The Sun. — London, England, 1849-06-20 00:00:00

!truck its root deep, and had extended its branches in various directions, and to a considerable distance from the centre of Government. It was found that in one district, that of Montreal, there were secret societies Organized, partly under French influence, and partly, he was grieved to say, under the guid ance of foreign agi tators, or, to use the technical expression of the day, "sympathisers" from a neighbouring empire, and under their guidance and inspiration those secret societies !lumbered, in the town of Montreal and the neighbour ing districts, no fewer than 3,000 conspirators, thus showing no inconsiderable taint of .disaffection. The Conspiracy at last broke out into a cts of riot, which led to the calling out of the military force, the civil force being found utterly inadequate to cope with it. The rebels, who had arms in considerable abundance, were Met by the force under Sir Allan, then Colonel Macnab, but who had since been knighted, in reward for his ser vices in that rebellion—one of the most economical mea sures of that Government which had created so many Peers with large pensions, to whom he would not, how ever, further allude. The rebels were met by Colonel Macnab at the head of a force of militia and some Queen's troops, who fought. beat, and destroyed them, and in pursuing them found signs of their disaffection Wherever they went. The rebels, it was true, hail fled from Colonel M`Nab, but they left behind them houses deserted and despoiled, barns burned, awl the prisons filled with the loyal subjects of the Crown, incarcerated .by those incendiaries and rebels. The ver y road they bad marched along was strewed with the relics of their Pillage and of the fires they had lighted to destroy the Property of the Queen's loyal subjects, who had of course left the country districts and fled to Montreal for security and shelter. On one occasion,—and he would give them but one example, for painful it was to him to asme it, it would be still more painful to adduce others •---a gallant officer, Lieut. Weir—he named him only to do honour to his memory—was seized in fight by those rebel troops and carried to the rear, where he was over whelmed by numbers, who with a cowardice equal to their cruelty, then plucked his epaulets from his shoul ders, pierced him with wound after w ound, destroyed his life, and mangled his body, before the royal troops could Come to his rescue. Dr. Wolfred Nelson commanded the rebels on that occasion, and he was a claimant under the Indemnity Bill for 23,0001., but had kindly, gra ciously, and generously given up one-half of that claim, He only mentioned that in passing, however, as he had been compelled, though most reluctantly, to Mention his name. Such was the rebellion which had been put down by the gallant officer he had men toned and his coadjutors in arms. Such being the state of the colony at the period of the rebellion, he had to call their attention to the fra me of mind in which his Noble and lamented Friend, Lord Durham, found the Inhabitants committed to his care on his arrival in Ca nada as Governor-General. The exigencies of the case compelled Parliament to suspend the Constitution of Canada, and inflict temporarily upon it an absolute Go "tenement, and his Noble Friend was sent to admister the government of the whole provinces with dictatorial power. The state in which he found th e colon y he would give in the Noble Lord's own words, as given in the report to the Crown. In that report he said—" I expected to find in Lower Canada a contest between a Government and a people. I found two nations warring in the bosom of a single state; I found a strugg le, not of principle, but of races. It is in vain for me to expect that any de scription I can give will impress on your Majesty such a view of the animosity of those races as my personal ex perience in Lower Canada has forced upon me. It is scarcely possible to conceive that the descendants of any of the great European nations can be more unlike one another in character and feeling, more totally separated from each other by language, laws, and mode of thinking, or placed in circum stances more calculated to produce mutual mis understanding, jealousy, and hatred. Even in the schools of Quebec and Montreal the boys fight as bitterly as the men." He went on to say, " The intercourse of society is entirely out of the question. The put lications of the Press are of a difference and diversity, and of a mutual hostility, implacable and extreme to a degree unknown elsewhere;" and, as a last symptom, he said, that — "even on grounds which ought to be neutral to a ll man kind—the sacred grounds of charity— even in matters of charity, they cannot agree and unite together;" and, last of all, that--" the only public occasions on which the two rages meet, is in the jury-box, when they must meet, being summoned, and there the; inset only to the utter obstruction of justice." The Noble Lord then proceeded to read Lord Durham's dispatch, in which it was stated, that the British Canadian population would never again consent to any House of Assembly in which the French population had a majority. It then talked of the union with United States, adding, that for the purpose of ven geance, and to give a momentary triumph, an American army would be received with open arms if it marched into the country; that they would never again consent to be rnade stalking-horses of for the purpose of party contests at home, and that Lower Canada must be English at the expense even, if necessary, of the remainder not being British. The dispatch went to say tlt the British t3opulation entertained a deep-rooted attineent to the ritish, as against the French, institutions, but that some there be parties to French domination. They would fly to the Anglo. Saxon Government in the United States. Ile (Lord Brougham) could not shut his eyes to what had passed latterly; a cloud no doubt had passed over the hitherto bright and brilliant loyalty of the English Canadians in the recent outbreak at Montreal. He knew well it would be said that by the present proceedings he would be encouraging the rebels; that factious speeches and divisions in that House go across the Atlantic, and give encouragement to those who misdemean themselves . in Canada. That was the risk which all statesmen must be content to run, as well as the slanders which they must also face in the discharge of a public duty honestly and fearlessly performed. As Burke said, vvhen some such charge was brought agai nst him respecting America, or the Catholic question, he forgot which, " the fire bell that breaks our slumbers saves us from being burned in our beds." It was therefore that he (Lord 13roughana) should go on fearlessly with his charge, and hoped, in so doing, he should not be charged with having unnecessarily or wantonly raised the Tice tion, which it was the bounden duty of Parliament to entertein and grapple with, and that no one would accuse him of having a fellow feeling even with the most provoked of those outrages which disgraced, on a late occasion, their Ca nadian fellow-subjects. There was much property de stroyed in crushing the rebellion, and for some time nothing was done to find compensation for these whose property suffered, for doing their duty as loyal subjects. A Bill was passed to give compensation to those loyal subjects who suffered on that occasion, and it was clear, from the contents of that Bill, as well as the phraseo logy and its construction, that most false statements had been made about it. It was clear, not only from the language used, but the words of the Governor himself, that compensation was given solely for property taken during the rebellion. Horses, for example, and provi syms, for which parties received the note of the respec tive commanders of the military force, who had not at the time money to pay for them. These notes entitled the parties afterwards to receive payment ; it was a matter of contract, and -as such was dealt with. An im portant event, however, happened. At that time the British party, who, for distinction sake, he should call the loyal party—not that he used that te rm in an invi dious sense, but as a matter of history—the British, or loyal party, were in the Councils of the Governor, and measures were passed by the Canadian Parliament which included that to which he had already reterred. The Duke of WELLINGTON—The Upper Canada Bill? Lord BROUGHAM—Yes. The Duke of WELLINGTON—Hear. Lord BROUGHAM. continued—These were followed by others, and another event happened; he would not say whether it was judicious or not, the more particu larly when he differed with men not on principle, but on a matter of tactics, which proved unhappy in its results. A . conciliatory course was adopted, which, whil e it aimed at reconcilement, had the effect of breaking faith with the friends of the Government—a course which, in endeavouring to gain an enemy, deprives them of the ir friends, was sure to fail. It they could keep both, no doubt all would he well; but, as he had said, if they gained an adversary they lost their friends; and the consequence was, that they turned the friend into foe, and made the foe despise them.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Brougham), for his own part, never saw that trick tried that it did not fail, and cover with ridicule and contempt all those who tried it. He was for a con ciliatory course, for the purpose of a coalition, when great parties in the state yielded a little for a public good. That was creditable and honourable to all par ties, and capable of being made highly beneficial to the state; but it was a bad and bastard policy when it was pursued as in Canada, and brought with it feelings of great contempt, when friends were made enemies of, and enemies taught to despise them. That happened in Canada. The friends of the Government were dis gusted, and the consequence was that the Government found itself in a minority in the House of Assembly, the majority not being of the loyal party. The Prime Mi nister of the new Government was alonsieur Augustus Alexis Hypolite Lafontaine; and it so happened, etc, cor ding to his own petition, presented to that House in 1839, that be wa s obliged to fly the country before the rebellion commenced at all, , as he was more than sus pected. He was " not out'in 1838, as they expressed it in Scotland, but he wa s a quasi rebel—he was implicated in the proceedings then g oin g forward in Canada, as any Noble Lord might s ee who read Sir J. Colborne's dispatches giving an account of what was then going forward. The Noble and Learned Lord then read a letter from M. Lafontaine to M. Gironeud, written , at this period, enclosing him 20,000 Louis -d ors, or 18,0001., for the purpose of providing t he people with arms, and clothing, and ammunition. That was the language used after the rebellion was crushed, by M. Lafontaine, who was now Prime Minister, and before he was allowed to return by virtue of Lord Durham's amnesty. Now when he (Lord Brougham) found that Prime Minister the leader of a party en gaged in a rebellion, and pursuing such a course even after the rebellion was crushed, he thought he said enough which justified him in the use of the word loyal as applied to 'the other party. He did not call M. Lafontaine a disloyal Minis ter or a disloyal man. He may be perfectly loyal, but he would not call him loyal as contradistinguished from the other party, who were always so except the shade which passed over them lately. He would now bring their Lordships to the year 1848, but before he did so he must pause for a moment to account for the circumstance of Lafontaine and his coadjutors being Ministers of the Crown in Canada. A notion sprung up, which was mu ch encouraged by his Noble Friend, th e l a te Lord D ur ham, that the colonies should be permitted to enjoy what was called responsible Government. Now if he were to say that he clearlyand distinctly understood what was meant by responsible Government he would be giving himself credit for perspicacity which he did hot possess.