The Sun. — London, England, 1855-02-09 00:00:00

I ?ERIAL PARLIIMEN RLIA 1411 lOtra "QE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) ;house met as usual at five o'clock, shortly after gym h' there was a numerous attendance of peers. ,ief the, th e new Mi nister for War, took hie seat Ministerial bench eon tha next bench, LI : 15 the bar of the house, the Earl of Abcrdeea and `o,_fisiewcaatle occupied seats. 4*") of NEWCASTLE presented a petition from I of New Z ea l an d on th e su bj ec t o f t h e c l a i ms haZealand Company. THE NEW MINISTRY. .1-11-NDRIIRST requested their lordships' atten le he made a few observations respecting the relat ive to the expedition to the Crimea, which lon the paper of the house. The following is of the motion :—" Tnat in the opinion of expedition to the Cii mea , was un d er t a k en 4 "jestY's Government with very inadequate '41(1 without duo caution or sufficient inquiry Late r© and extent of the resistance to be ex, \ the enemy; and that the neglect and mis of the.government is the conduct of the , h we led t o th o mos t di sas t rous results " I'BlliP3 would observ e f rom th e t erms o f lop that it applied to the late Govern , and was not intended to bear exclusively Member o f th e C a bi ne t. Thi s was i n accord a statement made in the other house by the I nt, now the principal officer of the Crown, at ho considered every member of the late Go l'n'Poesible for the conduct of the war. That believed, could not easily leJ controverted. at the list of what was supposed to be the e - ation, he found that it consisted of 13 mem et 12 of them, iacludiug the noblei viscount Ire members of the late Government, and con- Jived in the responsibility for the conduct of ' Y ertheless, considering the present state of isidering also that it seemed impossible to than the present Administration, he felt it ,to take any step calculated to disturb in o'er the first movements of the new Ad but, ou the contrary, he thought that every endeavour in the present state of things and soul, for the purpose of assisting the ` il l in retrieving past disasters and rester credit of the country. (Hear, hear.) Ho that, under these circumstances, he should the d u t y h e owe d t o th e i r lordsuips and the 'staining from proceeding with his intended T hear.) R LI -- ‘ 4 ARMY IN THE CRIMEA. of CLA.NRICARDE said, he agreed in " 44 had fallen from the noble and learned wished to take that opportunity of making Which he deemed worthy of consideration— as the house was likely on its rising to ad dal's, the Government should be prepared cling of the house to lay before their lord 4cinent of the actual condition of the army up to the latest period to which the account rellie4 tlY made out. If some such statement k itherity, it might save many motions for left not very profitable discussions. He -4 ( for information respecting the state and army engaged in any operations before an n der ordinary circumstances, be a very 11 aPs a very improper proceeding ' but at under present circumstances, it would b a bsurd to say that any information would 'the enemy by making such a state alluded to. It was notorious that (:fthe army, mo re or less authentic, to ,:oose given by the Ministers themselves " 4 1, were made public, and might be con- ene my. At the same time it was right, proceeded to any vote, which must be a ttests of our military condition, that th a t be accurately known. Ho heard with C h l pleasure that on last Tues "aucellor o f the Exchequer estimated the elder the command -of Lord Raglan at sincer e ) hoped that such was the case, ti me, he must say that very different ac in the papers. Under these circum it would be advantageous to the deli 'pleat, and satisfactory to the country, if 'yell by the Government of the real ef tieing all the different arms under the Li general-in -Chief in tho Crimea. He ,„/ to make this suggestion, and it was 4 to say whether they deemed it worthy I TERIA.L STATEMENT. In rising for the purpose already 'hie marquis—namely, to move your nre"p lat his ho use to some future day—l trust tie ~Ee with our usual kindness and courtesy I f ew remarks with respect to myself. (C ' tl ie,` l kluainistrations it has happened that op t~ t A gl , l had a seat in your lordships' house. Darby) n istration of my noble friend oppo )46l4,4ekose position in the country made P4ri i l eader of the party he represents, both ipo rt n nent, his presence here gave greaticne -4e e x gee to the debates in this house. Si n I va,: e a, th e noble earl near me (the Earl of dad his administration the mouthpiece Your l o rdshi p s' house. I do . not I a llowed, see i ng my no bl e f r i en d IV lie , to take thi s opportun it y o f say i ng two years of his administration, I, a s ono (e nd I believe the same will be said by all 8-colleagues now sitting near me), having Inity o f appreci;tiog the qualities of the him as one of the most generous-minded ~4 , ;:e ° l lr ageous men with whom I ever had coo,' fortune - Lobo associated. (Cheers.) ail . 4111 th at his great experience gave great 4rrive4at ttfell from him. (Hear, hear.) We my be tame stillmore eventful and critical t 4 fr iend and I do h B° llleth• assumed office, )11 1p t i -PiBBo I' 4 in incongruity that I should ) 1c : 1) , g t 0 13 4: 8 Government, even as a matter OC eu accidental precedence given me ' acti n PY- can only say, that I feel I 'aria tt U nfairly towards myself, and e ver cf thee men within the Go . vern- Governornt, Sitting on this side of wer e t4::(1°8t disrespectfully towards your lord 40dertake this duty without being able ) advi ce, and guidance to that noble mar win) pre-emine n t qua liti es , as th e 'are not only secured to him the d e - I t hi s P on friend s , b u t oven d ur i ng hi s roverbial on every s id e an d i n - ever y "f;rebly . (Cheers.) With a great deal iicijnoo the resignation of the late Cabinet Some of those more particularly ' tranaactions are now present, and may lome future occasion to offer any expla ' necessary to your lordships. All I can td,lla gather respectinc , the proceedings Pohtical parties, I do not b think they have q tcn to the charge of any want of self-appli , 'ant of public spirit on the occasion. Lord ealniniesioned by her Majesty about three Administration, ,and he has been success- ra ) list which be submitted has been g bY her Majesty. (Hear, hear.) With 'lee of that Administration I hive very Ail rea ke; and I may briefly state that the tf_"'l' govern the Administration in respect s will be identically the same as those Ste Cabinet, and which generally met of the country. Whenever any rea r °emirs for i m p rovemen t i n our inter tniost assuredly not neglect it—(hear, e el th a t the one paramount object to t he Gove ramen t an d th e w i s d om o f the 'w be applied is the active and vigor .,great war in which the country is believe that the most ardent lovers Who thought the war most unneces "(l who most anxiously desire its im tenet feel that it is absolutely requi 7al this coun t ry th a t , w hil e t h e war carried on with all th e energ y an d ;7 8 -) We do feel to a certain degree, tlais country gave way to some ' O l O, Y . O f exultation at one moment, we are althlii a - "tiger of giving way t o t o o m u c h tj.i hear.) In saying this I assure your 0 14,ober o f the government wishes to 2Q tti glities to which the army has been ex „kt tchj1.14:4111.144t,Y fortitude with which that army ok,lte laear )It would naturally be out \\‘‘ ' 5 ;t 414 1)3 4 i " t rdng . to discuss in the slightest degree lii`ltl, ea may be t ars atibutable either to cotef ruatiness of ystem which has be of peace; but there is no doubt s l ;lZttf, 6 l ll g th e e, and death have prevailed to a h t, t 4 1 1 13, tl ,go array in the Crimea. However, Nit 1 4 Due "kt it is not becoming in the Govern- Nq, * 11 ( !f this country to indulge in feelings ka h ,Pler e lch, I am informed on the best autho t'ltiei't3elraTulY, in the midst of sickness and ANati,„%are. (Cheers.) We do not like to ,tt i Nt'Vete," t.;) anyeveut, for the future is in,the 'Jot we derive some hope and corn tkit,,ge that the resources of this country Nllttiglit,se r e s ° W e are no w at tho very No.f/"t4l3l,eBolirces, and the spirit evinced by the 4, 1 11 ' to draw upon them so long as the ( 1 11 011 .0 g ar a . $ ) they Nve a a r l e sp properly and effl -deriveconfidenc_e , 4 tl i s 11 1 , b i te of the disasters t o whi c h I ,PAS ptiL'efe re Yet achieved more than this country 13'4,1;na t oP m „. V' any great continental war during kr e i e rely with confidence that, with the 1 11 i" (th ' 4 ,,n affairs remaining in the hands of to tti e t -r-Arl of Clarendon), France will con- LV ti k l t ' b ee r Y those intimate asd cordial rein 1' tk kti 1,3 / 1 , a M aintkined, so much to the a.dvan „qt, t A h„. t lp to the present mornent--(hear)— AVo l l3t, i "" Same friendly feeling will ex ist . „!lt„It,) on account of our relations with ~pt 8111 „,,:q was with these views, and benefit- L l l R,0141 "luoh experience has taught us, and I,llol:?3r,t:Perience alone cmild have taught us. t1 1 , 1 .', and his colleagues , mean to take Power to carry on the present war th *l ie 'lr and enun til that clay and not 4 4 t ty gy n re , 11 1t er , and honourable peace, col p Vt,N e Lsts of Europe and the honour of aD h °,O attained. (Cheers.) With these 1 14' %ft . : e at te tt, . Your loriships and the country 1 4kf t e with these sentiment s that we cam 1 1 tiS ti Ni te B 81141 support as the noble arid VlkN t 11, e ' pas offered 1.19 to night. (Cheers. ) ill st 1 , 1 '4 ki t ' is i.a by moving, that the house should 0 441. 0 1•41! )I l lo u ll e 1 6th of February, observing . that Oi l 44 1\ tlllth 3 W ould, ho understood, adjourn 9 4 0 : 4 1,:t1ij a ; aaine day, ' ll qtki ' --- The motion with which the no t,affor Oit ( 8 me the opportunity, while N i ke 0 ,, 1 which he has accompanied that fl tIA t gip ke th e )„. Li Inßan duty, of taking the earliest . op- LlseNeeit eariexhpailainaantuiTiof those transactions e, is t i ,_ ,as far as I was per te:tice„,:"ll:l. I think it right that at the ear consistent with public fluty, your Political friends, and the country at FS-('SIS o 110. n. s hortly after IA h ~SE ULLS, lllllollBe OF I second time' 1 p4Gtir the ~' Ly e Oxford, W r 1 4 elll!att t e 11 iarrow gung e) ' 1 1. l ' e Title Minh L te l NTS. %leo/ mluar o f 1 d a petition i)ualt,'few„.oast nter, prayivi ti,,,tetaoli- -LNENI for the estabielv New ef Nem •la alarld 1 petition frorn 1),,' lard Ly i d . THE of the newspaß. Al 4l --,DR-ux one necessarily 4 4 6 he , :i i v ' telativ ade Isa o t o t , THE 110115 g, 11 1 Zed on ti c s ' EXCIIEQff° sti s i) ' rill s of the ) adjourn until her e th e __ -..E , i Almjest;Pedi F MOTIOSS. th 144 4CI f 'I tlat Without lad notices 0- ti fr tlre and , thereupon '' ,' ~,,Q at th e . , 'itik,'"eat of 'nab ISH PAVIIF *4 'l's have the ... ,sk the 'Under rosr4hi,,,. 10:1 cot, rvlietheri etion et: Nvoi isitrodtiCe a y:. k;eljeraii_ that i l pr.ic tised in r 7 !vs gpeoin;and Iv in England, to %,•`' a , anther ,ue Brat ence t ) tbis 0' .4 , N i l aunt °men gallant friend V 1401,ttisat b'enow lion a select 0 9 ' , trespe ePtssi 0 1l -11 ao believed,r'subie vestigate the 0 kosieio de to Ireland l ' . . :Iktiliriilat th e ,' cness of the se M th-"rati - e l Or . at io en, I ideration, sr te ti, "here •'• of ti adduced, the CO,, lidl3v,PeUlber :essiOri, SigIPIY '-, e;••*ed in by a recossreeilf \ieeoesr.tdheie„ inquiry s e ,. ,J ~,t4ther considering He begged ti,',,,i 1/4„).,,ki,rirong t all tl i t lember, tbst ", VNtioelate„e° talc, th ,t tbs 04, ; but, r the move ,itie t 0 ,111,1 be OP ° i ~# 11: eudea2l t labour; 1 ° P• , 1 ti,i•Airt ao,you Neel° L, lon . u so, the irl tiv- . " R ein yet 1 l' felt relit I tf, t,„40... that, of -r•J BP' '••g 1)TD11E, cf. k. I* 6 th and • I,log--1 .4 .- k b --13 dm. of 31r. s• dif D . (1,,, stainin-wy ostpone the ii ii s w 'ear, hear.) g tlO ‘ t i Ili tee u pon r il 41 z Aar . ei *0 dais T. cAts ‘,),ti4h that°hadf CI 1.3 Cnlieeruklboerf tttoe.iree),,,p\.o, :lit,tiewwhijelted t, ord C. Welle°oof I„krat, a e a he the boboth o,;:etse-deB the h 4 1 I,4es4ab,. Y B 9 U NAPIO . V klln'i lit li ng of c ol i elLti ate Seni)r I C '' belt, t aea n raent 01 led to a sk °,O". ~Lks,i'4ll'ell!) t° the at the l3esr'r, it \, :,sa ,131e0tly a Adatiril Sir'', ,k(Niirts'cl ma ny tt y lai i '')' t ° 8, 8 not t ; also 0- II V Of k for in; / 1 9 1 k kiN 4 r in . lant adsl3.lre d e ‘ , r,, (1 4 -ra lY *3; lions bad ie', t kfl -, i)e,,n der , be at Lb. fe 1,0 bap s 1 (Veer, cci yr e :tly e :, under Sir, no ( 0e ,6 NI ?Id iZsurd t 4 'hick tho I)° , Is:) iikil,4os badithe , he be; dePj, \iti,llllltll the allu( b old e ° / V Itlr't. th arnr at my i,;11111 0 thY tta.,°Bo gi I been so I , i 'i 0 1 , , , i ,t,N,I/,,, e 4 J e ,,,' wen ad to lo ve 79 1 p \'''S°, 4:14-;Y• Hear, beer',efoleil ,ii%'??,,°,,,al4ti,settar(t):e, y duty Lot:,;joii ,i,„.t‘l}:,; aqua ace been cene° ,„,,,I NI 'tpkfor, , h eons] et I . f $0 4, a tindereellor ie was r' pit :6 4 y ttl i t 44 game 1, 1 , „inth ;ion in tv - b i;• i 0 ~ r ,,, 4144111,,,,e t, - o ere way frleeVriaj '' . k t. , t'4l)o ,7 1 1 e.. h( r, ej,,,,,t0f ,z 1,,,, •zu t prope tif e, oi ot%4t,,a,linlit wo, the co o , e j re'oell Nite4:44"re „!aetst, be cried (15L ° ‘,O /;i4t. ,i'tn''''.eu. b te. , , l ct, it 11 . t4,Prlain I 14 oot ' 6 V j'444titer.l!r as be I° llo o l ' 4 ! 