Yes, Sir, it is nothing else than an encamp ment. They came in by the sword, and they govern by the sword. They hold the captive Greeks to be their property; and when a wretchsd Greek has yielded up his year's earnings to some rapacious exactor, it has truly been said that lie "pays his ransom to live another year." Despotic power is there, if the phrase may be allowed, formed into a regular system of anarchy. ••• Sir, the case is unique, there has existed nothing like it before or since. The world has no such misery to shew. Surely, there is no case in which we could point to the civilized and Christian world with such an emphasis of appeal. • • * If any thing could be suggested to make his resolution more explicit, he was willing to receive the suggestion. He thought the only question was, whether it was worth while for the House to come to a vote on the subject. The resolution can offend no one. If the Turk takes offence, he takes offence against law, and we cannot prevent him from doing this. The propel' course would be to send an agent. If any thing to endanger us was contained in this resolution, he should not urge it ; but after the contributions which were openly snaking in this country, and even the correspondence of the Secretary of State with a Greek agent in London, no such fear could be reasonably entertained. Every thing short of an actual recognition of Grecian independence had been done. Would it offend any European power ? We would pay much to preserve amity with Enropean Powers, but there is a price which we will not pay ; and he could not believe there was a Christian Prince or eny Christian Throne in Europe who could take offence. Again he remarked that there is a time when opinion expressed in this mode may be of use, and there is a time when it would be useless. Now is the time to do what he proposed, if it was in tended by it to succour the Greeks. The question may even now be settled, while we are deliberating. They appeal to us by their wives and children—by the common faith—to giye them the benefits of Christian consolation. He did not know that the Greek cause would prevail ; but it every Greek were annihilated, and all the country of Greece were covered with blood and ashes, he should not regret that he had made this motion. On the motion of Mr. POINIZTT the Committee then rose, and the House adjourned. SHUCKING AFFAlR.—Tuesday last s an inqui sition was taken at Luton, on view of the body of a female infant, which on the preceding afternoon had been turned up by a sow, which was groping about in an outhouse be• longing to an old farm-house, which is now converted into several tenements and occupied by poor people. It is probable the body wottld have been completely devoured by the voracious animal in a few minutes, had not some children who were playing near the spot discovered the circumstance. it could not have been buried more than two or three inches below the surface of the earth, and was merely strewed over with bricks and dirt. In consequence of the information given by the children, several persons repaired to the spot, and a bloody sheet and shawl in which the child appeared to have been enveloped were found. A great mass of evidence was taken, from which it appeared ttat the body of the infant had been concealed for about six weeks in the room occupied by its mother, and had not been interred till early on Sunday morning last. One witness spoke particularly to an intolerable stench which she had several times perceived on going up and' down stairs which led to the room occupied by the mother of the child, and where it was doubtless concealed. John Fenson, with whom thel mother Elizabeth Hare cohabited, and by whom she had previously had a still-born child, ap pears to have been deeply implicated in 'the horrid affair.— From the state of the child's body, the surgeon was of opinion that it must have been dead six weeks. Theinvestigation Mu. pied about twelve hours, when, after a mature deliberation, the Jury returned an unanimous verdict of " Wilful Murder" against Elizabeth Hare, the mother, as principal in the first degree, and against John Fenson in the second degree. John Fenson, who was in custody, was committed to the county jail, under the Coroner's warrant, and a warrant was issued by the Coroner for the apprehensiOn'of Elizabeth Hare, who had ab sconded, but who hat been since taken and conveyed to jail.-- (Bedford Gazette. ) On Saturday last a creditable householder of the parish of Nutshaling, near Southampton, of the name of Clarke, was summoned before the Magistrates of Romsey, and fined N. for the crime of setting a gin in his own garden, to pro tect his vegetables from the d e p re dation s o f ra bbit s , hares, or other vermin.—lt appears, then, that a man may set a spring gun, or traps, in his grounds, to catch a thi e f w ho s h a ll vio l a t e the laws of property ' • but, by the Game-Laws, to set a gin to catch animals which daily destroy his property, is an offence.— ( Hampshire Telegraph.)