—(A laugh.) Bet as far as he understood it it was this. It was not, as their Lordships would see, confined to Canada alone, but had reference to all their Colonies, and consisted in this—whoever was the Gover nor of a colony was bound to appoint his Ministers, and satisfaction than some of his Noble Friends near him.—(Hear, hear.) The Americans rejoiced at this policy on our part. Not because they sympathised with us by any means—they sympathised much more with the Canadian rebels.—(Hear.) He had seen letters addressed to merchants in the City, in which the ut most joy was expressed at the paseing of the navigation laws, but they sand, " Don't imagine we are going to follow you; on the contrary, we shall draw restrictions tighter than ever." The Americans heel a strong desire for protection, and what prevented them from making it complete? Upper Canada,.—(Else.r, hear.) It was impossible for them by any Custom house regulations, by any number of officers, or by any American militia. to completely guard a coast of some 14,000 or 15,000 miles in extent. A friend of his, a Member of the other House of Parliament, when in Itlinuis lately saw some hatchets. He said, " These are very curious hatchets." " Yes," said the party addressed, " and yon can't make such hatchets; they cost only 1 dollar and 25 cents." That mistake was soon corrected. In a short time 5,000 hatchets of a very superior kind, English make, were imported into the district, and sold at half a dollar a piece. 'l'lie moment that this was heard of down came a party of militia to seize the hetche:s a hut they failed in doing so, because they were all sold and conve) ed out of the way by the people. Now, while there was sack a differ, nee in the price of hatchets as that between 1 doll. 25 cents. and half a dollar, it was clear that it was hope less to attempt the enforcement of any Custom-house regulations. All they want is a frontier, and Canada would be that frontier.—(Hear.) Therefore it was that he implored their Lordships to knit more closely to them the affections of their fellow-subjects. It it was by any unworthy concession, by any sacrifice of power, ur even of wealth, that end was to be attained, he would not counsel it; but there were no such sacrifices required in order to retain their love and affection, and to render the severance of the colony impossible.—(Hear, hear.) He had the strongest sympathy for his fellow subjects, and ho could not but feel that it was a cruel desertion to take any step w hich would throw them into the hands of America. He had seen many of these men, men who had fought on the field of battle, and these men to whom Canada had been a home for half a century, who had all their possessions, as well as their families, who had risked life iu defence of the power of the British Crown, would be driven against their will into the great republic of the west, and if so, he could only say, that like their forefathers, they would leave England from their loyalty to the Crown. He called upon their Lordships to save Canada from being made the sacrifice to this whim of responsible Govern ment. He implored them to adopt the resolutions lie would now move, feeling perfectly certain that they would pour oil on the troubled waters, and restore peace and concord to Canada. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the resolutions. Earl GREY could not, although he had listened most attentively to the arguments of the Noble and Learned Lord, understand what object he sought to attain by submitting the motion which he had brought under the consideration of their Lordships. He had not heard one syllable advanced in sustainment of the necessity of the proposition, nor was it attempted to be shown that its adoption would tend to promote or facilitate the har monious government of Canada by the authority of the British Crown. Of the two hours and a quarter which the Noble Lord had occupied the attention of their Lordships, fully one hour and three quarters were taken up with prefatory matter. It was not expedient that he should follow the Noble and Learned Lord through those discursive observations; but though he should not follow the Noble and Learned Lord through the whole of his lengthy statements, there were never theless some points on which he bad fallen into error, that he felt it to be his duty to notice them. His his torical review of the connexions between England and Canada was altogether incorrect. In substance and spirit the Noble and Learned Lord said that the Cana dians were French in heart and spirit, that they were alienated from the British Crown, and that they were kept down only by force. This was a statement which he denied in tote. For many years Lower Canada had been much attached to England, and in the revolutions which had taken place the militia of Lower as well as of Upper Canada had distinguished itself by no ordinary display of valour. No doubt a portion of the population had been betrayed by designing men into the guilt of rebellion in the year 1838, and it was furthest from his intention to say one word palliatory of that guilt. He could not avoid remarking that the whole cause of dis content would have been remedied muck sooner and more effectually if neither force nor treason had been used. Though disaffection existed at that period it did not follow that they should always regard the Canadians as a disaffected and disloyal race of men When they spoke about Canada they should recollect that that coun• try was added to the dominion of the British Crown by one of the most successful wars in which the country ever achieved a victory, and that the painful policy of the Ministry who brought about that glorious consumma tion, was to bury in oblivion past rebellions and disaffec tions. This was the policy pursued at Culloden and by Henry IV. The entire spirit of the Noble and Learned Lord's speech was that they should adopt quite an op posite policy, but having shown how absurd such a course would certainly prove, he thought it unnecessary to pro ceed further with a refutation of his historical statement. The Noble and Learned Lord then complained of M. Lafontaine's promotion to emolument and office, after, as it was alleged, he had been engaged in treasonable practices. Now he (Earl Grey) thought it would have been most unwise to have excluded a gentleman of M. Lafontaine's talents and influence from being raised to distinction in the administration of the public affairs of the province. pltticwatacd in squitetilLntr rueebiai ; or h that l‘ I.La t fo a n t tai h n e e hh:dd fledbeon en fr im- 3 Canada in consequence of treasonable acts. Ha sag gesttd certain constitutional changes, not being satis fied with the form of governmentond he did his best to obtain that change in a peaceable manner; but it was quite a mistake to suppose that his views were not stroegly opposed to disaffection or outbreak of any kind. When he re turned to Canada he challenged an investigation of his conduct, but unsuccessfully. Tilt Noble Lord then proceeded to consider that portion of the Noble and Learned Lord's speech in which he ad verted to the Rebellion Losses Bill, and stated his ob jection to its sanction by the British Legislature and Crown. It appeared to him (Lard Grey) that the inter ference of that House in matters of colonial government should be confined to extreme cases, and if they inter fered at all, it ought to be in a regular and constitu tional way.—(Hear.) If the Noble and Learned Lord thought that Parliament ought to suggest the refusal of the sanction of the Crown to this Bill, tho proper and respectful course would be to make known their wishes by an address to her Majesty. He contended that to come to a resolution on a question of colonial govern ' ment was a mode as unusual as it was irregular and in convenient. In 1831 another Act was passed autho rising the several claims and demands for violence done by her Majesty's forces in the suppression of the rebel lion to be taken into consideration with a view to their being paid. Their Loruships would observe that by the words of that Act compensation was extended to all losses incurred by the i nhabitants of Upper and Lower Canada, and inflicted by her Majesty's troops —whether regular or irregular, imperial or provincial. The Noble and Learned Lord was very se vere en him for appearing ignorant that the objects and intentions of an Act of Parliament must not be taken or judged from the acts or policy of a Governor. General, but from the words of the statute itseif. He (Earl Grey) thanked him for that reproof, and if their Lord ships would turn to the words of the statute, to be found in page 31 of the papers presented to their Lordships' House, they would sea that it contained nothing what ever confining compensation to ono party or the other. But, in point of fact, compensation was granted to par. ties who had taken an active part in the rebellion. If the Noble and Learned Lord would refer to the speech , made in the Canadian Assembly by Mr. Hincks, the Inspector-General of Accounts—aa officio tantamount to Chancellor of the Exchequer in this country—he would see that some of the persons most active in the rebellion, and absolutely convicted of high treason, had their claims put in and allowed. Messrs. Harris, Ingerson, and Hunter were paid, though notorious rebels, and the Lieutenant-General of the rebel army, the Commissary-General, and Dr. Cooke, of Norwich, who was convicted and sentenced to be hanged, re ceived compensation. The Noble and Learned Lord says that the payment to Dr. Cooke was contradicted, but what was the fact? The reporters in the House of Assembly called him Tooke instead of Cooke, and that was the amount of the contradiction. Mr. Hinsks states positively, that he knew his handwriting, and that he saw the receipt signed by him for compensation, paid under the Canada Compensation Act. Dr. Hatterman was also convicted of high treason, and, he believed, was paid compensation; there was, however, some doubt about his case, but a remarkable circumstance occurred, to aschtoiounldwacsalblrtohuegahtttenataiaoinnsotf hthimeirfoLrotrhdeshsiupps: NwpThe did not act as a private individual, but as com hiheicsehnfuarhnneished him for the rebel army, he pleaded that sary-general of the rebel army.