1 „ . Ntrlsleo? n Aficere e I' o i 4if"A,, i f : 1 11- -b° sa emely tt i ' t 1 0 11, lorkOk 44, of the A atil ) , e IP 4 fo g y d'hii;':\:ll!ljTEß ove of sev,ii NI loeNe 13'-'t -: nar.Y. 1\ I 4414:41e 41111,44':tha 1 of a Welit,ll ki,'eth:iilwhi,' 1 ht to reflee• ii t,riloo vt,, o ci i ii -h : rursuing t'l'ltel frgetie,„o4trai,itkett.,l7 1 mpla to tb ° l3/, '"'rd of eh t1, k 103 : fi tj) e a h , ;tire the cee% bet/ 54 0 .q 4 , • beCC7 i 0 'l4O 1) (fix nduct is , r t/t ttb, # 4 , / , o v.1 1; 4 0 °fp 'e(l 1 'OS A, fleet, i° C k ,:' i t „ 4 ri, -51 (1e1 jlol,ll3'ttailliesst, It o ~), ,' 3 frie4o, t o , supply ers e i'',0705 A b 3 4(l ( th e ofd !.11'0euLil'g hi otic-fic estitr 1,, et 1 1 in 3 ivii S et the vote t: t tl helo naY be inter,r, vis 3 ,N e t rue, t ,se• b be el) Nhe, w°Yea bop e ekt (and r 8 \ The r '5 p I b (1-.learq i 0 krpt,o s eon 5 f the vote er, 40, 1, r rt4oi, eaga, st ; &voter:a yo le,te%4rd ,`' of bids fl ti, r . 4 4'lll 104 Var ,eoti, t 4 4. 11 t1 , as ( don the pA , I; It , Ityos.. 0ur,,,, ato the Cer,le°,o tarrie,3'egoode'fs'e 8,0001., bikeil.%ted *e Hued th,,i,a4tl hi tore of P•lviiioV *4 o r 4- ed at- feu the larg e P o or to Alla, ~ a time employ le s do, to o e to nt ( Ailo f ' - wriautiOsio , athpi_ ethim r h• e house eve ' owi, 'co of agreed to. Tee , the LNS. 41 to: act?ceap unittes of r 41,1 aria ng Y. , :at of tile„1111fa the follotriep t! t i - ,,, 11 d 41 the Goo els making ,0 Vtihere t:ost ~,".11 he degeitileti rtketiTssrt, :1,114;1: ling the oltei 1t,114,1111e), adv ice, 1 . b e crag' ,i, s 'llti le °4 Bel l lo46 1 KiUP °° '4 ,t 4 1Z 43 . : 1 1 . I v ! ) hi a : e 0t,,,,; ake,..,er,ort 1 4; 4 1sir e l a Aly, itS • th altit eline i • rei , , tu t ed et, 011 owing ,i, „Ltiq N e ts. • b u t who ha,'' 01,,cr ''lill' Or ensue 11' eo2nfot tly/I:ser'$1j0,11(1:: di \ . 1 / 4 ''';:!,,'''tk,:tl,'::::::::::,,po4fai .its:lcaafili PORTS. 0',1) r it„, 1r Iva to th e allowing rood ,(I„.,t,ras eo tit efm ges, sod Ike klitr.) 14,441a1_,Iaa'il, ed in t he 4,l6,Tol,'''ae Ramin: •ansport;„, d ',,,iNt,ilried byst 10] ;0 rf.,A.l' v ,v, "i4v6,,ir.)ll,4tipieer , bring 1 , o f iiih,Ngieh t o make 3°f ,ers in Sc° , ),:ilii‘it,lt,4l,rttill 0v,;3 R1%100,1 'l;?l,t,lljc,ttle l er ' will COSEI/,yeiiir 1,11% 1-tl'atie,4te Cat ,h,„a ii,ii ?;,,l'Ote"4ity.-4 of tt Da th itbot/ Sqs,„„: ° , l t ,iill 4,°,sce,ilri which be° s o? f :'''Xl*43, reel '' k lava and l l, 'lsl ‘eh of that o ti :if/ 1„y i,)lkqlti th e c of 28, 8 . kk,4iNA of how b end tuarie )1 k, ': et, 4 an k the 9 swer tirejk \''jkl:,'‘,6.lkitlio,l .j bet the e' / Of-41tt"fh 'no oil ir, 'and 0 4 s groat ,ittly, ',Se% ,wi plicable ii coy/ \t*Si',ls 41:-.tallat ° L i t 44 1 illd °I t decieg .., , 1:0,,, ki,e, be hi, tarry f0r',:,;,01341 :.,,.,4ktdtt,A.4,,(tcale card the 'Joel/ t,1,1b:i,,k Zitte, eit.7l.) •, he 11,,e/tt/i ;?, il bs 'i?7,144 °f e t ' e t the )j4 11,egt'ttzIll,is 4.133 (Cheereccler li,tr theiti 5 tkj, il-eg desire ,/Oft ‘'' , 4l, Ili e e Ns cltieb al ow o 10 A ' e l 1 , r„to,Ne et,ll34ll..stieert ess pop ~111 ‘)1t11 kleoilC°lB - f ie °' LV,1,N54 „tihi;e (a:', r the Ce ll ' ,I s l''i''''':e:t Oilt.Paiss co' kteiClr,tlt i th e 'es U then 44 V tq°stt, tit : 114i 'N:ith°4,4lkt.tlekt'e al " °.(t6killiti,)llit the' .r, ~',, th. e . a yi ki TOVIION r iDIA It :F2 V ItN N . . 5 - large, should have the opportunity of judging of the course which I felt it my duty to pursue, and of the motives which actuated me in taking that course. (Hear,- hear.) I think that such an explanation is due froth every man who aspires, or whom circumstances may have enabled to held, a high place in the councils of the nation. (Hear, hear.) the country has a right to know that the duties of government have not been lightly assumed, or lightly or from slight causes shrunk from. (Hear, bear.) The country his a right to know, and it is good that it should know, what are the motives which actuate public men whose characters are public property—(hear)—and the • country, which alone can remove those erebarrassments which often occur in the formation of a Government, should know, what aro those embarrassments and what is the na ture of the difficulties which frequently prevent the consti tution of an Administration. (Hear, hear.) For myself, I have nothing whatever to conceal with respect tothe course I took, and, without further preface, I will lay before your lordships as short a statement as I can, not only of the course which I felt it my duty to pursue, but, in order to wake that course understood, of my view generally of the position in which affairs steed on the resignation of the late Government. At the commencement of the present session, and in the face of the difficulties and disa ters that were taking place, and which the noble earl opposite has not sought to conceal, I and those in whom the confidence of the the great Conservative party has been pieced, felt it our bounden duty to abstain from bringing forward any motion which should imply censure or blame upon the Government, and which, by imposing censure on them, either in this or tho other House of Parliernent, might possibly tend to increase the disasters which were known to exist. (Hear.) Here I must In permitted to say, that those who on principle are opposed to the Government have, 'in such circumstances, no very easy task to perform —for, if they bring forward a motion that may by impli cation ba regarded as a censure with r e fe r e nce t o some matter on whch they feel strongly the Government is to blame, they are immediately calio on to move for a vote of want of confidence, with a view to the removal of the Government from office; and, if a vote of direct censure be moved by the party in opposition, then the answer always is that the motion is brought forward for party ob jects, and not for. the benefit of the country. (Hear ) If neither of these courses is taken, if those who, I may say, by the constitution of Parliament, aro intrusted with the duty of watching over the conduct of a Government in whom they cannot place confidence remain altogether silent, then they are charged, with some justice, as being indifferent to the enforcement of public opinion, and being accessories after the fact to the faults of the Government. (Hear.) Yet, notwithstanding these diffi culties, it has been the policy, as we have felt it to be tho duty, of the great Conservative party to bring forward no motion of censure against the Government. But immedi ately after Parliament reassembled, after the recess, notice was given of a moti on by an h on . an d learned gentleman in the other house, who I suppose was desirous to be con sidered a supporter of the Governnient and a member of the Government—party who can hardly call it-but of that great body split into various ramifications of parties, and who pass by the name of Liberals in this country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I confess Ido not understand the distinction which seems to have been drawn by the noble lord the late President of the Council, in which he stated that, looking at the course which, in the event of such a motion being brought forward, he ought to pursue, he had to consider not only what the nature of the motion was, but what was the quarter from which it came. (Hear, hear.) It appears to me that this is a distinction founded on no just or sound principle. (Hear.) If the conduct of the Government was defensible, then, whether the attack was made by friend or foe, it appears to inc to have been the duty of the Government to vindicate its own policy. If, on the other hand, the conduct of the Government was wholly indefensible, then, my lords, I cannot conceive that,it would be a right and justifiable course for one who could no t d e f en d the conduct of the Go vernment on its merits to resist the motion because that motion proceeded from a particular political quarter. (Hear.) But, from whatever quarter that motion pro ceeded, the result was such as, I must say, is wholly un paralleled in the history of this country. (Hear.) Suds is the extent to which the party habitually in opposition to the Governuient carried their resolution not unnecessarily to interfere with the Government, that I believe even on that motion, if the division, instead of being postponed till Monday, had taken place on the Friday, little more than One-half of the party would have been in their places to pass the vote of censure. (Hear.) But when a motion was brought forward, from whatever quarter, which implied a want of confidence in the Government, and which the Go vernment themselves took care to expl a i n w as a vo t e i n which the confidence or the absence of confidence of the House of Commons was to be tested, the circum stances were change:). It was impossible the limits of moderation and prudence could be carried to such an ex tent that, being invited by the Government to express an opinion on the question of confidence or no confidence, this party should not give eepression . to the views which they entertained. My lords, the result - of that motion ' as I said before, i s ono w ith ou t a para ll e l ; — not on l y that on a vote involving a want of confidence in the Government, and in the Government as a whole—not a censure given to one or two individual Ministers, who might have become particularly obnoxious to the public—there should have been in the House of Commons a majority extending two thirds, but that on a question involving confidence or no confidence in the Government as a whole that Government was unable to muster as a minority in its favour a greater number than 118 out of 650 members of the House of Com mons. My lords, I believe that such au event is wholly without a parallel, more especially when we recollect that by the confession of many who voted for the motion it was one against which there were valid and well-founded objec tions with reference to its technical terms, and that it was disapproved of by many who supported it, on the ground that it was accepted by the Government as a test of the con fidence or no confidence of Parliament in the Adinistration. The majority on that occasion; singularly enough, happens to bo, in point of numbers, to a unit the same with the majority by which, two years ago, the Government I was connected with was also ejected from office—viz., a ma jority of 303—though on the former OCCiiSiOll it was 305 to 286, while on the present it is 305 to 148. (Hoar, hear.) Of these 300, I believe that the great Consernative party, who have acted togethcrfor a considerable period with per fect and 'uninterrupted union, constituted something like 200. (Hear.) With regard to the different liberal sections of the House of Commons, I believe that they were pretty equally divides! in th;s way—that 100 of these gentlemen voted on one side and 100 on the other, and that another 100 altogether abstaine from voting on the occasion. Such being the result of the division, and such the composition of the vote, anti looking at the usual course Of Parliamentary proceedings and the doctrine of the constitution, I was not surprised, my lords, when, on the fellowing evening, I re ceived—though I a:knowledge I did so with deep anxiety— her Majesty's gracious commands to wait upon her on the following morning, perfectly well knowing andunderstai ' l ine for %at purp ose lb a d rec eived such a comm un i ca tion. It became then my duty carefully and anxiously and ma turely to consider "the position of the country. In ordinary circumstances and in ordinary times I shonid at once have felt it my duty, to accept the respon ibility thrown upon me—for, though the gentlemen who honoured me with their Confidence were not those who had incurred the first responsibility by bringing forward the motion, yet, as it was mainly carried by their instrumentality, I felt that it would have been my duty to accept the proposal ; but, under existing circumstances, I felt that I was bound to consider carefully and deeply, without thinking of perso nal considerations, and without reference to party objects, what course it was for the interests of the country that in such circemstances I should take. (Hear.) My