—(A. laugh.) That, however, he need hardly add, did not avail him, for the plea was not received. The Noble and Learned Lord was exceedingly romantic in his observations in praise of Sir Allan M'Nab. No doubt that gentleman did good service, but the Noble Lord was dreaming when he talked of his great actions, fur he was never actually engaged in the rebellion of Upper Ca nada. The Noble and Learned Lord gave so eloquent a description of his gallant actions and achievements, that one should have thought he fought such battles as that of Salamanca or Vittoria. Under the Act of Parliament to which be referred payments were made in Upper Canada to persons convicted of treason, and yet no fault was found or clamour raised against it, and immediately consequent upon it was an address of the Parliament of the United Provinces, praying that an inquiry should be set on foot respecting the losses incurred in Lower Ca nada. He should also mention that when this Bill was under discussion it was objected to, inasmuch as it was alleged that if an inquiry were to be instituted in Upper Canada with a view to give compensation, Lower Canada ought also to be included. The inquiry respecting Lower Canada was conducted by Commissioners appointed for that purpose, who were appointed by t he advice of those gentlemen who' now objected to the Act which gave that compensation. They were directed by Lord Cathcart to make the inquiry 'by the rules of evidence which governed courts of law, and accordingly, when it was concluded, a Bill was brought in during the pre sent year in every respect like that previously passed for Upper Canada, submitted to the Assembly of the United Provinces, and, after considerable opposition, passed by a large majority. Some discussion occurred as to the propriety of excluding those either convicted by a court-martial, or having submitted to her Majesty's mercy, were afterwards sent to Bermuda, but the pre amble of the Bill was of great importance, for it stated that the losses for which compensation should be made were strictly confined to those who had suffered from wanton and unnecessary damage. All losses brought on themselves by parties engaged in the rebellion, or en couraging its promotion, were excluded. If they ob t jetted to • it on the ground Unit rebels were to be compen. to choose them from those to wh m o the Legislature of the colony gave its confidence, and also to re • tain them, whatever his own opinions may be upon the subject. In a word, it meant this, as Lord Elgin said, that every colony should be taken and deemed to be as the mother country with the constitution. They all knew that in this country the Ministers were the organs of the Crown, and the depositaries, for the time being, of the power of the Crown. They all knew that they were responsible to Parliament, and held office during the pleasure of Parliament. Parliament in this country chose the Ministers, but the Crown had the power of rejection, choice, or dismissal; but in the colonies the great danger was, that the majority would act the tyrant with the minority, which the power of the Crown and of their Lordships prevented in that country. The Noble Lord havicg passed a glowing eulogium on Sir Charles, afterwards Lord Metcalfe, proceeded to reed a dispatch written by the Noble Lord now at the head of the Government to the then Gover nor-General, dated Oat. 14, 1839, which he characterised as the ablest state paper which ever emanated from any man. He argues precisely as he himself had done in respect to the relations which a colony should bear to the mother country. He argues against responsible Go• vernment as suited to a colony. In doing so he gives illustrations in support of the doctrine laid down, but he never conceived such a case as British loyalists taxed to compensate French rebels.—(liear.) Where the honour of the Crown or the Einpire was concerned, Lord John Russell lays it down that the Governor was justified in opposing the wishes of the Assembly. Now, could anything more affect the interests of the Empire and the honour of the Crown than a Bill to compensate men who had sought to subvert the Government at the expense of those loyal subjects who had expended their blood and treasure in support of that Government? Upon the principles laid down by his Lordship, the conduct of the Government in Canada was undefensible. The two Canadas were unhappily united on this subject. Upper Canada was altogether loyal and English; Lower Ca nada was in great part French. The consequence of this union was that the English were given over to the French. All the French Members of the Assembly, constituting by far the largest majority under their priests and leaders voted together; but the English Members did not act harmoniously together, and the consequences were obvious. There was also a Legis lative Council in Canada and ten Ministers. But the majority of the Assembly being under the control of certain parties had passed a Bill which it was affirmed was never intended to give compensation to rebels. He, however, denied that, and upon resorting to the Act itself for its character and objects, he said that it was intended originally to compensate both the loyal and disloyal. There was no wholesome line of dis tinction drawn at first ; but a Gentleman —Mr. Bolton he believed—introduced an exception. The resolution or groundwork of the Act contained so much excep tion. His amendment, however, only, regarded persons convicted of high treason and transported to Bermuda, and in the hands of the sheriff; but what became of rebels not answering tl the whole or apart of that description? Were they within the exception that did not except from the Act a large class of rebels and traitors who it was now said it was intended to except? No line was originally drawn between the loyal and disloyal. Ho did not blame Lord Elgin for this, for he was supposed to be acting under the influence of constitutional Go verament, being entirely in the hands of Mr. Lafontaine and a tyrant majority. Great stress had been laid upon the manifestation of feeling in favour of the Bill , as shown by the majority of th Assembly. But he found on a close analysis of the votes given on Mr. Wilson's amendment, which was in fact, against compensation to rebels, that a great majority of English represer.tatives were in its favour. Twenty.seven English Members voted for it and only fifteen against it. From these he deducted five, who were Ministers, leaving only ten, or a majority of nearly three to one of the loyal English party in the Legislature. Then, with respect to popular feeling out of doors, he found that Lord Elgin plumed himself very much upon the number of addresses he had received. He admitted that a great number of addresses had been made, and that a large number of signatures was appended to them. He had counted some fourteen or fifteen thousand, but he had also observed that the great majority of these ad dresses confined themselves to condoling with his Excellency on the late outraees, to the statement of their regret at the attacks which had been made upon him, and the insult that had thereby been offered to the Crown, and to an expression of their un abated loyalty. But of the Bill itself they said nothing. None of them expressed their approval of it. Perhaps one or two touched upon itAbut that was all, that was all the result of the greatest exertions in getting up the ad dresses, He had been informed that there were, in fact, what was called in this country hole-and-corner meet ings—they were got up by a knot of people who were iu one way or other interested in doing so, and they were no proof that the voice of the people was expressed in these addresses. But on the other hard a vast number of petitions and addresses from public meetings called upon requisitions, and presided over by mayors, sheriffs, and other public officers, had been presented against the Bill. They were held in the face of day, and expressed unequivocally the feelings of the people—and therefore, as far as addresses and petitions were concerned, there was an immeasurable superiority on the side of the op ponents of the Bill. The Noble Lord, to show the state of public opinion in Canada, proceeded to read a letter he had received from a person in an official po sition in Canada, dated 9th of June, in which it was stated that the excitement was very great among the English in Upper Canada, and that if her Majesty gave her assent to the Dill, it would cause the annexation of the province to America. He (Lord Brougham) did not say that would be the case, but at all events, he gave it as the opinion of a loyal man. He condemned the riots and outbreaks which had taken place; but placing himself in the position of those who had not been rebels—who had resisted rebellion, and who were now to be visited by this ill-starred measure—he could feel how much they were writhing under this infliction. It was a common remark, that an injury to the feelings was more acutely felt than a more material injury, and when these people felt themselves oppressed by a junc tion of their rulers with those agein , e whom they had striven when the authority of the Crown was rebelled against—it was their duty to prevent these people from this severe, this intolerab!e infliction. As to the argu ment for compensation drawn from the Act for Upper Canada, he totally: denied its validity. In the first place, there were very few rc bels in Upper Canada; and if they had been numerous, the Bill excluded them from compensation. Mr. Hincks's statements as to the five persons said to have been rebels, and to whom compensation had been awarded, turned out to have been a mass of errors. Mr. Ingersoll, the commissioner, who made these awards had contra dicted these statements entirely. He saw a report of Mr. Hincks's speech, and thereupon he sent that gentle man a letter, denying the charge. He held it in his hand, and he admitted the language in which it was couched was more strong than courteous ; hut that was excusable in a person holding the situstiou of a judge, when he found unjust and untrue imputations made on his conduct. Mr. Ingersoll said—"ln reply to your statements I have only to say that they are not founded in tact ;" and he proceeded to state that this was the more unjustifiable, when Mr. Hincks might have so readily, at any moment, have come in possession of the truth. With respect to the claim of the would •be Ge neral Duncombe, no such claim had been made ; and if it had, the Commissioners would not have granted it. There was no claim from Mr. Cooke, whom Mr. Hincks had called Tooke. Mr. Waaerman was arrested sal tried, but not convicted. That meant that he was acquitted. This claim was put in for supplies. and, as well as he could recollect, he held the vouchers of the officers for these supplies. That was not a claim for compensation, but for goods supplied. Even in an enemy's country we paid for such supplies. It was in the nature of a purchase, and grossly untrue to call the sum paid on such vouchers for such supplies, a compen sation, in the sense the word was used. He could only say, after looking at these random statements, that he could account for them by the inveterate hebit of asser tion which people in office have been accustomed to.—(A laugh.) He had now brought to a close the facts which it appeared to him necessary to state on the subject of this motion. He was certain there could not be a more fatal course than to carry to an extreme this theory of responsible Government. If it was good for Canada, it was good for Trinidad, for the Cape, for other colonies; and he would ask, where we should have been if they had adopted the theory of responsible government on questions affecting slavery. As Mr. Canning had well remarked, he would never trust slave owners with the responsibility of making laws for slaves. He therefore said, axay with a theory which he felt convinced would bring the Government of Lord John Russell into ridi cule. He did not argue the question upon that ground, but he did say, that inexact proportion as colonial legis latures interfered with general questions, was it the duty of the Secretary of State to hold the power of licensing or refusing what was intended to become the law of the land. He did not call upon the Government or their Lordships to exercise the power of refusal—he did not ask the Government to advise her Majesty to re fase her assent to this measure—(hear)—but he did ask them to take care that the Bill was free from errors, by which compensation might be given for rebellion losses to those who were actually engaged in and aiding and abetting that rebellion. We were on the eve of a great struggle, and if they supposed that struggle between the parent state and a great colony was viewed with indiffe rence by our American neighbours, they were indulging in a fatal mistake. If, for a moment they rocked them selves asleep under the impression that America would not look across the St. Lawrence, oh, let him wake them from their pleasant dream. It would be the first time in history that a Government and a people without the control of the Crown, and the moderating influence of an aristocracy, were to be entirely unmoved by such a struggle. If they imagined that because Ame rica had more land than she knew how to cultivate —more produced than she could find markets for— that, therefore, she would not look to au increase of her dominions, and of her e stores, he could only say that it would be infinitely eater wonder and miracle than he knew oc. It was contrary to the fact, that the lust for dominion grew strongest with the most power fulp nations, and it grew in proportion as it was grati fied.—(Hear, hear.) America counted every day an age till she heard that this Bill had received the Royal Assent, and he asked them if the y were going ruth lessly and recklessly to plunge into the gulf that was yawning before them. The Northern States had a direct interest in the annexation of Canada and the Southern States, though they had not so direct and im mediate an interest apparently, had yet one great reason. Canada was the refuge for runaway slaves.—(Hear, hear.) They had also the general love for American rule. But the whole of the American States had one great reason to watch with direct and earnest interest the struggle between the parent country and the co lony. We had given up the principle of protection, and adopted the principle of tree trade; they were gradually extending that principle to one article after auother, a fact which he observed with more THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 149. sated, his reply was that the Bill had no such view; and as to the intentions of parties, how could they at the end of eleven or twelve 3 ears ascertain who aided, and who aesieted at least in heart, the rebellion which took place?—(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he thought that such an inquiry instituted at the end of twelve years into the feelings of parties at that period would create such bitterness of party spirit, and exasperate to such a degree existing animosities, that it would be infinitely better if no indemnity whatever was granted than have such inquiries instituted. The Noble and Learned Lord said that a majority of the English race voted against the measure ; but what was the fact? As the House of Representatives then stood, it consisted of 46 members, 31 of whom were of English origin, and 15 returned of French extraction. The English popula tion of both provinces was something lees than cue-half the French, and when the Noble and Learned Lord said that the addresses presented to Lord Elgin were no test of popular opinion, he agreed with him. He biieved that the real expression of the opinions of a people wore to be tale a from their representatives, and neither in this coen try nor in Canada would he, for one, ever listen to or be lieve public opinion was ever collected from any other source than through the votes of their representatives in Parlieme rt. They all lenew how these things were got up; but wile he did. so, he would remind the Noble and Learded Lord that there was something more than ad dresses ; fur deputatione from all parts of Canada had waited on the Governor- General toucan . hitn ctheir thesuppot —(Hear, hear.) He (Earl Grey) also pereived by mail which arrived than day, that the Opposition no longer clamoured as thev had done before, for the dis solution of the Assembly, end the recal of Lord Elgin. When he found a party strongly deprecating a dissolution, the conclusion he had a right to form was, that they were not confident in anticipetting a majority. It was from Upper Canada the addresses had come expressing con• fidence in Lord Elgin, and he must say,that the Noble and Learned Lord had shown no ground for her Ma jesty interfering to prevent the operation of the Act which had received the support of two-thirds of the Assembly. All he called on them to do, by refusing their assent to the Noble and Learned Lord's motion, was to affirm the opinion that that House was not called on to interfere. The Act was one which the Provincial Government had a right to pass, which the Governor- General could not disallow, and which it would be wrong for the Home Government to interfere with. Instead of the Noble Lord's resolution casting oil, as he said it would, on the troubled waters, he (Earl Grey) believed that its effect would be to do the very reverse.—(Hear, hear.) His conviction was, that to come to such a decision as the Noble and Learned Lord would lead them would be a grievous bk' to the peace and prosperity of Canada, and on that ground he should feel it his duty to oppose the resolution.—(Hear.) Lord LYNDHURST commenced by saying that he had not been in the habit for a considerable time of ad dressing their Lordships, but on the present occasion he felt that he was imperatively called on by a duty he owed to their Lordships and to the Crown to express his dis approbation of the conduct which had been exhibited towards the Noble Lord at the head of the Government in Canada. No one could by possibility feel more strongly than he did upon the treatment he had received —the insults and perils to which he had been subjected —and no one could more strongly condemn those intem perate acts which had distinguished the conduct of a por tion of that population. It was not his intention to go into the question of responsible Governments, but this he would say, that there might be cases which would render it necessary for this country to interfere.—(Hear, hear.) The question was a very narrow question, and turned on the construction of the Act of Parliament, and his objection to it was, that it rewarded rebels.— (" Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham and the Oppo• sition Lords.) Those who peritled their lives and who shed their blood to put down the rebellion were now to be taxed to remunerate the very persons who had been in rebellion for the losses they may have sustained. —(" Hear, hear," from Lord Brougham.) He approved of the amnesty when it was promised, but he knew of no case where persons who had been in rebellion had not".only received the be nefit of an amnesty, but also had been rewarded for the part they took, and had been remunerated for the loss they had sustained on account of their own rebellious acts.—(Hear, hear.) He could not avoid referring to Sir Allan 111• Nab, who had been alluded to in the course of the debate, and who bad been sneered at by the Noble Earl on the opposite side (Earl Grey) as if his conduct had not entitled him to their respect and admiration.— (Hear, hear.) Now he (Lord Lyndhurst) begged to in form their Lordships that Sir Allan M‘Nab was at the head of his troops at the battle of Toronto, but had not been in action, as the rebels fled at their approach. He had also been with his troops on another occasion, when the rebels had decamped, and on various occasions had exhibited his activity and loyalty. For this conduct Sir Allan had received distinct thanks from the Governor• General of Canada, Lord Seaton, and he had afterwards received thanks from the Crown, and the title was con ferred on him, which, although one not very high in point of rank, was nevertheless valuable as a reward and acknowledgment of his services. The question they had to deal with resolved itself, as he had remarked, into a very narrow compass — the consideration of the Act of Parliament. The provisio ns of that Act embraced all persons engaged in the rebellion, with the exception of those alluded to in the proviso, and the effect of the Act was to reward and compensate persons in the rebel lion.