lords, I can conceive uo object of higher or nobler ambition, no object more worthy of anxiety by a true patriot and lover of his country, then to stand in the high and honourable posi tion of the Chief Minister of the Crown and leader GI the councils of this great empire, assisted and supported by colleagues combined • with him by mutual sentiments and mutual and 'personal respect, and with the know ledge that this ans 2 the other House of Parliament would give to such a minister the assurance that, except on most extraordinary and unusual occasions, he would be enabled with life and energy to carry out his plans and to mature and accomplish his objects practically as well as nominally, and to control and govern the legislation and internal economy of this great country. (Hear, hear.) On the other hand, to hold that highly responsible situation de pendent for support from day to day on precarious and uncertain majorities, compelled to - cut down this measure, and to pare off that, and to consider with regard to each measure not what was for the real welfare of the country, but what would conciliate some half-dozen men here, or some half-dozen there—(laughter) —to regard as a great triumph of Parliamentary skill and Ministerial strength to seramblce through the session of Parliament, and to boast of having met with few and insignificant defeats—l say this is a state of things which cannot be satisfactory to any Minister; and which cannot be of advantage to the Crown, or to the people of this country. But; any lords, to enter on the duties of office, not with a precarious ma jority, but with a sure minority of the other house of Par liament —to be aware that from day to day you were liable to defeats at any moment by the combination ofparties,ainount ing to a sure majority, and only waiting for tie moment when it would to introduce motions for the attainment of such an end ; to. be a. Min'ster of suf ferance; to hold such a position without any security for enforcing your own views ; with the fear of exposing your own friends and the country—your friends to perpetual mortification, and the country to constant disappointment —(hear)—to undertake the responsibilities and the duties of office iu such a state of things would be such an intolerable and gallieg servitude as no man or honour or character could expose himself to, and such as no man veluntarily would submit to, except from motives of the purest patriot ism and from absolute necessity. My lords, I considered it then my duty deliberately to consider, before I assumed the responsibility which I understood it to be the wish of' her Majesty I should discharge, in what position I should be with regard to Parliamentary support—how I should stand in this and the other House of Parliament, more especially in the other house. Its is true, my lords, that I could have filled several of the offices of the Government in a manner that would have commanded the approba tion and the support of all parties. I had reason to be assured that in one of the offices which, above all others, is at present the object of pre-eminent importance, and on the proper settlement of which rests the greatest responsibility, I should have had the support of a noble friend of mine, not himself a military man, but possessed of a mind eminently military—a noble lord of vast expe rience, practically versed and conversant with the opera tions of war in distant countries upon a largo scale, and who has proved himself to be an able and successful Mini ster of Waresn.an extended scale—(hear, hear)— a noble earl whose energy, whose ability, and wiles° eloquence, would have given ample, assurauce to the country of the efficiency of the manner in which lie would have performed his duties—(hear, hear)—ant who, if he has one charac teristinthat is more universally recognised than another, it is that iu him the country would have a geminates) that in no possible circumstances would they hear of jobbe ry or corruption. (Cheefrs.) It is true that in the other house of Parliament as well as in this housnl might have hads recourse to a class whom, when excluded .rom office, it is usual to characterise as a neceseery infusion of new blood, but who, when in office„ are called an enlist - went of raw recruits. (Laughter.) And, when I speak of new blood, I sin sure not one of my friends in this or the other house will deem it invidious in me to say that, in office, I should have received the support and assistance, the unrivalled eloquence anti commanding talents, of Sir E. Bulwer Lytton. (Cheers.) At the same time I was compelled to look not to men alone, not to the capacity of those who might have filled important offices, but I was bound to look to that more vulgar if not more important circumstance, the numerical strength of the Government: (Hear.) I ave been honoured—and it is one of the proudest recollections of my life to look back to that pe riod-4have been honoured, and am still honoured, with the confid enc e of a body of inost . respectable and highly qualified gentlemen of this country; hotly amounting to from 270 to - 280 members of PaYliament, bound together by that which is the only sure bond of all political ties namely, mutual confidence in each other, and perfect identity and unity of principle. —(hear, hear) and full of 'mutual personal esteem and regard for each other. When we looked at the num bers of that party et the close of the last general elec tion, the Government then existing found, that it had tho avowed support of about 300 members of the House of Commons. I state it to the credit of that great party, and as a proof of the fidelity which they have exhibited in their engagements, that at the present moment, after the ex piry of two years, the number who were 'prepared to sup port nso in the Government is herdly at all dithinished, and that we can reckon on the support of about 280 mem bers of the other house, (Hear, hear.) But at the same time, though I had a sight to rely on the assistance and support of about 300 members of the House of Commons, the Government would still be exposed to fall by a com bination of parties such as has taken place befores and might occur again at any moment. (Hear, hear.) What reason had I to suppose that the same combination would not arise? It is the ,same House of Commons; there are the same persons ; and there are the same parties, so far as I can judge from the construction of the late Govern ment, and so far as I can assume from the construction of the present' Government; so that there might have been the same combination of parties by which -I was formerly assailed. (Hear.) I do not mean to say that I saw as certain the combination of these parties for the same ob ject, but I had no security for a day or for an hour that that combination would nut takeplace. (Hear.) I know it has been said that, in the present circumstances, any Government accepting tho responsibilities of office and pre pared to carry on the war in which we are engaged with vigour would have received the support, or at all events the neutrality, of all parties in the House of Commons. I think in some circumstances that might have been the case; but I have great reason to doubt whether, if I had at the first moment accepted the responsibility sought to be placed on me, I should have found in tne House of Commons that general acquiescence under the influence of which there would have been an abstinence from opposition. (Hear.) It is no secret that the moment the Administration of the noble earl opposite was dissolved a cry was raised by a portion of the press, exercising no significant in fluence over the public mind, that one thief; at last was clear, viz. that what was called a Derby Administration was out of the question, and that Lord.Pahnerston was the man called upon by the voice of the country to take the managementbf affairs. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I speak not only of the press, but of the language held by m em b ers of Parli amen t. I know there was a strong impression with reg ar d t o th e no bl e viscount—who someow or other appears to have enjoyed a peculiar exemption from the censure passed on the whole of his colleagues—(laughter)— that in the conduct of the war, one of the greatest defects that appears to have existed was a defect in the office of the noble viscount himself—viz. in the organisation and embodiment of the militia. (" Hear, hear," and laugh ter.) But, be that as it may, in the public mind the noble viscount was excepted from the censure imposed on his colleagues ; and the hon. and learned gentleman who brought forward the motion by which the Government was defeated, if I mistake not, declared his opinion that Lord Palmerston was the only person who was fit to sue teed and to govern the country. (Hear, hear.) But a higher authority still was one of the noble viscount's col leagues, who considered the case of the late Government indefensible, and their conduct to be such as to compel him, prematurely, to send for them. That noble lord geherously sacrificed himself to a colleague, and de clared that in his opinion th e on l y person to conduct the military affairs of the country was his late colleague, Lord Palmerston. (Hear, hear.) Now, I put it to your lordships and the country whether, with that feeling pre vailing in Psrliament—with a general declaration in favour ofa very distinguished member of that house—a declara tion made by a large portion of the press, and by a con siderable amount oth e members of the House of Commons, and sustained by the high authority of Lord John Russell, —I ask what prospect of immunity from attack, or what prospect of a sustained majority, a Government could it such circumstances expect ? (Hear, hear.) I would not be misunderstood as saying that these considerations were those alone which prompted me to be anxious to obtain the co-operation of the noble viscount. I readily acknowledge the great abilities, the great Parliamentary experience, the great official experience, of n o t l ess th an 37 years of office, of the noble viscount. I readily admit the advantage of his pa: sonal popularity. I readily admit also--though yet the circumstances of this case al o so peculiar that I may state it,—though the jealousy of this country—the reason able and well-founded jealousy--is against qualification for office, arising out of connexion .with . foreign States or fo reign Governments, yeti must be permitted to add that, ia the present circumstances, it was ,a great and legitimate qualification on the part of Lord Palmerston, and should nut be omitted, that he was generally supposed to exercise no inconsiderable influence over the councils of that noble nation with whom we are now on terms happily of the strictest and closest alliance—=-(hear, hear)—that he en joyed to a great extent the confidence of that great man who by his superior abilities and power, not less than the name ho bears, was enabled to grasp and hold firmly and vigorously the imperial sceptre of th a t coun t ry . (H ear , hear.) I say, in times like these, and at a time when we are engaged in a formidable and perilous war,—when we have France—though I hope it will not be long so--as our only ally—it is a peculiar qualification for holding office in this country that the Minister in question should pos sess the confidence of those with whom we are in that strict alliance ; and I will add that no party could be in sensible to the great advantage —or rather, I should say, to the disadvantage—of a Cabinet being formed at the present moment unacquainted with all the details and dif ficulties of the diplomacy that has run over the last two years, or that the noble viscount would not be of peculiar advantage to any Government of which he might be a member, having an intimate knowledge of all the trans actions of the last two years, of the difficulti es an d ember rasswents that have occurred, and, at the same time, a correct knowledge of the feelings and views of those fo reign connexions with whom for that time we haVe been more or less engaged. (Hear, hear.) Under all these cir cumstances—froth all these considerations—l came to the conclusion that with the unassisted numerical strength of those who placed their confidence iu tae it was impossible that I could feel any assurance of forming that which I concurred with the noble earl opposiae in deeming most desirable and necessary for this country at thepresent period —a strong Government. It was impossible for me, with- 1 out some extraneous ail, to flatter myself with the expec tation that. T could :secure a strong Government for this country. My lords, it was i mpresse d w i t h this id ea an d conviction that, on the following morning, I obeyed her Majesty's or:Mine:tint. I