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition side.) Let him refer to the case of Mr. Papineau. Now he eidhiut sub mit; he absconded and went to the United States, and afterwards passed to France, and be did not return till the Queen's pardon was proclaimed, and then he returned to Canada.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not clear, he would ask, that Mr. rupmeau was cue cn, of r.ho fathers of the rebellion? and yet he would be entitled to compensation under the provisions of theelAct.—("Hear," from Lord Brougham.) The role that was followed in construing all Acts of Parliament was, that whatever did not come within tile exceptions of the Act came as a matter of course within the sphere of its operation. What then was the fact, that the prime instigator, who had voted for the Bill giving compensation, was entitled to make his cleiet for having sustained loss.—(hear, hear.) Was not that an affront to the loyal people of Canada, who had exerted themselves in aiding to put down the rebellion ? And from whom was the compensation to be received? From this coun try? No; bat from the very persons by whose loyalty and by whose bravery he had been defeated in his re bellious attempt.—(Hear, bear, from the Opposition.) Let their Lordships take the case of the late rebellion in Ireland—the leaders of it had been tried—bad been convicted, and were to be transported. Suppose, after a time, that her Majesty was to grant these individuals a pardon, and that by the revolution of events they were to return to this country, and were to become members of the Government , and suppose that they were t hen to propose a measure to give compensation to those who had been engaged with them in the rebellion, was there one in that House who would not express his deep detes tation of such a proposition?•,—(Hear, hear.) And y et that was what was now doing in Canada.--(Hear, hear.) The principal party who brought in the Bill evidently did so for the purpose of rewarding his associates in rebellion. It had been said by the Noble Ear! that Mr. Lafontaine had not been engaged in the rebellion. But what was the fact? In 1837 Mr. Lafontaine saw the danger, and he came over to this country. The Executive Colleen, however, issued a warrant for his apprehension, and, upon hearing of that, he went to France, and he never returned to Canada till alter the amnesty had been proclaimed. Yet, the Noble Earl had told them that Mr. Lafontaine had challenged in quiry. He (Lord Lyndhurst) had a great respect for the Judgment and abilty of the Noble Earl, but ho s:nust say that some of the shifts he had resorted to in the . course of his speech were really ludicrous. He conjured their. Lordships to treat the subject under consideration with seriousness, The Noble Earl had inquired how that' were to find out who were the parties engaged in tha: rebellion, but by the records of the courts in which they were tried? But, did the Noble Earl mean to say, that all who bad been engaged in the rebellion, bad been tried? Why, Lord Colborne had taken 800 prisoners, some of them with arms in their hands, and the names of 352 only had appeared. What, then, was to hinder some of these parties claiming compensation, and for the loss of their time while they were detained prisoners? — (Hear and laughter.) Upon these grounds he was opposed to the measure. He was surprised, knowing the ability of the Noble Earl, at the careless manner in which he had gone through the Act. The Noble Earl then cited some of the clauses, and said that under ono of them the 800 persons he had alluded to might claim compensation for the very arms they were found to be in possession of when they were taken prisoners. — (Hear.) Compensation could also be claimed for any loss sustained in the suppression of the rebellion, from force used by her Majesty's troops, and compensation could also be claimed by owners of premises which had been used for purposes of defence by her Majesty's troops. There was another class he had been reminded of by his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham), namely, 104 persons who had been outlawed for treason. — These persons could also claim compensation under the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) Were their Lordships then pre pared to sanction such a measure? Unless they treated Canada as an independent state, he thought they were bound to interfere to prevent the carrying out of the measure he had described as one injurious to the empire at large, and to that respect which they owed o the British Crown.—(ilear, hear.) With respect t to the appointment of the. commission under the Act, he would remark that when the Crown issued a commis sion the Crown had the pow as is er of giviunng er instructions, b u t when a commission wsued dan Act of Parliament, they were bound by it, and the Act could not be qualified by any instructions given by the Governor-General. It had been said that there was no intention to give compensation to the rebels. Mr. Baldwin had said so in a part of his speech, but he (Lola! Lyndhurst) believed, nevertheless, that the Act was passed with that intention. Upper not Canada,toThe Noble Lord then went on to remark upon the species of evidence which might be recived before the commission, and next called attention to the preamble to the Act, and to that proviso which had been i n t r oduced, and according to which compensationt s that gti,vmenan,towathsolsoeyalpa,ratnd h parties they had been actually en gage d i n t h a t rebellion. It was no. o ri o ho to sus t a ined no less; but the loyalists in Toronto did. Why t should vll these suffer for losses sustained by rebels? The Noble Earl said what were they to do? The alter natives were open to them. Pass the Bill and with it keep up all the agitation in Upper Canada, which would be followed by the most serious consequences. But an• other course was open to them. Withhold the assent of the Crown—that was no unusual course. The Attor ney-General said that there was no intention of com pensating rebels. Why, then, persevere in passing this measure—bring in a Bill according to the intention which had been expressed, and pass that instead. That would be the cour.-e he would recommend, and it would enable them to avoid the difficulties which ho contemplated would follow on this Bill becoming lavv.—(llear.). He begged to apologise to their Lordships for entering more at length upon this topic than he intended, Put be done so because he felt it his imperative duty.—(Cheers.) It was his intention in future to trespass but seldom on their Lordships' attention. Lord CAMPBELL said that his Noble and Learned Friend had forgotten that the Bill was now law, and law in operation, and if they advised to withhold the Royal sanction, it could only be by interfering with the law in Canada, aed annulling the acts of the Governor-General. That would, indeed, be throwing oil upon the troubled waters, and fanning the flames of discontent. He must confess that he had heard with pain the speech of the Noble and Learned Lord. He was in hopes that he had returned to the cause of liberality—that he would have remained attached to that cause, as he had begun, and would have died in it.—("Oh," from the Opposition.) He was old enough to remember his Noble and Learned Friend a staunch Liberal, and when he would have sup ported this Bill, and ;rested the arguments against it es they des rya, but he took a sudden turn, and associated himself with those of whom he was accustomed to speak by no meats with respeet.--(Cries of " Question.") He then took another turn, and he was in hopes that he would hive persevered in his new course.—(Loud cries of " Question.") He not only supported the emancipa tion of the Catholics—(Order)—but actually assisted to emancipate them.—(Cries of " Order.") He had been a steady supporter of free trade.—(Question.) He, was speaking to the question.—(Here loud cries of " Question," arose from their Lordships, amidst much laughter.) He was explaining that by whatever mo tives the Noble and Learned Lord was actuated—(res newed cries of "Order," which drowned the conclusion' of the sentence.) His Noble and Learned Friend, he was afraid, was influenced with regard to the French Canadians, by considerations that they were aliens in race, in language, and in religion.—(Question.) It ap peared to him, that his Noble and Learned Friend had taken a most perverted view of this Act of Parliament. The question was upon the construction of the Act of the Canadian Parliament. That Act followed the pre cedent of the Act with, respect to Upper Canada, which was unrestricted in its language. It was proposed to do the same justice to the Lower Province that was done to the Upper Province. It would be most injurious to in troduce clauses in the last Act which were not to be found in the Act for the Upper Province. Many there suffered serious loss, and every objection made against this Bill would apply with greater force to the first Act. Now, he came to the construction of the Act. Every lawyer knew what his Noble and Learned Friend had laboured so much, that the con struction was to be taken from the words of the Act, and not from the comments of the Governor. Upon the words of by theof rebels. T o Ac he The claimant ed that mustcompensationsho show tha that o h u e l d h h a d e a suffered a just loss. 17.1... ie ahe shown that, his claim is just, it is to be instantly dismissed. Could M. Papineau claim compensation? He apprehended not; nor any person who had suffered in the act of rebellion, because the claim of such a person would not be just, he not being a loyal subject. If every claimant before he could receive compensation was to prove that he was a loyal subject, it would lead to great injustice and oppres sion. If Mr. Wilson's amendment had been carried, great inconvenience would have followed. In every case there might be an objection taken, and then, in ef fect, a trial for high treason would follow. It would have led to interminable inquiry, and often to great in justice. And in every case where a party was convicted of rebellion the most serious results would follow. Under those circumstances, it was expedient to reject that amendment. This Bill being now the law of the land, the question is, should it be disallowed. It was said that the United States had an eye to this province. He believed that nothing would more delight the United States than the passing of the motion of the Noble and Learned Lord. It would give rise to a war of classes, with all its disastrous consequences. For these reasons he trusted that their Lordships would be of opinion that her Majesty's representative had acted wisely in giving his assent to this measure. Lord STANLEY said he had listened to the able, lucid, and powerful speech of his Noble and Learned Friend behind him (Lord Lyndhurst) with anything but pain, and rather with admiration.