laid before her Majesty without reserve any views with regard to the .state of parties, with regard to the composition of the House of Commons, and with regard to the b-dance of parties in that house, and the probable mode in which those parties might apply their p Avers. I did not conceal from her Maj sty that there !night be circumstances under which the House of Com mons would give to such a Government as I was enabled to form, oven without extraneous aid, a generous assistance and a generoua and liberal support; but I think such cir cumstances could only be those in which there would be no alternative between the existence of the Government hich I was about to - form and no Government at all, and that there could be security whatever for the formation— nay, not only that, but no prospect of the formation—of a Government commanding a majority in the other house, as long as tthth,ererlievrhweiocauhsnarell and a r rge party united in their opini o n s , some of wh ose members were excluded from that Govern ment, who, if th ey w or e included in it, would bring the Majesty liassistancelistened etao withu . mostAf te r m y w statement, eight e f gra cious ete::tion, I concluded the humble recommendation it was ray duty to submit to her Majesty with the request that I might be enabled to communicate with Viscount PalMer'sten, for thepurposo of obtaining, if possible, hiecon curreuce and assistance in the duty which I was about, with her Majesty's permission, to undertake to perform. I stated also to her Majesty that I could not expect to ob tain that concurrence on the part of the noble viscount unless ho were permitted to bring with him one or two of those with whom. he had recently acted. I felt, notwith ta abilities eaig e of some pe personal s o o f aal those and e ha a t dd th ed e gentlemenpolitical mightre n c e h s a , v t materially to the strength and power of debate in the House of Commons, .and that their concurrence might be desirable, not only on account of the support and countenance which they would give to • the noble vis count in joining the Administration, but also on account of their own individual and personal merit and ex perience. I stated to her Majesty that, in my humble judgment, without such assistance—without some extra neous assistance—l did not feel myself in a condition to promise to her Majesty that strong Government, assured of a majority in both Houses of Parliament, which I thought at the present moment it was most desirable, if possible, that her Majesty sh ou ld h ave . (Hear.) I was bound to consider, not personal or party feelings, but that which was for the interest of the Crown and the welfare of the country— (hear)—and first and prominently for the welfare of the country and the honour of the Crown I placed the necessity of having, if possible, a strong and united Govermieent. I therefore submitted to her Majesty my humble advice that, failing my endeavours to form such a Government as could hold a promise of strength as well as of unity, her Majesty. should consider whether it was possible to form any other combination of public men by whom that object was more likely to be achieved. Where these men were to besought for, what that combination was to be, was a subject upon which, of course, I did not presume to offer an opinion to her Majesty. In venturing se ~O'..- eisee ess ee esaase, a ono retzleh T belj.roti he far the good of the country, I concluded by assuring her Ma jesty, strongly as I felt the difficulties of the position, if such a combination—giving greater strength than any which I could bring to her Majesty's support—were found to be impracticable, then, at all hazards and under all cir cumstanees, her Majesty should not be left without a Go vernment—(cheers)—but that when such other combina tion should have been tried and found to be unsuccessful, then with better hopes of parliament r e , support—but whether with or without better hopes—l would answer for myself and for those noble lords and hon. gentlemen with whom I have the happiness of acting, that, at all erects, the country should not be without a Government, and that at all hazards, at all risks, and at all sacrifices, our humble services should be placed unreservedly at her Majesty's command. (Cheers.) My lords, I may take this opportunity of making a statement which I am sure, so far as your lordships are concerned, is quite unnecessary, in con sequence of rumours which have gone forth, that upon that occasion her Majesty sought to fetter my discretion by some restriction. Those who know the respect which her Ma jesty has for the constitution,-and the strict and rigid man ner in which she walks in the light and in the paths of that constitution, will be well aware that such a report is un founded ; but I feel myself bound in duty to state, for the information of those who have not the same means of be coming acquainted with the facts, that not only no obstacle whatever—that not only no restriction was placed in my way, but that not the slightest difficulty was made as to any one subject or recommendation, either with regard to men or measures, which I felt it my duty to submit to her Majesty. (Hear.) In consequence of this interview, which lasted from half-past 11 until nearly• one o'clock, I called upon the noble viscount (Palmerston), whom I found at his house. I immediately communicated to him the invi tation with which I was charged upon her Majesty's part. I found, as I anticipated, that the noble viscount would have been essceedingly unwilling—nay, indeed, that he felt it would have been impossible, without the concur rence and co-operatien of some of his friends ; to give me that assistance and support which otherwise he did not express himself di'sinclined to afford. I stated at once that I anticipated that feeling on his part, and that it was Perfectly natni al, and I 'lamed to him the two among his colleagues k ill whom I thought lie would most readily con sent and desire to act, and who might have th© leasediffi culty, from their previous connection with the great Con servative , party, in joining the Administration, although between them and that party there had been, mid there might still be, some points of difference. I named to the noble viscount the two men with whom I conceived he would be most desirous of acting, and who might have the least difficulty, from their antecedents, in connecting them selves again with the Conservative party. I found—for the nOble*viscount was good enough to state to me—that, with regard to any-personal considerations he could have no ob jection to Act in a Government with which I was connected, arid be accompanied these obliging expressions towards me with an allusion to thelong acquaintance and friendship which had subsisted between us, We went so far as to die' cuss the particularpesition in the government in which the noble viscount should be placed, and I stated to. him then, with perfect frank ness, th a t w hi ch I am about to state to your lordship s I stated to Min that I did not think it was possible for any Hinieter to combine with the lead of the House of Commons the duties Ofan extensive avid laborious department, and I obtained from him his concurrence in that opinion--thet, with the load of tho'Hotise of Com mons, the arduous and important ditties of Minister for War were wholly incompatible. I was enabled, by an act of solf-abnegation and forbearance for which I think my right hon. friend deserves the highest credit, to state upon the part of my• right hon. friend - Mr. Disraeli, that, with regard to the lead of the House of Conimons, with which he had been honoured upon-a former occasion, in the pre sence of the noble viscount be would waive all claim and pretension to that poSition, and would willingly and 'rea dily act under the direction of a statesman of the noble viscount's ability and experierice--(hear, and cheers) — and my right hon. friend added, what I think hardly less to his credit, that, not only was he willing 'and ready to waive a right to which—considering his relation ship with the Censervative party—lie was fairly entitled in favour of the noble viecennt, but that he hoped that such a surrender might render mere easier the accession of two of the friends of the - noble viscount, who might be willing to act under the noble viscount, though they mieht be less willing to act tinder my right hon. friend. I quitted the noble viscount after about half 'an hour's interview. Her Majesty, waiting the result of that interview, made her return to Windsor, and I informed the noble viscount that her Majesty would leave a messenger in waiting to re ceive, at the earliest possible buss, the result of the tie:li munication which ho undertook to make to Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Sidney Herbert. I certainly returned from the interview with a Very strong impression upon soy mind that the noble viscount was ready and willing, if he shoUld obtain the cousin ence of his late colleagues, to join, in unison with them, the Administration which I was endea vouring to form, and the statement he made to me was, o o p p p e e t r i t n un a itvyery short of course he c ou ld g i ve no definitive answer till he had of ho crortinae communicating i p e r a (b t)inably gw b i telfiotrheetnhie p trot , o went out, but et all e ven t s i n a very fewhonrs to convey to h th a a d t t h h e e h me the final decision at which he arrived. I did not hear front the noble viscount until half-past 9 o'clobk at night. [A. noble lord inquired at what time • the noble earl left Lord Palmerston's?] I left the noble viscount shortly be fore. 2 o'clock, and at half-past 9, just as - I had written to the noble viscount that it was impossible for me longer - to detain the messenger if he was to arrive at Windsor that night, I received with considerable surprise a note from the noble viscount. lam not going to trouble your lord ships with the precise terms of that note, but it certainly did surprise me to receive front the noble viscount, after a delay of so long a time, a note m ere l y stating that, upon full and complte reflection, he had come to the conclusion that if he were to join my Government, be could not give to it that support which I was good enough to think his presence would iusure,—that he had communicated with Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Sidney Herbert, according to my desire, but that they would write answers to me, and he thought it better that they should do so. At half-past 12 that night I received a note from Mr. Gladstone, and be tween 7 and 8 the following morning I received one from Mr. Sidney Herbert, both written in kind and courteous rerms—terms of which I certainly could have no reason whatever to 'complain ; but I certainly was struck with this expression in Mr.• Gladstone's note, after stating that Lord Palmerston had communicated to him the wishl had expressed that he should form paztaof the Administration, —" I also learned from him (Lord Palmerston) . that-he is not of opinion that be can hilliself render you useful ser vice in that Administration." Now, my lords, I confess I received that note with some surprise, because I had reason to suppose that when, at two o'clock., I left th e noble viscount, his consent depended in a great measure upon the concurrence of his late colleagues; but at half past 12 the same night I received a letter from Mr. Glad stone, stating that the noble viscount, in communicating my message to him had stated at the same time that he could not concur in being a member of the Government. My lords, in that state of things—having received from the noble viscount and his two friends the answers to which I have referred, declining to, form any part of •my Administration—the noble viscount having made no ob jections upon any political grounds, or on account of any contemplated measures, or on account of the position which it was intended he himself should hold, or" with re ference to any of the colleagues with whom ho was about to be Counected—l was then in a position to state to her Majesty that, the first contingency to which I had ad verted, having taken place, I thoughteit was for the interest of the country and for her Majesty's , eonvenience that she should adopt the subsequent course which I had advised, namely, that of aseeitethiug whether it was possible to form ady other stronger or more effective Administration. My lords, further than that I have no personal knowledge., I quitted her Majesty with deep and very sincere expres sions of regret on my part that, under existing circum stances, it was not possible for me to-do her that service which I would gladly have rendered—.that I could not as sure to her Majesty that strong Government