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear," from the Opposition.)—The conciseness and force with which he grappled with the argument showed the undiminished vigour of his intellect, and he should have thought that if there was any one feeling which it was possible to have after that speech, it was in no way akin to that which could have induced the Noble and Learned Lord (Lord Campbell) to meet it by unworthy taunts.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) His high position, his great experience, his high character, his distinguished and eminent ability, might have secured him in the honoured decline of his years from that insult.—(Loud and general cheers from the Oppo sition.) If it was the case that the Noble and Learned Lord had listened with pain to the speech of his Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Lyndhurst), he was sure that few of their Lordships sympathised with him in that opinion; for he was much mistaken if the great majority of them did not listen to it with a great deal of pleasure, —(Hear.) In addressing himself to the question before the House, he did not mean to repudiate what was said by the Noble Earl the Secretary for the Colonies, iu respect to responsible Government, so far as the Colonies were concerned; but while he made that ad mission, he wished to qualify it by saying, that he did not think the Government of a party was good for their colonies. At the same time, he was hound to say that he had so far given countenance to that system by not having objected to the admission of Lafontaine into the Government of Canada. But while he admitted the principle on which be was admitted, he having been the minister of the people's choice, he could not go farther; for were he to do so, and say that the man so admitted was to exercise a control over the representative of the Sovereign in that particular colony—that he was to in st.:gate ;a ovx.tfkot uai Ey •vich the wishes of his party, and from them through the Legislature, then he said that such a system was subversive; of the law and practice of this country. Were such to be the case it would be a perfect farce to say that the Government of this country was responsible for the actions of the Go vernor-General of Canada.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that this measure had received the consent of the Canadian Parliament, and that therefore it would be wrong in that House to reject it, or to find fault with it. But if such doctrine were admitted, if it was said now that a certain Bill having received the as sent of the local legislature in Canada, and that conse quently it must be recognised and adopted by that House and the Government of this country, then he said that the constitution of Canada was much more democratic than was that of the United States. -e-(Hear.) If the Primo Minister of Canada was to have the Never of ad vising the Governor-General in all such cases, - what was the use of the Legislative Council of Canada? And he had no hesitation in saying that were such a system at tempted to be carrried out, a legislative body, elected by some other party than the Legislative Assembly was at present, would be found necessary. The Legislative Assembly of Canada had been increased by twelve mem bers since last year, and it was no answer to him to say that the m ijority of them were of British origin, for it was the fact that they were elected to carry this par ticular Bill.—(Hear, hear.) What would be the effec if on any particular measure one hundred and fifty ad ditional peers were introduced into that House for the purpose of carrying such measures as the Government of the day might deem necessary? Would not that be thought a measure of the greatest injustice?—(Hear.) ,But that was what had been done in Canada, and, by having recourse to it, they had introduced a system more' democratic than was the system of Government of the United States. The question then came to be, in what respect was the Government of this country to interfere ? The Noble Earl had said, what was the use of calling up old recollections ? No such thing, said the Noble Earl, was done after the rebellion of 1745. But was there ever any mea sure for giving compensation to those who had been engaged in the rebellion of 1745 attempted to be pressed upon the country?—(Hear, hear.) It was be cause the present measure rewarded rebellion, and called on innocent parties to compensate unconvicted rebels that it was considered unjust.—(Hear, hear.) So far as Upper Canada was concerned, be did not believe that it was the intention of the Acts passed by the Par liament of that province to compensate rebellion. The first measure passed by that Parliament was for the purpose of giving compensation to those who had sustained losses in consequence of their property having been destroyed by' the rebels. An Act was subsequently passed, ex -tending the provisions of thethe Act to losses susta i ne d vot only by the ravages of rebels, from the acts of her Majesty's forces in crushing that rebellion. When !Ist .Act came to be discussed, he had the honour to hold the seals of the Colonial office, and the nature of the claims submitted for compensation was in strict accordance with the terms of that Act. To show the necessity for its being enacted, he stated the case of a person who had allowed his property to be destroyed, in order to forward the operations of her Majesty's troops against the rebels, who was not considered entitled to compensation under any of the existing Acts, and it was to meet that case that the Act of 1834 was passed. In no case, however, did ho believe that a single sixpence was given in compensation to a rebel under it. —(Hear, hear.) The Noble and Learned Lord ( Lord Campbell) had said that t h e re was no difference between the e b r y and a eioL,ow„As:ht loyaltynlne Canada; ooy tr) sa thei dpass buttn that inhabitants, s A,ahn i ic tl t t es nottforihn the the fact, that while in Upper Canada the rebellion was y alm casesostputofd own Lower Canada it required a large number of her Ma jesty's troops to suppress it? And while the Noble and Learned Upper Canada? a L n o a r do Lord had he e said, d Lower Canada, as a similar one had been passed for Act passed for Upper Canada might not strictly have excluded rebels from compensation, yet the present one had a far less chance of doing so in Lower Canada, where they were much more numerous, and therefore he objected to it. It was said that all rebels would be ex cluded under the Act, as only those were to be beard who had just claims of compensation. But would the Noble . and Learned Lord say that t hose outlawed would be in eluded, or that those partie s taken with armhsyin t e i their halide would be excluded ? it "s saisdvhowweregonot ? s uch inquiry as to who w ere rebels, or r s are bound to But under under this Act the Com re sustained. The Noble compensation was claimed we ch about the injustice and Learned Lord had talked mu ts r compensation in this case vestigrste under what circums of putting the clairna" mtainscselosnthe losses for which fur hi h t - that they had been them to admit, the Noble Lord sari, rebels. But where was the har . dship o t f_comelng those parties who clainldtheeoimr ploe s n s s e a s tio H n e to ha tell in what anner d not the slightest they had sustained under, as it were, a trial g reason. Why compel d ou bt but that when the p resent measure was proposed, i t was the int ention of Lord Elgin% advisers to have com pensated rebels. That was far from the policy pursued by the late Governor-General of Canada, Lord Metcalfe. —(Hear.) Having been officially connected with that Noble Lord, lie could state, to the credit of his memory, that while beset with difficulties, while labouring under a most painful disease, he never for a monent shrunk from the performance of his duty, and he never would have con sieteel to the passing of such a measure as the present. About ten days previously to Lord itletcaliete resigna- • But he did say, that when a man like Lord E'gin , tion he instituted a strict inquiry . into the losses sus- after full consideration of the teitj. , ct, thought that tained by the loyal subjects of Canada during the rebel- such a measure was required, he deserved the -respect lion, and thus discovered who were the persons worthy and support of their Lordships, and not their con• of being indemnified, and who were not; but such was demnation.—(Cheers.) not the course adopted by Lord Elgin, far on the 12th Lord BROUGHAM replied. The Noble Marquis of December last, when he issued orders to inquire into had said that, having given representative institutions the losses of the Lower Canadians, he made no distinc- to a colony, the occasions were rare when they should tion between the loyal subjects, and those who had been interfere with it. lie admitted it, and the onus lay upon armed in the field against her Majesty's forces. The him. Ile accepted it. Unless they were rare and ex- .* Noble Earl (Earl Grey) had already stated that the traordinary occasions, they had no right to interfere. - , limitations of this Bill were sufficient, and that no in- If they were to vote money to a foreign enen', th ey. vidious distinction was to be made by the Commitsioners would clearly be acting wrong ; and, for his otstn part, -: * of Inquiry, except between those who were, and those he saw no difference between voting money to a foreign • - who were not convicted of treason. He was at a loss to enemy and to rebels against the Government.