which it Wale absolutely essential for the interests of the country that .she should have; but that, in,the event of no further com bination being able to be made, I was then, as I had stated, ready to offer to her Majesty my humble and devoted ser viees. My lords, I may be asked why, having referred merely to the noble viscount, who had been designated by public opinion as the person entitled to the first considera tion and possessing considerable influence in the House of Commons, I did not seek for possible assistance and co-ope ration in senile ether quarter. In.the. presence of the late, and, as I understand, the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (the Earl of Clarendon), I will state your lordships precisely what I t oo k the liberty of a dd res sing to her Majesty upon that subject. I slated to- her Majesty that I conceived it would- have been an immense advan tage to any Government to have among its membera one who is perfectly conversant with the whole diplomacy of the last two years, end-with the feelings and proceedings of the various Courts of Europe. I stated that, with that view among _others, I had suggested to her Ma jesty that I should apply for tb).op. , operation'ol Viscount' Palmerston. I took the liberty to add, with regard to my , nob a friend the-Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Lord Cla rendon), that I entertained the highest opinion of the abi lity, the industry, and the zeal with which he discharges the duties of his office. I added also a hope, which I be lieve tho noble earl will say I was justified in adding, that there was no per. o ial feeling which might upon any coca siou offer the slightest impediment to the possibility of our acting together in the same Government, but that, on the contrary, I believed there existed between us a sincere .acid mutual regard ; but I felt it my duty tcesay further, that, desirous as I might have been of obtaining the co operation and assistance of one so experienced and able as the noble earl, the political connexions of that noble earl —the political relation iu which he stood towards most of ' those with whom I was iu the habit of acting, and his po litical connexion with others with whom I was not acting, or about to act—did not justify me in making any direct application or overtures to him, even if I had reason to Banos° those overtures would have been likely to be fa vourably entertained; and that I did not feel myself jus tified in making Such overtures in such a quarter—what everfor the noble earl—un less might be my person a l es t eem injunction, less I could do so der s her Majesty's express might haysbeon the sanction, and command. Whatever must soy that the colsequence of such an application,ursued to which I look back only part of the course I . havep 1 le is with respect to the wish the least doubt .?I•incerti abstaining from making any such commu nicationpropriety of my either to the noble earl directly or to the noble inarcinislLansilowne) near him, who, I am quite certain, under the circumstances of the country, would have afforded mo the advantage of his frank and friendly opin ion. My, lords, I have now explained to you the circum stances under which I felt myself compelled to resign un dertaking the responsibility of forming a Government, for the strength and unity of which I Could see no security. I have nothing to do with subsequent transactions. The noble viscount, it appears, has found himself justified, and has thought himself enabled, to subrnit to her Majesty . the names of a Cabinet which ho think s is more likely to secure and to command the confidence and support of a majority of the two Houses of Parliament. It is not for me to express an opinion how far the noble viscount has judged correctly in that inference or not. I will not for a moment suppose he has not believed that he was able to recommend to her Majesty a Government possessing that strength and entitled to that confidence, because any other supposiiion would lay the noble viscount open to an im putation which Ii- am sure is most un f oun d e d —that in declining to j oin the Administration I had formed he was rather influenced by personal considerations affecting the position he might hold than by an earnest and anxious desire to form a strong Government. Of such motives I wholly and absolutely acquit the noble vis count, and I cannot doubt that he has full confidence in the degree of public support and RPProval which the Govern ment, as now formed, is likely to obtain s I have now of fered to your lordships—perhaps at too groat length — (cheers)—but I thought it desirable not to omit the slightest details which might throw light upon my y motives — an explanation of the circumstances under which I aban doned my endeavours to form an Ad ministration. I en deavoured before I came to that conclusion, and in acting upon it, strictly and impartially to examine—as in the pre sence and with the aid of the Searcher of all Hearts—the motives which influenced my whole conduct—to satisfy myself that I wail influenced by no desir e of unduly grasp ;us nr6e.e. and to satisfy menu" , - 's e 4.1, Agml. that I was not timidly shrinking from tine reAPA`flaciit— y which fairly ought to rest upon me. My thatil:rci should shrink from no responsibility except from, I felt to be a responsibility I was likely to incur Mch i li t a )f having of fered to her Majesty's Government w finnness, iot in itself sufficient elements of strength and ountry to thereby sub jecting my friends and the 0 t this critical mortification and reomeut to the disappointment, and adding a my lords I have embarrassment of the country. to the 1 , • erred. If I have so erred I bow w tr I decision Of my . friends, my party, and '1133%u ' ll 3- have hibited a too great timidity inpon myself respo - takinghatever errors n sibility, though I think -that, that; Iv I life, they inay have been imputed to me in political life, have been (,laugh.) rather in the opposite direction.may have • e and .over-zealous 1 us e disappointed the over-sanguine I a nisei, tations of those over whose interests boom( to watch, with whom I am connected by every tte of politi cal and personal friendship, but whom—much still oreeff as I desire to please and to gratify—l desire effectively and It was my opini on that, _ conclusively to serve. (Cheers.) T under the circumstances, the great Conservativ e party should not prematurely and ra shly undertake th e respon sibility of administering the affairs of this country at the present portentous crisis. Upon that belief I acted ho nes tl y, conscientiously, ant to the best of my judgment. Myjusti ficetion or my condemnation must, ni reet in the mi n e s of those among my friends and among 3 countrymen w h om I have alike desired, if not to gratify, atlast to _serve ; an d all I have to add now, after thanking yeur lordships-for the pationce with which youhave • • listened time, is my hope that to whatever hands at the present moment the desti n i es of this greatesupire maybe intrusted, they May be such as will deliberately, efficiently, and with the fell and justified con fidence of the country carry on the groat and awful war in which we tire now engeged, and it at no distant which Inv ho -like honourable to period to a conclusion • the terms of the allied forces, an l may, a t the SAMS time, permanently secure and effectually gu.tplatee the mainte nance of the independence, the integrity, a nd the tranquil lity of Europe.-. I will only add firther with reference to what has Mien from the noble earl at tiro hoed of the pre sent Government in this house, that th e re will he a deep responsibility attaching to any Mimlis(er who shall conclude a peace, however earnestly calludfor, „L e h does not secure to this country and to Europe these great results. A re sponsibility at least as deep, if notstill doper, will attach to him who, after such results shall here been obtained, shall continue for a single moment the miseries and horrors. of au unnecessary war. (Loud chciers.) ' The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Eductant as lam to intrude myself on the house, I feel callel upon to address a few words to ;'our lordships, having been connected in some degree with the transactions of the last few days, in obedience to an intimation emanating from the highest authority, which obliged me to take a part in them I shouldotherwise have been glad to decline. I shall not attempt to review the matters brought before us in full IPI 4 ,I3IITIATtY o, lull, - - detail by the noble earl opposite in the speech he'has -just delivered, as having influenced his judgment and eon duct throughout. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be fur ther from my i n t en ti on th an to desire analyse the motive of the noble earl; or to impute to him motives which did not actuate him. .I am confident that his pro ceedings had their origin in the most patriotic sentiments when he resolved to decline the task which her Majesty, as he most properly and truly said; invited him to under take, unaceompanied with anything like restrictions. My lords, still less do I think myself competent to examine or analyse the motives which induced a most extraordinary majority in the other house of Parliament to combine in support of what I must be permitted to call an extraor dinary vote, but whichhad the effect of compelling her Ma jeaty's late Government to tender their resignations to her. Majesty. Mylords, that that Majority ehould have existed may be a matter of surprise to the noble earl, and may bo a matter of surprise to others; but it was undoubtedly a majority composed of a large number of those whom the noble earl toast; ,and not unnaturally boasts, constitute his permanent strength in the House of Commons, and which permanent strength was exerted without exception to make up that majority. It waseeided undoubtedly by a strong feeling in the country, •of which I do not complain, operating upon its representatives, and which was produced by the amount of distress that had unfortunately befallen the army in the Cri 11103. All of these motives operating, together has produced that vote in the other, house ; but I shall be disappointed if at some future period that house does not regret the vote it has passed. (Hoar, hear.) The time, my lords, will come for reviewing that transaction and its motives,, an d f or di ssec ti ng the pi incipl es , th e animosities, and the views by whi c h, . com bi ned, that large number: of gentlemen were brought on that night only to act together. (Hear, hear.) I now come, my lords, to address a few words to the. house on the transac tions • that have taken place. The noble earl has given a full, and I am persuaded, and I have no reason to doubt it, an exact narrative of the part he took in 'those transactions; but that which I have to state to your lord- Ships commences where the noble earl's statement ends. (Hear.) My lords, it was not until infter the noble earl had be en understood distinctly - by .her Majesty to have declined the task of terming a Government at this moment, without holding out to her Majeity the hope that he saw the means of forming a strong Government—it was net until iftersthat information was laid before her Majesty that, it was her Majesty's pleasure to invite me to Windsor for the purpose of conversing with her on the state in which the country Waiplaced, and ofascortaining whether it was in my power to do that which, if it werein my power to do, I should not have thought myself at liberty to decline—namely, to -undertake the task of endeavouring to ascertain, from the views and opinions and conversations of others, what the prospects were - of her Majesty being extricated from a situation not only painful to herself, but directly and immediately injurious to the best interests of the country. (Hear.) My lords, I had, in the course of the proceedings, to ask the question of myself—Of what use can Ibe to her Majesty? and I had en answer from myself, and that an swer was, that, situated as I was, I should undertake no thing, bat should give to her Majesty that which it was due to her to give —the best advice in my power, and to have recourse to the best channels of communication for the-purpose of enabling her to form a Government. (Hear, hear.) I did, any lords, iu consequence, communicate with many eminent persons, all of whom were essential, in my opinion, to the formation of an efficient Government, some oithem being the very persons to whom the noble earl himself looked at once, and in the first instance, as essential to the formation of such a Government as the country ought to possess—and to her Majesty I com municated the result of the conversations I had with those various persons. (Hear.) My lords, her Majesty took into consideration the state of parties, and above all the composition of that majority by which the crisis was nro duced which had put a termination to the late Govern ment. (Hear.) She had already looked to the composi tion of that majority, and perceiving that that majority was composed not merely in groat part, but that actually the majority of that majority was composed of the politi cal friends of the noble earl, she pursued that constitutional course to'which the noble earl has borne such just testi mony, and which in every crisis has - characterised her Majesty's proceedings. (Hear.) My lords, she already had had recourse to the noble earl, and had satisfied herself that he, as the representative of that majority, was not prepared at that -moment to tender her such a Govern ment es would-be capable of carrying on public affaire. My lords, her Majesty, seeing the state of feeling that pre- vailed, naturally looked to the next person who might have been considered as combining, though in a very differ ent manner, and by a very diff eren t course of conduct, to contribute to the crisis that had occurred by the part he had taken in withdrawing from her Majesty's service pre vious to the date of Mr. Roebuck's motion. (Hear, hear.) I am now alluding to' a noble - lord with when). I have been long politically , connected, and with wh in I have been connected by habits of honest—(from the low tone in which the conclusion pf the 'sentence was uttered it is-as perfectly inaudible). My lords, though . that noble lord, when he withdrew from the Government;did not endea vour to carry with him any of . its suppertere, or seek to exert his influence to dimiuish the majority by which the Government with which be was associated was supported, still the mere withdrawal from the Government of one so honoured and so jerstly distinguished in the councils of her Majesty, did certainly point attention to him as a person to Whom her Majesty should have recourse in the difficulty in which she was placed for . the purpose of ascertaining if he could form a Government, and extricate her Majesty from the difficulty in which she was placed. (Hear, hear.) My"noble friend took time for reflection on the subject, and, whatever his first impression was, I say he was right in taking time to consider such a proposal. (Hear, hear.) I also think that .my noble friend, no* at the head of the Government, was right iu taking - time before ho de clined the proposition of the noble earl, because in the state the country now is I think there is no public man who should rashly and hastily decline such an offer to provide for the eiigeecres of the - country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, after taking, time for consideration, my-noble 'frietel also declined the task, and I certainly fat that tier Majesty exercised a wise discretion when she sent soy noble friend the noble viscount at the head of the Government, and charged him to undertake the forma tion of a Government. (Hear, hear.) By making such a communication to my nob:o ft load, it scented to me that her Majesty was likely to obtain the Government which not only she wanted, but which the country also wanted. (Hear.) .My lords, my noble friend the noble viscountun (lease* the task, and he has undertaken it sue:essfally. (Hear; hear.) Ido not mean with any est - Linty of that suce.se eat home and abroad which a man would be a bold man in these times to predict of any Government what ever. (Hear, hear.) I would not say that, even if we had a Government conducted . by a person of the great talents and the great experience of the noble earl opposite him self; but I- say, my lords, that my noblelliend the noble viscount has undertaken the task with that degree of con fidence in success which he felt justified him in making the attempt, and thus endeavouring to remove the great chasm in the Government which has been created by the circumstance; of the last few days. (Rear.) My lint's, the noble viscount did me the honour, and did others the honour, to ask our advice as to the course he was justified in pursuing; and whether, with the persons that were prepared to act with him and for the country, he and they ought or ought not to undertake the task. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I am bound t o s t a t e t o your lordships that, ' so far as I am concerned, I gave that advice without heaita tion ; because, my lords, the question that presented itself to me was not what Government the country was to have, but whether the country was to have any Government at all. (Hear hear.) I felt that the state of publi c affairs, the state of ? all the public departments;the state of all the public relations of the country, required not only a Go vernment, but that that should be formed instantly and effectively. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I gave that advice, and having given it I - undoubtedly' feel that the Govern ment of the noble viscount Ls entitled to any humble• as sistance and feeble support in my power to give it—(hear, hear)—and that support ant that assistance I undoubtedly shall give. (Hoar, hear.) Consulting toy 'own tastes, my own inclinations, and my own years, I did think that such support could be as effectively given by me from one bench as from another, and that I could give it without myself continuing to .form part of the Government; but my noble friends judged otherwise-a-(hear, hear)—whe ther rightly or wrongly, and I have blewed to their deci sion. (Hem., hear.) My lords, it remains for me e there e fore, only to state on their behalf, and on my own, that they have undertaken this task at this moment with no undue confidence in themselves —with no undue hopes as to the support they will receive from the country—but they have undertaken it with a firm reliance upon the as sistance of the country at large, and of the •two 'houses of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) What has already occurred has from to-lay manifested more and more.the evils of a long delay, added to that which has already taken place ; lam now not speaking in reference to persons, but with respect to the delay that has happened, which ;order any circumstances; would have materially interfered with our prospects if it had blasted the confidence of Europe in this country. (Hear, hear.) For what could be a more shame ful spectacle to present to the eyes of the world, at a time when there is a greater unanimity of opinion in this coun try than over there had been before on any great question, with respect to the prosecution of the war, if there cou'd not be found the means in England of ,carrying on the 'Government by which that 'war was to be conducted. (Hear,Lt .....),s , fhoroifor,), thlo +.o the position of the country that, if a Government should be formed at all, it should be formed as speedily and effectively as the mate rials would admit. • (Hear, hear.) I feel, my lords, that ibis scarcely necessary for me, after what the noble earl has said, to add that her Majesty's Government will rely not only on their own exertions, not only on the support they derive from partisans,, but they will likewise rely upon the feeling and patriotism of those who are their nominal op ponents. (Hoar.)` My lords; the re w ill b e no diffi cu lty . i n giving to her. Majesty's Government that support which is necessary for carrying on the war, without abandoning that right which noble lordaln this house and the members of the other house hereto express th e ir opinions upon parti cular subjects in connection with the mode in which the ,war should be conducted. (Hoar, hear.) But, my lords, it is not in the field of politics alone—it is not in this house—it is not in .the other House of Parliament only— that this groat duty has to be performed. My lords, every person in this country has a duty to perform at this mo ment. (Hear.) For the issue of this great contest in which we are engaged with one of the greatest and .most powers ful empires in the world, we must depend upon the cou rage of our soldiers and of our seamen, and the ability of our commanders.. (Hear, hear.) -But let it be remem bered that it is not they alone who are actively engaged iu this contest -.that the contest is one of representative Government against despotism ; and that if we are not enabled to oppose to the energy of that despotism those peculiar powers which a representative Government con tains, or ought to contain, we shall fail in that contest. (Hear, hear.) If we ao not procure .that unanimity by patriotism, by argument, and agreement of epittion, which despotism is able at all times and at all periods to Como maul, despotism will be too powerful for liberty, and too moral to be learned from these transactions will be the feebleness and the weakness of a free representative Uo• comment. (Hear, hear.) With Ceo character of the con stitutisin of the country ante at stake, it, is the day of every man in it—not only of the members of this house not only of the nionibet•s of the other items° of Parliament, • fluence out of thei n but also of persons exercising 111 7.1 the duty of those very eminent and distinguished p eewee who by their talents are connected with ono of the noblest institutions of the coun try—.he free press of this country —(hear, hear)—itis - the duty of thoo persons—it is the duty of all persona who by any accident of position or by their talents command the confidence and the approba tion of the different circles, great and knell, in which they live—it is the duty of all those, by every act, word, and deed of their. lives at this -moment to take care that they say nothing, do nothing, write nothing, that can have the effect of impairing th e national strength or in tempting the adieu of the national cause. • (Hear-) My lords, if this country shall succeed in the great contest in which it is engaged, I trust no man on reflection will be compelled to forego his share in the national triumph— when that triumph is establishetle—hy noae doing anything to impede it(hear, hear)—or, if unhappily there shall be failure, will do anything that could sadden his conscience and 4 mind with the reproach, never to be effaced, of having, by any act, word, or deed of his, contributed to that fail ure. (Hear, hear.) I hope, my lords, we have more prospect of success than of failure, and I agree with my noble friend in the excellent statement he has made, that we may bo at this moment going too far in despondency, as undoubtedly we have already gone too far in the antici pation of success. (Hear.) Composed, as the Government now is, after the loss of some individuals, for whom I feel both respect and affection, and of whom I must s a y th a t , whatever may b e the public objection to the inquiry pro posed to be instituted personally, they would have gained by those inquiries, because it would be found that faults that have been falsely, rashly, unjustly, and harshly attri buted to them, have had their origin in other causes ; but withoutthose individuals, and constituted as the Govern ment now is, and relying upon the assistance of this and of the other house of Parliament, I do conceive that they have established the means of prosecuting the war with vigour. (Hear, hear.) I believe, my lords, that even if they were not able to carry on this war to a conclusion, they would only have clone their duty to their country at this moment by stepping into the gap and presenting to the enemy on the one hand, and to the allies of this country on the other, a patriotic front, thus relieving the country from the posi tion in Which the absence of power to form an Administra tion would have exhibitedit to the world. (Hear.) I shall mention another circumstance which also governed me in tin advice Inv° to her Majesty. I hope we shall secure, by the arrangement which has been now completed, the unin terruptedcontinnation and maintenance of those negotia tions with our allies which have been for the last two years conducted with increasing success from mouth to month, under the auspices of my noble friend near me, unimpeached and unattacked, and.which tend in every way, I believe on my conscience, more and more to unite the whole of Europe in that cause which is the cause of the whole of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I hope it will lead to the union of all those powers for one purpose, and that whatever disasters we may experience we shall ultime,teiy effect the great object for which we entered upon a war which has been under taken with the unanimous consent of us all. (Hear, hear.) I believe we have the assent of the noble earl opposite to the principle on which this war has been entered into. (Hear, hear.) It was