—(Hear.) know how those Commissioners could try the matter The Commissioners had no discretion. Lord Elgin had• properly, when they were instructed not to interfere no discretion. The Government was responsible, and with any who were not convicted as rebels, an 1 particu- in the bands of M. Lafontaine and M. Geraud, the larly when they had not the power of almittistering an brother of the rebel; sad even according to . the Bill it • oath. He believed that there was no ineentiott on tlte self and their own words, the cornpensatitni wee only to part of Lord Elgin to limit this Bill to parties who be given far just claims; el that, according to their own were not convicted ; for, from what had taken place showing, there must be an inquiry before compensation in discussing the measure, he considered that co uld be awarded. Ile would only add, that if this was there was enough to show that the Noble Duke not a c ise tor the interference of the Crown such a case was in error all through; and he was well an are that could never arise, for, cxc pt in the instance of voting in the course of that discussion numerous qeestioes on money to a foreign enemy, he could conceive of no that point, as to their being rebels, which the Ministry strong r ground for its interposition; an d with that on all occasions avoided , by ever y p ossible in g enuity to remark' he would leave the resolution in the hands of answer. Oue of the members of the Canadian House of their Lordships. Representatives (Hr. Cameron) said that be hoped that Ea.l GREY did not believe that any warrant was ever there would be no Star Chamber transactions, but that sent to this country against M. Lafontaine. Certainly everything would be done openly, and that all who suf- he had never heard of it, and he was pet fectly per fered would be compensated. Mr. nitwits said that ell suailsd no such warrant was ever issued against him. who had been convicted of high treason slaeull be Ex- Teis he knew—that covered by an Act of indemnity, M. eluded from the benefit of the 131, but that it was im Lafontaine went back toCanuda and challenged inquiry. possible to say who were or who were not. Mr. Drum- His impression was that when he was here and had his mond stated tho Act of Amnesty did away with all petition presented he had the advantage of finding , from charge against those who advocated rebellion, and that the Noble and Learned Lord the greatest possible sym the time was not far distant when all would receive com- paty for his wrongs and the wrongs of his country.— pensation for their losses; and also the President of the (Laug hter.) Council spoke in favour o compensating those who had Alter a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, been guilty of high treason. From all those circum- Their Lordships divided. The numbers s were— stances be thought that he had given sufficient proof that Content—Present the Ministry of Lord Elgin were for compensating those Proxies ... ... 42-96 rebels. The only exception that he knew of was Mr. Not-coutent—Present ... ... 46 Jones, who resisted that project by stating the converse. Proxies ... ... 53-99 tion he had with Mr. Lafontaine, which he would read to their Lordships, to the effect that the latter replied to his question, that all engaged in arms against the Q teen would be entitled to compensation by this Bill, and by this means Lord Elgin listens with too much credulity to the advice of his Ministers, who, as he (Lord Stanley) had proved, are prepared to compensate even rebels who had been in arms during the rebellion of 1837 and 1838; and the question now was, will the House of Lords acquiesce in the principle :of the Secretary of State, who hes already suttee that Lido ,a,a nob ci quectinn that would affect the interests and honour of the Crown and the safety of the Canadian people, and that this Bill would be the means of throwing oil on the troubled wa ers. He hoped that their Lordships would support the motion of his Noble Friend (Lord Brougham), as it was not to address her Majesty, but to delay the Bill until a better one should be substituted, as there was a very great anomaly in many of the clauses of this measure. He looked upon the measure as one of very great importance, and as one which required of their Lordships to call for the interposition of the Crown, so as to prevent such mischievous legislation. He thought i that the time for suppressing animosity of war races had arrived, and that the system of packing the Legislature of that country should be put an end to, for every circumstance belonging to that Bill, showed that such a step had been taken, the haste with which it was carried, the import ance of the large minority and the self-interest of the majority. Thus he thought that was the time for effect ing peace and happiness for those colonies, when the present Ministry came into office, but so favourable an opportunity was slighted and overlooked, to the disap pointment of all persons. Lord CAMPBELL briefly explained. The Earl of ST. GERMANS said that he did not wish to give his vote in silence on this occasion, because this question originated with the Government with which he had the honour to' be connected, and he, there fore, felt that he would not act a manly and straight forward part if he did not give his reasons for his oppo sition to the motion of the Noble Lord (Lord Brougham). The Noble Lord then entered into the history of the Governors-General before and since the Canadian Parliament was established, how Lord Dur ham had investigated into the condition of the Canadas and had reported the benefit that would accrue from a union in the Parliaments of the two colonies, which had been acted upon by the Imperial Legislature. He then eulogised Lard Elgin, and deprecated any interference on the part of their Lordships with respect to any measure passed by that local Government for their own interests, particularly as the House of Commons had, by a great majority, agreed to leave the management of their local affairs to themselves. Lord LANSDOWNE said that he thought the ground on which his hopes rested had been already stated by his Noble Friend (Earl Grey); but he should confess that be never stood in the same situation as at present on so important an occasion, because this was the first time since the Canadian Parliament was constituted that any opposition had been offered to the transactions of that Parliament by the Imperial Legislature.—(Hear, hear.) Since the full benefit of Constitutional Govern ment had been given to Canada, it had worked well, and this was the first time that their Lordships had been called upon to decide whether it was a substance or a shadow. The question they were called upon to decide was one of the most difficult nature, arising from ex tended empire. There was great difference in the cir cumstances of each colony, and according to these they must judge as to the best form of Government in a small colony, where intelligence was confined to a email sec tion of the community. That Government might be best carried on by a large power on the part of the parent country, but, where the large Proportion of the people were in possession of these qualities, they hal a right to what might be culled Constitutional Goveni inent—(Hear, hear)—and, he trusted, that not only i Canada, but many other large provinces, might enjoy that form of Government. But there was a third form, when they had given a colony a constitutional form of Government, and remain jealous of its exercise. They must riot give a government to be held in leading strings, because they differed from the action of the pro. vincial legislature, or call in the whole power of the parent state to override its decisions. lie would remind their Lordships that this was no question of principle but one of detail, and that in order to make it appear a question of principle, the Noble and Learned Lord had assumed the very question of principle, by speaking of the Bill as one for rewarding criminals. He utterly denied it. If the Bill was of the character described, it should have in the first place enacted-that rebels should be rewarded. But it did nothing of the kind. If its principle had been that, he would say that it was carried out very imperfectly. No one 'could be said to be cri minals except those who had been convicted.—(Cheers.) But what did the Noble and Learned Lord ask them to do? Simply this, that having given the people of Canada a constitutional Government, they were to disallow its conclusions, and, without any knowledge of the facts, equal to that possessed by those who passed the measure without considering the Bill, clause by clause, to reject the Bill thus passed.—(Cheers.) But they were told this was not the expression of the opinion of the people of Canada. Who were they to take as the people of Canada ? Were they to take those Who had . burned the Parliament-house.—(Hear, hear.) 'lle be' lieved that Noble Lords on the other side of the House would, on any other question, argue in the same way.— (Hear, hear.) He would call to their recollection that in Canada there was a council composed of men of here; ditary families, in which respect it resembled that Housel He asked if that House was of recent creation, but it was said that numbers had been added by Lord Elgin; that was true; but large additions had been made to the Council by previous Governoreassed he asked their Lord ships if, in the progress of a couture', such additions were not absolutely necessary. But he asked at the same time if, after the lapse of twelve years, without disturbance, it was just to keep hanging over the heads of the French Canadians the imputation of dislo3 alty, and to exclude from the Council all who belonged to that race.—(Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more calculated to destroy the character of this country for justice and impartiality, and thus to weaken its • influence. The Noble and Learned Lord had himself received M. Lafontaine when he came to to this country with that hospitality which distin guished his treatment of illustrious exiles. He was certain he would net have done so if he had considered him a convicted rebel. M. Lafontaine did not wait till the Act of Indemnity was passed, but went back to Ca nada, trusting in his character and conduct, and was received in a generous spirit by Lord Durham.—(l - lear, hear.) But there were now aspersions thrown upon M. Lafontaine because he was of French extraction, and i upon the Government as a French one. What was the fact ? that out of ten or twelve there were only three French members. He said that if we meant to keep Canada, we must not exclude the r, preseatatives of one half of the population irons a share of the French Go vernment. He believed that a growing feeling existed among the French population, that of all the people in the world they were those who would gain the least by annexation' to the United States.—(Hear.) And further, that the increasing liberality of the British Government was producing an impression on their minds which attached them strongly to that Government, as the one best calculated to promote their interests, and that of the colony generally.