entered into solely for •a. great national object, and it is pursued solely for the purpose of obtain i ng.an.honourable peace. (Hear, hear.) lam ready to do full justice to the views that have actuated themoble earl; and to the conciliatory terms in which he has expressed himself with regard to individuals, and I trust he will have reason to continue to show the spirit of forbearance to wards the Government which he has hitherto exhibited. (Hear, hear.) (The noble marquis was very imperfectly heard - during a great portion of his address.) The Earl of MALMESBURY Could not assent to the motion for adjournment without congratulating their lord ships that the interregnum in the Government was over, because it could not last much longer without inflicting great injury upon the country. (Hear, hear.) He must congratulate their lordships that the time had passed away when they presented to the nations of Europe such un seemly scenes as had recently been displayed in this coun try. They did not present to the nations of Europe a Government that was united in carrying on a great war with a powerful ally against a colossal s t a t e , b u t on th e con trary they pre sen t e d to them a Government that was di vided amongst itself, and was carrying on a civil war in its own Cabinet. (Hear, hear, hear.) He h o p e d th ose days w ere passe d away, and that he might congratulate their lordships and the noble marquis upon that circum stance. (Hear, hear.), There was one expression in the speech of the noble marquis which was open to some doubt, hut which possibly was understood, as he intended that it should be understood, at that side of the house. The noble marquis had made use of the expression that the present war was a war of representative Government against despotism. He supposed he used the observation in refereace to the unseemly and unfortunate position in which theiaGovernment—a constitutional Government— stood in comparison with a despotic Government while those unfortunate scones were taking place. That was what he understood the noble marquis to moan ; and he thought they were not to presume from what he said that this was a war on the part of a constitutional Government against despotism— • The Marquis of LANSDOWNE—Certainly not. What I meant to state was, that a representative Government was now exposed to au ordeal which would show what the merits wore of a representative Government as contrasted with a despotic GOvernment. (gear.) The Earl of MILMESBURY considered that the obssr vation was certainly open to misapprehension, and he thought it but fair to give the noble marquis au opportu nity of explaining. He Was glad to see that her Ma jesty had been able to obtain the services of the noble mar gals; and that he had agreed to take part in carrying oa the affairs of the country. With respect to the new mem ber'of the Government iu thatehouse, the noble baron op posite (Lord 'Panmure), lie muit say that, whatever his qualifications might be, he could not haeo taken the office .evithout the firm conviction that the eyes of the entire country and of all Europe were fixed; and would be fixed almost exclusively, upon him. (Hear, hear). The office to which the noble baron had been appointed would attract the attention of the nations of Europe to him, and upon his very first deeds they would fix their eyes with great anxiety. He trusted the noble lord who had the courage to accept at such a moment such an office would carry out his duties with vigour, for otherwise that office would be productive of ruin instead of benefit to the nation. Enter taining those views of the important duties of the noble lord opposite, he would excuse him so soon after his acces sion to power for making some observations with respect to what he thought, perhaps erroneously, might take place. o's the other night a noble earl opposite (Earl Grey) had referieel to the faults in the present constitution of the army, and pointed out how those faults might be reme died. He believed he was not wrong in saying that it had been a long tradition of the party to which the noble earl belonged, that the constitution of the army was not only faulty in many of its minor details, but that the very principle on which it was governed should be reformed. If he did not mistake the noble earl it was his impression that they should more assimilate the troasehes se+ of 00 army to that of and he (the Esil of Malinesbury) thought that would be the most lementable reform the country hail ever entered upon. (Hear, hear.) He thought that every Conservative in the country should oppose sueli reform, because if th e arm y were put i n the seine posi tion a s the navy it would become the same hotbed of job bery and trickery--(hear, hear)—which had been unfor tunately a reproach to the Admiralty of the country for many years.' His had himself, on his ent:•ance into puled:: life, obtained an insight into the corruptiou that took place under the system by which the navy was governed. He and Sir George Cockburn, in the year 1837, when her Majesty came to the throne, the Whigs being then in office, were candidates for the representation of a borough which wee under the influence of the Admiralty. It was impossible to find a person more respected, inure adored, he might say, by the navy and all the persons connected with it than Sir George Cockburn. If there was to be a candidate chosen throughout all England to represent the great arsenals of the country, it was impossible to find a man Inure fitted for the purinse than Sir George Cockburn. But what happened ? At the very first house they visited in their canvass, the propriet o r, w ith more s i ncerity than civility, laugh e d in their faces at the idea of their going there on behalf of the Tory party to oppose the Government, and said the Government influence was so great that it was impossible for them to succeed. (Hear.) His experience was, that whatever were the other advantages of constitu tional government, an election for an arsenal town was certainly a good exemplification of its disadvantages as could possibly be found. Ho trusted that if the noble lord the Secretary at War should initiate any proposal such as that to which he had alluded, that their lordships and the public would express their decided opposition. The Government of which the noble earl was now a mem ber had hitherto expressed a groat deference for one por tion of the fourth estate—the Times newspaper. He be lieved that it was that journal which was the first promoter of the expedition to the Crimea at that most improper season when it was made, and before the army was pro perly provided with transport.and other necessaries. It was that journal which urged a weak and feeble Govern ment to that expedition. He feared greatly that the in fluence of that journal would still continue to be exercised upon what he must still consider as the same Government: Now, what was the language used by that journal during the past week with respect to the organisation of the army? It had been one unvarying torrent of abuse of every part and parcel of the army, excepting always that great part which nobody could calumniate—the gallant soldiers who had fought in its ranks. (Hear.) He cer tainly could not understand how any man could find fault with Vie regimental officers of the army, for in every way they had nobly done their duty. (Flee.r.) The song of the journal to which he had alluded for the last week had been that the constitution of our regiments was too aristo cratic, that aristocracy swarmed in the army, and that this was one of the principal causes of the misfortunes which we had to deplore. It was diffieult for him to un derstand what was really meant by this term "aristo cracy." At the beginning of the French revolution every man who wore breeches wastonsidered as an aristocrat, and later the terra was made to apply to every who was decently dressed. One definition of the term appeared to be the sous and brothers of peers, members of their lord ships' house ; and the Times had said that any lord might enter a regiment and. buy his way np to any station in the army in a very short period. On referring tothe Arno/ List what. however, was the state of the facts in the regiment of Grenadier Guards, of three battalions, there were 100 officers, and of these not more than sixteen were connected by blood with members of their lordship's house. This was surely not a very large proportion of members of the aristocracy to be attached to a regiment always in at tendance upon the head of an old-established monarchy. Then, again, in the first ten regiments of the line there were altogether only seven sons and brothers of peers ; in the seven regiments of heavy dragoons there were but three officers connected with members of ,that hena; and in the last ten regiments of the line only five who were connected with the peerage. At the head of the Ist Royals, at the time of the departure of the expedition from this country, stood the name o f Si r J ames Gran t, now decea se d, one of the mo s t di s ti ngu i s h e d off i cers i n the army, w h o had sprung f rom th e hu m bl es t O r de rs 'of the people. Th e departments which r equ i re d - reform connected with th e ' .army wore those of the medical and commissariat boards,. and connected with-them there*Avere certainly not many members connected with the Peerage. (Hear-) He trusted that when the noble lord intended to make these necessary reforms in the army, he would abov e a ll things respect that main principle of keeping the army and its patronage ite the hands of the Crown, and would not suffer himself to be misled by any Popular cry, h owever his colleagues may have been so misled during th e past year. (H oar ) Lord PANMITRE---After what has fallen from the noble ear l, I feel my lords that it will be impossible to avoid addressing a few observations to the house before the mo tion now before_ it is agreed to. I fully concur in the ob servation which fell from the noble earl, that no man should undertake an office of high responsibility under the Crown without endeavouring to satisfy the public of the' grounds upon which he has under taken that office. I con fess that, aware of the great responsibility which attached to that position, that the eyes of the country were turned perhaps more to that office than to almost any other, I shrunk from taking upon myself the reiponsibilitiec of the office) I now hold, nu tit informed that it was considered that the experience which I had had in the administration of military affairs might be made condu c i ve to the advantage of my Sovereign and of the country. 1 think that the eyes of the people, not only of thi s country, but of many others, are turned most attentively to that department which I have now the honour to represent: I ens, however, but the representative of a department to which is intrusted, the administration of the army, and I shall look to th e Prime Minister of thi s country for support in the adminis tration of that department, and I trust that ho will bear with me the responsibility of the administration of those military affairs which I have taken upon myself to direct. I am quite aware that much is required in this depart- . merit, that many reforms must take place, and that at us early pm opportunity as possible. - I am not prepared at present to ent er w ith th e no bl e earl who preceded me into those discussions to which he has alluded, nor am I Pre pared to state to what extent, or with what rapidity, or in what order or precedence, I can take upon myself to enter upon the carrying out of those reforms. In addressing your lordships, I willingly yield the palm of eloquence to the noble earl opposite, than whom none can address your Sir J. YOUNC—I have no onlcial inrormation on the sub ject ; but I. have heard from his Excell ency the Lord-Lieute nant that Mr. Calway has resigned' his ofilee of inspector general of prisons in Ireland, and in the same letter his Excellency states that be has filled up the vacancy by appointing a gentleman named Mr. Felton Harvey. THE BRIBERY ACT. Colonel SIBTHOEY was understood to ask whether there was any prohibition in the act passed last session for the pre vention of bribery at elections, to a candidate distributing coals or other articles to the poor residing in ornear the place which he wished -to represent, although among the recipients there might be a few persons - who either had voted or in tended to vote for him ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that so .far.as he understood the question of the gallant colonel, it seemed to be one of a legal character relating. to the con struction of an act of Parliament. In the.abeenee of the law 111C - 1-7,1 -1 7:1rn • .---...... , .aaaaaa.ewaaea,wsraaassasaa t - a aas aaaar lordships with more commanding eloquence. A:matte , W.VA. noble earl has the advantage overtire in having 14iml to . do with great military combinations in the plains eif,/ndia ; • but there is one qualification which I trust to brikg=to the administration of the military affairs of this country, for which I hope at least to establish a character, and that is purity of intention in all that concerns the admiuistratifur of military affairs. I shall endeavour, if I can do nothing else, at least to give the country this assurance—that no person shall be employed in the administration of the army whom I do not consider the fittest for the employment to which I shall recommend him to my Sovereign, or employ upon my own responsibility. If in any transaction I should be called upon to do acts which are painful to my self, but still necessary to the public service, I trust I may be enabled to perform those duties in a manner which will show that when the necessities of my country call for it, that I can even sacrifice my awn feelings in the performance of the duty which I think incumbent upon me. [ shall eadeavour to do that which I think ne cessary for placing the administration of military affairs upon the best footing as rapidly as I can, and I trust that too much may not be expected of me. I succeed to office withmit, any antagonism to my noble friend who has left it, and I do not know that I can bring to it more zeal, more industry, or more honesty of purpose, than that with which his whole political career has been marked. I may, perhaps bring to it several years of administration of mili tary affairs under a former Government, and I may also bring to it the circumstance of. which I shall never cease to be proud—that for twelve years of my life I served in the ranks of the regimental serviceof the army, and having so served I can give my fullest testimony to the high en comium which the noble earl has bestowed up3n the regi mental system of the British army; and I would take this opportunity of stating, that whatever may be the defects of the British army ;n other respacts, I believe our regi mental system to be as p er f ec t and as satisfactory as that of any army in the world. We may -fail in the .higher branches of our service throughtho want of proper schools, and be deficient in what is called the " staff" of the army; hut, so far as the regimental system is concerned. I be lieve it to be placed upon a good foundation, to be carried on in a perfect manner, and I know of very little which is required to improve the army. Having made these expla nations, and craving that kind consideration the house is alWays disposed to give to those anxious to perform their duty, I hope I may not.be out of place in craving from those oat of doors that forbearance which is necessary to all who undertake a position so responsible as that which I have undertaken; and I can only say that, should I find myself from any circumstances unequal to the task which 1 have undertaken, I will have the honesty atonce to confess that inequality, and will be prepared at once to surrender to other and betterhands that important charge, which by withholding from the hands capable of discharging its duties would be most injurious to the public servioe and best interests of the country. (Hear.) The Earl of RODEN, in expressing his opinion that the Government, as at present constituted, would receive the support of their lordships, suggested the propriety of the appointment of a day of national humiliation and prayer that the Almighty would crown our exertions with inc. COBB. The Fisheries (North America) Bill then passed through committee, and their lordships adjourned until Friday week. ~, ~r~ 1 s~~ HOUSE OF COMMONS YESTERDAY. The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock. PETITIONS. Petitions were presented by Mr. Bouverie, from Kilmar. nock, against the distillation of spirits from grain ; by Mr. Hutt, from the Newcastle Chamber of Commerce, complain. ing of the manner in which the transport service is con. ducted ; from a body of Church leaseholders, against a clause in the bill of Lord Chandos, which they complain was cal culated to set aside a pledge given by the legislature for their protection ; and by Mr. Milligan, from the letter-press printers of Bradford, for the 'repeal of the stamp duty on newspapers. LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY BILL. Mr. CHAPLIN moved the second reading of this bill. Mr. HILDYARD moved, as an amendment, that the se cond reading of the bill be postponed till that day month. The question involved was one of material importance to the house. In the year 1853 the Great Western and Bristol and Exeter companies proposed to construct a lino running out of the Wilts, Somerset, and Weymouth, and passing through Axminster to Exeter. That bill was opposed by the South- Western Company, whose traffic it would have injured. They , did not contend that there was no necessity for such a rail way; their plea was that the proposed line was not the proper one either as regarded the local or national requirements, and they promised that, if the Great Western Bill should be thrown out, theythemselves would construct a railway in the district. The hoiL member ,for Berwickshire, who was at that time chairman of the South-Western Company, went before.the committee, being authorised by a general meeting of his share holders, and distinctly plelged himself to introduce a bill in the next session for that purpose ; and the witnesses exa mined by the committee, including several public officers, having stated that the lino proposed by the South-Western Company would be of greater advantage to the country than thatprojected by the Great Western and Bristol and Exeter Companies, ti e bill originated by the latter was rejected. But at a subsequent meeting ofethe South-Western Company, the shareholders determined, by a major:ty, not to redeem the pledge which had been solemnly given by their chairman to a committee of the House of Commons, and the con-e -quenee was that an important district of the country had up to the present time been deprived of that railway accommo dation which they would miquestionably have obtained but for the interposition Of the South Westei n Ccmpany upon false pretences. Unhappily, for a long time Parliament could not get at the wrongdoers, but the day of retribution had at last arrived, for the South-Western Company was now driven to apply to the L - gislature for another object, and the house would not do its duty if it did not take that opportunity of marking its sense of the conduct of the com pany in 1553. He had no wish to obstruct,. the hill .new h a e ava ou the cuntrarY, he 'believed it would further the object which he had in view,' namely, an extension in the direction to which the South Western Company pledged themselves in 1853, hut ho thought it right to Move the post pomnent of the second reading for a month, because in the interim the company would have an opportunity, at their usual half-yearly meeting, of reconsidering their fm-mer con duct, and of saying, that, if the bill proceeded, they would introduce, into it a clause so worded as to compel them to redeem the pledge they had given through their chairman. Ifthey consented to that, no member of that house would support the bill More readily than ho would do ; but, if they declined, )1131mA:A the house would do what was becoMing its own dignity and the great interests entrusted to its keeping. (Hear, hear.) Mr. CHAPLIN said he was not chairman of the South-Western Company when the transactions referred to took place in 1853. He had no doubt that his predecessor was authorised to give a pledge to the committee; bnt when • the time came for fulfilling it the shareholders thought they would not be justified, under the adverse circumstances which then existed, in adhering to the promise which they had given. But he would like to know how an error or a wrong committed iu 1853 was to be rectified in 1855, when the bill before the house referred to a different matter altogether I. Moreover, the feeling which prevailed among the shareholders in 1853 was five times stronger in 18 - .15, and for his own part ho despaired of effecting any change in favour of the scheme proposed by the honourable member for Whitehaven. He should. not give any promise on the subject, because he did not moan to commit himself; but he thought it hard that a railway company should be censured at one time for con structing new lines and branches, and at another for refusing to plunge headlong into works of the same description. o tL f oA t aß h ss e oeiu S t o ci ith E(iß r Mr. BECKETT condemned the whole Parliamentary cone South-western o e:' w jme a s cptai s nn u gy ;p t sh. and iesebdi l calledlt.that t gentlemenupon h d o u m i c is t r e . II of character should undertake to conduct the affairs of a com pany who had repudiated their engagements, and acted con trary to the commonest principles of commercial honour. (Hear, hear.) He thought that the house would read a very useful lesson to the South-Western Company, if they told them that they would not listen to any proposal they made, without giving them another opportunity of considering what deserved no other name than a breach of faith ; and he should therefore give his vote for th e ame nd ment. Mr. DEEDES would vote for the amendment upon public grounds, and because every promise made by the South- Western Company'had been violated, and the proceedings of that house entirely set at naught. Mr. HUTCHINS did not see what good the postponement of the bill- would do. Not one word had been said against it. He had always spoken in the strongest terms against the transaction of 1853 ; but the house ought to know that an ex-Chancellor and several of the judge sent their proxies in favour of the repudiation of the promise given to the commit tee. He hoped, therefore, that the second reading of the present bill, which had nothing to do with the affair of 1853, would not be postponed. Mr. HENLEY said that if the house passed this bill with out taking notice of the gross breach of faith fin 1853, they would open' a door for' all sorts of trick, chicanery, and dis honesty. (Hear, hear.) Mr. F. SCOTT said that when ho found the shareholders were not willing to redeem the pledge which they bad autho rised him to give to the committee, he considered it his duty to resign the office of chairman. He was still, however, A proprietor in the company, sad in. that character he asked the house to postpone the second reading of this bill, iu order that his brother shareholders might have an opportunity of putting themselves in a position to come clean-handed into court. (Hear, hear.) • Mr. CHAPLIN, seeing that the feeling of the house was egaint proceeding with the bill at the present moment, begged to withdraw his motion for the second reading. for The se on coed reading o f the bill. was accordi ng l y pos t poned a mth. LAW OF PARTNERSHIP, Mr. CO LLIER—Seeing the President of the Board of Trade in his place, - I beg to ask whether it is still his intention to introduce a bill respecting the law of partnership, on the prin ciple of liMited liability ; and, if so, whether he can give me any information as to when he is likely to introduce it ? Mr,-CARD WELL—It is still my intention to move for leave to introduce the bill of which I have given notice ; but I cannot say whether I shall be able to do so on Monday or not.; at all events, I will lose no time in giving the requisite notice. (Hear, hear.) LAW . On the motion POOß of Mr. BLAND (IRELAND) the following return was ordered ;—Return of the names of the Poor-law board in Ireland, as also of the names of the Poor-law inspectors in Ireland, with the dates of their appointments, as also the names of the several Poor-law inspectors removed within the last twelve months, or about to be removed, in Ireland, with the dates of their respective appointments, together with the correspondence had on the subject of such removals o )in tended removals. NAVY ESTIMATES. These estimates were brought in by Mr. COWPER, and ordered to lie on the table. Mr. WILSON brought up supplementary estimates for the military and civil services, which were also ordered to lie on he table. 'NSPECTOR-GENERAL OF PRISONS IN IRELAND. Mr. MACARTNEY—Boeing the Chief Secretary for Ireland in his place, bog to ask whC,ther any vacancy has occurred in the office of inspector -general of prisons in Ireland, by the daatit, resignation, or superannuation of either Messrs. Con nellan or Galway - and in efoc of such vacancy havin g oe cured, at what date the same has been filled up by the ap pointment of a successor? ~~ ~~_