—(Cheers.) The Noble and Learned Lord said this Bill was the wo d rk th o o f s a e 1 tyrant majority, because it proposed ! d o rew e a l r . of who have suffered, without this re c ex shat . , those who had taken part in this rebellion, an in opposition to the loyal feeling of the people in the co lony. Ile found that principle first laid down in a resolut i on affirming the necessity of giving compensation to the inhabitants of Lower Canada for losses during the rebellion. That resolution was passed not by the French majority, but by the exclusively loyal section of the population, who now protested against it. The Canadian Assembly had only adopted that resolution with exclusions which were not men tioned in it, and at that time Noble Lords had their correspondents in Canada, as they had now, and they they then said nothing about danger, and he said it was now too late for them to come forward and object to it. —(Hear, hear.) Ile admitted that the Bill might have been more carefully worded; but he asked, having given the colony a constitution, would they enter upon a contest with it upon the mere wording of a Bill ? (lean) The Noble and Learned Lord had called upon them to consider the consequences of their votes He equally did so. It was an important vote. He had seen occasions on which this House had been called upon to disagree with the decisions of the other House of Par liament with local Legislatures, and to censure the con duct of governors, but never before had he heard of that House being called upon, without full deliberation, to disagree wiili the other House of Parliament, with the local Legislature, and with the Governor of the Colony invested with the Queen's authority. It was un necessary for him to say that the occasions were few and rare when such a power should be exercised. Majority against the resolutions 3 The HOuse adjourned at a Q iarter past Two o'clock. FLOATING OF THE BRITANNIA BRIDGE OVER THE MENAI STRAITS. MENAI STRAITS, TUESDAY EVENING.—This great engineering achi..vement was accomplished to-day with ex nor... Unary éclat. Unfortunately the morning opened unpropitiousiy, with a high south-west wind; but as the ........e....a tr,,,,rds the meridian the wind dropped, the rain discontinued, and the weather, as welt as every thing else, worked well for the coming off of the ex periment. The scene, as early as six o'clock, presented a very busy appearance, multitudes of men depositing the buoys and shipping the enormous cables from the London and Manchester platforms of the works. Ap prehensions were entertained in the early part of the day whether the wind and tide would be sufficiently calm to allow of the operation. The tide, at this time, was 17 feet, and the force of the wind raised it another foot. The signals, consisting of different coloured flags, under the direction of Mr. Steph , nson, were placed on the dif- - ferent capstans, for the guidance of the process employed in navigating the great tube, en the Anglesey shore, and at other points. Early in the morning the tube was lowered three feet upon its piers, so as to enable it to start earlier, and take advantage of the tide at high water. Steamers up the straits—the Prince of Wales, Cam bria, and Ayrshire Lassie, from Liverpool; with trains from Manchester, Chester, Holyhead, Liverpool, and other parts, came trooping in throughout the day. The arrivals, in addition to those already given, include Lord Newborough, Lord Mostyn, Mr. Duff, M.P., Mr. Chapman, Chairman of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Railway ; Sir C. Smith, Sir J. Williams, Archdeacon Jones, Mr. Samuda, civil engineer; Mr. Parsons, direc tor of the Brighton Railway; Mr. I3orthwick, civil en gineer; Mr. Guppy, Mr. Berkley, civil engineer; Mr. Vignolles, and many others, with the resident gentry. A brief description of the works of one of the largest engineering structures of the day will fully illustrate the arduousness of the task involved in the vast operation. The masonry work, by reason of its gigantic charac ter, attracted great attention. The abutments on either side of the straits are huge piles of masonry. That on the Anglesey side is 143 feet high and 173 feet long. The abutment on the Carnarvonshire side is nearly as !arge, but owing to the elevation of the ground, the masonry is less in altitude. The wing walls of both terminate in splendid pedestals, and on each are two colossal lions couchant, of Egyptian design, lifting their limestone foreheads in the face of every train. These lions, lilts the tube they adorn , are o n a gigantic scale, each being 25 feet long, 12 feet high, though crouched, 9 feet abaft the body, and each paw 2 feet 4 inches. Each weighs 30 tons. They contain, in tote, 8,000 cubio feet of stone, and weigh, one and all, 120 tons. There is some intention of surmounting the central tower with a colossal figure of Britannia, in stone, 60 feet high. The towers for supporting the tube are of a like mag nitude with the entire work. The Great Britannia Tower in the centre of the straits is 62 by 52 feet at its base upon the rock; its total height from the bottom 230 feet; it contairs 148,625 cubic feet of limestone, and 141,625 of sandstone; it weighs 20,000 tons, and there are 387 tons of cast iron bult into it in the shape of beams and girders. Its provirce is to sustain the four eeds of the four long iron Mist s which will span the straits from shore to shore. The total quantity of stone contained in the bridge is 1,500,000 cubic feet. The side towers stand at a clear distance of 460 feet from the great central Sewer, and again the abutments stand at a dis tance from the side towers of 230 feet, giving the entire bridge a total length of 1,849 feet, the date of this pre sent year of gniee. The side or land towers are each 62 feet by 52 het at the base, and 190 feet high. They contain 210 tons of cast iron. Another point of attracii , n duricg the morning was the huge stages and scaffolding, probably the most ex tensive ever constructed. They are of the same charac ter as that employed at the New Houses of Parliament, The scaffolding of the tower is very lofty, and the weight it has to support is 1,300 tons. The framing round the Britannia Tower rises to the vast height of nearly 250 feet. The entire scaffolding is capable of sustaining 2,000 tons. There are in it 570,000 cubic feet of timber and 20 tons of iron bolts. The chief centre of attraction, however, was the interior and exterior of the novel and gigantic tubes—the one floated on the pontoons, and the others as they lay upon their platforms, presenting the appearance of stupendous iron tunnels. As these were the lions of the day, and as one of the largest was safely floated to its final resting place, interest will attach to its description, and a description of the one in question will be a description of them all. The length of the great tube transported yesterday is exactly 470 feet, being 12 feet longer than the clear span between the towers, and the greatest span as yet attempted. This ad ditional length is intended to afford a temporary bearing of 6 feet at each end after they are raised into their places, until there is time to form the connexion between them across the towers. Their greatest height is in the centre 30 feet, and diminishing towards the end to 22 feet. Each tube con sists of tides, top and bottom, all formed of long narrow, wrought-iron plates, varying in length from 12 feet downward. The direction in which these plates are laid and rivetted together is governed by the direction of the strains in the different parts of the tube. They are of the same manufacture as those for making boilers, varying in thickness from three eighths to three-fourths of an inch. Some of them weigh nearly 7 cwt., and are among the largest it is possible to roll with any existing machinery. In the sides the plates are 6 and 8 feet long, and half an inch thick; but the longest plates are in the bottom,: being 12 feet long by 2 feet 4 inches wide, arranged in double layers. At the top they )are 6 feet in length and 1 foot 9 inches in breadth. The con. flexion between top, bottom, and sides is made much more substantial by triangular pieces of thick plate, rivetted in across the corners to enable the tube ,to resist the cross or twisting strain to which it will be ex posed from the heavy and long-continued gales of wind that, sweeping up the channel, will assail it in its lofty and unprotected position. The rivets, of which there are 2,000,000, each tube containing 327,000, are more than an inch in diameter. They are placed in rows, and were put in the holes read hot, and beaten with heavy hammers. In cooling they contracted strongly, and drew the plates together so powerfully, that it required a force of from four to six tons to each rivet to cause the plates to slide over each other. The total weight of wrought iron in the tube floated yester day is 1,600 tons. It has been constructed by Messrs. Garforth, of Dukinfield, Manchester; and the others try Mr. C. Mire, of Blackwall. The trains will 'pass through them, over the straits, at 100 feet above high water. The names of the gentlemen who have been contiguously engaged on this great work since_l r B4; Captain Moorsow, the resident director; M rank Foeste ar,s sis n residenttt n e engineer ; gineers; Messrs. Messrs . ssrs. s E.ovyl.l: an e dl. Hm C e la rot Hemming way, way, and Pearson, contractors for the masonry; Messrs. Mare, the celebrated shipbuilders of Blackwall; and Messrs. Garforth, of Dukinfield, contractors for the iron tubes; Mr. J. Greaves, general manager of the ma sonry; Messrs. J. and A. Greaves, contractors for the scaffolding and stages; Mr. J. Campbell, engineer of the tube work; and Messrs. J. Morris and H. Hodgkinsou, managers of it, all of whom were present yesterday. At three o'clock the spectators, by tens o f thousands, had taken their place upon the piers. The tubes and shores on either side of the straits for a mile in length presented a vast amphitheatre of human beings. he pilots, to the extent of 200 or 300, took their stand on the pontoons, to ply the gigantic tackle. As many more stood ready for action at the cap taus; thecable s, six inches in thickness and of league-long lengths, were attached to the steamers that were to have the towing of the tremendous freight. All eyes were fixed, with mingled feelings of confidence and fear, on the gigantic fabric, upon which Mr. Stephenson and Captain Claxton, who formed, if it may he so said, the teens animat molem, amid the ominous silence of the surrounding thousands. Soon after the utmost excite ment ensued, on the first signal, that of the sudden springing up, on the Auglsea side of the first signal slag, and a shrill strain from the trumpet of Cap tain Claxton, from the top of the tube, to the pilots to take the tide and pipe all hands for the exploit. This was responded to by a loud burst of enthusiasm from the seamen, whose immense efforts, united to those of the steam- tugs, told upon the screws and tackles, and upon the hitherto motionless monster, who then glided very slowly, and amid intervals of increasing cheers and sa lutation, without injury or jar, and with a majesty that could only be compared to that of a mountain moving on the waters, to the site of its final resting place. We have since received, by Electric Telegraph, a die patch which states, that during the operation one of the capstans broke, and that the floating of the tube ws,s put of until seyen o'clock this morning. e